A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF BRAZILIAN STRATEGIC PLANNING IN THE

90S: A STUDY OF PROJECTS OF URBAN PROMOTION OF IPPUC, THE ‘RIO

CIDADE PROGRAM’ AND THE ‘TAMANDUATEHY AXLE’.

Geise Brizotti PASQUOTTO Adalberto da Silva RETTO JUNIOR

Architect Teacher e Architect
Camilo Palandri Street, 85 Department of Architecture, Urbanism
Laranjal Paulista 18500-000 and Landscape Architecture
Brazil Faculty of Architecture, Arts and
Tel: +55 15 32831845 Communication
E-mail: geisebp@gmail.com São Paulo State University
Av. Luis Edmundo C. Coube, 14-01
Bauru 17033-360
Brazil
Tel: +55 14 3103 6059
Fax: +55 14 3103 6054
E-mail: rettojr@faac.unesp.br

Abstract: The present work proposes a comparative analysis of three Brazilian

strategic planning experiments from the 1990s. The chosen urban interventions are
the ‘Rio Cidade’ Program (Rio de Janeiro), the ‘Tamanduatehy Axis’ (São Paulo) and
the IPPUC projects (Paraná), that are inserted in the beggining of the international
urban debate. From this study on, this paper seeks a critical analysis of the present
urban processes and the utilization of new tools to promote cities.
Keywords: Strategic Planning, Urban Marketing, Urban Interventions, Cities and
Urban Design.

1. INTRODUCTION
The 1990s, which is the timeframe of this research, were characterized by the
consolidation of large metropolises that, as identified by Oliveira (2006), due to an
uncontrolled urbanization and unplanned industrialization, resulted in negative
consequences such as positive ones, by their needs as well as social and economic
affluence. The accidental cities (RANSON, 1984), transformed and became
intentional cities, which are built to minimize risks and maximize opportunities,
seeking a vision of the future with the support of society, through a mutual effort
(LOPES, 1998). Therefore, the projects, within a ``plural urban global society´´
(CLARK, 1995), seeked for an identity in each intervention location, aiming a
multidisciplinary research of a cultural sociological historical study.
In this context, the present survey focuses on a comparison of three strategic
planning projects executed in Brazil in the 90s. These experiences were chosen for
their importance as being among the principal examples of urban marketing occurred
in Brazil and for combining many historical and economic characteristics.
The first of these interventions is located in Curitiba (capital of the state of Parana), a
city historically known as a transport region (of people and mainly merchandise) and
that presently has become a national and international model city. Therefore, the
main actions taken by IPPUC ( the Curitiba Institute of Urban Planning and Studies)
throughout the 90s, such as the Botanical Garden, the ‘Arame’ Opera, the 24 Hour
Street, Unilivre, the memorials, the squares, the ‘Saber’ lighthouses, and the public

Non-Reviewed Paper
transport system (Figure 1) were analysed.

PARQUE TANGUÁ

PARQUE TINGUI/

MEMORIAL
ÓPERA
UNILIVRE
UCRANIANO DE

BOSQUE BOSQUE ALEMÃO

BOSQUE DE
ITALIANO

PORTUGAL

RUA 24 HORAS
JARDIM BOTÂNICO

PASSAÚNA

CICLOVIAS

FAROL DO SABER

CICLOVIAS

Figure 1 – Localization of principal IPPUC interventions – 1990s.

Source – author’s elaboration
The second is the experience carried out in the city of Rio de Janeiro (capital of the
state of the same name) in 1993. Rio was the second capital of Brazil, before a
competition for a new capital that brought about the city of Brasilia. Known as the
``Wonderful City´´, it tried to sustain an image that decayed because of the urban
plagues such as violence, slums, degradation of streets and neighborhoods, through
a series of actions that will be the target of this study. In order to have a greater focus,
the ‘Rio Cidade’ program was investigated, which is introduced within the city’s
strategic planning. This program enabled an analysis of urban projects of several
neighborhoods in Rio de Janeiro (Figure 2). It is worth emphasize that the program’s
projects consist of prompt features with individual characteristics in each
neighborhood.

Paper 288 2
 ILHA DO

GOVERNADOR
PAVUNA

PENHA

BONSUCESSO
MADUREIRA

CAMPO GRANDE MÉIER

CENTRO
VILA ISABEL

CATETE
TIJUCA

VOLUNTÁRIOS
COPACABANA

IPANEMA

LEBLON

Figure 2 – Localization of ‘Rio Cidade’ program actions

Source – author’s elaboration
The third is situated in Santo Andre, a city in the Sao Paulo metropolitan area. In this
case, the primary local promotion program, the Tamanduatehy Axle, was studied,
which is located in a specific zone in the city.

PARCERIA UNIABC
CRL

RODOVIÁRIA CONDOMÍNIO

CAPUAVA
INDUSTRIAL
OPERAÇÃO PROJETO GLOBAL/FUNCEF

FRANQUINI
INDUSTRIAL 1 E 2 CIDADE PIRELLI

PARCERIA CARREFOUR

PARCERIA PÃO DE

AÇUCAR

Figure 3 – Localization of Tamanduatehy Axle interventions

Source – author’s elaboration
Beginning with a comparison of the selected urban interventions, utilizing keywords,
the study proposes a critical vision of current urban marketing processes, taking into

Paper 288 3
consideration their positive and negative aspects.

2. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF URBAN MARKETING INTERVENTIONS

2.1 Tools in the Dissemination of Strategic Planning

Based on the case studies of Curitiba, Rio de Janeiro and Santo Andre, it is possible
to verify which are the most used items in each urban intervention (Table 1), to
understand how the planning dynamic functions in relation to its divulgation.
Table 1 – Dissemination tools with specific focus on each program.
DISSEMINATION TOOLS OF STRATEGIC PLANNING
International
Slogans and Logos Meeting and Forums Public Private Partnerships
Consultants
Curitiba First Place First Place Non-Existent Second Place
Rio de Janeiro Fourth Place Second Place Third Place First Place
Santo André Fourth Place Third Place First Place Second Place

Source – author’s elaboration.

Scale of Interventions Focus
First Place Second Place Third Place Fourth Place Non-Existent

Slogans and Logos

The project´s interventions, which is based on a strategic planning, possess as a
divulgation focus, the slogan. This icon synthetizes and emphasizes the main
objective of the program, seeking a direct connection and strong impact on the
population (on a smaller scale) and the national and international scope (on a larger
scale).
In Curitiba, in particular during the ´90s, the city turned to the theme of sustainability.
To obtain a greater focus on developed programs, slogans were created, such as the
used in the ´80s by the municipal administration of Curitiba to highlight aspects of the
quality of life of the city and the innovative system of public transportation:
``First-World City´´. Now in the 1990s, the Curitiba Institute of Urban Studies and
Planning (IPPUC) established, based on the amount of green space in the city (an
estimated 50 sq. m. per inhabitant according to data from the city government), their
association with the model of collective transport implanted and claimed as a
success by the municipal administration, created the slogan ``Ecological Capital´´
and ``Social Capital´´. This theme, much-used nowadays, assisted in the ascension
and dissemination of the realized interventions.
In Rio de Janeiro, the Rio Cidade program tried to emphasize how the administration
is concerned again about pedestrians, roads and flows. Therefore, the slogan ``
Urbanism Back-to-the Roads´´ was implemented, which exposes what will be the
focus of the programs to be accomplished. Rio’s Strategic Planning that was divided
into two parts also possessed slogans: ``Rio always Rio´´ and ``The Cities of the
City´´. It is interesting to observe that this planning aim to recover the identity of Rio
de Janeiro, which had been lost with the displace of the capital to Brasilia and with
the consuming during past municipal administrations.
Now in the Tamanduatehy Axle program, in the city of Santo Andre, there is an

Paper 288 4
alteration of slogans, due to changes in the planning objectives. Consequently, the
slogan changes from ``Tamanduatehy Axle – The Future has Arrived´´ to
``Tamanduatehy Axle – the involver and participantory urbanism´´. This alteration is
needed due to changes in the strategy, which developed from a program in
conjunction with the infrastructure to a focus on the participation of the population in
the interventions of projects and finally, to a more business-minded and real-estate
strategy.
It should be restated that, to obtain a greater attachment and potential for the slogan,
it is interesting to have homogeneity, with few variations on the theme and objective,
such as the case in Santo Andre. It is noticed that Curitiba also uses many slogans,
but the theme remains the same.
It is also important to observe that slogans usually are accompanied by a logo. It is
developed to reinforce the message of the slogan or of the program and to attach
itself to the target audience. In Curitiba it is possible to perceive a great effort to
develop slogans and logos, as much for institutions as for programs.
In Santo Andre it is possible to verify an effort to develop these tools of spreading,
but work is still needed for it to get a greater consistency. In Rio de Janeiro, ‘Rio
Cidade’ did not have a specific logo, leading to a greater difficulty in identifying and
fixing the program.

Meetings and Forums

It is possible to note in all of the researched interventions, the occurrence of
meetings, conferences, congresses and forums. In Curitiba, in the beggining of the
´90s, the World Forum of Cities took place, a preparatory event for the Second
Environmental World Conference – Eco 92. In 1995, the celebrations of the World
Day of Habitat happened as a direct result of the creative solutions of Curitiba
(IPPUC). The event, a lead-up to the Conference of Istanbul (Turkey), discussed in
the following year, with leaders from five continents, new formulas for improving the
world urban agglomerates. In this way, due to the discussions and disseminations of
the Curitiba interventions, the city became the Ecological Capital of Brazil. Likewise,
to reinforce this position, various parks, squares, memorials, and gardens were
created throughout the city, beyond the projects which primarily focused on
sustainability.
In 1992, Rio de Janeiro hosted the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development (CNUCED), better-known as Rio-92 or Eco-92. It was the first
international meeting of consequence to take place after the end of the Cold War and
delegates from 175 countries were present. It is remarkable that Rio de Janeiro was
the first Latin American city to develop a strategic planning, which results in an easily
released information and a gain of greater importance of the city in relation to
competitiveness among cities.
In Santo Andre, Mayor Celso Daniel, in his first management (1989-92), adopted the
country-wide interest in redevelopment and elaborated some actions, such as a
meeting of regional cities creating the Intermunicipal Consortium of Greater ABC
(1990) and the Citizenship Forum (1994) in his second management (1992-1996).
The ``International Seminary of Social and Economic Development of the Greater
ABC´´ also took place, which brought American and European experiences to help
rethink the city strategies. In the ‘Tamanduatehy Axle project: the involver and

Paper 288 5
participantory urbanism’, along with the organization of forums entitled ``Urban
Pictures´´, monitored visits to the project area called ‘Urban Walks’ and discussion
groups called ``Urban Conversations´´, in order to increase citizen participation and
coverage.
We can confirm that Curitiba as well as Rio de Janeiro presented quality gatherings
of a great scale, with the participation of other countries. It is notable that Curitiba
presents a greater number of international events, besides maintaining a constant
relationship with the user-population of the city.
Santo Andre hosted many events, however they are not of a large scale, with a minor
reach, with the participation of regional cities and events for the community.
Nevertheless, the city stood out with major events, like the International Seminary of
Economic and Social Development of the Greater ABC and the participation of the
‘Tamanduatehy Axle Project’ in the Fourth Bienal of Architecture of São Paulo.
It should be noted that the gatherings, events, conferences, and meetings occurred
in these cities enabled a growth in project proposals, a national and international
projection of ideas-in-progress, and a greater facility in gathering partnerships and an
opportunity for new investors.

International Consultants
One of the important questions of Strategic Planning is the circulation of
professionals taking part in the projects with a local team. Here, the city planners
invite international consultants to discuss new functional and aesthetic strategies,
and those that have national scope.
Of the analyzed cities, it is noticeable that Santo Andre was the city that most
requested international professionals for the elaboration of its program. The
consultants were important parts in the conception of the actions taken by the
Tamanduatehy Axle project. In the initial phase, area analysis and discussion of
ideas and directives, the Catalan Jordi Borja, the Spaniard Andres Rodrigues-Pose
and the Frenchman Alain Lipietz were hired. In the second phase, to the conception
of four projects which resulted in a synthesized project, the urbanists Christian
Portzamparc (France), Eduardo Leira (Spain) and Juan Busquets (Spain) were
summoned.
In Rio de Janeiro, the participation of international consultants can also be observed.
The planners were influenced by interventions in Barcelona, leading to the inviting of
Spanish consultants, to help in the development of urban projects.
In the 1990s, in Curitiba, there is no record of the presence of any specific
international consultant, although its proposals were widely-advertised and debated
on an international scale.

Public-Private Partnerships
The partnerships were included in marketing tools by being a direct consequence of
the instruments cited above. They are very important in the strategic planning and in
the performance of the urban actions. A program could only grow and achieve results
if the public powers formed partnerships that assisted in the development of a

Paper 288 6
consistent project, since alone they could hardly obtain the funds and infrastructure
necessary for an efficient final product.
Note that in Curitiba the city government and IPPUC appeared to dominate in the
execution of the interventions, but in reality, there were many partnerships that
enabled the projects to be developed. The difference is that the Curitiba city
government and IPPUC coordinated the realized projects, which did not happen with
such force in Santo Andre. The Santo Andre government also established numerous
partnerships, which become prominent in relation to the city administration.
In Rio de Janeiro, for the development of the ‘Rio Cidade’ program, a formal contract
was elaborated, involving the City of Rio de Janeiro (represented by the mayor), the
Federation of Industries of the state of Rio de Janeiro (FIRJAN) and the Commercial
Association of Rio de Janeiro (ACRJ). It is important to highlight that these last two
promotion agents constitute the ``major existent patronage organizations in Rio de
Janeiro´´ (MAGALHÃES, 1997). In 1994, to sustain the process, assisting in the
execution of the Strategic Plan and also in terms of logistics and finances, an
association of companies was created, entitled the Maintenance Consortium. This
group was composed of 46 companies of significant importance, such as banks,
contractors, shopping-centers, financial and real-estate firms, associations of hotels
and tourism, Texaco, the newspaper O Globo, besides the state-run companies like
Embratel, Vale do Rio Doce, Petrobras, and the City Government of Rio de Janeiro,
represented by IPLAN-RIO.

2.2 Urban Equipment and Matters

In the programs studied above, we can identify some urban matters that impose
themselves in the dynamic of strategic planning (Table 2). They are: the urban
real-estate, pavement design and symbols.
Table 2 – Principal Focuses of Analyzed Interventions.
URBAN MATTERS
Urban Real-Estate (differentiated) Pavement Design (differentiated) Symbols
Curitiba Fourth Place Third Place Second Place
Rio de Janeiro First Place First Place Second Place
Santo André Non-Existent Non-Existent Non-Existent

Source – author’s elaboration.

Scale of Program Focus
First Place Second Place Third Place Fourth Place Non-Existent

Urban Real-Estate
In the ´70s, with the implementation of the Director Plan of Curitiba, the IPPUC
assumed the responsibility of determining standards for the use of urban real-estate
and the visual communication of the city. According to IPPUC, the first experience of
identifying and marking the names of streets and avenues was done by utilizing
plastic adhesive signs, pasted onto light posts. Tourist and social areas, parks and
neighborhoods, were henceforth identified.
Presently, the urban real-estate of Curitiba is being designed by architects and
designers. The real-estate created by the team of designer and architect Manoel

Paper 288 7
Coelho, was chosen in a national contest ``Brazil Does Design 2004´´and was shown
as the special Brazilian showing in the International Building Design Hall of Milan, the
most important event in the world in the area of design, which occurs in Milan, Italy.
This ``is the Brazilian design event with the greatest repercussions on the national
and international scenario, counting on the support of public organs such as the
Ministry of Exterior Relations and The Ministry of the Environment, amongst others´´
(BELINASO, 1996). This study suggested a standardization of real-estate in Curitiba,
different from what can be seen in the Rio Cidade program.
But in some neighborhoods, and most frequently in defined places, like squares,
parks, memorials, the real-estate still maintained its local characteristics. Such is the
case of the signs and lighting of the Tangua square and the Flower’s Street, with its
circular public telephone, its flowerbeds and wooden benches and its traditional
lightposts.
In the Rio Cidade project, the urban real-estate is a very strong focal point of the
project. Each of the neighborhoods had their real-estate designed specifically for
their location, resulting in an individual visual.
One of the neighborhoods that most clearly demonstrated this intervention is Leblon.
Throughout the entire project area multi-use posts, advertising displays, bus shelters
and diversified street and sidewalk lighting were installed.
Other examples can also be observed in the program neighborhoods. The seating
and tables were also developed for each neighborhood, like the bus stops, the
lighting, signs, public telephones, and gardens, among other things.
This variation in the real-estate for each neighborhood brought some problems, such
as the difficulty in maintenance. Therefore, a degradation and neglect of these
equipments can be observed nowadays.
In view of these occurrences, the current prediction is the privatization of the urban
real-estate of Rio de Janeiro. The public powers, according to the magazine
PROJETODESIGN (1999) has already carried through a competition for the insertion
of these quipments in the city, won by the British company Adshel and the architect
Paulo Case and by Cemusa, a Spanish company.
In Santo Andre the urban real-estate installed does not stand out for its innovation or
relation to the place, since it was not designed specifically for the intervention.

Pavement Design
Pavement Design is a very interesting way to distinguish the actions realized in the
city. With this it is possible to direct the passage of vehicles and the pedestrian flux,
use it as support for individuals with special-needs, and utilize it for aesthetic
improvement, in the appreciation of local characteristics and as indicators of areas of
rest and leisure.
Rio de Janeiro has always maintained a strong bond with pavement design, which
became a neighborhood symbol, especially in the cases of Copacabana and Leblon.
These symbols ended up widely advertised and became artistic subjects for new
projects and even as commercial products.
Rio Cidade was the researched project that most implemented this technique to

Paper 288 8
reinforce the realized interventions. One of the principal focuses, outside of urban
real-estate, was pavement design, allowing each neighborhood its own
characteristics.
In Bonsucesso and Copacabana the design was created to obtain more informative
standards, enabling the user to connect the colors and textures with specific uses
and services. A different usage of design was also identified to indicate a new use in
Botafogo. On corners, with the chess design of hydraulic tiling, arose the ``oasis´´.
These islands were planned for the leisure of the user, apart from being a directive to
crossing ramps.
In Catete and Centro the pavement design was built in accord with the neighborhood
landscape, which is more traditional and historical, preserving and emphasizing the
past. Likewise, the roads were designed with slabs of cement in Catete using
blueprints from the turn of the century, with a center of latticework.
In Centro the pavement was remade from Portuguese stone with figurative designs
and motifs, ``that illustrated the architectural and urban history of the avenue´´
(IPLANRIO, 1996). It is remarkable that a ``sidewalk of fame´´ was elaborated at
Cinelandia, on which will be recorded the names of artists that constructed an
``entertainment-recreation´´ tradition for the place.
In Campo Grande and Vila Isabel symbols were utilized that exposed the
neighborhood by illustrating the local pavements. In Campo Grande, the pavement in
front of commercial establishments was illustrated with the image of a cockfighting
ring. In Vila Isabel, with its poetry and music present in the history of the
neighborhood, the pavement was decorated with carvings of musical staffs.
In Ipanema and Madureira we can verify a strong presence of pavement design. In
Ipanema, there is a project directive of strong designs used at crossroads, which
have many geometric forms and primary colors.
In Madureira and Centro the same influence can be seen, although from presenting
an identical focus in the first case and a lesser influence in the second one.
In Curitiba we can observe a concern with the treatment of pavement since the
outset of development, with sidewalks in the styles of Art Nouveau and Art Deco, with
indigenous motifs and symbols of Parana (due to the Parana Movement). Many of
these designs were restored and continue today to be a part of the city and rescuing
the history of Curitiba.
One example is Osario Square, which has pavement of Portuguese stones in the
style Art Deco and Parana motifs. In 2000, it was restored as its original design.
Another example is ‘Rua das Flores’, which since its establishment in 1970 has had
designs of pinhão (a common fruit of Parana) on the sidewalks in Portuguese mosaic,
sending to the Parana Movement (Espaço Urbano Magazine, #3). In the 1990s, with
the remaking of the sidewalks, a tactile lane was implemented to help guide the
visually-impaired and a ``Nut Line´´ was created, that is a design initiated in the
central area connecting the older buildings. It should be noted that, like in the Rua
das Flores, other squares were restored during the ´90s and their pavement design
recuperated, since they represented ``remarcable moments and expressions of the
history and culture of the period´´ (Espaco Urbano Magazine, #3).
This concern for the treatment of pavement can also be observed in the memorials,
where they were elaborated to allow the homogenous ethnicities to stand out. One

Paper 288 9
example is the Portugal Forest, which contains mosaic pavement with motifs that
narrate the great Portuguese navigations, emphasizing the history of Portuguese
immigrants.
Presently, new pavement designs are being developed in Curitiba to reinforce the
ethnic characteristics of each neighborhood and also to highlight the origin of Parana,
with indigenous symbols. These proposals have already participated in competitions
and were awarded the First Caue Award for Architecture.
In Santo Andre the focus was not specifically on pavement design, with differentiated
treatments or historical values and regional characteristics. However, in the sidewalk
project in Centro (counterpart), we are able to verify a special treatment in the
pavement design, with a panel designed by a local artist.

Symbols
In Curitiba we can identify many symbols scattered throughout the city, mainly in the
tourist region. The memorials in Curitiba are symbols of the exaltation of immigrants,
which present, in each construction or open space, characteristics and details that
demonstrate the values, traditions and cultures of each ethnicity. Examples of this
are the Japanese temple (Japanese Memorial) and the Church of Saint Michael the
Archangel (Ukrainian Memorial), that retakes the religion of the immigrants. Another
symbol of the appreciation of culture is painted tiles with poems from Portuguese
writers (Portuguese Memorial), the Pessankas (Ukrainian Memorial) and the Bach
oratory for musical concerts (German Memorial).
Also utilized is the record of the history of these immigrants in the region, like the
reproduction of the façade of a German house in the historic downtown (German
Memorial) and the Church of Saint Joseph, which was the first church of Santa
Felicidade (Italian Memorial).
Another aspect is the appreciation of the ethnic architecture, as in the case of the
Ukrainian Memorial, that was constructed with incases wood, following the first
construction done by Ukrainian immigrants. Likewise identifiable is the influence of
Portuguese architecture in the construction of elements of the forest in the
Portuguese Memorial.
Another symbol that Curitiba possesses relates to the squares. Since the city is
known as the Environment Capital, the squares are the most important symbols.
Through them, their entire conception carries conscientiousness to the public and an
historical appreciation of the place. Tingui square can be cited, using a name derived
from the Tinguis Indians that inhabited the region at the time of its colonization by the
Portugueses and the square presents a statue of Chief Tindiquera at its entrance.
It is remarkable that in the majority of the memorials and squares we can note the
presence of mirante. This is an important ally in the use of symbols, since it gives
more visibility and facility to the locale, to the comprehension of the concept of space
and of all of its symbols. In Curitiba it is interesting to observe that the symbols are
mainly grouped in defined spaces and not in neighborhoods, as it is the case in Rio
Cidade.
It is also interesting to observe that the symbols can be identified in sculptures,
monuments, artistic pieces, architectural projects, among other things. This way, they
can reach a wider scale (national and international) or maintain a more specific

Paper 288 10
audience, reaching out to city-users.
In Rio de Janeiro, it is possible to see in some program-affected neighborhoods,
constructions, sculptures and monuments that value the location and bring to the
population a proper identity. Some retake the local history, while others are built to
create a new identity.
The neighborhood that possesses the greatest number of symbols is Campo Grande.
The entire intervention contains constructions that emphasize the neighborhood
characteristics and give homage to the Rio Cidade actions. Some examples are: the
orange, symbol of the agricultural period of the neighborhood, the drill, an homage to
the Rio Cidade project, the fountain, which is composed of two sculptures, and the
watch, which symbolizes the sidewalk.
Still using the symbol of the orange, a region of micro-permanence was created with
sculptures inspired by the theme. It is also interesting to note the commemorative
mark in front of the train station, which received a pavement treatment to match with
the monument.
In Ipanema, at the meeting of Rua Visconde de Piraja and Rua Henrique Dumont, is
located Bar Vinte, a highlight of the project and of great historical value, due to its
history as the final point of the old trolley line that linked Ipanema to the city
downtown. To rescue this memory, the architects designed on the street, “a
roundhouse of tracks with a rosebud inside and a great illuminated obelisk in the
center”, besides a portico that makes three-dimensional reference to the design and
divides Ipanema from its next-door neighborhood Leblon.
In other neighborhoods affected by the Rio Cidade project, we can also encounter
symbols. In Bonsucesso, the central lighthouse is highlighted, mark of the National
Exposition of 1908. It was restored and received new illumination.
In Catete, designating the axle of the road of the same name, the statue of Jose de
Alencar that received a pavement treatment to highlight it can be observed.
In Vila Isabel the geometric monuments were replaced by others that evoke the
bohemian characteristic of the neighborhood, like the sculpture of Noel Rosa seated
at a table of a corner bar, created by sculptor Joáf Pereira dos Passos. In the Barão
de Drumond Park we observe another symbol, an obelisk that identifies the location.
In Madureira a sculpture stands out that follows the theme of the park where it is
located, the Praça das Mães. This sculpture, of a mother carrying her child, is a
landmark of the neighborhood.
In Méier, Copacabana and Ilha do Governador, the symbols are not sculptures, but
symbols created to focus on an identity for the neighborhood, like the lighthouse at
the entrance to Méier. In Copacabana, along the length of the principal avenue,
celebrated masts were erected, continuing the scenic composition of the place. At
the entrance to Ilha do Governador, two monuments made from brick and glass were
built, with visual effects utilizing the light and water to signal the entrance to the
island.
Now in Méier, on the plaza of the same name, a sculpture made from steel plate was
mounted on a fountain. This piece is characterized as being the port of entrance to
the neighborhood, framed by bordering façades from the turn of the century.
In Santo André it is not possible to observe symbols that envision the history of the

Paper 288 11
location or of its inhabitants. Likewise, symbols were not created that could allow a
new identity for the locale.

3. CONCLUSIONS
The 1990s were characterized by the so-called Strategic Planning, that, according to
Lopes (1998), “(…) became an indispensable instrument for thinking about the future
of cities and directing their development, within the new flow spaces of a globalized
world and a society in rapid evolution.” Some cities stand out for this planning, and
became elements of discussion and a foundation for other interventions. In Europe,
the case of Barcelona is paradigmatic. Later, we had experience in Paris,
Birmingham, Frankfurt, Lyon, Madrid, Bilbao, Valencia, Malaga, and Lisbon. In the
United States and Canada we can highlight San Francisco, Montreal and Toronto. In
Central America and Mexico, observe Monterrey and Guadalaraja and in South
America, highlighted are Argentina (Rosário, Mendonza and Buenos Aires),
Colombia (Bogotá, Medellin, Calle and Cartegena) and Brazil (Rio de Janeiro and
others in planning stages, such as Fortaleza, Campos, Juiz de Fora, Belo Horizonte
and Recife).
The first relevant point within a study of a comparative matrix is the explanation of
how a socio-economic and local culture conjuncture intervened in the implementation
of a possible model. In this sense, the observations of Castells and Borja (1996) are
relevant, regarding the Latin American context, affirming that it possesses
differentiations and a chain of specific problems that are important factors for a
strategic plan, such as inaqualities, marginalities, weak socio-cultural sustenance,
infrastructure deficits and public services, deficient social integration and little
communication between urban actors.
In this way, within the national context of the 1990s, it was possible to isolate three
Brazilian experiences that are paradigmatic for strategic planning and that constitute
the objects of the study: the actions of IPPUC in Curitiba, the Rio Cidade program in
Rio de Janeiro and the Tamanduatehy Axle in Santo André. In Curitiba, we see a city
that historically was located in a transport region and that developed into a standout
of national and international scope, through innovative politics of transportations and
later, with an extremely strong focus on questions of sustainability. In Rio de Janeiro,
it was possible to perceive an attempt to maintain or recover the image as the
“Wonderful City”, consumed by the removal of the capital to Brasilia and the increase
of urban problems, such as violence and slums. And in Santo André, a city that
sought initially a territorial position and later, a greater importance in the metropolitan
region where it is located.
From this comparative analysis it was possible to create three reading keys: 1) The
variations in context and the planning concept of each case, 2) the politics of urban
marketing in relation to particularitities and 3) The urban matters informing the scale
of audience of the projects.
It is possible to perceive that in the Strategic Planning implemented in a relation to
the urban/planning project articulation, there is a notable differentiation between the
three interventions in terms of the utilized scale. In Curitiba there was an obvious
participation of a management organ: IPPUC. This institution developed in a widened
timeframe, interventions of various scales. The projects possessed uniformity in their

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localization, encompassing a large part of the city, although, it is interesting to
remember, that the southern region (less-favored) does not possess any project with
an urban marketing emphasis. In Rio de Janeiro, where the first official strategic
planning occurred, the projects were developed to retake a position that the city had
conquered and to imprint a feeling of identity on the carioca population.
Consequently, the actions were prompt and distinct, with each neighborhood
maintaining its own characteristic, following a lesser project scale, intervening
primarily in urban equipment and in lanes of flow. In Santo André the Axle program
was developed to reach a delimited band, in which a lager project scale was used,
with buildings marking the territory.
Beginning with the urban planning analysis of each project, it was possible to identify
the second reading key, related to the politics of urban marketing of the city. The
planning of Curitiba stands out for these politics through the use of slogans and logos,
since besides from spreading itself out in other cities and countries, it exerts a very
strong attraction on the population, that start to believe in the created projects and to
care for them as a part of their life. Other factors are the international events in the
city and the innovative projects that allowed Curitiba to place itself in a position of
worldwide importance. Besides that, it is possible to observe the architecture as a
monument, turning into a “product” that needs to be different, competitive, and
always up-to-date, leading to an accelerated release of numerous works in the city
and becoming marketing icons. In Rio de Janeiro we note that the hiring of Spanish
consultants and the partnership with large companies, that besides giving a strong
buying power, also attract other investors and cause a wider divulsion. In Santo
André, the politics of urban marketing was much more tied to the initiation of the
program, of theoretical execution and data analysis, than to the applied part. This
owes itself to the fact that at the beginning of the planning there were many elements
of divulsion, like meetings with the population and with other Brazilian cities and the
hiring of international consultants. Later, in the construction phase, a weak
investment support structure is evident, who developed the projects virtually
independent of each other or with any connection to the rest.
To finalize this line of thinking, it was necessary to dissect the projects into parts,
resulting in the last reading key: the urban matters. These were grouped into three
sectors, pavement design, the urban real-estate and symbols. In Curitiba, there is a
notable concern with the urban real-estate and pavement design, but the focus is
given to symbols, existent in squares, parks and memorials, with the intention to
emphasize the theme of sustainability and to exalt the ethnic differences of the
population. In Rio de Janeiro, the urban real-estate and pavement design are very
strong elements in the composition of the project, designed specifically for each
neighborhood, with characteristics that send to the locale. It is also possible to
observe the use of many symbols, such as monuments and marks, creating a unique
identity for each neighborhood. In Santo André, these elements do not possess a
focus or a proper characteristic that reinforced them, they were only elements to
compose the set, the constructions.
World cities in a globalized society maintain a personality that is sustained due to
“politically organized space of life, with its unique history, institutions, culture and
politics” (FRIEDMANN, 1995). However, we can verify that through “the global
economy of the network society” (LOPES, 1998), one of the principal objectives of
global cities is the competitiveness used to “respond to global demands and attract
human resources and international financiers” (BORJA & FORN, 1996). Facing this,
cities, with the necessity of assuring a determined status, exert marked
consequences for planning. In this way, the selling of cities comes to be part of the

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new urban planning (BENACH, 1997). For in such a way, it is of great value the
repercussion of and occasional intervention, as much on the local scope as the
global one. In this context, the urban planning tool called city marketing becomes
essential. It is evermore acquiring a centrality in the conjuncture of new urban politics,
becoming the main instrument in the advance of diverse urban promotion processes
(SANCHEZ, 1997).
Thus, commencing with comparative analyses and reading keys, it was possible to
verify the fundamental presence of this tool, urban marketing, in the studied
interventions. This process occurs, according to Sanchez (1999), due to the facility
that this tool incorporates new technologies of communication and information, and
that, through the connection to new politics and social representations, it intervenes
in the renovations of forms of space and leaves its mark on the urban space.
It is observed therefore, that through the instrument of city marketing utilized in these
projects, they succeeded in finding a greater space in the national context and in the
discussion of an international scope. It is noticed with this strategy a wider
appropriation of the population by the project and an easier insertion in the worldwide
competitiveness.

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