PERMA Model in The United Arab Emirates

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Using the PERMA Model in the United
Arab Emirates
L. Lambert D’raven & N. Pasha-Zaidi
Social Indicators Research

An International and Interdisciplinary
Journal for Quality-of-Life Measurement
ISSN 0303-8300
Volume 125
Number 3
Soc Indic Res (2016) 125:905-933

DOI 10.1007/s11205-015-0866-0
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Soc Indic Res (2016) 125:905–933
DOI 10.1007/s11205-015-0866-0
Using the PERMA Model in the United Arab Emirates
L. Lambert D’raven • N. Pasha-Zaidi
Accepted: 7 January 2015 / Published online: 13 January 2015

Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2015
Abstract Well-being theory, also known as the PERMA model (Seligman in Flourish: a
visionary new understanding of happiness and well-being, Free Press, New York, 2011),
proposes five pathways by which individuals can pursue happiness. The first pathway, the
pleasant life, concerns the maximization of positive emotions. The second pathway, the
engaged life, combines flow with engagement, while the third, the meaningful life, con-
cerns purpose in life and meaning. The last two pathways involve positive relationships
and achievements. While research in positive psychology focuses on happiness, there is a
dearth of information within the literature about the ways in which the PERMA model is
experienced by other cultures, and how it can highlight areas of development. This present
study aimed to determine whether descriptions of happiness provided by a sample of
Emirati university students would align with the PERMA model pathways. The results
showed that the way in which happiness was described overlapped with the PERMA
pathways in culturally consistent ways. The PERMA model was effective in highlighting
opportunities and challenges for intervention in the United Arab Emirates. Finally, the
study suggests that as researchers aim to increase well-being and as nations strive to
improve the satisfaction of their citizens, cultural structures may be impacted.
Keywords Well-being PERMA Engagement Development Arab

Positive psychology
Researchers recognize that rising incomes yield the greatest gains in happiness (i.e., well-
being) among low income societies, but as incomes rise, gains in happiness are less
L. Lambert D’raven (&)

Canadian University of Dubai, Box 117781, Dubai, United Arab Emirates
e-mail: ltlamber@yahoo.com
N. Pasha-Zaidi
Petroleum Institute, Box 2533, Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates
123
906 L. Lambert D’raven, N. Pasha-Zaidi
noticeable with effects failing to persist over the long-term (Brockmann et al. 2008;
Easterlin et al. 2010). Thus, as governments increasingly meet their citizen’s basic needs
for education, infrastructure, health, food, shelter, and safety, policies aimed at increasing
levels of well-being are important for the continued growth of societies as these influence
how citizens utilize their choices (Verme 2009). Consequently, positive psychology has
long advocated for the promotion of happiness as a matter of national policy (Diener and
Tov 2012; Helliwell et al. 2012; Huppert and So 2013). Yet, how happiness is understood
is heavily influenced by culture (Diener et al. 2013; Joshanloo 2013; Lambert D’raven and
Pasha-Zaidi 2014a) and an effective unraveling of each culture’s unique permutations for
the attainment of happiness is imperative for the development of societies and individuals
(Lu 2005).
Well-being is increasingly being recognized as it is causally related to a number of
factors. For instance, happier citizens are more likely to save money and consume less
(Guven 2012). They show greater compassion and empathy towards others in distress
(Nelson 2009), donate more time and money, and volunteer for causes like blood donation
(Aknin et al. 2013; Priller and Schupp 2011). Happier citizens are more likely to use
seatbelts and less likely to be involved in vehicular accidents (Goudie et al. 2012). They
are also more physically active (Huang and Humphreys 2012), and tend to be more
productive, satisfied and committed to their careers and less likely to leave organizations
(Erdogan et al. 2012). Having happier citizens has tremendously positive implications for
health, education, social trust, safety, and governance (Helliwell et al. 2012; Inglehart and
Klingemann 2000; Tay et al. 2014; Xu and Roberts 2010).
An early theory of well-being developed under the auspices of positive psychology was
the theory of authentic happiness (Seligman 2002), which posited that happiness was
attained via one of three pathways. The pathway of pleasure involved a focus on positive
emotions, while the pathway of engagement relied upon the use of character strengths to
bring about a state of flow (Csikszentmihalyi 1990). Finally, the pathway of meaning
involved a sense of purpose. These pathways provided routes towards which individuals
could achieve happiness, an important fact given that personal control influences
approximately 40 % of happiness (Lyubomirsky et al. 2005).
Recently, the model was renamed well-being theory (Seligman 2011) and the pathways
of positive relationships and accomplishments were added creating the PERMA acronym
(Pleasure, Engagement, Relationships, Meaning, and Accomplishment). Yet, concern
remained that both models were posited as universally shared means by which all indi-
viduals sought to attain happiness. As an internal locus of control, where individuals take
responsibility for their choices and external circumstances (Rotter 1975), is posited as the
basis for achieving happiness, it is an important component of this theory as well as a
predictor of life satisfaction (Verme 2009). Yet, extending the theory to cultures that utilize
a more external locus of control has yet to be ascertained. For instance, individuals from
traditional Arab and Muslim cultures follow a more external locus of control wherein
responsibility for behaviour and circumstances is dependent on others or God’s will for
instance, rather than within one’s own control (Clauss-Ehlers 2009).
When thinking about culture, happiness can be thought of as a continuum with indi-
vidualism highlighting personal pleasure, independence, and individual achievement and
collectivism stressing social obligations, role fulfillment and interdependence (Ahuvia
2002; Lu and Shih 1997; Uchida and Ogihara 2012) with the biggest difference being in
how the self is considered. With these distinctions in mind, the current study was designed
to explore if and how the pathways of the well-being model (Seligman 2011) were
reflected in a non-Western Arab nation such as the United Arab Emirates (UAE). This
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Using the PERMA model in the UAE 907
exploration was purported to be helpful in gaining valuable insight into the differences
between the views of individuals who stem from a collective nation and the assumptions
put forward by a Western individualistic theoretical framework purported to be universal to
all, such as the PERMA model (Seligman 2011).
1 Well-Being Theory
Well-being theory (Seligman 2011) was predated by the theory of authentic happiness
(Seligman 2002) which postulated that three pathways, namely pleasure, meaning, and
engagement predicted life satisfaction (Peterson et al. 2005). It was believed that a ‘‘full
life’’ was lived when all three pathways were concurrently pursued and an ‘‘empty life’’ the
result of low scores across the pathways (Peterson et al. 2005). Authentic happiness theory
continues to hold quantitative validity and is accepted in the field as a theory (Chan 2009;
Froh 2009; Gabriele 2008; Headey et al. 2010; Norrish and Vella-Brodrick 2009; Vella-
Brodrick et al. 2009), while well-being theory’s PERMA model (Seligman 2011) is cur-
rently being validated. Both models are composed of multiple concepts, with the five
pathways considered the best calculation of what individuals pursue for their own sake and
a signal of positive feeling as well as functioning (Forgeard et al. 2011).
1.1 Pleasure
The pathway of pleasure centers on the maximization of positive emotions and gratifica-
tions (Gabriele 2008; Seligman et al. 2005a, 2006). Positive emotions described in the
broaden-and-build model (Fredrickson 2000, 2006) are essential for improved performance
and growth. Broadening suggests that positive emotions facilitate expansive thinking that
results in adaptive behaviours. A review by Kok et al. (2008) showed that positive emo-
tions enhanced attention, helped to generate creative and flexible ideas, and broadened the
self-concept to include others more readily. In other studies, positive emotions were
associated with greater self-regulation (Tice et al. 2007), task persistence and goal adoption
(Fishbach and Labroo 2007), and greater abstract thinking (Labroo and Patrick 2009).
The resources that stem from the broadening process involve social, emotional, and
physical resources and contribute to growth (Cohn et al. 2009). For instance, experiences
of shared positive affect, like laughing with friends, were associated with attachment,
social bonds, and greater trust and disclosure, all of which improve relationships critical for
dealing with stressors (Burns et al. 2008; Gable and Reis 2010; Lyubomirsky and Sin
2009). What accrued, such as resiliency and growth (Cohn et al. 2009), or physical
resources such as the ability of positive affect to influence immunity and undo the effects
of negative emotions (Fredrickson et al. 2000; Segerstrom 2006) were other assets that
helped individuals become more informed, healthier, and socially integrated (Danner et al.
2001; Xu and Roberts 2010).
While universal, how emotions are perceived by certain cultures influences their
expression (Diener et al. 2013). Persons in individualistic societies appear to prefer high
arousal positive emotions (i.e., excitement), whereas individuals in more collective settings
appear to prefer low arousal emotions (i.e., contentment) (Tkach and Lyubomirsky 2006;
Tsai et al. 2006). Expressing high arousal positive emotions in a collectivist society may
alienate others, make them jealous, or threaten relationships (Ahuvia 2002; Uchida et al.
2004), with collectivists more oriented towards the needs and emotions of others versus
personal desires and feelings (Stocks et al. 2012; Yama et al. 2007). Consequently,
123
suppressing high arousal emotions may be a pro-social move taken to preserve relation-
ships (Butler et al. 2007) and suggests that the emotions of others are more important than
one’s own. Further, in certain interpretations of Islam, the maximization of positive
emotion is discouraged as earthly pleasures do not bring happiness in the afterlife and
detract from a relationship with God (Joshanloo 2013; Joshanloo and Weijers 2013); thus,
how this pathway is expressed and how important it is considered may vary in cultures
where the self is interdependent (Kitayama and Uskul 2011).
1.2 Engagement
Engagement is the intensity of attachment, involvement, concentration, and level of

inclination towards activities such as recreation, hobbies, or work (Higgins 2006; Schaufeli
et al. 2006). It is the relationship between individuals and their experiences which provide
meaning, learning, greater performance, and positive feelings (Nakamura and
Csikszentmihalyi 2009). Engagement can be psychological where individuals fully con-
centrate and are engrossed in activity (Schaufeli et al. 2006). It can also be cognitive and
involve the valuation of activities, goal setting, and self-regulation (Bandura 2008).
Finally, engagement can be behavioural and include social involvement and citizenship
behaviour (Appleton et al. 2006) found in school, family, or work.
The mechanism that underlies engagement can be explained in part by intrinsic moti-
vation (Deci and Ryan 2008), which carries an internal locus of causality where individuals
see themselves as responsible for their outcomes and consequently rely on their abilities to
explore new stimuli, commit to goals, and work to meet challenges. This motivation is
driven by internal rewards, such as pleasure, interest, a sense of achievement, or a state of
flow (Csikszentmihalyi 1990), as opposed to external factors like status, recognition,
prestige, or money. In contrast, individuals with an external locus of control believe their
outcomes are determined by fate, luck, the supernatural, or actions taken by more powerful
individuals and as a result, they may take greater indirect action, such as gaining influence
with others. In individualistic societies, the self is egocentric and an internal locus of
control tends to develop, whereas in collective societies, the self is socio-centric with the
locus of control becoming aligned with more powerful individuals and thus, more likely
external (Spector et al. 2002).
Differences in locus of control and consequent goal orientation influence well-being
(Sheldon et al. 2004a), with an external goal orientation, i.e., to attain wealth, create an
attractive image, or become famous, leading to greater social comparison, contingent self-
worth, and lower self-esteem, whereas goals expressive of the self, intrinsically motivating, and
personally satisfying increase well-being (Kasser 2002a, b). Internals may be more satisfied
with life as they control their outcomes to a greater degree, while an external route to success
may be less satisfying and unpredictable (Chirkov et al. 2005; Quevedo and Abella 2014;
Verme 2009). Nonetheless, the cultural organization of a society may have a greater influence
(Stocks et al. 2012) such that individuals find it easier to reach satisfaction in environments that
support their views of the self and which are concordant with their values (Lu 2005; Sheldon
et al. 2004b). For example, across two studies of Asian Americans (Oishi and Diener 2001;
Oishi and Sullivan 2005), individuals showed greater satisfaction from engaging in goals
designed to please or receive approval from others than did Caucasian Americans; thus, col-
lectivists may experience little distress if their choices are in agreement with their values,
supported and rewarded by their collective structure, and morally reinforced.
Engagement also hinges upon the identification and use of character strengths, the
positive traits reflected in behaviours, thoughts, and feelings (Peterson and Seligman
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2004). Not talents or skills, strengths reflect one’s character and personality. Examples of
strengths include love (valuing relationships, caring, sharing), kindness (being generous,
nurturing and altruistic), citizenship (social responsibility, group loyalty), integrity (taking
responsibility for one’s feelings and actions), and spirituality (believing in a higher purpose
and developing meaning) (Peterson and Seligman 2004). Strengths allow for the attainment
of high functionality in the pursuit of goals (Linley and Harrington 2006) and are nurtured
within families, religion, communities, and activities like sports or hobbies (Seligman
2002; Seligman et al. 2006). Conduits to self-esteem, vitality, physical and mental well-
being, strengths even facilitate engagement at work (Harter et al. 2002; Proctor et al. 2009).
When engagement is maintained over time, individuals are rewarded with a state of flow
(Csikszentmihalyi 1990), characterized by anticipation, intense and focused concentration,
control and a loss of self-consciousness as well as time distortion, and the experience being
rewarding. Activities that provide rules, goals, feedback, and the use of effort and skills
against challenge carry the potential for flow (Csikszentmihalyi 2000). Intrinsically
motivated individuals experience greater states of flow (Fullagar and Mills 2008), and over
time, become self-motivated to perfect skills and elevate themselves beyond the ordinary
(Jackson and Kimiecik 2008; Rheinberg 2008).
1.3 Meaning
Meaning involves the use of strengths not for one’s self, but towards the fulfillment of
something perceived to be important such as valuing and promoting health, belonging to a
community, civic, political, or religious group, or developing meaningful relationships
with family for example (Plante 2008; Seligman 2002; Seligman et al. 2006; Steger 2012).
It involves the sense made of experiences that combine the self, the world, and one’s
relationships with others (Steger 2012), and includes judgments about the value and pur-
pose of life (Hicks and King 2009) as well. These judgments are influenced by culture,
socially-shared ideas and beliefs (Kitayama and Park 2010; Markus and Kitayama 2010)
that shape and define what individuals are to value and through which practises and
behaviors (Oyserman and Lee 2008). This pathway finally involves a sense of purpose, the
reason why individuals do what they do. A self-organizing structure (Kashdan and
McKnight 2009), purpose informs individual activities and goals, and buffers against
negative emotions (Diener et al. 2012).
1.4 Achievement and Relationships
The pathway of achievement involves the successes attained by using one’s skills and
efforts towards specific and fixed goals. This pathway is pursued for its own sake, even
when it brings ‘‘no positive emotion, no meaning, and nothing in the way of positive
relationships’’ (Seligman 2011, p. 18). Thus, winning, achieving, and pursuing mastery are
means to happiness. Finally, the pathway of positive relationships, such as strong ties with
family and friends or weak ties with neighbours and colleagues lead to a sense of belonging
(Sandstrom and Dunn 2014) and predict emotional well-being and growth (Catalino and
Fredrickson 2011; Diener and Seligman 2002). Acts of support, kindness, caring, as well as
cooperation and social interaction contribute to more robust states of physical health
(Eisenberger et al. 2007), self-esteem (Dunn et al. 2007), mental health (Schwartz et al.
2003), as well as more meaning and greater social integration (Post 2005). Relationships of
all types are recognized forces that help individuals initiate and maintain happiness (Aknin
et al. 2011; Boehm and Lyubomirsky 2009; Reyes-Garcia et al. 2009).
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Yet, when thinking about culture, Ahuvia (2002) suggests that although collectivism is
based on the fulfillment of responsibilities and social roles, it does not necessarily con-
tribute to a ‘‘community feeling.’’ Individualists for instance, may have less tightly bound
relationships, yet these are based on freely chosen ties marked by mutually shared interests
with others rather than the expectation of in-group loyalty. Individualists do value rela-
tionships (Diener and Seligman 2002); yet, because there is no expectation of loyalty, they
can establish ties with others based on altruism versus kinship effectively turning their
focus to the community in the process (Ahuvia 2002; Helliwell et al. 2013).
1.5 Overview of the PERMA Model
Across both published (Schueller and Seligman 2010; Vella-Brodrick et al. 2009), and
unpublished (Huta et al. 2006) studies, meaning and engagement were most highly correlated
with life satisfaction, while pleasure showed the lowest correlation; although other studies
showed that engagement made the largest contribution (Chan 2009; Gabriele 2008). Studies
also showed that citizens endorsing engagement and meaning had greater satisfaction with
life, while pleasure added little (Park et al. 2009; Ruch et al. 2010). In short, engagement
rated as the most powerful pathway in increasing positive affect and contributing to satis-
faction with life, motivation, activity, and meaning (Chan 2009; Gabriele 2008; Peterson
et al. 2005; Ruch et al. 2010; Vella-Brodrick et al. 2009), while meaning was a strong runner-
up (Peterson et al. 2007; Park et al. 2009). Pursuing multiple pathways generated greater life
satisfaction and the possibility of the full life, while pursuing fewer pathways was less
effective and potentially constituted an empty life (Peterson et al. 2005). Each pathway was
nonetheless distinct, correlated with the others (Chan 2009; Peterson et al. 2007; Ruch et al.
2010), and independently predicted several well-being measures (Park et al. 2009; Peterson
et al. 2005; Seligman et al. 2005b, 2006; Vella-Brodrick et al. 2009).
Yet, a number of critiques were levelled against both models. Considered highly
Western (Christopher and Hickinbottom 2008; Christopher et al. 2008; Dieser 2005), both
frame happiness as an individual pursuit reflecting its individualistic origins rather than
more collective ones found in other cultures (Joshanloo 2013; Lambert D’raven and Pasha-
Zaidi 2014a, b; Uchida and Ogihara 2012). Ethnocentric claims were also made as
authentic happiness posited the goal of happiness as universally shared without considering
that religion, family, or culture could take priority (Joshanloo 2013; Pedrotti 2007;
Richardson and Guignon 2008). Joshanloo and Weijers (2013) reported that in Iran for
instance, happiness is not even considered a worthwhile pursuit. Further, research was
forwarded to support Seligman’s (2002) claims, yet none tested authentic happiness
directly (Collins 2007; Epstein 2007), while the Orientations to Happiness Scale (Peterson
et al. 2005) only assesses pathway endorsement and does not consider additional pathways.
Finally, the theory was not derived from the experiences of individuals but from an accrual
of prior studies (Peterson et al. 2005); thus, it remains unknown if individuals, especially
those in non-Western nations, experience happiness as proposed in the PERMA model.
2 The United Arab Emirates (UAE)
Established in 1971, the UAE has experienced exponential social and economic growth
due to its petroleum, tourism, finance, and manufacturing industries (Jabeen et al. 2012).
Oil revenues underscore family and community supports, pension and employment
schemes, as well as health care and education for citizens. Given its popularity, high
123
wages, as well as stability and security in a volatile region, the country attracts foreign
workers from over 200 nations; in fact, 84 % of its residents are non-nationals (UAE
Interact 2013). The UAE also has the world’s second highest GDP per capita after Qatar
(United Nations Human Development Index 2011); a figure that is likely higher given that
only citizens, not residents, benefit from oil redistribution schemes given as rents to ruling
families who distribute it to others (Abdulla and Ridge 2011). Finally, ranked first in the
region as the country of choice in which to live for young Arab expatriates (Al Khan 2013),
the UAE ranked 14th in the recent World Happiness Report (Helliwell et al. 2012), up from
its previous position in 16th place.
Tolerant and welcoming of diversity, the UAE is nonetheless religious with about 96 % of
the national population adhering to Islam (CIA Fact Book n.d.; Simadi and Kamali 2004). It
espouses tradition, but is open to liberal policies with respect to non-Muslims and codes of
conduct in the country (Findlow 2000; Lambert 2008). Many influences are blended into one;
for instance, both sharia and civil law are used, as well as Islamic and international banking.
Depending on the emirate, bars and nightclubs co-exist alongside Islamic and cultural
education centers. All religions are respected and openly practised with mosques, churches,
and temples officially and publicly sanctioned by the country’s leadership.
The national population (citizens only) is considered to be a collective society based on
Hofstede’s (The Hofstede Centre n.d.) cultural dimensions of Power Distance, Uncertainty
Avoidance, Masculinity–Femininity, and Individualism. The UAE scores very high in
Power Distance valuing hierarchy and distinct power roles and accepting that inequalities
exist. It scores low on Individualism indicating that individuals demonstrate enduring
commitment to the social group to which they belong, although Emirati youth appear to be
more individualistic than prior generations (Whiteoak et al. 2006). Commitment is shown
via loyalty, obedience to codes of conduct, and maintenance of one’s in-group status that is
rewarded over time, with one’s social role and rank within a group strongly influencing
interpersonal decisions. Driven by competition and success, winning in the UAE is defined
by the success of the group rather than the individual, although Emiratis are equally
concerned with the care, protection, and welfare of others. Conformity to orthodox
behaviours and ideas is also highly valued.
Nevertheless, the UAE finds itself in a unique position. Over the years, an influx of
expatriate labour necessary to the country’s development has created a parallel situation of
a national population that benefits from cheap labour (i.e., drivers, maids, nannies, gar-
deners, etc.) and depends greatly on the public-sector for employment (Forstenlechner and
Rutledge 2010). Jobs in the public sector, at several times the wage, prestige, and benefits
of the private sector (i.e., shorter working hours, more holidays, early retirement), have
been guaranteed breeding a sense of entitlement (Al-Gergawi 2008; Forstenlechner and
Rutledge 2010). Youth prefer to wait for government jobs, often for years, than take a
private sector job dominated by expatriates who are paid less and perceived as more
qualified (Forstenlechner and Rutledge 2010; Shaban et al. 1995), resulting in a rising
unemployment rate (Croucher 2014). With one of the most generous public welfare sys-
tems in the world (Brown 2007; Forstenlechner and Rutledge 2010), housing assistance,
petrol, food, healthcare, education, loans, marriage funds, etc., are effectively provided or
subsidized, yet paradoxically, make the notion of work redundant and disruptive of the
relationship between effort and reward (Abdulla and Ridge 2011).
To illustrate, Jones (2011) compared attitudes towards work between Emirati and non-
Emirati youth. The Emirati cohort was more likely to agree with the statement, ‘‘Hard work
doesn’t generally bring success—it’s more a matter of luck and connections.’’ They valued
factors like ‘‘money’’, ‘‘respect from friends’’ and ‘‘prestige’’ in selecting a future career
123
and showed less specificity in choosing certain careers, citing ‘‘I’m interested in it because
my father achieved it’’ or ‘‘because of the high status.’’ They were also likely to disagree
with ‘‘young people should be allowed to do as they please without interference from their
parents.’’ The author suggested that how Emiratis were socialized by their parents and
cultural milieu as well as how institutional reward systems based on kinship and patronage
(called ‘‘wasta’’) operated, led them to adopt an external locus of control.
As a result, this study made several predictions. For example, it was proposed that the
pathway of engagement would be less frequently cited as a pathway to well-being given
that the connection between effort and reward did not pass through the individual in
question, but through others. The pathway of relationships was consequently predicted to
be an important pathway as it appears to have high instrumental value in a collective
society. The pathway of positive emotions might also be well-used given the high
socioeconomic status of the national population and previous studies suggesting the
importance of public displays of wealth and status (Lambert D’raven and Pasha-Zaidi
2014a, b). Finally, achievements were predicted to be important insofar as they increased
social status, while meaning was also predicted to be important from an Islamic viewpoint.
No predictions were put forward for differences in gender.
3 Method
This exploratory study involved the re-analysis of previously published data (Lambert
D’raven and Pasha-Zaidi 2014a, b) highlighting strategies and conceptualizations of
happiness in the UAE. Here, the same data was used to determine whether participant
understandings of happiness mirrored the five pathways of the PERMA model (Seligman
2011). Both samples of convenience, English and Introductory Psychology university
students (from various majors) were asked two questions via a written assignment: ‘‘What
does happiness mean to you?’’ and ‘‘What makes you happier?’’ Data were collected in the
spring of 2013 and analyzed by the authors. The study took place in two educational
institutions in the UAE; one in Dubai and the other in Abu Dhabi for a total sample size of
54 respondents. All respondents were Emirati nationals, Muslim and aged from 16 to
31 years (mean age of 19.9 years) with males comprising 57 % of the sample. Informed of
the study’s purpose, participants were given the option to withdraw their participation at
any time. No identifying information beyond demographic data was requested. As the data
was considerable, only significant quotes are used to illustrate the range of examples given,
however frequencies for each pathway are included in Table 1. Gender and age are
indicated by F or M, such that a male of 22 years would be annotated thusly, i.e., (M, 22).
Table 1 Phrase frequency

Pathway Male Female Total
according to pathway and gender
Positive emotions 14 19 33
Engagement 5 (strengths) 0 7
2 (engagement)
0 (flow)
Relationships 36 39 75
Meaning 10 9 19
Accomplishment 14 19 33
123
A qualitative design was used as these focus on the exploration of contextually

embedded meaning (Bernard and Ryan 2010). Establishing validity, the correctness of
statements inferred (Kvale and Brinkmann 2009), was done via triangulation, the use of
more than one means of obtaining convergence (Leech and Onwuegbuzie 2007). This
involved the use of more than one researcher (Oliver-Hoyo and Allen 2006) for analysis.
The authors analyzed the data until agreement was reached as to their inclusion in the
PERMA pathways, while two student researchers (Emirati nationals) further established
meaning and the legitimacy of the inferences made (Leech and Onwuegbuzie 2007) by
explaining cultural or linguistic issues that influenced the data.
Thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke 2006) was used to analyse the data as it is
independent of any theoretical model, makes no assumptions about the nature of data, and
has been used in conjunction with other open-ended methodologies in previous studies of
the same nature (Delle Fave et al. 2011; Lu 2005; Lu and Gilmour 2004b; Pflug 2009; Ryff
1989). Both inductive and deductive forms of analysis were used with the latter involving
the use of pre-determined categories, i.e., the PERMA pathways, to determine resonance
between these theory-derived categories and the data provided by respondents. While the
goal of this study was to determine whether the data confirmed the PERMA pathways, it
was also necessary to document categories that differed from the pathways as well,
requiring the use of a second inductive analysis to determine additional or disconfirming
themes. Finally, manual coding was undertaken to support or disconfirm the PERMA
pathways (Seligman 2011). The authors highlighted important quotes and compared them
to a coding scheme (‘‘Appendix’’) that included relevant features of each pathway. For
instance, the pathway of positive emotion included a list of positive emotions, while the
pathway of engagement included the features of flow (Csikszentmihalyi 1990), the 24
character strengths (Peterson and Seligman 2004), and indicators of engagement, such as
involvement and attachment. Data were evaluated for goodness of fit until the authors were
satisfied the statements fit no other category or that any overlap could be explained in full.
4 Results
The deductive analysis involved looking for evidence of the PERMA pathway features,
such as positive emotions, engagements, character strengths, a state of flow, meaning,
relationships, and achievements. Thus, how respondents understood happiness is reported
under each pathway and verbatim statements are included as support. Table 1 shows the
tallied frequencies for each pathway and is divided by gender as well. Few differences
were found between the genders due to the small sample size although interesting patterns
emerged overall.
4.1 Pathway 1: Pleasure
Respondents defined happiness as a way of thinking and feeling. For instance, happiness
emerged from the past and present and was reported by the following: ‘‘you can’t stop
smiling and all the good memories are coming back and you can’t express the way you
feel; you can’t think of bad stuff and you feel peaceful’’ (F, 22). It was also ‘‘confidence’’
(F, 18). Positive emotions also centered on the future with respondents stating happiness
equated to being ‘‘sure that everything is going to be ok’’ (F, 19). Happiness involved the
ability to immerse one’s self in the present moment and have the ‘‘ability to laugh’’ and ‘‘a
moment of joy’’ (M, 18; M, 17), and be in ‘‘a good mood’’ (M, 19) with ‘‘anything that
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makes me smile’’ (F, 25, 20, 18). Positive emotions were reflected such as gratitude, i.e.,
‘‘being happy makes me love what I have’’ (F, 18), and ‘‘for the person or thing that
triggered this feeling’’ (F, 18), as well as pride, i.e., ‘‘when I am proud of myself by
working hard and try for a better future’’ (F, 18), and ‘‘excitement’’ (F, 18). Happiness was
also enjoyment, i.e., ‘‘being in a situation where I enjoy what I do on a daily basis’’ (M,
30), ‘‘it means that I can enjoy my time every day’’ (M, 19), ‘‘enjoying my life’’ (F, 23) and
‘‘when I can smile from my heart’’ (F, 20). It was also ‘‘love’’ (M, 20) and perhaps a little
bit of freedom: ‘‘when I can do what I want’’ (M, 18).
Being comfortable and satisfied were the most cited positive emotions, such that it
‘‘made me satisfied about myself’’ (F, 18, 20), ‘‘with who I am and what’s happening
around me’’ (F, 19), ‘‘with what I have done’’ (F, 19; M, 26), and ‘‘with what I own’’ (M,
26), as well as ‘‘when you are comfortable with yourself’’ (M, 19) and ‘‘comfortable in my
life’’ (M, 19, 19). It also involved ‘‘when I feel good about myself’’ (M, 18), or ‘‘relieved’’
(M, 19). Expressed at least five times was also the importance of being ‘‘positive for good
things to come’’ (F, 25, 18, 19, 21, 20). Not included in the frequency count but interesting
anyways was the comment that ‘‘happiness guarantees heaven’’ (M, 18) suggesting that
being satisfied and comfortable were ways to show gratitude and be content with that
which God gave. Comments that were not tallied as they did not refer to positive emotions
included: ‘‘when I feel I haven’t done anything bad’’ (M, 19), ‘‘to do something and feel it
is fine’’ (M, 18), ‘‘when your parents are not mad at you’’ (M, 18), and ‘‘it’s a feeling when
I do something right’’ (M, 26).
Finally, respondents identified strategies helpful in generating positive emotions. These
involved immediate gratifications, i.e., ‘‘When I feel bad, shopping is the best way to fix
that. Every tiny item I buy makes me feel like I am starting new life with new visions’’ (F,
19); ‘‘watching my favourite show’’ (F, 18), and ‘‘when I get what I want’’ (F, 18). Others
involved shared moments of positive emotions with others, i.e., ‘‘If someone tries to make
me laugh or someone I don’t know smiles at me’’ (F, 19); ‘‘small things in life, such as a
person that you don’t know smiles or some beautiful flowers from someone you love, or
laughing with your friends’’ (F, no age). Other pleasures involved attaining positive
emotions from the present, future, and past, i.e., ‘‘saying different jokes, enjoying new
friends, dreaming about tomorrow, planning for the future, remembering wonderful days’’
(M, 18).
4.2 Pathway 2: Engagement
The data was analyzed in depth in order to find indices of engagement. Items such as group
or individual involvement in behavioral or cognitive engagements such as recreational,
artistic, sporting, or academic pursuits, as well as instances of flow (Csikszentmihalyi
1990) were not found. The only phrases suggesting time in enjoyable activity were noted
by two males with the same response; ‘‘football’’ (both 19).
The character strength of integrity emerged involving comments like, ‘‘when I feel good
about my relationship with Allah’’ (M, 18); ‘‘…to reflect a bright image about Muslims to
others’’ (M, 19); ‘‘to finish my work in a good way every day’’ (M, 24); ‘‘when I leave the
bad things and do the right things’’ (M, 18) and ‘‘be responsible’’ (M, 18), ‘‘organized’’ (M,
18). Not included in the frequency count were proscriptions about how to attain a state of
goodness, i.e., ‘‘if you want to be happy, you have to avoid every bad thing in life’’ (F, 19)
and ‘‘do what the Qur’an says’’ (M, 18) suggesting that character was not just about using
strengths, but about being a good, responsible, moral person.
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4.3 Pathway 3: Relationships
Respondent definitions of happiness overwhelmingly reflected the importance of rela-

tionships and involved 75 total responses of 35 individuals closely split between genders.
Relationships were settings in which individuals could experience positive emotions and
spend time with family members and friends, i.e., ‘‘joy with my family and friends’’ (F,
25), ‘‘happiness is when I am with my family’’ (F, 18, no age). Relationships were marked
by a mutual state of care, love, and sharing where respondents stated feeling a sense of
comfort and security. Comments to this effect included: ‘‘when you care about someone
and you know that the person cares about you’’ (F, 20), ‘‘having people that I care about
share in my life and experiences’’ (M, 30), ‘‘living with family that loves you’’ (M, 18),
‘‘having love and support of family and friends’’ (M, 18), and ‘‘good friends who love
you…to live your life with someone you love and make this person happy’’ (F, 19).
Additional comments included ‘‘happiness is sharing people’s happiness and sadness’’ (F,
19), while another concluded that ‘‘happiness = love’’ (M, 20).
Seeing others happy and being in a position to make them so was frequently noted, i.e.,
‘‘Happiness is seeing my parents happy, loving and caring for one another’’ (M, 19, 20) and
‘‘seeing my mother happy and comfortable in her life—it’s related to my family’’ (M, 19).
Happiness also involved the ability to keep ‘‘everyone happy around me’’ (F, 31), and
‘‘drawing a smile in people’s face’’ (F, 19), or ‘‘to see someone smile because of me, that
makes me happy’’ (M, 18). Simply, ‘‘when you make someone happy, that is happiness’’
(F, 19). Participants clearly felt they had a role in contributing to the emotional state of
others; ‘‘I think the thing to make me happier is making my mother happy’’ (M, 19), ‘‘do
something that my parents feel happy about’’ (M, 19), and ‘‘when I make others happy’’
(M, 18).
It involved a social balance, such that happiness emerged when relationships were in
harmony, i.e., ‘‘when I am happy I am satisfied with my life and comfortable with people
and with family’’ (F, 20), ‘‘when your parents are not mad at you’’ (M, 18), ‘‘happiness
means to me that I feel good about myself and my relationship with Allah and how my
parents are feeling about me’’ (M, 18). Deepening relationships by fulfilling social obli-
gations in one’s family or socially was also noted as a tool for greater happiness, i.e., ‘‘I
feel happy when I obey my parents’’ (F, 16), and ‘‘I would be happier if I make a strong
family by being a good wife and a good mother. I would be happier if I make my husband
happy and proud’’ (F, 19).
The presence of friends and family members was often noted. Comments included:
‘‘Happiness means to live in a house and your family are around you…’’ (F, 19), ‘‘The
thing that makes me most happy is that my parents are still alive and they are with me’’ (F,
19), ‘‘my family is another meaning to me for happiness’’ (M, 18), ‘‘happiness come when
you’re with someone you like’’ (F, 20). It also appeared to be what kept people together:
‘‘happiness is the link for people who live with us’’ (F, 21). Increasing happiness involved
spending more time with loved ones, i.e., ‘‘spending precious time with my family’’ (F, 18)
and ‘‘when I sit with my family at breakfast, lunch, and dinner and discuss with my parents
about something interesting’’ (F, 18). Social time with friends was also important: ‘‘I
always feel happy when I spend more time with my family and friends’’ (M, 18, 19, 26).
4.4 Pathway 4: Meaning
Meaning emerged not only from religion, but from the positive regard one received from
living morally and according to one’s religious duties. Participants suggested happiness
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occurred ‘‘when I get satisfaction from God and my parents’’ (F, 18). For this 20-year old
female, happiness occurred when she focused beyond herself and to being of service
towards others in a meaningful way, i.e., ‘‘I feel I am useful to everyone around me when I
can do something good.’’ Specifically, religion and one’s relationship with Islam was
involved in happiness such that, ‘‘it is to be close and near to God’’ (F, 19); ‘‘to be with
Allah’’ (M, 18); ‘‘The big happiness is I am in this life with the Islamic religion’’ (F, no
age). Acts of worship, such as prayer, service, and living righteously were considered
important and was highlighted by comments such as, ‘‘to pray in the prayer times and be a
good Muslim in helping poor people’’ (M, 19); ‘‘the thing that makes me feel happy is
praying’’ (M, 18); ‘‘when I listen to Qur’an’’ (F, 18), and ‘‘being close to Allah and keeping
my prayers’’ (F, 19). Apart from religion, happiness was also generated by acting in the
service of others by doing good deeds for others or contributing to society and was
exemplified by statements such as, ‘‘when I contribute in helping my society and serving
my country’’ (F, 16), ‘‘When I can give a hand for anyone who needs it and when I see the
smile in people’s face…being there for those who need help’’ (M, 21). Meaning finally
involved recognizing a higher power’s contribution to one’s own state and showing
gratitude, i.e., ‘‘health, parents, security, safety, education, siblings, family, home… these
are from God and we must thank him’’ (F, 17).
4.5 Pathway 5: Achievement
The category of accomplishments involved setting and attaining future goals, acquiring
knowledge, and experiencing self-efficacy. A 23-year old male defined happiness as an
‘‘accomplishment of my personal goals or goals given to me on the job or by others. I feel
happy when I accomplish tasks which are above my level; gaining experience and
knowledge is also part of happiness,’’ while this 20-year old female stated that happiness
was ‘‘when I am successful at work and it is hard.’’ A 19-year old female added: ‘‘Hap-
piness means to have success in your life; it means to achieve your goals and be whatever
you want to be in the future.’’ Three students felt the same as this 19-year old female: ‘‘I
wish to achieve everything that I hope. I want a score of 500 in TOFEL [English placement
exam] to complete my major and I will get pride from my family.’’
Yet, many content-lite goals were offered including ‘‘achieving my goals and becoming
successful’’ (F, 22; M, 24), ‘‘living to build my dream’’ (F, 31), ‘‘when you achieve
something that you wanted from the beginning and when you feel that you are approaching
your goals’’ (M, 19), and ‘‘seeing my dreams accomplished’’ (F, 16). Other goals were
more targeted, immediate and seemingly final, ‘‘when I graduate’’ (F, 18, 18), ‘‘when I
pass’’ (F, 19, M, 19, 18), ‘‘finish my degree’’ (M, 18), and ‘‘become an engineer’’ (M, 19).
Certain goals also appeared to be extrinsic with respondents desiring achievements ‘‘to be
the first in my class’’ (M, 18), to have ‘‘prestige in the community’’ (F, 17), ‘‘to have high
marks’’ (F, 18). Finally, the preponderance of statements suggesting that achievements
were indeed for others included items such as ‘‘to make my parents proud’’ (M, 19), and
‘‘to make my parents happy’’ (M, 19, 18, 18, F, 18, 20, 21).
4.6 Other
The second analysis involved statements that did not support any PERMA pathway. These
included the role of circumstances or conditions considered important in establishing a
foundation for happiness, such as health, i.e., ‘‘good health and body’’ (F, 17); ‘‘to have
good health with no disease’’ (F, 19), ‘‘my family and me are in good health’’ (F, 18; M,
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18), finances, i.e., ‘‘to have money which can help you live and to live with your family
without any problems’’ (M, 18); ‘‘have a good life with a good salary besides having my
family…’’ (M, 18), ‘‘when I know what my salary will be’’ (M, 17), and education, i.e., ‘‘if
you can get an education…’’ (M, 18). Others were less specific in their conditions requiring
‘‘what I need to live a life like a normal person’’ (M, 19). For one student, it was a desire
for more freedom, ‘‘if my family gave me more freedom to get a license, to study what I
wanted’’ (F, 23), while for another, it was an absence of problems, i.e., ‘‘no bad thing
happening, not worrying’’ (F, 18, 19), ‘‘zero pressure’’ (M, 19). Finally, feeling ‘‘safe in my
country’’ (F, 18) and a sense of ‘‘security and safety’’ (F, 17) were also noted. Finally, two
views on the pursuit of happiness were put forward. On the one hand, happiness was
viewed positively and considered ‘‘everything in life’’ (M, 18), ‘‘it means everything to
me’’ (M, 21), ‘‘it makes life easier’’ (F, 21), and ‘‘leads me to be successful’’ (M, 18), while
another felt happiness was ‘‘not a goal or an aim you look forward to’’ (F, 16). At last, one
participant felt that happiness came down to this equation, ‘‘a lot of luck = happiness’’ (F,
19).
5 Discussion
The data reflected that many opportunities and preconditions for happiness exist in the
UAE and coincided with the five PERMA pathways to varying degrees. Starting with the
‘‘other’’ category, respondents noted the precursors to happiness which included education,
health, security, housing, and economic conditions. These corresponded to the needs put
forward in Tay and Diener’s (2011) study of 123 countries which identified the basic needs
put forward by respondents as criteria for happiness. Further, certain views were put
forward about happiness being important which seemed to discount the recent suggestion
(Joshanloo and Weijers 2013) that happiness, in some Islamic interpretations, is not
worthwhile. Only one opposing view suggested that happiness was not a goal in itself
although it is unknown if others shared this same thought as respondents may have felt
compelled to prioritize happiness as the study’s questionnaire required it.
5.1 Positive Emotions
Positive emotions were mentioned, i.e., joy, pride, gratitude, with the most common being
satisfaction, contentment, and a feeling of comfort. These low-valence or low-intensity
positive emotions are consistent with the data shown in other studies (Ahuvia 2002; Butler
et al. 2007; Tkach and Lyubomirsky 2006; Tsai et al. 2006; Uchida et al. 2004) where
individuals in collective societies seek to belong, conform, and ensure sameness among
and within the family or social setting. They may also point to the importance of Islam in
being satisfied with what one has and not trying to pursue worldly or hedonic pleasures
(high-intensity emotions) (Joshanloo 2013) explaining their frequency in the data. Further,
choosing to be satisfied and content (low-intensity emotions) seemed to prevent individuals
from wanting or desiring higher-intensity emotions. In effect, participants described the
Hedonic Adaptation Prevention Model (Sheldon and Lyubomirsky 2012), which proposes
that rising aspirations erode positive emotions over time. Therefore, choosing satisfaction
is a good strategy as individuals appreciate positive changes after they occur and do not
focus too quickly on future aspirations that diminish present happiness.
Participants also mentioned that happiness involved an absence of shame; thus,
importance was placed on not feeling negatively, as well as feeling morally and socially
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acceptable through the estimation of others. Collectivists may be more inclined to feel
shame, a moral emotion, as it presupposes the valuation of the self by others (i.e., parents,
Islam, and other societal norms) who set the standard for what is acceptable (Tangney and
Stuewig 2004; Tracy and Robins 2004). Thus, as others evaluation of the self matters
greatly in a collective society, feeling that one is acceptable and good (and not ‘bad’ as
respondents noted) may lead to positive feelings, which reflect the relational and meaning
systems set forth by culture (Diener et al. 2013).
5.2 Engagement
Activity engagement was poorly reflected. Engagements are the activities in which indi-
viduals spend a great deal of time that rely on character strengths and facilitate a state of
flow (Csikszentmihalyi 1990). As this pathway is linked most directly to locus of control
and traditional Arab/Muslim societies tend to favour an external locus of control (Clauss-
Ehlers 2009), these findings are not surprising. It should be noted that in a study of over 2
million individuals in the USA, those born between 1980 and 2000 had more of an external
locus of control than earlier cohorts, so this trend may also be generational (Twenge and
Campbell 2013).
The absence of engagement can be explained in a few ways. A study by Aon Hewitt
Middle East (in Jones and Punshi 2013) of 4,600 individuals across the Arab Gulf countries
(UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait) found that UAE nationals (aged
25–34) were the least engaged in the workplace. Jones and Punshi (2013), co-authors of the
report, explained that young nationals experienced a disconnection between effort and
reward. For instance, members of senior management, hired at a specific time in the
country’s development, were perceived as less educated yet more highly rewarded. Fur-
ther, as the government sector, where most nationals are employed, is over-saturated,
avenues for growth are few. To compensate, employees are rewarded with ‘‘artefacts of
status’’ (Duncan 2011), such as bigger offices, parking spaces, and impressive sounding
titles, accounting for the attitudes found in Jones’ (2011) study.
Also, Emiratization initiatives that prioritize the national workforce over expatriates
assure nationals of job security, but also make it hard to terminate those with low per-
formance (Jabeen et al. 2012). The practise of ‘‘wasta’’ (Mohamed and Hamdi 2008;
Willemyns 2008), the hiring, promotion, and attainment of favors based on in-group status
and loyalty, may further disrupt the link between effort and reward noted earlier (Abdulla
and Ridge 2011; Jones 2011; Forstenlechner and Rutledge 2010). As the number of UAE
nationals in the workplace is low compared to expatriates, there may be pressure to excel;
thus, outward forms of achievement may supersede taking initiative in discovering what
one enjoys and investing time in these activities especially if the activity benefits only the
individual, is not approved by parents, or considered socially prestigious.
Other aspects of socialization may provide insight. Authoritarian parenting styles
(Baumrind 2013) involve the expectation that children follow strict rules of behavior
followed by harsh consequences. Children’s perceptions and opinions are not included as
the focus is on obedience and respect for authority that is attained at the expense of self-
esteem, self-control, freedom and independence, and an internal locus of control (Marsiglia
et al. 2007). In Arabic culture, children obey as a way to respect their parents and other
adults as the family is a microcosm of Arabic society that is hierarchical and yielding to
authority (The Hofstede Center n.d.). Yet, Dwairy et al. (2006) showed in a series of
studies that authoritarian parenting styles were not associated with diminished mental
health nor distress as this style was consistent with cultural norms. Indeed, other studies
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confirm that satisfaction with one’s freedom is important in individualistic countries, but is
less the case in collectivistic countries where individuals attend more to the feelings and
needs of others (Oishi et al. 1999; Verme 2009; Yama et al. 2007).
The way in which the country is developing may also influence the number of available
opportunities for engagement. Positioning itself as a luxury lifestyle destination, the UAE
caters to millions of tourists each year and is host to nine times its own national population
(UAE Interact 2013). Described as the ‘‘Disneyland of the Middle East’’ (Willemyns
2008), the UAE has become a consumption oriented society with opportunities to eat, shop,
and play spanning 24 h a day. Being gratified on demand with cheap labour to do one’s
work may remove the need to engage oneself in activities that require time and the exertion
of personal skills and effort.
Finally, given that each culture sets forth what is meaningful, valued, and desirable to
pursue (Kitayama and Park 2010; Markus and Kitayama 2010; Oyserman and Lee 2008),
engagement may reflect a Western, individualistic notion of what constitutes a mature and
fully functioning individual (Joshanloo 2013; Kubokawa and Ottaway 2009; Pedrotti 2007;
Richardson and Guignon 2008). Further, as each pathway independently predicts well-
being (Park et al. 2009; Peterson et al. 2005; Seligman et al. 2005b, 2006; Vella-Brodrick
et al. 2009), less reliance on this pathway is not necessarily indicative of lower well-being.
Instead, relationships and character, rather than individual engagements appear to be more
valuable and reflect the collective values of belonging, togetherness, interdependence, and
social acceptance (Ahuvia 2002; Lu and Shih 1997; Uchida and Ogihara 2012). Character
strengths were also noted, i.e., love (valuing relationships, caring, sharing), kindness (being
generous, nurturing and altruistic), citizenship (social responsibility, group loyalty), and
integrity (taking responsibility for one’s feelings and actions) (Peterson and Seligman
2004); yet these were reported more by male participants, who may find the moral stan-
dards required of them more demanding than those of women, given their roles as heads of
household responsible for unmarried kin, younger siblings, aging parents, and the nuclear
family (Al-Oraimi 2011; Olmsted 2005).
5.3 Relationships
The pathway of relationships was well supported. As the UAE is a collective society (The
Hofstede Center n.d.), family, community, and friends represent a familiar and frequently
used means of generating well-being that included love, support, reciprocal caring, and
social obligations. Further, the good deeds reported by participants complemented previous
findings of strengthened social relationships and social standing within a group (Aknin
et al. 2011; Boehm and Lyubomirsky 2009; Helliwell et al. 2013). The data in this pathway
seemed to suggest what is well known in the literature: in collectivist cultures, the well-
being of one depends on the well-being of others (Christakis and Fowler 2009). When
social needs and respect are met, positive emotions are strongly predicted (Tay and Diener
2011); inversely, when positive emotions are shared with others, beneficial attachments,
social bonds, and mutual trust also emerge (Burns et al. 2008; Gable and Reis 2010;
Lyubomirsky and Sin 2009).
Participants also placed importance on making certain that families, especially parents,
were comfortable, as well as proud, suggesting that perceptions of happiness were focused
on the group (Freire and Zaccagnini 2009; Vella-Brodrick 2009; Wissing 2009) rather than
self-focused (Ahuvia 2002; Lu and Shih 1997; Uchida and Ogihara 2012). Individuals in
collective nations may place more importance on the emotions of others (Yama et al. 2007)
in determining how they feel about themselves and whether their actions are acceptable.
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Being responsible for relational harmony may increase moral behavior that is consequently
rewarded by parents and positive emotions which stem from the relationships themselves,
explaining why this responsibility is not an onerous duty or a forced expectation but a
mutual exchange from which individuals benefit (Dwairy et al. 2006; Oishi and Diener
2001; Oishi and Sullivan 2005). This interdependence further sheds light on the origins of
causality; if the happiness of others rests on one’s behaviour and conversely, one’s hap-
piness rests on the behavior of others, one’s control is forcibly outside of one’s self.
5.4 Meaning
The pathway of meaning was also identified, although not as much as would be expected given
that the UAE is highly religious (CIA Fact Book n.d.; Simadi and Kamali 2004). Religion plays
a strong role in the UAE’s identity and is reflected across almost all aspects of life. For example,
public bathrooms in shopping malls, airports, educational institutions, office buildings, hos-
pitals, gas stations, etc., provide ablution areas where Muslims can wash themselves in prep-
aration for prayer along with rooms or designated areas for prayer itself. Prayer times are
announced on public screens, in newspapers, etc., while the call to prayer can be heard publicly
on loudspeakers. Further, there is a mosque in every locality at a distance of no greater than 500
metres apart as per the UAE’s religious and municipal directives. Across the literature, religion
offers a sense of meaning, identity and group belonging, and provides structure through daily
rituals, i.e., acts of charity, attention to health, and obeying parents (Diener et al. 2011; Plante
2008; Seligman 2002). Yet, religion was only noted by 11 individuals of the 54.
A few reasons are proposed. The term ‘‘happiness’’ may be a Western construct and
perhaps does not capture concepts relative to Muslim/Arab influences for which there is a
different conceptual translation or counterpart; thus, in answering the question, participants
may not have connected religion with happiness. Perhaps adherence to, or the identification
of religion is infrequently mentioned as it is more aligned with concepts like peace,
morality, well-being, etc., or construed as a guide for how to live life, co-exist with others,
and attain a relationship with God versus being a pathway to greater happiness unto itself.
As Islam is an integral part of life in the UAE, it is also possible that it was overlooked as it
akin to breathing and taken for granted. While the UAE’s outlook has been predominately
religious, a large study of 154 nations by Diener et al. (2011), including all Middle East
countries except Libya, showed that the best predictor of religiosity was social conditions.
As favorable social circumstances and economic freedom and development increase,
religiosity systematically decreases. Hence, the low identification of religion may be an
artefact of the very good social and economic conditions in the UAE.
5.5 Accomplishment
Achievements were noted with both intrinsic and extrinsic motivators driving their
attainment. For instance, respondents wanted to accomplish tasks above their level and
gain experience and knowledge, while others reported extrinsic factors such as wanting to
make their parents proud, be first in the class, or attain prestige from others, consistent with
previous research on the subject (Forstenlechner and Rutledge 2010; Jones 2011; Oishi and
Diener 2001; Oishi and Sullivan 2005). This may suggest that achievements are events to
be shared, sought out for others, especially parents, or that collective pride and identity
supersede individual pride and effort. The literature nonetheless conflicts; generally,
happiness is greater when individuals focus on self-directed intrinsic goals versus extrinsic
ones (Chirkov et al. 2005; Sheldon et al. 2004a); yet, satisfaction can increase when
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fulfilling goals for others in a setting where it is the norm (Oishi and Diener 2001; Oishi
and Sullivan 2005; Sheldon et al. 2004b). Hence, it appears that both intrinsic and extrinsic
motivations are normative within a collectivist framework and what may be more
important is the context in which individuals find themselves such that happiness is easier
to reach when in a setting that supports one’s values and view of the self (Lu 2005).
6 Implications
Culture shapes individual and social identity, guides action, provides meaning, and
influences what psychological states and goals individuals seek (Diener et al. 2013;
Oyserman and Lee 2008; Tsai 2008); therefore, any discussion of well-being will touch on
it (Diener and Tov 2012). Further, where a culture is situated on the individualist-col-
lectivist dimension will emphasize some needs over others (Tov and Diener 2013). In this
study, respondents predominately used the relationship pathway to attain happiness. Filial
respect, fulfilling social obligations of care for parents and siblings, and being a good
person recognized as such by others appeared to comprise the conceptualization of hap-
piness. Respondents also relied upon the route of achievement; however, this route seemed
to be a conduit to strengthen relationships, increase the happiness of others, and solidify
one’s place in society versus an opportunity to experience achievement and growth for its
own sake (Seligman 2011). Indeed, culture prescribes different sources of happiness for its
members by defining where to look and how to attain happiness via meaning, values, and
behaviors indigenous to that group (Lu 2005).
While there are benefits to a collective configuration, i.e., social support, respect, mutual
care, and fulfilled social obligations, the data raises questions. Individualism is increasing in
the UAE (Whiteoak et al. 2006) and it is well established that as economic and social
conditions improve in a society, religiosity declines (Diener et al. 2011), and individualism
increases (Ahuvia 2002; Diener et al. 1995; Hofstede 2001; Kitayama and Uskul 2011;
Veenhoven 1999). Yet, the expectation of pleasing one’s parents and securing their respect as
well as fulfilling social obligations remains an integral part of the UAE culture, with Ahuvia
(2002) identifying that a distinct benefit of collectivist societies is that they produce indi-
viduals who value and fulfill these obligations well. Nonetheless, will social and economic
changes impact how happiness is attained and understood over time in the Emirati culture? In
particular, will the quest for happiness, as prescribed by the PERMA model, in fact, be
detrimental to collective social groups? Future research would benefit from attending to these
changing cultural configurations and their corresponding effects on conceptualizations of
happiness, as well as identifying the consequences to culture and the individuals in it.
Further, if the path to greater engagement is through a stronger internal locus of control,
what can be done to encourage this in Muslim Arab societies that are organized otherwise
and attribute success to the will of God and possibly the wasta system? As Forstenlechner
and Rutledge (2010) note, convincing the local population that traditional values and
cultural norms will not be affected by a social reorganization may be difficult; yet, Haddad
(1984) explains that a different view is emerging in contemporary Islamic thought, where
individuals accept the responsibility given by God for their work and find fulfillment in
completing that work to the best of their ability. As reliance on God may contribute to a
greater sense of control (Fiori et al. 2006; Pargament and Hahn 1986), it may be wise to
focus on the importance of doing God’s work on earth as a way to encourage greater
activities that improve engagement. Continued research is imperative to ensure that human
potential and individual well-being do not undermine cultural and relational strengths.
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7 Recommendations
Recommendations to improve the circumstances required for greater engagement with a

focus on preserving culture follow. For instance, Forstenlechner and Rutledge (2010) suggest
that an updated social contract needs to be redefined and communicated to UAE citizens
where work, commitment, and engagement are addressed. That work can be a rewarding
experience needs to be better articulated (Diener and Tov 2012) to show that this notion has
always existed within the UAE’s religious, historical and cultural framework. An example of
which may be the Islamic Work Ethic (IWE), a tool successfully used to explore the con-
nection between work ethic in Islamic societies and job satisfaction (Rahman et al. 2006;
Yousef 2001), organizational culture (Ali and Al-Kazemi 2007), and productivity and
morale (Ahmad 2011). This ideology strikes a balance between work and social obligations
where a commitment to work entails a desire to improve society through honesty, creativity,
and cooperation. Used to increase job commitment among nationals, this ethic can show how
work can be a noble deed and enhance one’s standing in the community given that Islam
views engagement in economic activities as an obligation for Muslims (Ali 1992).
Accordingly, Emiratization policies that highlight Islamic values, Emirati identity, and
character strengths (Harter et al. 2002; Proctor et al. 2009) may be fruitful in this regard.
Congruency with the collective orientation of the UAE can also be achieved via a
partnership with traditional leaders (i.e., sheikhs), government leaders, and younger
members of prominent royal families who can use social media to spread this message.
Attaching shame to voluntary unemployment may be especially powerful in a collective
society where the regard of others is essential to social inclusion. While government
institutions provide Emiratis with the skills needed to contribute to the nation’s develop-
ment (Abdusheikh 2012), educating the populace about both the negative effects of vol-
untary unemployment, such as a loss of human capital (Jones and Punshi 2013) and self-
respect (Cole et al. 2009; Pavlova and Silbereisen 2012), and positive effects, i.e., greater
potential for flow (Csikszentmihalyi 1990), may be beneficial.
How rewards are distributed must also be reassessed (Jones 2011) in the development of
an internal locus of control where success is accurately attributed to one’s own efforts.
Whiteoak et al. (2006) defined wasta as the influence of social connections to gain an
advantage to which others are not privy. As the UAE has undergone rapid change from a
traditional society to an ultramodern industrial hub in the Middle East, younger Emiratis
may feel pressure to live up to the standards of a globalized economy. Wasta may be
influential for younger Emiratis who perceive themselves as having less access to it and in
turn, may be worried about being disadvantaged by others’ access (Whiteoak et al. 2006).
As wasta is a traditional concept in Arab societies, it is unlikely to lose its appeal, yet, more
research on its changing notion may encourage newer generations to better understand how
social connections can help or hurt society and its ability to grow and prosper.
In sum, although economic and social conditions continue to improve in the UAE, the
pitfalls may be that religiosity declines (Diener et al. 2011) and individualism increases
(Ahuvia 2002; Diener et al. 1995; Hofstede 2001; Kitayama and Uskul 2011; Veenhoven
1999). Yet, the data in this study suggest that cultural structures, meanings, and expec-
tations are still intact and continue to exert an influence over the pursuit and conceptu-
alization of happiness. It may be the case, as suggested by Lu (2005), that both individual-
oriented and social-oriented spheres of influence can exist when individuals find them-
selves in a modernizing traditional setting, which would clearly describe the UAE. Har-
monising uniqueness and relatedness (Lu and Gilmour 2004a) may require a skilled
balancing act for individuals and their families as the country continues to develop.
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8 Limitations and Future Directions
An important limitation in this study involved the re-analysis of data that had been generated
for other purposes. More insight and detail about attitudes and behaviors may have been
revealed had the study asked direct questions about the PERMA pathways. On the other hand,
the open-ended nature of the questions allowed respondents to define happiness for them-
selves (Bernard and Ryan 2010) and unearth local conceptualizations that may not have
emerged otherwise. Further, as the first language of all respondents was Arabic, it is also
possible that answering in English limited the ease of expression (Mathews 2012; Pflug 2009)
and influenced how participants thought about happiness altogether (Boroditsky 2001).
This exploratory study relied upon a small sample of university students who tend to
have limited life experience with a narrow age range of 16–31 years. Still dependent on
parents, students may not yet have developed their personalities nor experimented with
what makes them happy. Further, while Emirati nationals share certain values that dis-
tinguish them from other cultural groups, it cannot be assumed that their results are
generalizable to the nation or that all individuals in the sample held similar attitudes. Thus,
the sample does not claim to be representative, but rather, offers insight and a promising
beginning for continued research. Further, a discrepancy exists between pathway
endorsement and actual behaviour (Chan 2009; Peterson et al. 2005; Vella-Brodrick et al.
2009). As such, the results of this study do not show what individuals do, but what came to
mind in answering what happiness meant to them. Future research would benefit from the
solicitation of real-time behaviours (Decloe et al. 2009; Diener and Tay 2012) and in-depth
interviews (Diener and Tov 2012). A cross-sectional design capturing generational dif-
ferences in the understanding of happiness would be effective in this regard as well as
social and cultural changes are already underway (Ahuvia 2002).
Research must continue to delve into the differences and similarities between cultures
and consider the implications of well-being findings on culture itself. Western views
should not be used as the definitive measure of normality as the implications are that
serious and irreversible changes to culture can occur (Dwairy et al. 2006; Joshanloo 2013;
Layous et al. 2013). Relying on Western norms can limit the field’s understanding of well-
being and its relevance to varied populations, but more importantly, it can undermine the
efforts of societies in defining for themselves what is functional and normative. Although
the data suggests overlap with the PERMA pathways (Seligman 2011), the use of the
model highlights how not all cultures fit the model. Consequently, future research, if it
aims to be inclusive and representative of a true and complete state of happiness (Lu 2005),
must focus on the ways in which a balance of uniqueness and relatedness (Lu and Gilmour
2004a) can be attained by individuals and their families in their pursuit of happiness.
9 Conclusion
This study, conducted in an understudied area of the world, made a unique contribution to
the application of the PERMA model (Seligman 2011) by providing a more granular
understanding of how happiness is conceptualized from a collectivist viewpoint chal-
lenging the preponderance of Western views in the literature (Delle Fave et al. 2011; Lu
and Gilmour 2004b). The study demonstrates how the PERMA model (Seligman 2011) can
be helpful in developing a vision for the creation of an environment where individuals,
families and communities can collectively develop and use their strengths towards a state
of flourishing (Biswas-Diener et al. 2011; Huppert and So 2013; Sepulveda 2013) by
123
highlighting which pathways are used and perhaps underused, as well as identifying areas
that can be introduced or restructured for greater well-being (Diener and Tov 2012). The
PERMA model can also help educate individuals who may be floundering in knowing
where to maximize their efforts to enhance well-being and live a full life (Peterson et al.
2005). Yet, how to balance the needs of cultures and individuals in the pursuit of happiness
is a question that remains to be answered and further work is required in this regard. In
sum, the study’s aim was not to deter the quest for happiness given the impingement on
culture, but to consider ways to preserve both individual well-being and cultural well-being
at once.
Hence, it is our view that governments in particular should also be interested in well-
being and use measures like the PERMA model to alleviate problematic situations through
education and policy, and measure progress towards their developmental aims that facil-
itate happiness for all (Diener and Tov 2012; Helliwell et al. 2012; Huppert and So 2013).
While money offers opportunities for greater well-being, high socio-economic status does
not guarantee it as that which makes individuals happy, i.e., self-efficacy, intrinsic moti-
vation, a sense of personal achievement, the exercise of character strengths like grit and
determination, and opportunities for failure and personal learning, are typically not for sale
(Diener et al. 2010). Rather, an approach to well-being with identifiable and malleable
pathways, such as the PERMA model (Seligman 2011), can be used to align priorities and
choices towards a greater state of flourishing and preserve cultural strengths.
Acknowledgments We wish to thank Mr. Shames Al-Hashemi and Miss Saliha Al-Zaabi for their tre-
mendous help in offering insight into their way of life and being so freely available and willing to help. We
confirm that no grants were secured for this project, nor any financial or otherwise, conflict of interests to
declare.
Appendix: PERMA Pathways and Components (Coding Template)
Pathway of Positive Emotion. This pathway is characterized by positive emotions that

reside in the past, present, and future (Seligman et al. 2005a).
Positive Emotions
Joy (Fredrickson 2004): desire to be creative, play, push boundaries in social, physical, and
intellectual domains.
Contentment (Fredrickson 2000): desire to savor life events, produces insight and
integration of the world and self, deeper than joy.
Optimism (Schueller and Seligman 2008): expecting the best, looking at bright side.
Vitality (Ryan and Deci 2008): feeling alive, physical, and mental energy coming from
the self along with purpose, and meaning.
Passion (Vallerand 2008): partiality for liked, valued, and chosen activity that defines
individuals.
Pride (Tracy and Robins 2007): feeling of self-worth motivated by maintaining a
positive self-concept, others respect, and status.
Elevation (Algoe and Haidt 2009): warmth, surprise, emotionally moving, uplifting;
incites good deeds.
Admiration (Haidt and Seder 2009): a response to other’s talent, power, or fame, and the
desire to build relationships.
Gratitude (Algoe et al. 2008): awareness of others’ benevolence.
123
Awe (Haidt and Seder 2009): accommodation (cognitive change), vastness (larger than
self); feel small, submissive, attentive.
Inspiration (Burleson et al. 2005): evoked; marked by motivation (a desire to act), and
transcendence (orientation to something bigger).
Curiosity (Kashdan and Fincham 2004): recognition, pursuit, desire for newness, elicits
activity, interest, attention.
Interest (Silvia 2008): appraise and cope with novelty; desire to apply, learn, or do.
The Engaged Life: The engaged life involves the pursuit of gratifications, enjoyable
activities that are optimally challenging and absorbing and that require the use of strengths;
being engaged, and involved (Seligman et al. 2006).
Flow (Csikszentmihalyi 1990): Time distortion, balance of challenge and skills,
merging of action and awareness, goals, feedback, task concentration, personal control,
intrinsically rewarding, loss of self-consciousness).
Engagement (Higgins 2006): To be involved, occupied, and interested in something, to
concentrate, be absorbed, or engrossed.
Character strengths (Park et al. 2004): Positive traits reflected in thoughts, feelings, and
behaviors. The character strengths are:
Bravery Love Social intelligence

Creativity Curiosity Vitality
Forgiveness Gratitude Open—mindedness
Fairness Hope Integrity
Humor Modesty Spirituality
Leadership Kindness Self-regulation
Appreciation of beauty Love of learning Loyalty
Persistence Prudence Perspective and wisdom
The Pathway of Relationships: This pathway refers to all of the social connections,
family or otherwise, in which we invest and seek to deepen ties with. Any instance of a
relationship would indicate the use of this pathway.
The Meaningful Life: The meaningful life involves the use strengths in the service of
something bigger than the self, belonging to something bigger than one’s direct focus
(family, community, religion) (Seligman 2002).
Meaning (Steger 2012): Achieving a statement of purpose in life derived from one’s
strengths and engagement; the imposition of a stable cognitive conception or under-
standing onto a changing process.
Pathway of Achievement: Any indication is the importance of reaching a goal, a
milestone, along with actions to support being at one’s best (with indicators of doing, not
only desiring).
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Data · January 2016

Louise Lambert Nausheen Pasha-Zaidi

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L. Lambert D’raven & N. Pasha-Zaidi

Social Indicators Research

Soc Indic Res (2016) 125:905-933

Using the PERMA Model in the United Arab Emirates

L. Lambert D’raven • N. Pasha-Zaidi

Accepted: 7 January 2015 / Published online: 13 January 2015

Keywords Well-being PERMA Engagement Development Arab

L. Lambert D’raven (&)

Engagement is the intensity of attachment, involvement, concentration, and level of

1.4 Achievement and Relationships

1.5 Overview of the PERMA Model

2 The United Arab Emirates (UAE)

Table 1 Phrase frequency

A qualitative design was used as these focus on the exploration of contextually

4.1 Pathway 1: Pleasure

4.2 Pathway 2: Engagement

4.3 Pathway 3: Relationships

Respondent definitions of happiness overwhelmingly reflected the importance of rela-

4.4 Pathway 4: Meaning

4.5 Pathway 5: Achievement

5.1 Positive Emotions

Recommendations to improve the circumstances required for greater engagement with a

8 Limitations and Future Directions

Appendix: PERMA Pathways and Components (Coding Template)

Pathway of Positive Emotion. This pathway is characterized by positive emotions that

Bravery Love Social intelligence

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