RIVERA 1991 The Prehistory of Northern Chile, A Synthesis Jour. of World Prehistory 5 - 1

Journal of World Prehistory, Vol. 5, No.
1, 1991
The Prehistory of Northern Chile: A Synthesis

Mario A. Rivera 1'2
Northern Chile, part of the south central Andes, consists of two main ecological
subareas: extreme northern Chile, including the western valleys, and the Ata-
cama Desert and oases. Different ecological conditions obtain in each subarea:
puna, altiptano, and precordillera in the highlands; valleys, the desert, and
oases in the intermediate zone; and coastal environments along the Pacific
shores. In prehistoric times, all these environments were very interconnected.
There are three different cultural traditions in the local prehistory: the early
hunting and gathering tradition (1O,000-4000 B.P.), the Chinchorro Tradition
(7500-2500 B.P.), and the Altiplano or Andean Tradition (3000-0 B.P.). This
proposed sequence is described, with emphasis on the early Chinchorro adap-
tations, including the important patter-s of mummification, and its possible
relation to tropical forest groups of the Amazon basin; and the Pre-Tiwanaku
and later Tiwanaku and Inca developments, in relation to the circum-Titicaca
region. The dam presented in the paper are further developed to explore ideas
and hypotheses for future research.
KEY WORDS: northern Chile; complementarity; Chinchorro; Azapa; Alto Ramirez; Tiwanaku;
Inca.
INTRODUCTION
During the last two decades, there has been considerable research into the
archaeology of northern Chile. This has resulted partly from the different mean-
ing of archaeology and anthropology for an underdeveloped country that is home
to many of the living Andean societies. Formal anthropological and archaeo-
Department of Anthropology, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois, and CONI-
CET-Museo Etnografico, Buenos Aires, Argentina.
2To whom correspondence should be addressed at 8801 S. Woodcreek Dr., Apt. t l , Oak Creek,
Wisconsin 53154.
0892-7537/91/0300-0001506,50/0© 1991PlenumPublishingCorporation
2 Rivera
logical studies (as well as studies by other social sciences) used to be common,
but these were interrupted after 1973, and many university departments of
anthropology were closed.
For instance, the Institute of Anthropology at the Universidad de Concep-
cidn, a leading academic center in the field of anthropology, was completely
dismantled in 1973, and the Department of Anthropology of the Universidad
de Chile in Santiago was virtually confined to archaeology after 1973. In the
north, research at the Universidad del Norte and Universidad Tarapacfi was
devoted to the study of material culture, without any reference to social con-
ditions for the living communities.
Nonetheless, archaeological research has continued, mainly in the northern
part of the country, and is now becoming increasingly interdisciplinary. This,
in conjunction with the excellent preservation of organic material in the area,
provides important new data for our understanding of the human past in one of
the most severe areas of the world.
Since the time of Uhle (1919) and Bird (1943, 1946; Bird and Rivera,
1988), there has been no comprehensive synthesis of the archaeology of the
whole area, although specific sections of northern Chile have been summarized.
[Mostny (1982) gives a general description, Bittmann and others (1979) cover
San Pedro de Atacama, and there is a recent compilation by Hidalgo and others
(1989).]
Archaeological research in northern Chile in recent decades has demon-
strated the complexity of cultural development there in the last 10,000 years.
From the simpler economies of hunters and gatherers, northern Chilean groups
built more complex organizations by developing new technologies based on a
detailed understanding of the environment. During the Middle and Late periods,
sedentism developed toward urbanization, and the development of Tiwanaku
and Inca states permitted more stable societies. Overall, it is the history of how
northern Chilean people developed particular strategies to adapt to harsh and
inhospitable environments. This is a remarkable process that can still be studied
among present-day Andean groups. The prehistory of northern Chile also rep-
resents an experience based on the past from which we could learn for planning
future development, particularly for those sciences dealing with arid environ-
ments. Andean society in the south central Andes developed a complex socio-
political system, based on ecological diversity, through a long period of
experimentation.
In the late 1960s, Murra tried to explain both the high productivity of
precolumbian Andean people and the fact that the most people lived in the
highlands. He suggested that these achievements resulted from one ethnic group
or state making simultaneous use of multiple ecozones (Murra, 1975). Ecolog-
ical complementarity, or vertical control, consists of complementary production
in different specialized environments by one sociopolitical system. In the south
Prehistory of Northern Chile 3
central Andes, access by late, post-Tiwanaku, highland groups to the western

valleys on the Pacific has been documented ethnohistorically (for example,
Cuneo Vidal, 1977; Murra, 1975; Masuda, 1980; Pease, 1980) and corrobo-
rated by archaeological research (Disselhoff, 1974; Ftores Espinoza, 1969;
Fujii, 1980; Lumbreras, 1974; Onuki, 1980; Trimborn, 1975). However,
beyond establishing the presence of highlanders in the coastal valleys, we do
not understand the entire process and how such complexity was institutionalized
and structured within a specific socioeconomic organization.
Within this framework, the vertical archipelago represents the climax sit-
uation in later times. It consists of a network of colonies directly and perma-
nently related to a core area and located along the gradients toward the eastern
and western lowlands. Murra's definition of the vertical archipelago emphasizes
the anthropological aspect, that is, the participation of ethnic groups within a
larger socioeconomic and political system, known from written sources. It has
been applied to Inca administration :in the Late Period. In the last decade,
archaeology has tried to define this system and to understand it as a process.
Thus, pre-Inca research has been a high priority, in order to unveil the process
of developments crucial for Andean prehistory.
Archaeological recognition of colonies--from material culture, including
technology, settlement patterns, iconography, and bioindicators--is still under
debate. A few clues are particularly interesting for Tiwanaku times (Mujica et
al., 1983). On a general level, Tiwanaku remains (ceramics, textiles, stone
sculpture, woodwork, bone, and metalwork) show a common technology and
iconography. Their association with sites in the coastal valleys could indicate
that we are dealing with a colony settlement. In theory, a permanent colony,
could be reflected in
settlements with intensive occupation with middens deep enough to dem-

onstrate tong-term occupation;
work areas or workshops showing a heavy investment of energy, such as
agricultural terraces and irrigation canals; and
cemeteries associated with dwelling sites and of clear Tiwanaku burial pat-
tern (stylistic offerings),
The burials can also be identified biologically as Tiwanaku (Dittmar et al.,

1988). Overall, economic complementarity, vertical archipelago, and colonies
related to the circum-Titicaca core area represent important areas for future
research.
On the other hand, a peripheral population could become a colony by con-
tinuous dependency on the core area. Murra could distinguish this characteristic
clearly in the ethnohistorie records, particularly the administrative visitas of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Murra, 1975). For him, the important point
4 Rivera
in his "vertical model" is that the colonists feel that they are part of the core
area and they probably keep their rights in their place of origin. Some indicators
of such ethnic affiliation could be
access to goods produced in the highlands (which can be recovered by

archaeological excavations);
the presence of ceramics manufactured in the core area of the attiplano, of
which the paste, surface finish, clays, and iconography are very distinc-
tive; and
the presence of ceremonial structures built following attiplanic patterns,
It would also be of interest to examine the ideological basis of prehispanic

cultural development in this area, which can be approached through the study
of Andean myths. We assume that some kind of identification developed
between peripheral settlers and residents of the core area through common ide-
ological grounds, and this may represent one of the foundations of the economic
and political organization during Tiwanaku and Inca times. The myths of origin
still recalled by Andean people emphasize three aspects: the importance of Lake
Titicaca, in particular, and all water sources in general, including the Pacific
Ocean, as the places where creation occurred; feelings of both fear and respect
for everything that comes from the tropical forest in the east; and the different
mythological characterizations of solar deities, which are typical of Inca and
probably Tiwanaku, as opposed to the religious practices of earlier agrarian
groups. The latter include iconographic motifs based on trophy heads, human-
like felines, hallucinogens, and the concept of duality, where two complemen-
tary parts oppose each other.
More effort should also be devoted to the study of mobility patterns. These
were quite institutionalized in the Andean area and could have implications for
the origins of the Andean tradition. They might also contribute to our knowl-
edge of Amazon basin prehistory, by reconstructing its early cultural process
from marginal areas. The study of the Chinchorro tradition could represent a
starting point in this regard.
Recently, taking advantage of the excellent preservation of organic mate-
rial in northern Chile, we have been involved in developing new bioanthropo-
logical strategies. Research into paleoenvironmental adaptations and population
studies has focused upon the following.
Nutritional Patterns. A team including Aufderheide, Kelley, and Tieszen
is working with strontium and calcium values, as welt as carbon, sulfur, and
nitrogen isotopes, to ascertain whether groups used hunting-gathering, marine,
pastoral, or agricultural subsistence strategies.
Studies on Contamination. These include data on pneumonia frequencies
for populations from 4000 to 1000 B.P., arsenic, dust, and smoke exposure,
and other environmental agents of contamination. They may indicate adaptive

processes to new environments and could also provide data related to mobility,
group size, and density.
Population Genetics (Including Craniometrical Distances and Genetic
Distances Based on Blood Groups). One of the most exciting possibilities
is using DNA to define ethnic entities, their antiquity, and other character-
istics.
THE GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING

Northern Chile extends almost 1500 km, from about 18 to 27°S; it is also
known as the Arid North because of the Atacama Desert. The area is part of
the Andean cultural area and is thus closely tied to circum-Titicaca develop-
ments. According to the Paracas Conference (1979), northern Chile is part of
the South Central Andes, which also includes the area around Lake Titicaca,
the eastern valleys of Bolivia and northwestern Argentina, and the southern
altiplano of Bolivia (Fig. 1). Northern Chile can be divided into two areas:
extreme northern Chile, or the western valleys (PNUD, 1979), and the desert
and oases of Atacama, or circum-pune~a (Fig. 2).
E x t r e m e N o r t h e r n Chile
This area is closely tied to the highland environment that predominates in

most of southern Peru and the Bolivian altiplano. Because of its proximity to
these zones, cultural events are also related to the circum-Titicaca area. Extreme
northern Chile is characterized by a diversity of ecological niches. One of the
most interesting is the presence of valleys with permanent water, which acted
in the past, and still do today, as corridors between the Bolivian highlands and
the Pacific coast. The Azapa valley was intensely occupied during pre-Hispanic
times and provides a master sequence for the area (Rivera, 1977, 1987).
Four ecozones can be distinguished in extreme northern Chile: the alti-
plano, the precordillera, the valleys, and the coast.
Extreme northern Chile is closely related to puna and altiplano environ-
ments; in the east, the altiplano is also related to the ceja de selva (the contact
zone with the jungle) and the tropical forest. On the altiplano, the economy is
based on herding and agriculture; below it are various environmental niches
that yield different products. The precordilleran basins at 3000 m asl (above sea
level) have a pronounced rainy season, which permits more intensive agricul-
ture, as well as camelid and sheep pastoralism. At lower altitudes, the head-
waters of the main streams start to flow toward the coast. It is important to note
6 Rivera
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Fig. 1. The south central Andean area, including northern Chile.
that these environments at difl'erent altitudes are interconnected, and since early
times, people have seen them as a single geographical framework. The socio-
political and economic system able to exploit this complexity must have resulted
from long experimentation, based on the principle of complementarity. It was
in this environment that the Chinchorro Tradition (ca. 7000-2500 B.P.) and the
Altiplano Tradition (beginning ca. 3000 B.P.) developed.
P r e h i s t o r y o f N o r t h e r n Chile 7
701 f:
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Fig. 2. Main ecozones and archaeological sites of northern Chile.

8 Rivera
Desert and Oases of Atacama
South of Tiliviche is an extremely arid area with no precipitation (because

of the Humboldt cold current). This is the Atacama Desert, which includes,
from north to south, the following ecological zones: the salt puna, the inter-
mediate region, and the coast.
Salt Puna. This reaches an altitude of 3000 m asl in the north (representing
the altiplano of extreme northern Chile) and drops toward the south, becoming
more salty and arid. The landscape is characterized by enormous areas of arid
flat land, a sort of high plateau between Chile, Bolivia, and Argentina. Extremes
of temperature and aridity prevent year-round occupation above this altitude.
South of 26°S, the upper limit of agriculture descends to 2000 m, because of
differences in climate, soil, weather, rainfall, and latitude.
The Intermediate Region. This is a fiat area between the puna and the
coast. In the north of the plateau is the Pampa del Tamarugal, which is char-
acterized by wild tamarugos (Prosopis sp.), a perennial bush that survives on
groundwater; the Pampa det Tamamgal ends south of 21 °S. The Atacama Desert
then predominates for a distance of about I000 km from north to south. It is a
fiat region and one of the driest in the world, being interrupted only by the
valley of the Rio Loa, the only fiver that drains into the Pacific. There are
scattered oases which make human settlement possible. Important archaeolog-
ical sites have been recorded from oases including San Pedro de Atacama, Gua-
tacondo, Pica, and Calama (Bittmann et al., 1979; Meighan and True, 1980;
Zlatar, 1984).
The Coast. This is another favorable zone for prehistoric settlements. From
about the latitude of Pisagua to Taltal, the coast is high and steep, with only a
few good bays suitable for navigation. The climate is warm and quite stable all
year round and the existence of springs made human presence possible in the
past. Archaeological sites have been studied at Pisagua, Caleta Huelrn, Anto-
fagasta, and Taltal, among others (Bird, 1943; Uhle, 1919; Ntifiez et al., 1975).
C H R O N O L O G Y AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT
Elsewhere (Rivera, 1975, 1977), I have proposed a model for the chro-
nology and cultural development of northern Chile. This model is comparable
to those for the central Andes of Rowe (1962) and Lumbreras (1981) among
others, which have defined three main pan-Andean developments--the Early,
Middle, and Late Horizons. The Early Horizon consists chiefly of the Chavin
development, the Middle is equated with Tiwanaku-Wari, and the Late with
Inca. For northern Chile, the Middle and Late Horizons correspond to the Mid-
dle Intermediate and Late Periods. My periodization is essentially chronologi-
cal, while Rowe defined his within two major stages called Preceramic and
Prehistory of N o r t h e r n Chile 9
Ceramic. The second column in Fig. 3 contains the central Andes sequence,
with the main periods of the Titicaca basin and Azapa valley in the next two
columns. The Azapa valley provides the master sequence for northern Chile.
The sequence in the Azapa valley begins with the hunting-gathering tra-
dition of the Early Period. This complex records a process of adaptation to
highland environments from about 10,000 to 6000 B.P. In the later part of this
PE R I O 0 S TFTICACA BASIN PERIOOS

OATES CENTRAL AZAPA NORTHEItN
OATES
ANOES NORTH~WEST [,,SOUTH--EAST V A LLEY CHILE
LATE
1476 H O R I Z O N INKA CONQUEST INKA CONQUEST LATE
L"ATE ALTIPLA'NO KINGDOMS 1350
LATE ColIa-Luoa~as Pa[:aq ~ - rll!.~:llyo~ &'GENTILAR
INTMEDT, i:~ L ATE
I
800 - ,, T I WAN AK U ~!} SAN MIGUEL N - 900
MIOOLE T
550 -
HORIZON ~ MtOOLE E
.......... TIWANAKU R - 500
M
O E v A Ill E
AO EARLY KAL[AMARCA 0 AO
I
0- INTMEOT. LATE KALASASAYA i~ AmTn
PUK ARA ......... ~:~
,,, ~. u EARLY
OC CHIRIPA I ~ RAMIREZ E BC
400 EARLY (MAMAN!) ,~,~ II
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.
CH R PA II ~ :i:!:i:i 600
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TRANSITION
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Fig. 3. Periodization of prehistoric northern Chile.
10 Rivera
period (ca. 8000-6000 B.P.), we can see a process of differentiation, defining

the Transition I period. Some groups became coastal fishers and some gatherers
in the valleys. They probably practiced transhumance that involved hunting in
the puna and herding domestic animals in the quebradas (or ravines) as well as
some hunting and gathering. Nfifiez and Moragas (1977-1978) have suggested
that guinea pigs (Cavia porcellus) were domesticated by 8800 B.P. at Tiliviche
Quebrada. This period saw also the appearance of the Chinchorro tradition,
representing specialized hunters adapted to the coastal environment. At Aragon,
Nfifiez and Zlatar (1976) have recorded their coexistence with the previous
hunting tradition.
Sedentism, as well as the domestication of plants and animals, began by
the end of Transition I. We do not yet know how the domestication of camelids
took place, but Hesse (1982) found evidence of domesticated llamas and alpacas
by 4885 B.P. at Puripica in the Atacama Desert. Domesticated plants such as
maize are controversial, but from farther south, at the site of Pichasca, there is
stratigraphic and C-14 evidence that maize was being grown by 4700 B.P. (Ri-
vera, 1980, p. 105). Less secure data come from the sites of Tiliviche l-b,
Camarones-t4, and Quiani, with radiocarbon dates averaging 6500 B.P.
During the Initial Period (6000-3500 B.P.), the Chinchorro tradition
developed fully. I have suggested elsewhere (Rivera, t975) that this tradition
had a trans-Andean connection, probably to the tropical lowlands. This period
saw important changes as part of the process of sedentism. Agriculture become
more productive, and by the end of the period, crops such as beans (Phaseolus),
hot peppers (Capsicum), calabashes, manioc, maize, quinoa, and sweet pota-
toes, among others, were cultivated in the Azapa valley. Textiles, especially of
cotton, and basketry are known from several sites, particularly Quiani (5630
B.P.) and Playa Miller 8 (4090 B.P.).
During Transition II (3500-2600 B.P.), full sedentism is found in northern
Chile. The earliest documented village site is Chiu Chiu-200, in the Atacama
Desert, dated to 2860 B.P., but several others are known by 2600 B.P. (Alto
Ramirez, Caserones, Tulor, and Calar). Clusters of dwellings indicate the pro-
cess of village development at sites such as Caleta Huelrn-42 (3780 B.P.) and
Tulan (3710 B.P.).
After about 3000 B.P., a new tradition, with traits typical of the circum-
Titicaca area, arose in the coastal valleys--the Altiplanic or Andean tradition,
which persisted through the Intermediate and Late Periods up to recent times.
The Altiplanic tradition is associated with the first ceramics and woolen textiles:
pottery has been reported as early as 2990 B.P. from Pichalo and 3060 B.P.
from Camarones-15 (Rivera, 1984b), associated with polychrome woollen tex-
tiles. In the Azapa region, pottery, textiles, and ornaments of gold and copper
have been dated to 2750 B.P. at site AZ-71 and 2850 B.P. at Hakenasa (San-
toro, 198t; Santoro and Nfifiez, 1987).
The Early Intermediate period [2600-1400 B.P. (500 B.C.-A.D. 500)]

includes most of the Alto Ramirez development. This phase witnessed the
development of an economy based on surplus goods produced in the lowland
Pacific valleys, such as maize, pepper, potatoes, and guano, which comple-
mented the highland production of camelid by-products (meat, wool, jerky),
quinoa and chuau (a kind of freeze-dried potato). In this paper, I suggest that
the bases of the later Andean development in the western lowlands and through-
out northern Chile are found in this period.
Local Tiwanaku and Inca variants are found in the area during the Middle
and Late Intermediate and the Late Periods.
T H E HUNTING AND G A T H E R I N G TRADITION
Little is known about the early hunting traditions. A transhumance model

has been used in those areas with a variety of seasonal resources available from
complementary ecozones, east-west across the Andes; such transhumance would
involve long-distance seasonal movements from a major camp base in a more
stable area, possibly on the coast. However, this interaction between the coast
and the altiplano has not been demonstrated for the early period in northern
Chile. Our main problem is the lack of stratigraphic sites with comparable data
in both zones. I will present below up-to-date information regarding the most
important sites in both subareas, with some tentative conclusions. It is important
to maintain a clear distinction between dry and salt punas in the highlands, since
the hunting and gathering tradition developed primarily within these zones or
was closely related to them.
No Paleoindian remains have yet been found. This is an objective for future
research.
Santoro and Ntifiez (1987) recognize three stages for the hunting and gath-
ering tradition, which they refer to as Early Archaic, Middle, and Late Archaic.
Early Archaic (ca. 10,000-7000 B.P.) developed in both the dry and salt punas.
The earliest remains are from Tuina, a shelter near Calama in the Atacama
Desert, dated to 10,820 B.P. + 630 years (SI-3112) (Santoro and Ntifiez, 1987,
p. 67). The site yielded obsidian artifacts and a few camelid bones, suggesting
the possibility of a summer hunting camp. San Lorenzo, a cave near the oasis
of Toconao with early dates of 10,400 B.P. + 130 years (N-3423) and 9960
B.P. + 125 years (N-242), seems comparable (Santoro and Nffiez, 1987, p.
91). The finds from these and related sites [such as Chulqui (Sinclaire, 1985)]
indicate hunting and gathering economies centered around the oasis zones, with
seasonal movement to the puna.
The dry puna farther north saw a similar, but slightly later, development
dated between 9500 and 8000 B.P. The most characteristic sites are Las Cue-
12 Rivera
vas, Hakenasa, Patapatane, and Tojo-Tojone (Santoro and Ntifiez, 1987, p. 67).
The lithic assemblage includes stemmed triangular projectile points and thick
lanceolate points. According to Santoro and Nt~fiez (1987), this point may have
evolved into a lanceolate point with small notches near the base, which is asso-
ciated with simple bone points in the later stages.
The data are also incomplete for the salt puna. There are a couple of ra-
diocarbon dates of about 7900 B.P. but the cultural traits have not really been
defined. The lithic assemblage comprises triangular points, retouched flake
knives, scrapers, manos with red pigment, and obsidian tools.
The hunting and gathering tradition seems to have reached its climax by
5500-5000 B.P., using a diversity of habitats in the altiplano through more
specialized economic activities. This is reflected in the variety of small hunting
tools, namely, rhomboidal, lanceolate, and triangular points, bead ornaments,
and extensive naturalistic rock art.
According to Santoro and Ntifiez (1987), the upper levels of Hakenasa
contain early fiber-tempered pottery, basal notched triangular points, and an
exceptional gold disk. This represents the final development of the hunting and
gathering tradition before the Formative. It coincides with the development of
Alto Ramirez Phase I in the western valleys and provides good evidence of the
early [2850 B.P. +_ 200 years (I-13229)] altiplanic tradition at 4000 m asl.
This date complements those from Pifiuta cave, in the precordilleran zone at
3600 m asl, which also yielded fiber-tempered pottery [2540 B.P. 4- 180 years
(I-12834), 2520 B.P. ± 90 years (I-12833) (Santoro and Ntifiez, 1987,
p. 91)].
In the salt puna to the south, there are also sites of the final stage of the
hunting and gathering tradition. Tul~n 52, Calarcoco, Puripica, and Tambillo
represent the development of a specialized seasonal transhumance involving the
salt puna, the oases, and the middle course of the Loa river. They have semi-
permanent circular dwellings and seem to be based on an incipient pastoral
economy related to camelid domestication (Hesse, 1982). We believe that these
hunters and gathers moved around seasonally between the high puna and the
marginal areas, over long periods of time. In later times, animal butchering
became a predominant activity, possibly as a result of a specialization of avail-
able resources. Movement thus related to ecozones outside the puna on both
sides of the Andes.
By 7000 B.P., these tmnshumant movements may have given rise to sea-
sonal migrations from the tropical valleys east of the Titicaca area and the estab-
lishment of base camps on the Pacific coast. These could have resulted in the
first Chinchorro migrations from the Amazon basin, as apparently found at the
sites of Huachichocana and Inca Cueva in northwestern Argentina (Fernfindez,
1974).
THE CHINCHORRO TRADITION
The Chinchorro tradition comprises a unique cultural development which

occurred on the northern Chilean coast from about 18 to 24°S. Among the most
important characteristics of this tradition are artificial treatment of bodies
(mummification); use of spear-throwers; copper, gold, and silver metallurgy;
cotton textiles; sophisticated basketry; and, at the end of the tradition, the
appearance of experimental pottery.
All the sites, with the probable exception of Aragon, are on the coast. The
most representative ones are Playa Miller-8 (PLM-8), Chinchorro, E1 Morro,
Camarones-14 (CAM-14), Camarones-15 (CAM-15), Quiani-7 (QUI-7), Playa
Miller-7 (PLM-7), Pisagua Viejo, Patillos, Bajo Molle, Canastos-3, Caleta
HuelOn-42 (Call-42), Antofagasta-Hipodromo, and possibly Quiani-2 (QUI-2)
and Taltal (Fig. 4). The Chinchorro people thus represent a coastal adaptation
that includes some elements of the tropical complex. Of the latter, hallucino-
genic equipment (trays, bone tubes, boxes, and spatulae for snuff) is important,
as are head ornaments made of plant fibers and the feathers of tropical birds, of
very delicate and complex manufacture.
The Chinchorro people practiced the oldest mummification procedure
known in America, with C-14 dates of 7810 to 2480 B.P. (Table 1). Uhle
(1922) defined three types of body preparation:
(i) Type I--simple preparation, whereby the body was usually extended,
tied and covered with mats and clay (e.g., QUI-7, CAM-15);
(ii) Type II--complicated preparation, with desiccation and evisceration
of the body, which is refilled with straw, human hair, sticks, and
secondary reconstitution, including a clay mask and wig (e.g.,
PLM-8, Chinchorro, Pisagua Viejo, Patillos); and
(iii) Type III, extended bodies covered with clay and sand and wrapped
in mats.
Bittmann and Munizaga (1976, 1979), who have studied the Chinchorro
mummies most intensively, also follow Uhle's classification and propose that
Type II mummies are the oldest.
The Chinchorro tradition can be divided into three phases based on chro-
nology, technological development, and cultural associations (Fig. 5, Table I).
Phase I (Chinchorro I). This is characterized by extended bodies, some
with the orbital cavities filled with clay and plaster clay coated on the face.
Most known sites are small cemeteries. The subsistence technology consists of
shell fishhooks, lines, weights, and harpoons. There is some basketry and cot-
ton textiles. This phase reflects the hunting and gathering activities of Transition
I. Characteristic sites are CAM-14, Quiani and Morro, with an average date of
6550 B.P. (Table II).
14 Rivera
PERU
N
Quiani"
Chinchorr(
Camarones I
Pisagua 1il
Junin BOLIVIA
Iquiq~ j
Patillo.~,
Z
C.Huelen
<C
~ncaCuev~
Huachichocana
Antolagasta
Taltal
/ 0
.27
J
.30
II IIIIIII
Pichiac
III I I
i~ ~,o.iHo~............ i,~,a
CHINCHORRO SITES NORTHERN CHILE ::::::::::::::::::::::::

Fig. 4, Distribution of Chincorro sites in northern Chile,
Phase H (Chinchorro II). During this phase, more sites are found along
the coast, perhaps reflecting an increase in population. The most characteristic
trait is the complicated mummification, which is found at sites such as Chin-
chorro, PLM-8, E1 Morro, QUI, Pisagua Viejo-2, Patillos, Bajo Molle, Ara-
g6n, and Call-42. Dwelling sites and cemeteries are larger and more intensively
Table I. Chinchorro Cultural Development in Northern

Chile
Dates Periods Culture
Intermediate
2600 B.P.
Transition II Chinchorro III
3500 B.P.
Chinchorro II
Initial
Chinchorro I
6000 B.P.
Transition I
8000 B.P.
used. Besides basketry and mats, atlatls (spear-throwers), and tools of copper
and gold are known. Phase II is dated between 5500 and 4000 B.P.
Phase III (Chinchorro III). This has both extended and flexed bodies par-
tially covered with clay and sand, which may mean a simplification of the ear-
lier mummification techniques. Baskets were very finely made and textiles were
improved by the introduction of the belt-loom; wool was now used, in addition
to cotton. New techniques like " r e p p " (a ribbed or corded textile) produced
geometric designs in the direction of the weft. Hallucinogenic equipment, tur-
bans, and head ornaments are more common. The Chinchorro people became
less dependent on the sea with the introduction of new cultigens such as manioc
and quinoa. Later in the phase, experimental pottery appeared, characterized
by a mixed sand-and-algal temper (mainly at PLM-7). The most representative
sites of this phase, which dates between 4000 and 2500 B.P., are PLM-7, CAM-
15, QUI-7, Los Canastos, and possibly Pisagua (Fig. 4).
The Chinchorro people were probably organized in small groups with a
subsistence based on fishing and gathering. By the end of Chinchorro III, there
was some experimentation with crops other than squash and cotton: pallar, qui-
noa, sweet potato, manioc, and possibly maize (Rivera, 1980; Ntifiez and Mor-
agas, 1977-1978; Williams, 1980; Bonavfa and Grobman, 1989). Social groups
may have functioned like present-day fishing communities, wherein there is an
emphasis on sea-oriented activities but some specialization may occur.
Technological development is also related to economic activities and rit-
uals. Rituals and beliefs connected with the dead were quite sophisticated.
Complicated mummification, deformation of the skull, and, perhaps, trephin-
ing, along with an excellent knowledge of anatomy are noteworthy (Allison et
al., 1984).
Movement from one place to another also played an important role in the
process of adjusting to the coastal environment. This pattern is reflected in the
.........
colton
qu}noa
yucca ........... i~
pallal s~eel ~,,~t~In,, +
nlatZe C~n~ick, m
- ~
a'
i
i l I
m P-,
, c,omplex Ireatment bO~il~
>
simote tlealment bodie~ . . . . . . !ess compl~x trealmen~ bDdje~ __
..... burial m~unds
bow ,=,,,,,,,i~r,~ o w
cotton,., l e x , t. i l e s + w++ol !exl le~ room taoesl,~, t ,
....................~asket~7
..
metalwork ..........
pottery
, h~,,,n!Jno fishinQ oatherino .........
a~ cu e-- o a l,i,,,~
n
vaaA!t~l 9[
Table II. Radiocarbon Dates for the Chinchorro Tradition, Northern Chile
Radiocarbon dates
Site Lab. No. Date B.P. Reference(s)
Playa-Miller 7 GaK-5812 2480 _+ 100 Rivera, 1977, Focacci, 1974

Camarones-15 GaK-5813 3060 :t: 100 Rivera, 1977
Camarones-S RL-2055 3060 _+ 380 Rivera, 1988
Quiani-7 1-13655 3240 ± 90 Focacci et al., 1988
Quiani-7 1-13654 3280 ± 90 Focacci et al., 1988
Guasilla-I B-3122 3490 ± 290 Bittmann, 1984
Quiani-7 GaK-5814 3590 _+ 100 Rivera, 1977, 1980
Camarones-15 RL-2054 3650 _+ 200 Rivera, 1985
Morro-1 1-13651 3670 ± 100 Allison et al., 1984
Caleta Huelen-42 GaK-3545 3780 ± 90 Nfifiez, 1976a
Morro-1 1-13656 3790 ± 140 Allison et aI., 1984
Morro-I 1-13652 3830 ± 100 Allison et al., 1984
Playa Miller-8 GaK-5811 4090 ± 105 Rivera, 1977, 1980
Morro-1 1-13642 4570 __. 100 Allison et al., 1984
Guasilla-1 B-3121 4730 ± 180 Bittrnann 1984
Caleta Huelen-42 GaK-3546 4780 ± 100 Ntifiez, 1976 a
Pisagua Viejo IVIC-170 4880 _.%320 Ntifiez, 1976a
Cobija-1/S B-3114 4880 ± 90 Bittmann, I984
Morro-1 GaK-9903 50•0 ± 110 Vera, 1981; Uhle, 1919
Cobija-l/S B-3117 5060 ± 120 Bittmann, 1984
Morro-1 1-13539 5160 ~ I10 Allison et al., 1984
Aragon-1 GaK-5965 5170 ± 200 Ntifiez and Zlatar, 1976
Pisagua Viejo IVIC-170 5220 ± 245 Ntifiez, 1976a
Morro-1 GaK-9902 5240 ± 230 Vera, 1981; Uhle, 1919
Cobija-1/S B-3115 5440 ± 150 Bittmann, 1984
Cobija-1/S B-3114 5460 _+ 140 Bittmann, 1984
Cobija-1/S ]3-3934 5510 ±_ 60 Bittmann, 1984
Quiani-1 1-1349 5630 ± 145 Bird, 1943; Mostny, 1964
Camarones-S GaK-8645 5640 ±_ 160 Rivera, 1984b
Cobija-1/S B-3933 6030 ± 70 Bittmann, 1984
Quiani-1 1-1348 6170 ± 220 Bird, 1943; Mostny, 1964
Camarones-14 1-9816 6615 ± 390 Schiappacasse and Niemeyer, 1984
Camarones-14 1-9817 6650 _+ 155 Schiappacasse and Nierneyer, 1984
Carnarones-14 I-11431 7000 :-+ 135 Schiappacasse and Niemeyer, 1984
Camarones-14 1-9999 7420 ± 225 Schiappacasse and Niemeyer, 1984
p o r t a b l e h u t s m a d e o f c a n e s a n d m a t t i n g , u s i n g s t o n e s as f o u n d a t i o n s ; e v i d e n c e
o f s u c h h u t s h a s b e e n f o u n d at P L M - 8 , at A c h a , a n d at C a l e t a H u e l 6 n . A t t h e
l a t t e r site, p l a s t e r e d floors m a d e o f clay a n d s e a w e e d i n d i c a t e r a t h e r m o r e
p e r m a n e n t r e s i d e n c e . E x t e n d e d b u r i a l s w e r e f o u n d u n d e r the floors ( Z l a t a r ,
1983) (Fig. 6).
C h i n c h o r r o s e t t l e m e n t s are c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y c l u s t e r e d c i r c u l a r h o u s e s . A t
18 Rivera
',j, Oo .o~ '~ o~ o" °.,
+,+°,+ ; ,!4 ~ ,~ / + ° ~ ],
.++ ,: +.o +.+.+ / +!
.'.+ 7£. ; ~ o,
i; " ++
".~,. .,+°.~ 0 ~Sm
A,
..',.w ,. ,,+, . . . . . + ,, ~ ,i ' ' ,,Ll . ' .........

. .• ..... ' , . ..j, ::::::::::::::::::::::::::
B,
Fig. 6, Schematic representations of Chinchorro houses from Acha (A) and Caleta Hueldn
42 (B). (Based on Mufioz, 1982; Zlatar, 1983; Llagostera, 1989.)
Caleta Huel~n (Call-42), at the mouth of the Loa River near the coast, are
houses dated to 4780 B.P. + 100 years (GaK-3546) and 3780 B.P. _+ 90 years
(GaK-3545). The houses are semisubterranean, circular structures of stones,
with a series of superimposed floors with burials beneath them (Fig. 6). The
structures are arranged around a central courtyard, which was probably the cen-
ter of domestic activities. Zlatar (1987) considers them to represent semiper-
manent dwellings, because of the superposition of the occupational floors.
Similar features have been found at Acha and Quiani, near the Azapa valley
(Mufioz, 1982; Dauelsberg, 1974).
The Chinchorro people wet~e probably organized as bands of four or five
families, living in the few places along the coast with fresh water, such as
Camarones, E1 Morro, Chinchorro, Pisagua, and Playa Miller. At Camarones,
there are indications that several family groups, and even several bands, coex-
isted at the same site.
A major research problem is the origins of the Chinchorro tradition. I have
suggested elsewhere (Rivera, 1975, 1984a) that there was an actual migration
of people from the tropical forest and that, during the earliest stages of the
Chinchorro development, these people coexisted with people from the old
Andean hunting and gathering tradition. Early dwelling sites as Tul~n-52, which
is similar to Caleta Hueldn (Call-42) and Acha, could represent contact with
Chinchorro immigrants.
In my view, this adaptive model for the Chinchorro people is supported
by biological as well as ecological evidence. According to Holdridge's model
of tropical life-zone systems (1959; Holdridge et al., 1971), the desert zones
of northern Chile represent an extreme of the tropical life-zone chain. This
approach is particularly useful for the analysis of tropical vegetation and the
possibility of people moving from one specific ecosystem to another. Holdridge
defined each zone as a two-dimensional hexagon based on mean annual precip-
itation and mean annual biotemperature. All of the zones form a mosaic in
which life zones are classified on three levels: by climate, by local environ-
mental conditions, and by actual vegetation or land use. As Holdridge and oth-
ers (1971) explain, on its primary level the system is a climatic classification,
but each life zone is also considered to be a first-order ecosystem characterized
by groups of associations related by climatic factors, including human activi-
ties. This is therefore a bioclimatic classification which is useful for understand-
ing human migrations. Ecologically speaking, it means that groups of people
could overcome the apparent barriers and reach the Pacific coast. The mechan-
ics of this model may have involved seasonal, long-distance transhumance,
along tropical valleys eastward through the Titicaca basin. An alternative route
was probably from the intermediate area (Jujuy, Salta, Tarija, Mojos), which
is marginal to Titicaca, down to the Pacific coast, where they established base
camps.
Other biological evidence is also relevant here (Rivera and Rothhammer,
1986). Craniometrical distances measured on collections from Chinchorro sites
of the Pacific coast, the Amazon basin (Sambaquies Cabezuda), and the Andean
highlands reveal an increase in distance from the earliest Chinchorro phase (I)
to the latest (IlI), a decrease with respect to the Andean highland collections,
and very little distance between Chinchorro and Cabezuda. Multivariate statis-
tical analyses suggest central Amazonia as the center of dispersion for several
waves of population moving southeast to the Atlantic coast (Sambaquies) and
southwest to the Andes and Pacific coast. In the case of Chinchorro populations,
the craniometrical results support the model of early trans-Andean contacts based
on cultural markers (Rivera and Rothhammer, 1986). In fact, the early popu-
lations of Camarones 14 and Morro 1 appear biologically related to early Bra-
20 Rivera
zilian groups on the Atlantic coast at about 4000 B.P. This suggests that
Chinchorro and Sambaquies Cabezuda could have been descended from com-
mon ancestors.
The pattern of genetic distance among major linguistic groups also seems
consistent with the interpretation of archaeological and craniometrical data.
Based on seven blood-group system markers (Callegari4acques, 1985), Ara-
wakan groups (Wapishana, for instance) appear to be closely related to Ge-
speaking people (Cayapo, Kraho, Xavante). If Loukotka (1968) is correct that
Ge represents a Paleoamerican language, then Arawak (and Tupi) could relate
to the first prehistoric inhabitants of eastern Brazil, who may also be considered
as a group using Ge-related language. [See also the work of Rouse (1986) and
Brochado (1984).] This is consistent with Lathrap's (1970) model that relates
the proto-Arawak both culturally and linguistically to the proto-Tupi. On the
other hand, Aymara-Quechua groups show the shortest distance from Arawak,
which may indicate that the former originated in the tropical forest from proto-
Arawak groups. Aymara-Quechua and Arawak have been grouped as one equa-
torial Andean linguistic family (Greenberg, 1960).
Other evidence comes from the identification of a rare red-cell phospho-
glucomutase variant (PGM-1), defined by Neel (1978) as a "private polymor-
phism." It has been described by Van der Does and others (1978) for Socaire,
an Atacamefio village in the high plateau of the Atacama Desert in northern
Chile, as PGM-1 4Ayml-1. The same variant was reported at a similar fre-
quency (3-6%) by Neel and others (1977) for PGM-1 10Mac-l-1 among the
Macushi, by Tchen and others (1978) for the Wayampis of French Guyana, and
by Ferrell and others (1980) among the Aymara north of Socaire, where it was
reported as PGM-1 4AMYI-1. Ferrell and others (1978) also concluded that
another allele of "private polymorphism" type, G6PO-Aymara, occurs among
the Aymara of northern Chile but not of western Bolivia. These alleles could
be extremely valuable for establishing early contacts between Chinchorro and
tropical forest groups.
The model contains important problems for future research, relating to the
assumed antiquity of human settlement of the tropical lowlands and the role of
tropical forest cultures in the formation of Andean civilization. Research with
genetic markers and the possibility of DNA reconstruction would be extremely
helpful, and, with paleonutritional indicators, will allow us better understanding
of patterns of population mobility, environmental adjustment, problems of resi-
dency and sedentism, and subsistence strategies.
T H E ANDEAN TRADITION
The altiplanic features that developed in the western valleys were different
from those of the Ataeama Desert. The former seems to have been more directly
related to the circum-Titicaea area, forming a constituent part of the civilization
that later centered around the Tiwanaku state; in the desert, influence was indi-
rect and more symbolic. This situation may have arisen during pre-Tiwanaku
times, when altiplanic circum-Titicaca influences are found over a larger area
than those of the later Tiwanaku. This period is referred to as Alto Ramirez in
both the western valleys and the Atacama Desert.
Alto Ramirez
The Andean, or Altiplanic, tradition had appeared in northern Chile before
the Chinchorro tradition died out. The two coexisted between 1000 and 500
B.C. (3000-2500 B.P.).
The Alto Ramirez phase, ca. 1000 B.C.-A.D. 500, is the first stage of the
Andean tradition in northern Chile. Geographically, it covers the Azapa valley,
Camarones, coastal sites in Iquique, and Caleta Huelrn; there are also inland
sites such as Tarapacfi-40, Caserones, Guatacondo, and San Pedro Atacama
(Fig. 7). During this phase, the first influences from the altiplano, particularly
the circum-Titicaca area, developed in the coastal valleys, providing the basis
for a sociopolitical and economic system based on complementarity. Production
of a surplus by new techniques of agriculture and herding made possible an
increase in population. These processes were in part responsible for the devel-
opment of the first villages (Chiu Chiu-200, Azapa 83, Caserones, Guata-
condo).
There were also new technological devices, including atlatls with a rectan-
gular platform (Rivera and Zlatar, 1982, P1. 2); ornaments of gold and silver,
double-shafted spoons [similar to Espoueys' type A-1 (1972-1973, p. 83)];
hallucinogen-related tools such as spatulae, boxes, tubes, trays; sophisticated
and well-manufactured basketry; and globular and beaker-shaped pottery, gen-
erally undecorated but with grooved surfaces and sand-grit temper; as well as
the introduction of tapestry and lost-warp (kelim) techniques for textiles, and
geometric and anthropomorphic designs, some of which seem to be of Pukara
at~liation (Rivera, 1977, 1980). Other characteristics of the Alto Ramirez phase
include human sacrifice, the cult of the sacrificer, trophy heads, mound for-
mation for cemeteries, and crops such as quinoa, aft, cotton, beans, squash,
and pallar.
At Azapa-7 t, Alto Ramirez burials contained copper and silver ornaments
of saurian form (Santoro, 1980), similar to those from Browman's (1980) Asi-
runi-Pajano style from the circum-Titicaca area. There were also textiles of
various techniques, including twining, braided, and kelim, with geometric
designs; in design and technique, these are related to the classic Alto Ramirez
textiles referred to as Pukara (Fig. 8), which have geometric designs, anthro-
pomorphic figures, and trophy heads in blue, yellow, and red (Rivera, 1977, p.
43).
22 Rivera
PERU
N
?
Pisagua
junin
BOLIVIA
Cafiamc,
C Huelen
c~
C~
O,-
.27
~ , Inu _ ' ,
[ive~a 81
ALTO RAMIFIEZSITES NORTHERNCHIIE ! ~

Fig, 7. Distribution of Alto Ramirez sites in northern Chile.
Chronologically, the Alto Ramirez phase can be divided into three: Alto
Ramirez I, 1000-500 B.C., contemporaneous with Chinchorro III during Tran-
sition Period II (Table III); Alto Ramirez II, 500 B.C.-A.D. 300, coincident
with the Early Intermediate Period which is defined by the first Tiwanaku influ-
ences in the western valleys; and Alto Ramirez III, A.D. 300-500 and probably
Fig. 8. Pukara textile from Alto Ramirez, site AZ-70, depicting trophy heads (above) and
actual trophy heads from Alto Ramirez, site AZ-70 (below). (Museo Universidad de
Tarapac~i)
24 Rivera
Table III. Alto Ramirez Development
Period in Northern
Date Alto Ramirez Chile
A,D. 800
III EvolvedAlto Ramirez
(contemporaneouswith Middle Intermediate
Tiwanaku III-V) Period
A.D. 300
II Classic Alto Ramirez Early Intermediate
(contemporaneous with Period
Pukara)
500 B.C.
I EarlyAuto Ramirez Transitional
(contemporaneous with Period II
F. Morro and Pre-Tiwanaku
Circum-Titicaca)
1000 B.C.
i
later, coexisting with Tiwanaku regional development, especially Loreto Viejo,

Cabuza and Maitas/Chiribaya.
Alto Ramirez I correlated with Pre-Classic Pukara of the circum-Titicaca
area (Chiripa, Wankarani, Marcavalle, Qaluyu) (Alto Ramirez II is related to
classic Pukara). It represents the earliest contact with the Altiplanic Tradition
and beginning of the replacement of Chinchorro III phase. In general, it cor-
responds to Dauelsberg's (1985) Faldas del Morro Complex and Santoro's
(1980) Azapa phase. Important sites for this period are Azapa-71 and Azapa-
14 (84) with C-14 dates of 3000-2550 B.P.
The sequence for Alto Ramirez seems to be corroborated at Tarapaca,
where Ndfiez (1982) has defined three occupational phases from dwelling sites
along the Quebrada Tarapaca. At 1000-400 B.C., Tarapaca 6 and 7 and other
sites indicate the cultivation of maize, use of early pottery related to altiplano
Wankarani, and dwellings built out of canes. Between 400 and 0 B.C. are
rectangular dwellings, best represented at Caserones sites Tarapaca 6, 7, and
40-b. The final occupations date A.D. 0-600 and include the ceremonial plaza
and defensive wall (Tarapaca 40 A and B) and modeled pottery.
Alto Ramirez society was based on an economy different from that of the
Chinchorro tradition. Irrigated agriculture produced a surplus which may have
resulted in demographic stability. In theory, intensive agriculture also led to the
introduction of the complementarity principle. Alto Ramirez people probably
viewed the ecological niches in the altiplano, in the valleys, and on the coast
as parts of one framework, based on the production of different, but specialized,
goods which together created a complex system of resources. This also required
a flexible technology which allowed people to maintain their ties to the metrop-
olis. The essence of the system was a strict and tightly structured political orga-
nization, probably based on deities symbolized by the sacrificer. It is highly
likely that the Alto Ramirez people also developed a stratified society, including
division of labor, professional artisans, and a ruling class, who conducted ter-
ritorial and economic policies. These developments foreshadow what took place
later, during Tiwanaku times.
The correspondence between Alto Ramirez and circum-Titicaca develop-
ment is outlined in Table IV. Late Chiripa society developed more complex
centers based on temple storage. According to Mohr (1989), this phase saw the
full development of the Yaya Mama religious tradition, which was character-
ized by a specific stone sculpture of supernatural images associated with the
temples, and ritual paraphernalia including ceramic trumpets and ceremonial
burners; the supernatural iconography included heads with rayed appendages
and vertically divided eyes. The dwellings were rectangular, thatched buildings
with double walls of adobe and rounded stones set in mud, with a central open
plaza. Other traits include the use of mounds, the presence of snake and frog
motifs, cross and checkered cross designs, the tear band and eye ornament,
fiber-tempered pottery, relief ring designs, felines depicted full-face with body
in profile, and ceramics with red, black, and cream designs outlined by incision.
Several of these traits also occur in northern Chile, particularly in the Alto
Ramirez phase. For instance, the combination of red, dark blue, and cream on
textiles is quite characteristic. Several hats with similar three-step designs have
been found with Alto Ramirez phase II artifacts at AZ-70 (Arica) and Caleta
Huel6n (Rio Loa). The rayed human face adorned with appendages and eyes of
different colors is also known among Alto Ramirez materials, particularly tex-
tiles. Most noteworthy are textile number 9 from the site AZ-70 and one from
AZ-121 (Fig. 9). Both textiles have complex designs which contain several
elements of the Yaya Mama tradition: human rayed face; stepped designs with
Table IV. The Alto Ramirez-Circum Titicaca Sequence

lllll i i i lllllll i lllll
Titicaca Basin Azapa Valley
A.D. 800
Alto Ramirez III
A.D. 300
100 B.C. Alto Ramirez lI
Late Chiripa
500 B. C.
600 B.C.
Middle Chiripa
900 B,C. Alto Ramirez I
Early Chifipa
1400 B.C. 1400 B.C.
i ,llu,,,,,,,,,,,, ,,,,,,,,l,llllll H ,llllllllll ii llllll
26 Rivera
Fig. 9. Alto Ramirez phase textiles from site AZ-121 (above) and site AZ-70 (textile 9)
(belowL (Museo Universidadde Tarapacfi)
vertical opposition of blue and red and/or cream; frog or toad designs divided
into halves or quarters by color; checkered crosses and double checkered crosses
divided into halves or quarters by color; the same division of eyes by color;
and camelid designs in red, blue, and cream. Associated with the textiles were
fiber-tempered pottery (group II) and Pukara textiles depicting trophy heads in
the same fashion as classic Pukara classic red-and-black, incised, pottery
designs. These finds represent the peak of Alto Ramirez development.
A few traits associated with Alto Ramirez I also occur at the site AZ-71:
serpent ornaments of copper; simple geometric designs on textiles; and disks

and plates, probably of symbolic importance (Gonzalez, 1985). In a burial from
Playa Miller-7, dated to 2480 B.P. _+ 100 years (GaK-5812), the head was
fully covered with ornaments, including several small copper serpents and a
sort of crown made of small sticks radiating from an inner band. At AZ-71,
there were also cases of mummy heads, with packs of dyed wool of several
colors and small metal serpent pendants.
Farther south, toward the Atacama Desert area, it is also possible to find
Yaya Mama traits associated with Alto Ramirez phases. For instance, at Pircas,
in Quebrada de Tarapaca, Nfifiez (1984) reported textiles of Alto Ramirez affil-
iation comparable to Pukara designs and dated to 2420 B.P. _+ 80 years
(I-13288). The most outstanding piece depicts a full-face feline with closed
mouth and crossed teeth, in a blue, red, and white combination typical of Alto
Ramirez phase II. At Camarones-15, a cemetery with both Alto Ramirez and
Chinchorro phase III components, Alto Ramirez features include designs in
basketry and textiles, such as crosses, human faces, and serpents, which seem
to be related to the Pukara culture. At San Pedro de Atacama, as well as the
snuff trays related to classic Tiwanaku, several others, particularly those with
the motif of a woman with a rounded fhce and rays coming out of her head,
seem to be related to the Yaya Mama tradition. Torres (1987) relates this type
of motif to a similar one from Calilegua (Jujuy, Argentina). Textiles from San
Pedro de Atacama, Topater (near Calama), Tarapaca, and Camarones are also
similar. Along with similarities in design, petroglyphs, geoglyphs, and paint-
ings, particularly from sites in the Azapa valley, the Atacama Desert, and the
Rio Loa, all exhibit common features such as sacrificers, trophy heads, and
feline depictions. Mound sites from Azapa and San Pedro de Atacama are also
restricted to this time period; the most important are AZ-70 and AZ-71 in Azapa,
Conanoxa in the Camarones valley, Caleta Huel6n 10, t0 A, and 20 in Rio
Loa, and Tchapuchayna in San Pedro de Atacama.
In conclusion, the Yaya Mama style is widely distributed in northern Chile
(Azapa, Camarones, Pisagua, San Pedro de Atacama, Guatacondo, Pircas,
Quebrada Tarapaca). Some scholars have suggested a link between Chiripa and
Pukara, and this contact probably reached the Cuzco region, since Mohr pos-
tulates a relationship between Chiripa and Mareavalle phase D by 650 B.C. The
presence of metal disks and plaques at Cuzco, most notably the Doberti disk,
supports this suggestion. A similar relationship can be seen between Chiripa
and Alto Ramirez. In northwestern Argentina, the most recent research indi-
cates that the Salta and Jujuy regions might fall within the scope of the Yaya
Mama tradition, particularly through the early development of Vaquerias style
and, later, the Aguada and related complexes.
This could mean that an ideological system controlled the Titicaca region
in Pre-Tiwanaku times, and there may have been an earlier expansion out of
28 Rivera
Titicaca (Rivera, 1985). This is related to Mohr's Yaya Mama religious tradi-
tion, in the sense that it represents an ideological system centered in the Titicaca
region, but of a much broader scope than the later, true Tiwanaku expansion.
This pre-Tiwanaku expansion could also have developed important enclaves in
certain strategic areas, such as the western valleys. These people could have
had access to the tropical forests of Salta and Jujuy by way of Tiquina in the
center of the Titicaca lake. One of the most important features of this ideology
seems to have been solar religion, in which metal plaques were probably sig-
nificant (Gonzalez, 1985).
There may be a relationship between the Pukina language and the Pukara
culture (Bouysse-Cassagne, t988). In turn, these are related to Chiripa, and as
components of the Yaya Mama tradition (sensu Mohr). According to Bouysse-
Cassagne, Coac, the serpent, became the god of the Pukinas, and modern Urns
groups may be descendants of former Pukinas. The expansion of these "Pukin-
ized" Urns from the Titicaca Basin to the south and west might coincide with
the Pre-Tiwanaku development, related to the circum-Titicaca region. This view
has also been interpreted as the ethnic group known as Kolis by Rostworowski
(t986), who, citing Bertonio, correlates ethnic groups from the Yungas living
in Moquegua, southern Peru. In t567, the Garci Diez de San Miguel visita
refers to 400 Urus living in the Atacama (Diez de San Miguel, 1964). This
information may be very significant with respect to the Pre-Tiwanaku devel-
opment. During the Spanish occupation, the Yungas groups could not claim
access to land in the altiplano, probably because they were not part of the tra-
ditional reciprocal system. This might indicate an earlier expansion, and that
Yungas had lost their rights as later expansions occurred. In this context, the
legendary figure of Tunupa, also known as Tarapaca, is important (Rivera,
1985). If Tunupa was a Pukina deity, he would fit very welt into the Yaya
Mama religious tradition.
Tiwanaku Influence
This corresponds to the Middle Intermediate Period. Although there is a

clear difference between the western valleys and the Atacama Desert in the
degree of influence from the Titicaca center, the whole period represents real
political integration under Tiwanaku.
The western valleys, being closer to the circum-Titicaca zone, were more
easily incorporated into the economic complementarity that developed through-
out Tiwanaku. This was reinforced by the presence of multiethnic colonies in
the low valleys (Mujica et al., 1983; Rivera, 1976, 1985; Santoro, 1980, 1981).
This direct pattern contrasts sharply with the Tiwanaku presence south of Tili-
viche: in the Atacama Desert, Tiwanaku influences were indirect and seem to
have been more through religious practices, thus emphasizing the ideological
framework (Berenguer and Dauelsberg, 1989). Today, some argue that there
were actual Tiwanaku colonies in the western valleys, interacting with local
ethnic groups within the economic framework of the vertical archipelago (Murra,
1975). This would be an outcome of Alto Ramirez, during which complemen-
tary economies emerged.
The beginning of Tiwanaku influence in the western valleys is detectable
in the Cabuza phase (A.D. 300-700), although a somewhat earlier pure Tiwa-
naku colonization could have reached this area (Loreto Viejo; see below).
Cabuza is a ceramic style with clear archaeological contexts, which
includes black-on-red ware with geometric designs, the kero (beaker) shape,
and various bowls and jars. Sobraya is a variation of Cabuza, with white out-
lines of black designs. Burial patterns changed from previous stages. Mounds
were no longer used; instead, we find bundle burials of flexed bodies covered
with woollen shirts; the braided hair was replaced by turbans, similar to depic-
tions from Tiwanaku (Arriaza et al., 1986). The head was usually covered with
a woollen cap with four points, decorated in one or two colors with geometric
designs in relief. Cabuza also saw a proliferation of textiles for various purposes
(ceremonial, ritual, domestic) and advances in weaving techniques, such as the
"floating warp" that produces polychrome designs. Also noteworthy is the pro-
duction of carved wood keros, boxes, trays, and, above all, spoons [which have
an interesting typology (Espoueys, 1972-1973, types C)]. Leatherwork and
basketry produced sandals, strings, quivers, and bags of several types. Coiled
basketry was by far the most common technique and the shapes imitate those
of ceramics. Metalwork included plaques, ornaments, rings, and beads of gold
and silver; bronze was used mostly for agricultural tools--digging sticks, knives,
hoes, and shovels. Domestic crops consisted of maize, sweet potatoes, beans,
quinoa, pumpkins, jiquima, squashes, and coca, grown by irrigation, particu-
larly along the valleys. Villages of this phase contained large numbers of stor-
age rooms and silos, which suggest intensive economic redistributive practices
within the framework of complementarity between different ecozones.
Biological studies suggest that Cabuza groups found it difficult to adjust to
an environment so different from the altiplano. Infant mortality was high and a
significant number of women died in childbirth (Arriaza et al., 1984). Aufder-
heide and others (1990) found an increase in pneumonia: for Chinchorro (the
preceding tradition), there were 27 episodes among infants, all of them fatal,
and 65 in adults, of which 10 were fatal; for Cabuza, there were 226 episodes
for infants, with 113 fatal, and 100 for adults, 39 of them fatal. (The frequency
is the number of episodes per year per 1000 individuals.) They concluded that
this represents a problem of newcomers adjusting to a different environment.
Within the Cabuza phase, Loreto Viejo contexts may represent an elite
class of Tiwanaku rulers in the coastal polities (Mujica et al., 1983). Loreto
Viejo polychrome ceramics are extremely fine, well finished, and highly styl-
30 Rivera
ized and were probably pieces for ceremonial use, imported from the core area
of Tiwanaku. Loreto Viejo contexts also yield important textiles, skirts with
typical Tiwanaku motifs, polychrome four-cornered hats, baskets, and remark-
able hallucinogen-related trays, tubes, and spatulae. Burials in Middle Period
cemeteries indicate some social segregation: the few Loreto Viejo bodies are
always separated from the more numerous Cabuza type (as at Azapa-6 and
Azapa-71). Cabuza thus represents a population of altiplano origin, influenced
by Tiwanaku, while Loreto Viejo was the ruling Tiwanaku group in the low
valleys.
In the Atacama Desert, especially in the salt puna region and San Pedro
de Atacama oasis, the Quitor phase is equivalent to Cabuza of the Azapa valley.
Quitor (A.D. 400-700) had antecedents with Alto Ramirez development at sites
such as Tulor and Tchapuchayna and makes up the San Pedro I period of the
local sequence (Orellana, 1963). San Pedro I is also called the Sequitor phase
by Berenguer and others (1986).
San Pedro H is the Middle Period, when Tiwanaku influences were impor-
tant. An important feature is the black polished ware with various shapes such
as bottles, dishes, bowls, and vessels; bottle necks are decorated with punctate
human faces and bowls with incised stylized llamas. There is firm evidence of
strong interaction with areas as far as Quebrada Tarapaca (Caserones), north-
western Argentina (Calahoyo, Hualfin, Calchaqui), and coastal sites in Anto-
fagasta and Taltal, where San Pedro II ceramics are common. These constitute
additional evidence for caravans crossing the desert. During San Pedro II and
particularly under Tiwanaku influence, iconographic designs of trophy heads,
sacrificers, feline-humans, and other classic motifs are common on textiles,
basketry, some ceramics, and hallucinogen-related wooden trays and tubes.
Berenguer and Dauelsberg (1989) have noted that connections with northwest-
ern Argentina were stronger immediately before this period, and by A.D. 400
Argentinian influence was replaced completely by Tiwanaku in the area of San
Pedro de Atacama.
Tiwanaku influence reached its peak in San Pedro de Atacama between
A.D. 600 and A.D. 1000, when we find full craft specialization and a differ-
entiation of social and political roles. Archaeological finds, including golden
keros, fine textiles, and excellent pottery, all with the distinctive Tiwanaku
iconography, reveal the existence of status differences among the San Pedro II
population. Thus, they were an already complex society with varied economic
activities (agriculture, exchange, complementarity, animal husbandry), social
groupings, and political and religious leaders. Berenguer and Dauelsberg (1989),
based on Tortes (1984) and Thomas and others (1984), suggest that the use of
trays for hallucinogenic purposes was restricted to an elite within the commu-
nity; Llagostera and others (1988) reached similar conclusions. Torres's study
of the iconography involved revealed 16 main themes, which thus might rep-
resent the principal lineages of the San Pedro people. The elite may have le-
gitimized their position by linking themselves to mythical characters through
the use of narcotics; this was probably also an important factor during Pre-
Tiwanaku times in the western valleys (Rivera, 1985).
Further developments of Tiwanaku influence in northern Chile can be seen
in the Maytas phase (A.D. 700-1000) in the western valleys and Coyo in the
San Pedro de Atacama region. Both phases represent the last development within
the Middle Period. The Coyo phase saw the most important Tiwanaku influence
in the oases area (Berenguer and Dauelsberg, 1989; Thomas et al., 1985). This
influence concerned mainly the elite: undisputed Tiwanaku objects (golden
keros, textiles, basketry, ceramic vessels, wooden objects) occur in elite buri-
als, suggesting that this area was incorporated into the Tiwanaku empire at least
in ritual and ideology. Key sites for this development are Coyo, Solor-3, Qui-
tot-5, and Quitor-6. There was an emphasis on iconographic motifs identical to
those on the Gate of the Sun in Tiwanaku itself, but it is difficult to tell whether
Tiwanaku-influenced people in San Pedro de Atacama represent an actual
migration of groups from the Titicaca area (Nfifiez, 1963; Tarrago, 1984) or an
ideological penetration (Berenguer and Dauelsberg, 1989). There is a similar
situation in the core area of the Atacama Desert, centered around Calama-Chiu
Cbiu in the middle course of the Loa river. Here, in the contemporary Lasana
II phase, local pottery styles appear to be associated with some aspects of Tiwa-
naku iconography, as at Laguna Este-1 [960 B.P. _+ 80 years (I-12401) (Rivera
and Marinov, 1983)].
The principal interests of this region for Tiwanaku people were copper
minerals and lapis lazuli. At this time there was also a close relation between
San Pedro II and the Aguada culture of northwestern Argentina. Aguada is an
important part of the Argentinian Middle Period, but we do not yet understand
the strong Tiwanaku influence there. This might ultimately explain the appear-
ance of Tiwanaku in the San Pedro area (Fig. 10).
In the western valleys farther north, Tiwanaku influences are reflected in
the so-called Expansive Tiwanaku. The archaeological record shows continuity
from Cabuza into later developments such as Maytas and Chiribaya, which also
have Tiwanaku influence. We can assume then that Tiwanaku continued its
economic policies of complementarity with the low valleys on the Pacific coast.
Ceramics of these styles are local developments with few Tiwanaku attributes
(mainly shapes like keros), but textiles and other materials do suggest a more
direct relation to Tiwanaku.
Radiocarbon dates for the Maytas phase fall between 1250 and 850 B.P.
This phase can be seen as a regional development of earlier Tiwanaku influ-
ences, which accords with my hypothesis that, from very early on, the western
valleys were included within the Titicaca-based polity, both economically and
ideologically. Maytas ceramics are characterized by black and white designs on
32 Rivera
Fig. 10. Woodenkero (beaker) vase from Quitor-6 (N.2789), San

Pedrode Atacama, showingAguada influencefrom northwesternAr-
gentina. (MuseoGustavoLe Paige)
red slip (triangles, undulating lines, concentric geometric designs). Vessel forms
are usually jars with globular bodies, straight bases, vertical handles, and straight
necks; also important are keros, bowls, and double bottles; a button applied on
the upper part of the handle is typical of Maytas (Fig. 11).
Chiribaya is basically the same style with the addition of lines of white
dots along the black designs and more concentric motifs, sometimes divided
into four, six, or eight radial sections (Fig. 12). The most important site of this
phase is San Lorenzo, an extended village on a hilltop some 12 km inland in
the middle Azapa valley.
Fig. 11. Maytas ceramics from Azapa. (Museo Universidad de Tarapac~.)
Fig. 12. Chiribaya ceramics from Azapa. (Museo Universidad de Yarapac~)

34 Rivera
Tiwanaku, and particularly its ideology, expanded over much of northern

Chile, especially the western valleys, which were in direct contact with the core
area in the Titicaca basin (Rivera, 1985). Berenguer and Dauelsberg (1989) see
the Tiwanaku expansion as a planned, three-step process: the creation of a
semiperiphery in the circum-Titicaca region; the incorporation of the periphery,
particularly the western valleys; and finally, use of the ultraperiphery, in the
Atacama Desert and puna region, where Tiwanaku sought prestige goods.
THE REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT

The Late Intermediate Period falls after the Tiwanaku influence and before
the spread of the Inca empire and was a period when regional cultures emerged.
However, the earlier Tiwanaku influence had been so strong that the later devel-
opments cannot be considered completely local in character; they contain many
Tiwanaku traits. Continuity was strongest in ideology, which maintained eco-
nomic ties with the attiptano. This was important for the western valleys,
whereas the salt puna and desert regions broke with the circum-Titicaca polities
during the final Tiwanaku phase. The Late Intermediate Period was thus more
locally developed in the desert region than the western valleys, where new eth-
nic groups continued to arrive from the altiplano and settle down.
With the end of the Tiwanaku state, there were great upheavals of popu-
lation. Groups identified with black-on-red ceramics usually occupied the upper
valleys, precordillera and altiplano. In the low valleys and coastal environ-
ments, "polychrome pottery" groups seem to be predominant. This continuous
movement of people from the Lake Titicaca region to southern Peru, northern
Chile, and northwestern Argentina explains why many local settlements
defended themselves by building pukaras (or fortifications; this term is in no
way related to the Pukara culture noted above but, rather, is a general term for
a fortified site of the late period). "Black-on-red" settlements were located at
strategic points, controlling access to productive land. Their economic organi-
zation is seen as complementarity and redistribution through full development
of the vertical archipelago system, especially in the western valleys. Goods
from different ecozones, including the tropical forest, the highlands, and the
Pacific coast, are found in the pukaras.
This mobility is characteristic of the Late Intermediate Period. It is reflected
archaeologically in a mosaic of interdigitating cultural phases, which were self-
sufficient within the framework of complementarity. Labor specialization was
probably very intense and ceramics and textiles became highly distinctive and
stylized.
Settlements of this period cover areas of 0.5-7.0 ha, especially in the west-
ern valleys (e.g., in the Azapa valley, Azapa-28, and Cerro Sombrero with an
area of 7 ha). Dwellings contain areas for storage (silos) and corrals. Many
sites have defensive walls at strategic points. Some sites, such as Saxamar,
Copaquilla, San Lorenzo, Purisa, Tangani, and Huahuarani, had large popu-
lations; the last site has over 1000 houses.
Some agricultural fields were extensive and open, while terracing was
common elsewhere, depending on topography. In either case, fields were irri-
gated by extensive networks of canals. Some sites, especially in the highlands,
also have chutlpas, tall structures of adobe or stone, usually for mortuary pur-
poses.
In the lowlands was the Arica complex, consisting of the successive San
Miguel and Gentilar phases [equivalent to Bird's Arica I and II (Bird, 1943)].
The beginning of San Miguel is estimated at A.D. 1000 and that of Gentilar at
A.D. 1350. San Miguel ceramics include big globular water jars, with straight
base, vertical handles, and narrow necks, keros or vessels with modeled figures
on the rim, and anthropomorphic or zoomorphic vases. Decoration consists of
geometric motifs in black or in red and black on a white slipped surface. Gen-
tilar is a better-quality and thinner pottery. Water jars with flaring necks are
the most common. Designs are in black, white, and red on a smooth, red slip.
The motifs are extremely varied but mostly geometric figures (Fig. 13); there
are also c~'osses and anthropomorphic and zoomorphic designs (Dauelsberg,
1972; Uhle, 1919; Bird, 1943; Schaedel and Munizaga, 1957). Pocoma is a
transitional style of pottery with designs distributed in panels on a light red-
color background and separated by vertical lines.
Fig. 13. Gentilar ceramics from Azapa. (Museo Universidad de Yarapac~i)

36 Rivera
The distribution of these styles centers around the western valleys of north-
ern Chile and also includes the valleys of southern Peru, particularly Caplina,
Sama, and Osmore. They are occasionally found south of Pisagua, especially
at coastal sites such as Caleta Huelen and Tattal. This southern distribution
reflects partly coastal navigation on the threeqog rafts often found in Late Inter-
mediate Period burials. Toward the altiplano, the distribution reaches the head-
water valleys in the precordillera and the Titicaca region, where Hyslop (1976)
found such ceramics in Lupaqa settlements.
Nevertheless, the predominant ceramic style in the altiplano and precor-
dillera is black on red. There seem to be complementary distributions from the
highlands to the coast, with polychrome styles better represented in the lowland
and black on red predominant in the highlands. This is supported by the study
by Niemeyer and others (1972-1973) of sites throughout the valley of Cama-
rones. At sites such as Pukara de Camarones Sur and Huancamne-l, poly-
chrome Arica pottery represents 65-85% of the total, while upstream, at
Chibaljaya and Sabaipugro, black on red reaches 70-90%. This predominance
of black on red ware is also seen at altiplano sites, such as Laco Alto, Saxamar,
Tangani, and Huahuarani.
In the Azapa region, black-on-red ware is equated with the Chilpe style
and was contemporaneous with Gentilar style on the coast. Chilpe is a post-
Tiwanakn style, known in the altiplano as the Colla style and related to the
Colla expansion (Schaedel and Munizaga, 1957). According to Dauelsberg
(1982), Colla expansion into the Azapa valley by A.D. 1300 began the
"Aymarization" of the western valleys. The style is associated with circular
houses, slab-type funerary chambers, and chullpas, traits all considered alti-
planic. The pottery includes various shapes, bowls being the most common.
Designs are usually black painted and consist of concentric circles, crosses, and
wavy parallel lines on the rim. The chullpas, built of adobe or stone, are usually
rectangular with a small opening providing access to the chamber; they are
always oriented toward the east and usually covered with white plaster, some-
times decorated with red lines. They were probably not used by common peo-
ple, but only by the elite; this may be a diagnostic feature of altiplano colonies.
Zapahuira, Caillama, and Chilpe itself have the best chullpas. The vertical
economy model that supported altiplano groups in the low valleys involved
agricultural products such as maize, aji, beans, pumpkins, and coca; coastal
goods such as guano, fish, and salt; and, from the upper valleys and precordil-
lera, potatoes, oca (Oxalis tuberosa), ulluco (Oltucum tube~vsum), quinoa and
canahua (Chenopodium palti dicaule), and coca (Rivera, 1976; Schiappacasse
et al., 1989).
South of the western valleys, Late Intermediate sites are well known in
Quebrada Tarapaca and the oases of the Atacama Desert (e.g., Pica, Toconce,
and San Pedro Atacama). In Quebrada Tarapaca, villages occur at altitudes of
1000-2000 m, based upon agriculture in the valley. The villages are rather
small, averaging about 0.5 ha, but reveal urban features such as streets and a
planned organization with sectors devoted to different activities (elite residential
units, grinding areas, corrals). They are associated with irrigated agricultural
ten-aces. Important sites of this type are Tarapaca t3 (in the locality of Huara-
sina), Tarapaca 15 (in Tilivilca), Tarapaca 44 (in Arias), and Tarapaca 49 (Tar-
apaca Viejo) (Ntifiez, 1982; Schiappacasse et al., 1989). Upstream in Quebrada
Tarapaca, on the altiplano at Pukar-Qollu, in Isluga, and Usamaya, there are
chullpas associated with black-on-red ware (Sanhueza and Olmos, 1982; San-
hueza, 1981).
In the desert and puna, the Late Intermediate Period is best known from
defensive sites located 2500-3000 m asl. These sites, known as pukaras, have
clusters of houses, with restricted internal circulation and storage facilities on
the periphery; there are agricultural fields nearby. Typical ceramics include San
Pedro Almost Polished Black ware, Dupont Black ware, and Red Painted ware.
Outside influences come from northwestern Argentina.
The archaeological record suggests that during this time there were large
concentrations of people exploiting extensive agricultural fields. They also
practiced intensive strategies based on raising and taming large number of lla-
mas and alpacas that provided the basis for interregional movement. Caravans
crossed the desert using signs called geoglyphs that indicated the route (Ntifiez,
1976b). The defensive settlements, funerary contexts, and rock art also indicate
considerable intergroup tension.
At San Pedro de Atacama, this period is the San Pedro III phase (A.D.
1000-1450); the most representative sites are Pukara Quitor and Solor. Sites
elsewhere in the desert include Lasana (Lasana II phase) in the middle course
of the Rio Loa (Pollard, 1971); Pukara Turi, in the upper Rio Salado (a tributary
of the Loa); and Lasana, near Chiu Chiu (Fig. 14). These all have red painted
ware. The sites are clustered villages, built in strategic spots with defensive
walls, with rectangular houses of stone and mortar rather than adobe, and hous-
ing estimated populations of 400-500. Agricultural fields are associated, some-
times terraced, but usually extended and irrigated.
In the salt puna above 3000 m, Aldunate and Castro (1981) have defined
the Toconce Mallku complex, with over 20 sites known in the area of Toconce.
The complex is related to the Lipez region of southern Bolivia, and its most
distinctive feature is settlements with three distinct areas: the houses, the chull-
pas, and the storage section. The chuIlpas are located at the highest points,
above the houses. The houses are rectangular, 20-200 in a village, in a clustered
pattern with contiguous stone walls. Most of the ceramics are large, undeco-
rated, globular jars, known as Likan ordinary type; there is also Likan Red type
(mostly bowls) and Hedionda Black-on-Buff, with geometric designs painted
on the inside rim (again, mostly bowls) (Schiappacasse et al., 1989).
38 Rivera
Fig. 14. Pukara Lasana, AtacamaDesert near Chiu Chiu.
As in the western valleys and dry puna, the altiplano influences show inter-
esting similarities to late developments in the Bolivian and Argentinian puna.
Inca Influence
The Late Period in northern Chile is equated with the influence and spread
of the Inca empire. This has never been considered a critical area for the Inca
expansion, nor has there been a thorough study of the Inca occupation here,
which is partly why it has been regarded as a marginal area of the empire.
However, the area relates to broad problems, such as the accessibility and via-
bility of the extreme southern regions, maintenance of roads, and transporta-
tion, all of which are related to Inca administration. The region is therefore of
importance for the overall structure of the empire.
Inca installations varied according to particular characteristics of each zone.
The western valleys were directly incorporated into the centralized state system.
Economic complementarity, based on the sociopolitical organization, continued
as before. The region continued to exchange fruits, coca, guano, salt, maize,
and aji from the coast and low valleys, potatoes from the precordillera, and
llama and alpaca by-products from the altiplano.
South of the western valleys, the Atacama Desert and oases were occupied
by force. The oases in the Atacama Desert were important posts for the Inca
highway and, in some cases, such as Caspana and Tuff in the Salado-Loa drain-
age and Catarpe in San Pedro de Atacama, they were important in controlling
the valleys' access to water, for both strategic and irrigation purposes. Catarpe
and Peine were well-defended Inca posts, with protected roads leading into
them; they had high population densities, with buildings clustered around cen-
tral courtyards, and are located in strategic positions relative to the valleys and
the cultivable land.
From San Pedro de Atacama to Copiap6 (still within the desert), Inca
expansion was less intensive. The last true Inca post is near Copiap6, and from
there southward, "conquest" was probably indirect. In the late Intermediate
Period, economic complementarity was achieved by archipelagos. Ethnohis-
toric sources mention colonies belonging to some altiplano ethnic groups, such
as Lupaqas, Pacajes, and Carangas.
The presence of the Inca state thus resulted in a level of socioeconomic
organization which involved meaningful political structure in the valleys of
Ltuta, Azapa, and Camarones. Tambos (way-stations) and pukaras in Chun-
gara, Belen, Zapahuira, and Purisa, or villages such as Alto Ramirez (Azapa-
15) demonstrate that they were all in contact and were parts of a network com-
ing from the altiplano. Production and exchange of goods were vital in this
scheme and included coastal sites such as Playa Miller and Camarones. As
economic relations were reinforced, so also was the ideological-political frame-
work. Ceramics from Lake Titicaca occur in the western valleys (where they
are known as Saxamar or Inca-Pacajes) (Dauelsberg, 1959; Munizaga, 1957;
Ryden, 1947).
Farther south, the main feature of Inca domination was mining (turquoise
and copper), for which maintenance of the highway was crucial, and the local
population had to be controlled by force in order to extend the empire. Direct
domination is represented by the local Inca development exemplified by Catarpe
and Peine and, to some extent, Turi and Cerro Verde. The local population of
San Pedro de Atacama and neighboring oases did not participate in the same
ideological system as the Incas, and complementarity and other economic and
political structural relations with the altiplano were not fully developed, but
were kept at a secondary level and never centralized. The desert mines were
important to the empire and traffic in minerals was centered around Catarpe
(Silva, 1985), with administrative officials in charge of its production. In and
around Copiap6, in the valley of Chafiar, the Inca controlled local tribute of
gold and turquoise (Bibar, 1558). It is noteworthy that the Inca introduced new
mining techniques, particularly foundries and amalgamation procedures, which
differ from the simpler Late Period extractive techniques in this area. E1 Sal-
vador and Vifia del Cerro were important mining centers.
Monumental architecture is usually lacking at Inca sites, although several
40 Rivera
Table V. Summary of Inca Features in Northern Chile
Site/feature Location References
Pukaras
Copaquilla Precordillera Arica Dauelsberg, 1983
Belen Precordillera Arica Dauelsberg, 1983
Lupica Precordillera Arica Dauelsberg, 1983
Socoroma Precordillera Arica Santoro, 1983
Saxamar Precordillera Arica Dauelsberg, 1983
Purisa Precordillera Arica Rivera, 1977
Cailloma Precordillera Arica Dauelsberg, 1983
Tambos
Chungara Altiplano Arica Chacon, 1985; Chacon and
Orellana, 1979
Zapahuira Precordillera Arica Mufioz et al., 1987
Inkauta Precordillera Codpa Hidalgo, 1978
Cachicoca Lower Codpa Valley Rivera, 1985
Meteorito Atacama Desert Hyslop, 1984; Hyslop and
Rivera, 1984; Niemeyer
and Rivera, 1983
Rio Frio Atacama Desert Niemeyer and Rivera, 1983
Peine Atacama Desert Niemeyer and Rivera, 1983
E1 Yojo Precordillera Tarapaca Niemeyer, 1962
Tuff Atacama Desert Mostny, 1949
Catarpe Atacama Desert Mostny, 1949; Lynch, 1977
Caspana Atacama Desert Silva, 1985
Alto Ramirez Azapa Valley, Arica Piazza, 1981
Highway features
Socoroma Precordillera Arica Santoro, 1983
Zapahuira/Belen Precordillera Arica Dauelsberg and Rivera, 1983
San Pedro Atacama Desert Hyslop and Rivera, 1984
Atacama/Tilomonte/Salvador Atacama Desert Hyslop, 1984; Niemeyer and
Rivera, 1983; Iribarren and
Bergholz, 1972
Mines
Vina del Cerro Copiapo Valley Niemeyer et al., 1983
E1 Salvador Atacama Desert Iribarren, 1972
Sanctuaries
Paniri Altiplano Atacama Reinhard and Serracino, 1980
Lincancabur Altiplano Atacama Reinhard, 1983; Le Paige,
1977, 1978
Pili S. Pedro Atacama Le Paige, 1977, 1978
Caspana Atacama Desert Silva, 1985
Mino Altiplano Atacama Le Paige, 1977, 1978
Esmeralda Coast, Iquique Checura, 1977; Sanhueza,
1980
Ascotan Altiplano Atacama CIADAM, 1978
Quimal S. Pedro Atacama CIADAM, 1978
Pular Altiplano Atacama CIADAM, 1978
sites, especially in the western valleys, show Inca patterns in the spatial distri-
bution of houses and the location and functioning of building. Inca features in
the area may be classified into five types: pukaras and complex settlements,
tambos, highway features, mines, and sanctuaries. Table V is a simplified list
of these site types; additional details are given in the references.
All along the south, there are sanctuaries on top of the main Andean moun-
tains (Pili, Lincancabur, Salin) and, exceptionally, on the coastal cordillera
(Cerro Esmeralda, Iquique). They involved a wealth of symbolism, which pro-
vided a catalyst for conquest south of the Atacama Desert. According to Rein-
hard (1983), the sanctuary at Socaire was probably related to obtaining water
for agriculture, which was also an Inca practice. This emphasis on sanctuaries
and mountains seems to come from the earlier Illapa-Tunupa myths and is related
to fertility beliefs (Rivera, 1985). The sanctuaries also involved a specific orga-
nization that included specialists capable of building platforms in high-altitude
conditions and the provision of access roads. These were operated by a central
hierarchy, which used ideology as a network to bind all the southern Inca ter-
ritories; that is, the sanctuaries replaced the monumental architecture that is
characteristic of Inca settlements elsewhere.
As we know from ethnohistorical sources, the Inca domination ended with
the arrival of the Europeans in the sixteenth century. Since then, Andean history
has been written differently. But that is a matter beyond the scope of this paper.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This synthesis involves a work done over a long period of time, made
possible by several people and institutions, During the difficult period of the
military regime, the development of archaeological work in northern Chile was
supported by university officials including RubEn Bustos L. (ex-Vice-Rector,
Universidad Chile Antofagasta), Sergio Giaconi M. (ex-Vice-Rector, Univer-
sidad Norte Arica), Hero,in Danyau Q. (ex-Rector, Universidad Norte), Jose
Weinborn, and Jaime Torrealba (ex-Vice-Rector, Universidad Tarapac~i). I
would also like to thank B. Marinov, V. Zlatar, and all the Antofagasta team,
as well as my friends from Arica. My thanks also go to CONICET-Argentina
for honoring me with a research appointment; to the Department of Anthropol-
ogy of the University of Chicago and the Field Museum of Natural History,
Chicago; to my colleagues and friends Ch. Stanish, R. Burger, A. Kolata, C.
Morris, J. Hyslop, A. R. Gonzalez, J. A. Perez, and A. M. Llamazares, for
their help and continuous encouragement; and to my family, spread here and
there, for their support and understanding of an itinerant archaeologist.
I dedicate this work to the memory of Gustave Le Paige, Junius Bird,
RubEn Bustos Lynch, Jorge h'ibarren Ch., and Pablo Zuanic, my good old
friends.
42 Rivera
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RIVERA 1991 The Prehistory of Northern Chile, A Synthesis Jour. of World Prehistory 5 - 1

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RIVERA 1991 The Prehistory of Northern Chile, A Synthesis Jour. of World Prehistory 5 - 1

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Journal of World Prehistory, Vol. 5, No.

The Prehistory of Northern Chile: A Synthesis

central Andes, access by late, post-Tiwanaku, highland groups to the western

settlements with intensive occupation with middens deep enough to dem-

The burials can also be identified biologically as Tiwanaku (Dittmar et al.,

access to goods produced in the highlands (which can be recovered by

It would also be of interest to examine the ideological basis of prehispanic

and other environmental agents of contamination. They may indicate adaptive

THE GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING

This area is closely tied to the highland environment that predominates in

Fig. 2. Main ecozones and archaeological sites of northern Chile.

Desert and Oases of Atacama

South of Tiliviche is an extremely arid area with no precipitation (because

C H R O N O L O G Y AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT

PE R I O 0 S TFTICACA BASIN PERIOOS

period (ca. 8000-6000 B.P.), we can see a process of differentiation, defining

The Early Intermediate period [2600-1400 B.P. (500 B.C.-A.D. 500)]

T H E HUNTING AND G A T H E R I N G TRADITION

Little is known about the early hunting traditions. A transhumance model

THE CHINCHORRO TRADITION

The Chinchorro tradition comprises a unique cultural development which

CHINCHORRO SITES NORTHERN CHILE ::::::::::::::::::::::::

Table I. Chinchorro Cultural Development in Northern

Dates Periods Culture

Site Lab. No. Date B.P. Reference(s)

Playa-Miller 7 GaK-5812 2480 _+ 100 Rivera, 1977, Focacci, 1974

',j, Oo .o~ '~ o~ o" °.,

..',.w ,. ,,+, . . . . . + ,, ~ ,i ' ' ,,Ll . ' .........

ALTO RAMIFIEZSITES NORTHERNCHIIE ! ~

Table III. Alto Ramirez Development

later, coexisting with Tiwanaku regional development, especially Loreto Viejo,

Table IV. The Alto Ramirez-Circum Titicaca Sequence

Titicaca Basin Azapa Valley

serpent ornaments of copper; simple geometric designs on textiles; and disks

This corresponds to the Middle Intermediate Period. Although there is a

Fig. 10. Woodenkero (beaker) vase from Quitor-6 (N.2789), San

Fig. 11. Maytas ceramics from Azapa. (Museo Universidad de Tarapac~.)

Fig. 12. Chiribaya ceramics from Azapa. (Museo Universidad de Yarapac~)

Tiwanaku, and particularly its ideology, expanded over much of northern

THE REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Fig. 13. Gentilar ceramics from Azapa. (Museo Universidad de Yarapac~i)

Fig. 14. Pukara Lasana, AtacamaDesert near Chiu Chiu.

Table V. Summary of Inca Features in Northern Chile

Site/feature Location References

of their culture and relationships. Paper presented at 12 International Congress of Anthropo-

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