Youth and Alternative Education in The D

HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC
STRAYER UNIVERSITY
A Study Of Challenges In Ensuring Quality Higher Education In The Democratic

Republic Of The Congo
A DIRECTED RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE

GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS IN EDUCATION WITH CONCENTRATION IN
MANAGEMENT
SUBMITTED TO
DR. JOEL O. NWAGBARAOCHA
BY
YVES R. BASHONGA
WASHINGTON, DC
JUNE 2008
HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC ii
ABSTRACT
This study was undertaken to analyze the challenges involved in ensuring a quality higher
education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It was found that the Congolese
Higher Education continues to face many challenges since independence. Higher
education will play a critical role in the reconstruction of a post conflict country, ravaged
by wars, corruption, mismanagement, and lack of infrastructure and so on. This study is
of interest to educators, scholars, and the government.
The main research question states: What are the issues, problems and challenges involved
in ensuring quality higher education system in the Democratic Republic of the Congo? To
answer this question, the following sub-research questions were addressed: What is the
historical perspective of higher education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo?
What are the current factors and conditions impacting higher education system in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo? What are positive elements of the Europeans system
of higher education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo? What are the factors and
conditions necessary for an effective and quality higher education system in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo?
The qualitative research methodology used for this direct research project was conducted
by reading and analyzing secondary sources, such as library books and previous studies
by researchers on this subject. Other secondary sources, periodicals articles, industry
publications, and government generated data were used to given a complementary
analysis.
The result of the study indicates that higher education in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo has faced many challenges since independence. The country was ruined by the
Belgium colonists and much was not done to improve higher education. In 80 years of
colonization, only two universities were built. It is therefore not surprising that during
independence the country did not even have a single lawyer or engineer. The problems
did not end after Independence. The country was involved in different kinds of wars
Moba I and Moba II and after Mobutu Sese Seko became the president of the country.
Mobutu’s government did not do much to improve the higher education system, because
of: corruption, lack of salary, low wages, insecurity, lack of technology and so on. There
were also many reasons why the Congolese people did not like Mobutu’s rule. As a
result, Mobutu flew from the country May 1997 and President Laurent Kabila became the
president on May 17, 2007. Laurent Kabila did not have enough time to change the
problems the country faced in regard to higher education because he was killed by one of
his body guards. His son Joseph Kabila became the president. He conducted the country’s
first democratic election since independence; which he won on the second round with
58% of the vote. He prioritized peace process and looked for funds to build the
infrastructure of the country.
In conclusion, the study indicates that the country is rich in natural resources, which
should guarantee a better higher education system in the whole country. If the country
HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC iii
was well managed and the government was committed to promoting and improving
higher education, the country could produce better citizens, capable of contributing to the
reconstruction of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
To My Lord and Savior, Thank you for guiding me and for making me who I am today.
This study could not have been undertaken or completed without the generous
contribution of ideas, talent and time from Dr. Joel Nwagbaraocha.
I would like to thank all my professors such Dr., Sohna, Dr. Abate, and Dr. Awa, for their
time, advices and orientation while pursuing my studies at Strayer University.
To my wife Latifa Shabani Bashonga, who made all the necessary sacrifice for me to
accomplish my studies.
My children Faida, Neema and Sohna I dedicate this fruit of my studies to you.
My Brothers Giba, Alexis, Georges, Lucien, Bastin, Darius, Toussaint. Thanks! Thanks!
Thanks for all your support. Everythings is determination.
To my friends, Molly Bingham, J.B Ntahwa, Laura Shimp, Marcia Freeman, Diana Mbai,
Judith Obiero, Job Cherutich, ….Thanks for your encouragement.
All my sisters in law, nephews, nieces, cousins, uncles, aunts, I love you!
HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………………ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS………………………………………………………………….v
LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………...viii
LIST OF FIGURES…………………………………………………………………….viii
ABREVIATIONS………………………………………………………………………..ix
CHAPTER ONE. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………….1
Context of the Problem……………………………………………………………1

Statement of the Problem………………………………………………………….5
Main Research Question and sub-questions………………………………………8
Significance of the Study………………………………………………………….9
Research Design and Methodology……………………………………………...10
Organization of the Study………………………………………………………..10
CHAPTER TWO. REVIEW OF LITERATURE……………………………………….13
CHAPTER THREE. THE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF HIGHER
EDUCATION……………………………………………………………………………31
Introduction………………………………………………………………………31
Land & Resources………………………………………………………………..32
Population………………………………………………………………………..33
Economy & Government………………………………………………………...33
History …………………………………………………………………………...34
Education System in the DRC…………………………………………………...36
Belgian Cruelties in the DRC……………………………………………………40
Period of Crisis…………………………………………………………………..44
Independence of the DRC.....................................................................................48
Fail of Patrice Lumumba………………………………………………………...49
Higher Education System under Former President Mobutu…………………….52
CHAPTER FOUR. THE CURRENT FACTORS AND CONDITIONS IMPACTING
HIGHER EDUCATION ………………………………………………………………..56

HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC vi
Salary Policy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo…..................................58

Brain Drain………………………………………………………………………60
Teacher Recruitment and Retention……………………………………………..61
Administrative Challenges…………………………………………………….....61
Weak systems of Governance and administration……………………………….62
Corruption in the Democratic Republic of the Congo…………………………...63
War in the Democratic Republic of the Congo…………………………………..65
Peace process…………………………………………………………………….69
Poor infrastructures………………………………………………………………75
Democratic Republic of the Congo relation with China…………………............78
Peace agreement in the Kivus……………………………………………………79
CHAPTER FIVE. THE POSITIVE ELEMENTS OF THE EUROPEAN HIGHER
EDUCATION IN THE CONGO………………………………………………...………82
Beginning of European Universities……………………………………………..82

Purpose of Europeans in Africa………………………………………………….85
Europeans Educational cooperation with Democratic Republic of the Congo….88
Involvement of Europeans in term of peace process………………………….....94
CHAPTER SIX. FACTORS AND CONDITIONS NECESSARY FOR AN EFFECTIVE
AND QUALITY HIGHER EDUCATION ………………………………………….......99
Bridge to the future……………………………………………………………..100

Globalization…………………………………………………………………....101
User-generated learning………………………………………………………...102
Political Grip……………………………………………………………………103
Better wages in the Democratic Republic of the Congo………………………..104
Mbudi agreement……………………………………………………………….105
Employees Motivation………………………………………………………….106
Massive political will…………………………………………………………...107
Commitment to elimination of barriers to access education……………………107
Sustained budgetary commitment………………………………………………107
Decentralization with central support…………………………………………..108
Effective Accountability structure……………………………………………...109
Curriculum reform……………………………………………………………...110
Teachers support………………………………………………………………..110
Strengthening Democracy in the DRC…………………………………………110
Democratizing resources management…………………………………………111
Improving security……………………………………………………………...113
Technology for education………………………………………………………113
HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC vii
CHAPTER SEVEN. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION……………………………..115
Introduction……………………………………………………………………..115
Summary of Research Chapters………………………………………………...116
Conclusions & Recommendations……………………………………………...121
REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………124
HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC viii
LIST OF TABLES
Table I - Mining potentialities in the DRC ……………………………………………18
Table II - Structure of the Higher Education in the DRC ……………………………...40
Table III - Wages of Professors at the University of Lubumbashi from 1999-2002…….56
Table IV - DRC: Government wages and salaries in selected African Countries…….....74
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure I - Map of the Democratic Republic of the Congo……………………………….32

HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC ix
ABBREVIATIONS
AFDL Alliance des Forces Démocratique pour la Libération
BS Bachelor of Science
CUD Commission de Coopération Universitaire au Développement
DAAD German Academic Exchange Services
DRC Democratic Republic of the Congo
DSP Division Spéciale Présidentielle
EU Eupeans Union
FAR Force of the Rwandan Patriotic
FP Fonction Publique
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GNP Gross National Product
HSD Higher School Diploma
HRW Human Right Watch
ICT Information and Communication Technolgy
IDP Internal Deplace People
IMF International Monetary Fund
ISP Institut Supérieur Pédagogique
IRC International Rescue Committee
JMPR Jeunesse Mouvement Populaire De la Révolution
MONUC Mission de l’ONU en RDC
MLC Mouvement de Libération Congolais
MPR Mouvement populaire de la Révolution

HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC x
NGO Non Governmental Organization
RCD Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie
RDC (ML) Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (Mouvement de
Libération)
TI Transparency International
UOC University Officielle du Congo
ULC Université Libre du Congo
UMHK Union Minière du Haut Katanga
UNAZA Université Nationale du Zaïre
UNESCO Organisation des Nations Unies pour L’éducation, la Science et la
Culture
UN United Nation
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
WB World Bank
HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC 1
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Context of the Problem
In 1908, higher education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo was dominated
by the Roman Catholic and protestant churches and the curricula reflected Christian and
Western values. Colonialists taught students about Christianity and did little to prepare the
country for independence, which is why with the departure of the Belgian administrators,
there were almost no skilled bureaucrats left in the country. Given that much of the literature
in is French, the author attempts to state some of the content of these literatures in French.
Among the causes and actual difficulties we state the existence of colonization (Ilunga, 1978,
p. 38). The country was left without any institution or people able to lead the country .
Colonial authorities were interested in training limited numbers of Congolese to assist in
administering the colonies, and as a result, the country attained independence without a
single national engineer, lawyer, or doctor. This effect was not only in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, but also in most African countries colonized by Europeans, such as
Zambia, which had only 100 university graduates. The university of East Africa, (Kenya,
Tanzania, and Uganda), had a total of ninety nine graduates in 1961. Today’s African
institutions of higher education are still affected with many of these same shortcomings and
are struggling to free themselves from the legacy left by the region’s colonial past. Belgians
had exploited the resources throughout the nation without making much progress in
developing a good curriculum designed for higher education in the country. Curriculum
development is an extremely complex and intricate process involving many decision
situations. Decisions must be made about policy statements, procedures for setting priorities,
educational programs and course selections, standards, and many other aspects of the total
curriculum (Finch & Crunkilton, 1999). A curriculum cannot be coherent if the students do
not realize the relevance of the study to their everyday lives. It becomes more and more
apparent that the education system of yesterday cannot adequately prepare students for life
and work in the 21st century. These concerns have prompted local and International Non
Governmental Organization and educators across the country to carefully examine the current
Congolese education system and to organize their efforts to transform the education system.
(Nunan, D. 1988) The key elements in the curriculum model proposed here are as follows:
initial planning procedures (including data collection and learners’ grouping); content
selection and gradation, methodology (which includes the selection of learning activities and
materials); and ongoing monitoring of their functions within a learner centered curriculum
follow and are elaborated upon in the body of the text.
Due to the Slave trade and the virtual slavery in many of the European colonies in
Africa, the number of inhabitants in Africa dropped significantly, leaving an insufficient
number of natives to cultivate and develop the country particularly after the African countries
had gained their independence. For example, scholar’s estimate that the atrocities perpetrated
in the Belgian Congo under Leopold II, the area’s population was reduced by at least 50%.
Many Africans also did not have sufficient education to govern a country, and the arbitrary
boundaries of colonies set during the scramble had originally been made regardless of
indigenous ethnic diversity, preventing the formation of unified national spirit necessary to
start a new country.
Back in early African history, Europeans colonized and infiltrated African
civilizations in order to make a profit and to be known as a superior nation. By doing this,
European colonists messed up the traditional African lifestyle with the objective of exploiting
African richness for their own ends. This colonization led to many problems in Africa that
still affect modern day Africa’s higher education (Ilunga. 1978 p. 44). Given that much of the
literature is in French, the author attempts to state some of the content of this literature in
French: This means that our education is not suited to meet the actual needs of the country. It
should be one of the strongest factors of conscientisation, but it causes alienation. Higher
numbers of adult, when they passed on the step of education, they became unable to see the
reality of the higher number of the population. In 1954, the Belgium colonial government
tried to remedy this problem by creating secular secondary schools called “ecoles laiques or
ecoles officielles”, which were separate, but allegedly equal to the regime metropolitan for
whites. This was an apartheid styled educational system. The aim was to provide minimal or
basic education, not complete education. It was an education for servitude, rather than an
education that made independent thinkers of learners who became problem solvers. Those
who were allowed to receive secondary education concentrated on agriculture and industry,
rather than academic preparation for leadership.
Two catholic universities were created in 1954, the Lovanium and the University
Officielle du Congo. They planned to prepare well educated African elite, who would
eventually assume power in a peaceful transfer of authority. They were overtaken by events
before this could happen, so at the independence, the African population did not have enough
educated individuals to efficiently run a modern government. The world blamed Belgium for
failing to prepare them in time. Consequently, the world judged the Belgium colonial
education system a failure compared to British and French system of colonial education. For
example, in 1958 about 2.5 million children attended primary schools and 85,000 attended
secondary schools. The Nigerian College of Arts, Science, and Technology, with three
branches, had over 800 students in the 1958-1959 sessions. The University College at Ibadan,
organized in 1948, had over 1200 students. Nigeria was a British colony. Another example is
Senegal, colonized by French in 1958, 28 percent of school age children attended school. In
1959, 91,900 students were enrolled in over 400 primary schools, with 7,000 students in 25
secondary schools. The University of Dakar had an enrollment of 1, 315 in the 1958 .
The new independent government abolished the ‘regime Congolese’ in 1960 and
adopted the ‘regime metropolitan’ for all. This was seen as fair and non-discriminatory.
Church schools which received government subsidies were called regime Congolese. Schools
that were for Europeans only were known as ‘regime metropolitan’. The curriculum in the
African schools was far less rigorous than in the European schools, where it was assumed
that most students would go on to a university. In this two-tiered system equity did not exist.
In 1954, the Belgium colonial government tried to remedy this problem by creating secular
secondary schools called ‘ecoles laiques’ or ‘ecole officielles’, which were separate, but
allegedly equal to the regime metropolitan for whites. This was an apartheid-styled
educational system. The aim was to provide minimal or basic education, not complete
education. It was an education for servitude, rather than an education that made independent
thinkers of learners who became problem solvers. Those who were allowed to receive
secondary education concentrated on agriculture and industry, rather than academic
preparation for leadership (Cotton, K. 2003. p. 23) states Peterson, Gok, and Warren (1995)
write. In short, for decentralized shared decision making to be successful school leadership
need first to be able to articulate a shared educational vision for the school, so that the new
governance structures can have some clarity of purpose and direction. Second, schools with
site-based decision making need to have leaders with knowledge and skills in governance and
decision making. Third, they need the ability to develop effective working teams. (p. 1).
Primary education was reduced to a six year course, which fed into secondary schools
without a second level of primary education. Educational opportunities at all levels expanded
rapidly for Africans. This created a teacher shortage and the Peace Corps, Belgium,
and France sent volunteer teachers to the Democratic Republic of the Congo to fill the void.
In 1971, Protestants added a third university known as University Libre du Congo.
Other institutes of higher learning known as ‘Institutes Superieurs’ or intitutes of higher
education helped train a modernizing workforce. There were 27 of these and together with
technical institutes they tried to add vocational skills to the labor pool. There were 12 such
technical institutes. These schools taught technical and vocational subjects, as well as,
humanities, art, and social science courses. In 1990, some 40,000 students were enrolled in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s Universities. By 1996, there were more than 93,000
university students.
Statement of the problem
Since independence, Congolese higher education has faced many challenges such as:
mismanagement, infrastructure, wars, political instability and corruption (Ilunga, 1978. p. 9).
Ilunga states that, in fact, Hunger and war came into the country and became very difficult
issues to get a life with dignity, honesty and respect. During the dictatorship of Mobutu Sese
Seko, who controlled the country for more than 35 years, widespread corruption blossomed
and the diversion of public resources for personal gain hindered economic growth. Mobutu
ran the Congolese economy like his personal property. From 1965 through 1997, Mobutu and
his associates stole billions of dollars from the Congolese economy. In 1971, Mobutu
legalized his plunder of the Zairian economy under the guise of “Zairianization,” a law which
effectively turned over to Mobutu and his associate’s ownership of over 2,000 foreign-owned
businesses. As a result of inexperience and mismanagement, many of these nationalized
companies became bankrupt, and the Zairian economy came to a halt. The government was
incapable of serving its external debt and by 1993 both the International Monetary Fund and
the World Bank suspended the country’s borrowing rights. The government became unable to
pay all civil servants, including teachers, and as a result the educational institutions collapsed.
The teachers decided to strike in 1991, a year which came to be known as “white year”. In
the beginning, “Zairianization” did not appear to be a bad idea, particularly because of the
way things were (Frost, 1947, p. 153). Early French education was controlled by the Jesuits.
When the order was suppressed (1764) many plans for a system of national, higher
centralized schools were proposed. These plans in general, suggested that education be put
under control of the state, not the churches; the common people should have education, but
not beyond their needs; primary education should be universal and free. For example, the
nationalization of education in England in 1950, religion was at low tide, but the Methodist
church and Unitarianism were about to take form out of the growing evangelical fervor and
the liberalism and scientific thinking of the times. Economic conditions were improving and
population increasing; literature was attaining higher quality and becoming largely formal.
In May 1997, the head of the Alliance des Forces Democratique pour la liberation du
Congo-Zaire (AFDL), Laurent Kabila, supported by Rwanda and Uganda, toppled the
Mobutu regime and became the president of the country. President Laurent Kabila renamed
the country the Democratic Republic of Congo and made attempts at reforming the economy,
fighting corruption and mismanagement. Laurent Kabila was welcomed by Congolese
students and professors. Laurent Kabila tried to encourage education by buying buses for
students and making surprise visits to the campuses. In August of 1998, the coalition of
armed militias, which had supported Kabila fell apart, plunging the nation into a bloody war
that further damaged an already broken country. Warring forces with ethnic ties to Uganda
and Rwanda soon brought these nations and most of the remainder of Congo’s neighbors into
the conflict. Much of eastern Congo was a battleground for warring forces from these
surrounding nations, some of whom were fighting against each other on Congolese soil. The
country was divided into regions under rebel control and regions ruled by the Kabila regime.
Commerce between these regions comes to a halt.
After the assassination of Laurent Kabila, his son Joseph Kabila continued with his father’s
transitional parliament, but overhauled his entire cabinet, replacing it with a group of
technocrats, with the stated aim of putting the country back on track of development, and
coming to a decisive end of the Second Congo War. In October 2002, the new president was
successful in getting occupying Rwandan forces to withdraw from eastern Congo. Two
months later, an agreement was signed by all remaining warring parties to end the fighting
and set up a transitional government, which would allow representation for all negotiating
parties. People will like you if you are sincerely interested in them and their problems a
higher priority (Mayer, R. 2006). Joseph Kabila took over power. President Kabila
demonstrated a willingness to engage in talks to end the Civil war.
(Mayer, 2006) established a negotiating goal by defining “winning” now is the time
to implement hard-bargain tactics to achieve that goal. In 2002, the government agreed to a
power-sharing arrangement with Ugandan-supported rebels and signed a peace accord with
Rwanda and Uganda. Joseph Kabila adopted the new constitution on the December 18-19,
2005. A successful nationwide referendum was carried out on a draft constitution, which set
the stage for elections in 2006. The voting process, though technically difficult due to the
lack of infrastructure, was facilitated and organized by the Congolese independent electoral
commission with the support from the UN mission to the Congo. Early UN reports indicate
that the voting was for the most part peaceful, but spurred violence in many parts of the war
torn East and Kasais (Congolese province). An impressive 25 million Congolese turned out
for the two-day balloting. According to the results released in January 2006, the constitution
was approved by 84% of the votes. The country’s first democratic election in four decades
was held on July 30, 2006 with a run off between current president Kabila and his rival
Bemba held on October 29, 2006. On July 30, 2006, Joseph Kabila was declared the winner
with 44.8% of the votes and in the October runoff election; President Kabila won 58% of the
votes. The above seems to delineate the political development of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo. During the Transitional Government in 2003, the country had two ministries in
charges of education. One was Ministry of education of primary and secondary, and
ministry of higher education and Ministry of Scientific researches. This was good
because of the huge problem education faced in the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
but in term of budget, it was not good to separate both ministries because it was
expensive. The roles of each ministry were good oriented. The same period of transitional
government the new wages was approved by the government to all civil servants because
for many years education personnel had not been paid or has low wages which could not
help them afford to leave. After the Election in 2006, the president established the
scholarship program to the ten best grades higher school students in the country.
Main Research Question and Sub-Questions
The main research question for this study is: What are the challenges in ensuring
quality higher education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo? To answer this question
the following sub-questions were being addressed:
1. What is the historical perspective of Higher education in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo?
2. What are current factors and conditions impacting Higher Education in the

3. What are the current positive elements of the European Higher Education System’s
impact on the Democratic Republic of the Congo?
4. What factors and conditions are necessary for an effective and quality higher
education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo?
Significance of the Study
Higher education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo will play an important
role in building the country’s political institutions, in promoting economic growth and in
redressing inequalities (Tolbert & Baum 1985). The country is emerging from a prolonged
economic and political crisis which has had serious negative impacts on the education
system. Except for the requirement of a master’s degree, the main purpose of this research
has another main goal of assisting the government to develop an education strategy. The
country is rich in natural resources such as Gold, Diamond, Cobalt, Uranium, but people live
in poverty. (Nzongola, 1986) states that:
In the current political situation in Zaire, where the president’s power is absolute and
all position and authority are derived from him, a clique of some 50 persons close to Mobutu,
many of them his relatives, have virtually unlimited opportunities to accumulate wealth.
Together with other top level administrative, political and military officials and advisors, they
form what Callaghy has called a political aristocracy which has pillaged the economy to line
its own pockets.
Corruption is the single greatest obstacle to economic and social development.
Almost all Congolese and foreign observers agree that a major source of the country’s
economic and social crisis is the extensive corruption cultivated during three decades of
misrule by Mobutu and his closest cronies. This corruption has effectively bankrupted the
public sector especially the education area. It is necessary to improve higher education
because this can contribute to economic growth. Spending on education should therefore be
considered productive investment and merely the satisfaction of consumer demand is now
widely accepted. A variety of relationships have been examined in the course of reaching that
conclusion. For example, a recent World Bank study of eighty-three (83) developing
countries showed that in ten countries that had highest growth rate of real per capita GNP
between 1960 and 1977, the literacy level in 1960 averaged 16 percent higher than it did for
other countries at the same income level. Scholars, educators, local and internationals non-
governmental organization, and of course, Congolese themselves will be interested to read
this research because the Democratic Republic of the Congo is very rich from natural
resources, but higher education is facing many challenges. Professors are not paid, and when
they are paid the salary is low, corruption inside the university, unqualified teachers and so
on. (World Bank 2005) If higher education is well ensured, peace processes and economies
of the country will be addressed without challenges.
Research Design and Methodology
The qualitative research methodology used for this directed research project which
was conducted by reading and analyzing various aspects of the study, a historical method and
content analysis was utilized. In utilizing the historical critical analysis method various
materials found in secondary sources about the challenges facing higher education in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo were collected and reviewed. Insight was gained by
answering four sub questions related to the main research question with a view to identifying
solutions for improving higher education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The information delineated in this study are based on data collected from secondary
sources such as internet, magazine, journal, directed research project and books. Reading
those materials from different sources is important in understanding, analyzing and proposing
solutions to the problems of higher education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Organization of the Study

The research is organized in seven chapters.
CHAPTER ONE: THE INTRODUCTION presents the context of the problem, statement of
the problem, main research question and sub-questions, research design and methodology,
significance of the study and organization of the study.
CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF LITERATURE. Chapter 2 is an extensive review of the
relevant literature about challenges of ensuring quality higher education in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. This chapter helps to find research studies that are useful in this
particular area of investigation.
CHAPTER THREE: THE HISTORICAL PERSEPECTIVE OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN
THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO. Chapter 3 outlines the historical
perspectives of the challenges facing higher education in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo. The chapter attributes the problems facing the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s
higher education to European Colonization. It argues that the colonialists did not have as their
primary goal, the education of the Congolese but to exploit the country’s natural resources.
CHAPTER FOUR: THE CURRENT FACTORS AND CONDITIONS IMPACTING
HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO. Chapter 4
outlines different challenges which are currently facing Congolese higher education. Lack of
economy, infrastructure, mismanagement, abuse of human rights are the major problems
which are plaguing Congolese higher education. Additionally, the government has prioritized
the peace process in expense of focusing on a structured higher education which can
contribute to the economy of the country by producing a well-trained work force. CHAPTER
FIVE: THE POSITIVE ELEMENTS OF THE EUROPEANS HIGHER EDUCATION IN
THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO Chapter 5 states some positive and
negative points about the involvement of Europeans in Congolese higher education. The
establishment of exchange program between Belgium, United States and other Europeans
country for the benefit of Congolese. Exchange visitors to teach in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo and some types of scholarship programs. Europeans government has supporting
Congolese government efforts to improve management of natural resources, including by
requiring their companies to comply with Congolese and national law, such as the US
Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.
CHAPTERS SIX: FACTORS AND CONDITIONS NECESSARY FOR AN EFFECTIVE
AND QUALITY HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE
CONGO. Chapter 6 outlines the specific conditions which are needed to be in place to
improve the current Congolese education systems. Massive political will, curriculum reform,
effective accountability structure, elimination of barriers to access, sustained budgetary
commitment, and teachers support are needed to be in place to improve the current
Congolese higher education systems. The government should prioritize education system so
that it will play an important role in building the country’s political institutions, in promoting
economic growth and in addressing inequality.
CHAPTER SEVEN: -SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION. Chapter 7 summarizes the
information provided in chapters 3, 4, 5 and 6 to draw a conclusion on the main research
question of the study and propose specific recommendations for solving the challenges raised
in the research questions.

CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
This literature review found, examined, and categorized resources such as books,
book chapters, and articles from research journals, in recognition of the important role of
literature review in helping the student to identify research techniques that are useful in his or
her own area of study; this chapter presents the literature review. As (Sax, 1968) observes, the
purpose of the review is to show how the proposed research is related to previous
investigations and how it can make a unique contribution. The review of the literature is
useful because it helps to select a research problem, delimiting its size and scope, showing
the relationship of the research topic to previously completed research and determine which
methods and tools can be used in a giving area of investigation (Sax, 1968, p. 88).
In Empirical Foundations of Educational Research, (Sax, 1968) offers a detailed
construction and analysis of an educational research project from its conception through its
termination. Not only does the book serve as an introduction to details of empirical research
techniques, but also forms a most comprehensive reference system on the subject. Its details
the potentials and limitations of empirical research, illustrates the contributions such research
methods have made to education, examines the underlying philosophical and theoretical
assumptions, and provides a precise description of the tools and methods employed.
Judy R. Jablon, Amy Laura Dombro and Margo L. Dichtelmiller (1999) highlight the
‘power of observation’ in research. They note that observing helps to build relationships by
revealing the uniqueness, personality, work style, and preferred mode of experience.
Observation can be used as tool of investigation in higher education that can bring solution to
the challenges that the Democratic Republic of the Congo is facing. We have observed that
the Congolese higher education is facing many challenges including: arrest of students,
strikes of the professors, lack of infrastructure and lack of salary among others. However, the
government has not been forthcoming in terms of taking action. Because corruption is
dominating the higher education, no one cares about what they observe. We observe how our
students are not able to practice what they learn at school, how professors are not paid, how
schools do not have computers and other tools to facilitate higher education, corruption
within the classrooms, but decision makers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are not
able to solve the problems because of the ignorance of observation. Effective observing does
not just happen. It involves thoughtful planning, an ongoing process of asking questions and
making decisions on the recommendations of this study. The community should use
observation, which is useful to challenge our education system in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo. Professors used the classroom observation just for their advantage. Each child has
a unique way of approaching learning. For example, one child may be an active explorer,
intensely curious and imaginative. Another might be quiet, taking time to look around before
getting involved in play or work (Jablon, Dombro & Dichtelmiller 1999).
Following Sax, (1968) this chapter will review the empirical and theoretical
literature related to:
1. The challenges of higher education in the Democratic Republic Congo.
2. The history of higher education in Democratic Republic of the Congo

3. Education policy development, globalization and democracy in Africa
4. Addressing Challenges in higher education
The Challenges of Higher Education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Various authors have written about the challenges of higher education in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. In his book titled Chemins de Liberation (1978), the
Catholic Bishop Bakole Wa Ilunga, highlights some of these problems. Ilunga cites
corruption, dictatorship, and exploitation of natural resources by foreigners, tribalism, and
warfare. Given that much of the literature in is French, the author attempts to state some of
the content of these literatures in French, (Ilunga, 1978. p. 45) asked:
How can you expect students to work hard when they know that they can get a grading
report or certificate by corruption? And how do we expect that schools become an
educational place when educators themselves are bad for setting a good example?
This book which was written in 1978 mirrors the problematic realities that the country
currently faces. The current situation is worsened by the series of wars that the Democratic
Republic of the Congo has experienced since 1997 resulting in mass unemployment,
inflation, insecurity and the neglect of the higher education sector by the government. For
some time professors were paid by the students or the parents, but the salaries inadequate to
meet the needs of f their families. The wars led to an influx of different types of rebel
movements, especially in Eastern part of the Congo. These rebels invaded the schools in
villages, which resulted in a decrease of the number of students attending school.
Additionally, civil servants were not paid by the government and as a result there was a
shortage of teachers to educate students.
The political landscape of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is often blamed for
the present socio-economic crisis that has engulfed the country leading to the neglect of the
higher education sector. In his book the crisis in Zaire: Myths and Realities, Nzongola 1984,
explores the crisis and change Zaire between 1960-1985. He states: “that the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, formerly Zaire, is a country in crisis. After 25 years of independence,
including 20 years of relative political stability under the authoritarian rule of President
Mobutu Sese Seko, there is virtually no improvement in the quality of life of ordinary men,
woman and children”. Nzongola attributes the poor state of economic and social development
to corruption and dictatorship during President Mobutu’s regime. This era was characterized
by rampant corruption which effectively bankrupted the public sector, crippling its ability to
provide essential public services such as education, roads, schools and hospitals, or even
paying its workers (Nzongola, 1984, p. 6). In the advanced capitalist countries, the economy
is sufficiently strong to allow the state to use its fiscal authority to raise the revenue needed to
meet the social expenses necessary for redressing social grievances and thus ensure the
legitimacy of the established order. In the underdeveloped countries on the other hand, the
state’s ability to provide for even the basic necessities of the population is very limited. For
example, in October 1994, faculty at the University of Kinshasa officials entitled to a salary
of $12 a month protested because they had not been paid for more than a year in a country
that abounds in diverse mining potential resources scattered throughout the country as shown
on table 1.
Instead of putting priorities on higher education, the government is still working on
conflict resolution and installing a democracy. A brochure published by a human rights watch
group based in Washington, D.C presents a history of the origin and nature of the conflict in
DRC. The war within the war: sexual violence against woman and Girls in Eastern D R C,
(2002), shows that In 1994, the dominant parts of the Rwandan army forces (Forces Armees
Rwandaise, FAR), and members of the Interhamwe milita directed an attack after being
defeated by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), the military force of the Rwandan patriotic
front (RPF). The government responsible for the genocide that led more than a million Hutu
into exile in Democratic Republic of the Congo, then Zaire where civilian refugees and the
military together established themselves in camps along the border. Under the direction of the
defeated political and military leaders, soldiers and militia reorganized and rearmed within
the refugee population, preparing for new attacks on Rwanda. Although such military activity
was prohibited by international convention, neither UN agencies nor the larger international
community intervened to halt the preparations. In late 1996 the Rwandan government sent its
troops into the Democratic Republic of the Congo asserting the need to impede preparations
for attacks on Rwanda as well as any obligation to protect the Banyamulenge, Congolese of
the Tutsi ethnic group who were being threatened by local and national Congolese political
authorities. The Rwandan soldiers, together with combatants of the Allied Democratic Forces
for the Liberation of the Congo, a hastily organized coalition of Congolese forces, attacked
the camps and killed tens of thousands of Rwandans. As result most schools were affected by
this tragedy of war and refugees.

TABLE 1: MINING POTENTIALITIES IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF

THE CONGO
This table explains and demonstrates the types of mineral in each provinces of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
PROVINCE MINERAL INDICES
BANDUNDU Diamond, kaolin, clays.
BAS-CONGO Bauxite, copper, lead, zinc, vanadium, phosphates, asphaltic

sands, gold, diamond, manganese, marble, granite, rock salt,
iron, clays, gypsum, pyrite, talk, silica, kaolin, barytime,
calcareous.
EQUATOR Diamond, gold, iron, calcareous, kaolin, clays, copper, granite,

niobium, ochre.
EASTERN KASAI Diamond, clays, chrome, cobalt, copper, nickel, gold, iron,
kaolin, talk.
WESTERN KASAI Diamond, clays gold, chrome nickel, cobalt, platinum, copper,
iron, kaolin, lead saline.
KATANGA Copper, cobalt, uranium niobium, gold, platinum, lithium,

talk, tantalum, wolfram, zinc, clays, bismuth, cadmium, tin
stone, coal iron, granite, gypsum, kaolin, manganese,
manganese, monazite, saline, emerald, Sapphire, Diamond,
Silver and calcareous.
KINSHASA Clays, silica, kaolin.

MANIEMA Gold, tin stone, amblygonite, lithium, clays, copper, diamond,

iron, kaolin, manganese, niobium, lead, talk tantalum,
wolfram.
Clays, tin stone, basnaesite, emerald, coal, granite, monazite,
NORTH-KIVU niobium, gold, wolfram, Tantalum, calcareours.
EASTERN PROVINCE Gold, diamond, clays, copper, iron, kaolin, niobium, ochre,
phosphates, saline, bituminous schists, talc.
SOUTH-KIVU Gold, tinstone, amblygonite, silver, basnaesite, emerald,

bismuth, diamond, diatomite, monazite, niobium, wolfram,
zinc, tantalum, calcareous.
Source: Ministry of Mines, June 2003
Corruption in higher education
As I have identified in my research, corruption is a matter of concern for today.
Corruption in higher education depends on the country’s political leadership. In the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, professors use school funds for personals gains such as
food, clothes and so on. But in the United States corruption in higher education is totally
different. Here corruption occurs between companies and schools or researchers with
companies’.
Washburn (2005) in The Corporate Corruption of American Higher Education
(2005) draws a distinction in levels of corruption between the Democratic Republic of the
Congo. She states how federal and state tax dollars help to fund higher education. If
corporations kick in a little more, should they be able to dictate the research or own the
discoveries?
She continues by saying that in the past two decades, commercial forces have quietly
transformed virtually every aspect of academic life. Corporate funding of universities is
growing and the money comes with strings attached.
In return for this largesse, universities are acting more and more like for profit patent
factories.
Poor quality of teaching
In his book ‘Handbook for qualities of effective teachers (2004), the author discusses
some characteristics of effective teaching. He states that effective teachers display the
following characteristics:
1. Verbal Ability
2. Content Knowledge
3. Educational Coursework
4. Teacher Certification
5. Teaching experience.
Yet a close observation of teachers shows that there is a general lack of effective teaching
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The challenges which are facing Congolese higher
education have caused the population to ignore the qualities of effective teachers. But how
can a country have effective teachers when there is no public library, lack of technology?
Effective teaching is a continual learning process, and each school year brings changes to
which competent teachers must adapt. Changes can happen in terms of students, curriculum,
building issues, colleagues, administrators, finances, health and safety concerns, families,
communities, and a host of others influences on the daily lives of teachers. In the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, a student with a Bachelors degree can teach at a university if the
student has passed the last year of university with seventy percent or degrees. Yet most
people who have a masters and Ph. D. went to schools in Europe and America and remained
there because the salary that the Democratic Republic of the Congo government offers to its
teachers is inadequate to support their families. In the United State the benefit of American
Higher education is huge but it has also some disadvantages, that is not the case. In fact, I
was quite surprised when my brother Toussaint Akwira, a high school student at Winston
Churchill informed me that most of his teachers have Ph. Ds, and Masters Degrees.
(Washburn, J. 2005. p 199) when the typical middle-class family let’s call them the smiths
agree to pay $ 30,095 in undergraduate tuition ( plus another $ 13, 000 for room and board,
books, and other expenses) pr year to send their eldest daughter, Jane, to New York
University, they understandably expect a good return on their investment. Footing the bill for
such an education is, after all, an enormous strain on most families, even those with two
incomes. To afford it, the Smiths very likely had to set aside money for years, and their
daughter had to take out a substantial student loan to cover the remainder. College education
in the United States is expensive. More expensive than other things we may desire deeply,
like car, watch Rolex and so on even more expensive than medical insurance.
Education measurement and assessment
Another challenge to Democratic Republic of the Congo’s higher education is found
in education measurement and assessment. The education system does not adequately prepare
educators to devise effective tools of student evaluation. It becomes difficult to tell whether
students are learning or not. Some Professors do anything possible to be corrupt, especially in
the way they assess their students. Sometimes they make the exams more difficult so students
can fail. This book helps to introduce some strategies about education measurement and
assessment. As Noll, Scannell & Craig, (1979) observe, most students in a first course in
educational measurement have had little or no systematic presentation of the principles and
practices of the field. To assist teachers and others who devise their own tests and evaluate
devices, the government should help schools and organizations so that student can engage in
competition all over the country to measure the standard and the intellectual capacity of the
students all over the country. I remember my bother in Belgium who as a student took math
and French exams organized by the Marie de Louvain. The main point of the exam was to
measure intellectual level of all students resident in Louvain. All the students who passed the
exams were granted a two year scholarship, with the chance to get a part time job in the local
government.
Challenges of Information and Communication technology
The lack of electronic computers is also cited as problem for higher education in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Sax (1968) writes about the advantages of electronic
computers in educational research. He identifies three main advantages of using electronic
computers for data analysis: speed, accuracy, and economy. He argues that “As long as
computational speeds are determined by the rotation of gears, mechanical computations is
bound to be relatively slow. Electronic computation, however, requires no moving parts”
(Sax, 1968 p. 402).
The lack of technology in the higher education in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo poses a serious challenge. Some students complete their degree programs without
having touched a computer. Yet the lack of electricity in some areas has made it
extraordinarily difficult to integrate technology in the education system. The government
must work to provide electricity to the country.
The situation of schools in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in matters
concerning new information and communication technologies remains alarming. There are
many barriers to the use of new technologies in rural areas of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, such as: scarce infrastructure (telecommunication networks), lack of electricity, lack
of telecommunication, and higher cost of Information Communication Technology, outdated
systems, use, maintenance, repair and management. For sure, many teachers working in the
rural areas of Democratic Republic of the Congo have never seen nor touched a computer.
Without exaggeration, even some basic traditional technologies such as television never have
been seen by some people living in the rural areas (Messiam & Caffarella, 1999). There is no
more apt metaphor for reflecting the rate of technological change than the computer. Itself a
major component of our highly technological age, computer language has invaded the ways
in which we talk of adult learning. In developing countries such as the United States,
technology has had an enormous impact on society and adult learning. It has been
instrumental in bringing about the so-called information society, which has created new jobs
and eliminated others. The technology driven information society has also affected adult
education. There are three main advantages in using electronic computers for data analysis,
speed, accuracy, and economy. These are problems in research in education system if there is
lack of electronic computers.
Yet technology is not without its faults. In their book, Teaching with love & Logic
Jim Fay & David Funk (1995) highlight some of the effects of the use of technology in
education. They underscore the role of technology in opening up a world of learning and
enabling significantly increased output. However, they also note that there is a price to pay
for increased use of technology. For instance we increasingly demand more speed, so we
lose the opportunity to contemplate. We require perfection, so we lose the opportunity to
develop experience and wisdom and learn from our mistakes. Students who feel
disenfranchised as persons often seek to assert their humanity by displaying aberrant
behavior and disrupting the system. In addition to factors that directly affect discipline, other
aspects confront educators on a daily basis. There are always new ideas to try. Curricula
become outdated. New technological skills become necessary to learn. Students feel
unprepared for school.
History of Higher Education

The modern university system in Africa, especially in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo was introduced by the colonial powers in the 19th century and did little to prepare the
African countries for independence. In the book Mission of the College Curriculum (1977)
the author shows how colonial authorities were interested in training limited numbers of
African nationals to assist in administering the colonies. In one instance, the DRC reached
independence without a single national engineer, lawyer or doctor. The Carnegie Council
series, 2007 the college curriculum has three main dimensions that are constantly interacting
with another. The first dimension is determined by the range of subject matter that is taught
and by the way that an institution is structured to accommodate different realms of
knowledge. The second dimension is determined by the uses of knowledge for various
purposes to acquire learning in depth about one subject, to acquire breadth of understanding
through an acquaintance with several subjects, or to acquire certain skills. The third
dimension is determined by the size, character, and mission of different types of institutions.
Christianity and to civilize African was also sometimes the goal of European colonial policy.
S.E. Frost (1947) states the details of education during the middle ages, the reformation, the
18th and 19th centuries in Europe and Africa. The Nationalization of education which is
similar to Zairianization seemed not to be a bad idea at first, but it turned out to be disastrous
(Gautier p.48). Given that much of the literature in is French, the content of some of this
literature is presented in French: In November 30, 1973, President Mobutu pronounces a
speech as a departure point of Zairianization (Gautier p.48).
When Mobutu came to power in 1965; he started an aggressive campaign of
nationalization. This strategy bled not only the economy, but also ruined the civil services of
which schools were the most affected. At that time the country suffered from a large debt and
massive currency devaluations. Fundamentally, the idea of “zairianization” was not bad but it
propelled mismanagement since the country was unprepared. In the 18th century most
countries engaged in nationalization, especially in the area of education. As an example, the
nationalization of education took place in France in the 18th century, with a twofold purpose.
One was to bring education under control of the state, not church and to provide education
for all and not divisions based on as to the amount of education acquired. The nationalization
of education was premised upon the notion that:
1. The common people should have education, but not beyond their needs.
2. Primary education should be universal and free.
3. The aims of education are enlightenment, development of a national spirit, and
creation of the ability to protect one’s rights and serve the state.
Consequently, freedom of teaching, uniformity of instruction, adult education, and
scholarship were emphasized.
Education policy Development, Globalization & Democracy in Africa
Policies are very important in any organization, especially in education where the
challenges are many (Olssen, Codd & O’Neill, 2004).The education policies in Congolese
higher education are not respected by the government, school administration, professors and
student. Public schools should receive a school budget and salaries from the government, but
no such actions are taken by the government. Professors are involved in sexual relations with
students, and that obviously goes against the code of conduct of schools; students also
purchase exams papers from other classmates. Despite clear transgression the schools takes
no action. Ironically, in democratic government, schools should have a strong policy.
Education policy in the twenty first century is the key to global security, sustainability and
survival (Stone 1976). Over the past two decades there has been a cumulation of research
efforts to construct economic models of long-term charge or growth that assign an explicit
place to education and to measure the place of education in growth. Building a strong higher
education system in the Democratic Republic of the Congo will play an important role in
building the economic growth. Also a deep and robust democracy at a national level requires
a strong civil society based on norms of trust and active responsible citizenship and education
is central to such a goal. Thus, an educated state is necessary to sustain democracy at the
national level so that strong democratic nation-states can buttress forms of international
governance and ensure that globalization becomes a force for global sustainability and
survival.
Because of lack of education during colonization, dictatorship and corruption under
Mobutu regime, wars and lack of economy, the higher education in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo needed to take a new direction so that the country can recover from the
challenges they are facing. Education, in neo-liberal utilitarian terms, is considered to be a
preferred good that is something we expect. Although it is referred to as a good, it is typically
defined as representing the sum total of individuals’ preferences. It is something we choose or
earn and because it involves the acquisition of marketable skills, it does not differ essentially
from other exchangeable commodities. Such preferred goods do not produce positive
externalities or benefits to others apart from those who receive them. The education system
will play an important role in building the country’s political institutions, in promoting
economic growth and in redressing inequalities (Dewey 2005).
It is in view of the foregoing that adult education has been emphasized as critical to
development in Africa (Brookfield 1986). In Understanding and Facilitating Adult Learning
Brookfield states: “The facilitation of learning-assisting adults to make sense of and act upon
the personal, social, occupational, and political environment in which they live.” (1986. p. 1).
Yet as Merriam and Caffarella (1999) point out, the context of adult learning especially
socio-cultural context determines the nature of the programs put in place. In the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, the government should provide learning opportunity for adults
because of the structure of the global economy. In a developed country such as United States,
the economy is changing and with it the learning needs of adult. In particular there is
recognition of global interdependence, a shift to a service economy, and a change in
composition of the labor force.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, schools became unable to facilitate adult
learning due to different reasons including, the lack of computers, electricity, libraries, school
budget and qualified teachers. The government and school administrations should facilitate
adult learning so that they can become better citizens who contribute to the economy of the
country. The way to do that is to provide materials, pay salaries, and implement education
policies which should be respected by both parties which are involved in higher education.
The World Bank, in collaboration with national teams from various sub-Saharan
countries has prepared a series of education country status reports. These reports aim to
enhance the knowledge base for policy development in the education sector, create a basis for
engaging a diverse audience in dialogue on education sector policies, and for developing a
shared vision for the future. One such report is Le renouveau du systeme educatif de la
Republique Democratique du Congo (2005). World Bank has been trying to finance
education sectors in many African countries. For example, they helped Kenya and Tanzania
to implement Free Primary Education. The main purpose of the report was to assist the
government in developing an education strategy. This is necessary for preparing the
government’s Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper and a program of assistance for the
education sector by external donors. The summary integrates the Keys findings and the
recommendations presented in the country status report on education in the Democratic

Republic of the Congo. Africa in Transition is an instructional Guide written by Herschelle
Challeor, Marcia Humbert, Cindy Spradlin and Dale Tyree, published in 2000 by the southern
Center for International Studies in Atlanta. In 1991, the southern Center for International
Studies, together with a number of outstanding academic experts and teachers, began to
develop a series of multimedia educational materials focusing on different areas of the world.
The project was undertaken because academic institutions needed high quality, up to date,
educational materials that reflect the rapid and important changes taking place in today’s
world. The educational materials have been assembled by outstanding scholars and teachers.
They are well organized and offer a wealth of information and analysis needed by teachers.
For example lesson 3 activity 1, titled - what are some key economic factors affecting modern
Africa? There are activity objective, materials and resources, strategies and map of Africa to
get answers for the question. (p. 111) states “Education is also critical to economic growth
and development in Africa countries”. Increased access to education can lead to
improvements in such areas as health, labor productivity, and environmental protection
because education is vital to the future growth of the country’s economy, because workers
and managers must cope with rapid economic change. Expanded linkages between business
and education should be encouraged at all levels of the educational system. Building bridges
between the educational institutions and the private business sector should have payoffs in
how well graduates are prepared to meet the challenges of an increasingly knowledge-based
global economy.
(African Studies Review 2007) There is a paradoxical politics to the study of
corruption in Africa: one that oscillates between paternalism and caricature, on the one hand,
and justification and exposé, on the other and one that also requires consideration of
intellectual diplomacy. African scholars may be tired of western accusations of corrupt

leadership and business practices. Corruption is one of the challenges facing Congolese
Higher Education. This is due to different reasons such as low wages, lack of good law
system and ethics policies in most schools.
The African Studies Association represents a diverse group of people interested in
Africa and its people. The Association has a long history of commitment to fostering the
study of Africa, to supporting research by Africans, and of promoting collaboration among
Africanists. No guidelines for conduct can presume to be comprehensive or universally
applicable because the range of activities conducted by our members is vast and the contexts
in which they carry out their work change constantly. Nonetheless, several principles are
enduring foundations for ethical conduct of research and other professional endeavors across
cultures, international boundaries, and especially among those with uneven access to
financial and professional resources. These principles are not separate but form an interlinked
framework for responsible conduct of research. They had publication about Africa issues
each three months. Most members are schools and professors. Volume 50, Number 3 had
different essays such as: A culture of corruption: Everyday Deception and popular
Discontent in Nigeria by Daniel Jordan, South African Democracy Education Trust, by
Allison Drew, The unsettled Land: State-Making and the Politics of Land in Zimbabwe 1893-
2003 by David McDermott Hughes and so on
Addressing Challenges in higher education
One of the tools to resolve some of the problems facing higher education is
negotiation. In reading How to win any Negotiation (1996), I discovered those secrets of how
to win any negotiation and the power of negotiation in addressing the problems facing
Democratic Republic of the Congo’s higher education. While the government of President
Mobutu became unable to pay civil servants schools were closed in 1991 for the full year. In
1992 teachers negotiated with parents for pay. Nevertheless the conclusive salary was not
sufficient so the negotiations led to minor change in the situation. This is because the salary
parents agreed to with teachers was not enough for them to feed their families.
The government and schools did many negotiations about the implementation of
salary in higher education but was not successful. Several strikes by professors have led to
many negotiations that have failed. For example, in 2000 the government signed new wages
with the civil servant, but that was never respected as a result of several strikes undertaken by
professors.
Few, if any of the dramatic challenges facing schools can be handled effectively
without a solid understanding of human behavior. In Organizational Behavior, Don
Hellriegel and John W. Slocum, Jr. (2007) describe some principles of organizational
behavior such as perceptions and attributions, Fundamentals of motivation, Foundations
abilities and so on. These principles need to be addressed in the Congolese higher education.
The schools administrators should know that the effective management and leadership of
organization require thoughtful application of competencies related to the behavior of people
at work. Professors should be able to convey information, ideas, and emotions to others in
such away that they are received as intended. In Congolese Higher Education there is no
hiring policy. This situation is made worse by tribalism, discrimination, and sexual
harassment. As a result incompetence has increased. To be hired as a professor, one must
belong to the family of one of the school administrators who consider schools as their
personal property. How can we except good foundation if some professors are not able to
communicate with students? As the organization behavior book states: “decisions and
behaviors in organizations have an underlying foundation of ethical concepts, principles, and

rules, because of the importance of ethics in management” (p. 123). Schools should hire
quality professors for the benefit of students and the entire country. Lack of good hiring may
result to bad economy and citizen who will not be able to help their country.
CHAPTER THREE
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DR CONGO
This chapter addresses sub question number one which is: what is the historical
perspective of higher education system in the Democratic Republic of the Congo?
Introduction
Democratic Republic of the Congo, nation in central Africa, a vast country of dens
forests traversed by the powerful Congo River. Rich in natural resources, the country is
nonetheless economically stunted due to decades of misrule in the second half of the 20 th
century, under Dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. (Wattenberg & Smith, 1963) The region was first
united as the Congo Free State, a colony created by Belgian king Leopold II in the late 19 th
century. The colony was called the Belgian the Belgian Congo from 1908 until 1960, when it
gained independence as the Republic of the Congo. Its name was changed to the Democratic
Republic of the Congo.
Mobutu seized control of the country in 1965. During his 32-year-long rule he grew
wealthier as the economy stagnated. After he was overthrown in 1997 the country’s name
was changed back to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. After Mobutu’s overthrown, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo endured years of civil war. According to International
Rescue committee, a Non Profit Organization based In New York, about 4 million people
died during the war, making it the world’s deadliest conflict since World War II (1939-1945)
(International Rescue committee, 2004).
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is bounded on the north by the Central
African Republic and Sudan; on the east by Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and Lake Tanganyika
(which separates the Democratic Republic of the Congo from Tanzania); on the south by
Zambia and Angola; and on the west by the Republic of the Congo and Angola exclave of
Cabinda. The equator crosses the northern of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Kinshasa is the capital and largest city.
Figure 1: Map of the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia
Land and Resources
The dominant physiographic feature of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)
is the Congo River basin, a vast depression sloping upward from the center of the country to
plateaus and mountain ranges on all sides. The Katanga Plateau in the southeast is a
mountainous region containing rich copper fields, uranium, and other mineral deposits. In
the northeast is the Ruwenzori Range, containing the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s
climate is generally hot and humid. The Democratic Republic of the Congo’s vegetation is
rich and diversified. Rubber trees, oil palms, coffee, cotton and a variety of tropical fruit
trees are indigenous to the region. Teak, ebony, African cedar, mahogany, iroko, and
redwood trees are also abundant. Larger animals include Elephants, Lions, Leopards,
Gorillas, Giraffes, and Hippopotamuses. Many kinds of reptiles, tropical birds, and insects
abound.
Population
According to the Embassy of Democratic Republic of the Congo, in Washington DC,
Largely rural and agricultural, the DRC’s population (1997 estimate) is 47,589,551. It
comprises more than 200 ethnic groups. The majority of the population is Bantu-speaking
and concentrated in the eastern highlands and along the lower Congo River. About 75
percent of the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo are nominally Christians,
primarily Roman Catholic. Most of the rest adhere to traditional beliefs. Although more than
200 languages are spoken, French is the official language. The four most common African
languages are Swahili, Kikongo, Tshiluba, and Lingala. Congolese cultures remain largely
intact among the different ethnic groups.
Economy and Government
Despite the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s extensive natural resources,
prolonged disruption following independence in 1960 has hampered the economy. The
country remains one of the world’s poorest (World Bank 2005). Some 68 percent of the
working population is engaged in agriculture, much of which is subsistence farming, but only
3 percent of the land area is under cultivation. Principal food crops include fruits, grains,
coffee, cotton seed and lint, and rubber. With an estimated 8 percent of the world’s forests,
the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s annual production of timber is significant. Mineral
deposits constitute the principal source of wealth in the Democratic Republic of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. The republic is the world’s largest producer of cobalt
and industry is fairly well developed and is dominated by the processing of mineral products.
The unit of currency is the Congolese franc. Before the government was overthrown in May
1997, the country had a highly centralized presidential executive system, with the president
elected to seven-year term.
History
Certain records indicate that European exploration of the Congolese region began in
the 15th century. In 1489 a Congolese embassy was sent to the Portuguese king, and in 1490
Franciscan missionaries and artisans from Portugal went to the area. Growing European
interest in Africa as a source of wealth was stimulated by the reports of explorers. Belgian
King Leopold II organized the International Association of the Congo in 1878, which
engaged Anglo-American explorer Sir Henry Morton Stanley to establish relations with
native chiefs. In 1884 an international conference recognized the sovereignty of the African
International Association and opened the Congo Free State, as the region was named, to trade
of all nations and outlawed the slave trade. The new state was placed under the personal
sovereignty of Leopold in 1885. Increasingly oppressive exploitation caused unrest among
the Africans and led, early in the 20 th century, to International protest as a result. In 1908
Belgium annexed the Congo Free State. During World War I (1914–1918), Congolese troops
aided the Allied cause in Africa. Substantial expansion of the Congo’s industrial facilities
took place during World War II (1939-1945). During postwar years further increases
occurred, and a series of reforms were initiated to prepare the Congolese for eventual self-
government. Nationalist rioted in 1959 for immediate and full independence; the two
principal parties included the Abako (Bakongo Allianc), led by Joseph Kasavubu, and the
Congolese National Movement, led by Patrice Lumumba. Belgium agreed to relinquish the
colony, and in subsequent elections Lumumba became premier-designate, and Kasabubu
president. The independent Republic of the Congo was proclaimed in 1960 (Nzongola 1986).
Civil strife and disorder ensued between rival factions, and Belgian forces were redeployed
with the intention of restring order. This worsened the situation. The political picture was
further complicated when Moise Kapenda Tshombe, then premier of Katanga Province,
proclaimed the province to be an independent country and requested Belgian military aid.
The United Nations Security Council sent forces to the Congo to restore order, gradually
supplanting Belgian troops. After a period of total political chaos, in 1961 Congolese
factions agreed to abolish the central government in favor of a confederation of sovereign
states. In 1962, Acting United Nations Secretary General U Thant proposed a three-stage
plan for ending Katanga’s secession. Tshombe announced his acceptance of the plan but
made little effort to implement it. Strikes and rebellions continued, and in 1964 a new
constitution was adopted. The country was renamed the Democratic Republic of the Congo
and a government was formed under Tshombe, despite continued disorder. In late 1965 a
former leader of the Congolese army, Colonel Joseph Desire Mobutu (later Mobutu Sese
Seko), installed himself as president. In his first years as president, Mobutu brought political
stability to the country, although there were a number of short-lived regionally based revolts.
In 1966 European names of several cities were replaced by African names. In 1970 Mobutu
was elected to a seven year term as president, and in the early 1970s he undertook a major
program of africanization. In 1971 the country’s name was changed to Zaire. The president
also renamed himself, at the same time urging other Zairians to drop their non African names.
World copper prices fell sharply in the mid-1970s, and largely as a result of the consequent
drop in Zaire’s export earnings, the country’s foreign debt rose dramatically. Zaire also
experienced high rates of unemployment and inflation. In 1977 and again in 1978, Zaire
repulsed invasions from Angola. A sluggish economy relained the country’s greatest problem
in the erally 1980s. In 1990 Mobutu legalized opposition parties. Popular discontent grew in
the early 1990s as the economy deteriorated. Outbreaks of violence and looting led many
European and American civilians to flee the country. In 1992 a national conference for the
democratization of Zaire drew up a new constitution, declared its sovereignty, and appointed
Etienne Tshisekedi Prime Minister. In 1994 Mobutu dissolved the conference, replacing it
with a High Council pf the Republic of Parliament of Transition (HCR-PT). The HCR-PT
approved the Transitional Constitutional act, calling for a constitutional referendum and
presidential and legislative elections, Leon Kengo Wa Dondo was appointed to serve as
Prime Minister. In 1994 and 1995 the country struggled with refugees from Rwanda who
poured into Zaire due to ethnic war in their homeland. In late 1996 and early 1997 anti
Mobutu rebels from the east swept across the country, overthrowing Mobutu in May 1997.
The country was renamed the Democratic Republic of the Congo and later rebel leader
Laurent Desire Kabila declared himself president. Civil strife continues in the late 1990s, as
rebels seek to oust Kabila.
Education System in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Ecole Maternelle (Kindergarten)
Ecole Primaire (Primary School)
Ecole Secondaire (Secondary School)
Universite and Instituts Superieurs (Higher Education)
I. The Ecole Maternelle ( Kindergarten)
A three-year program for children from three to five-years, which is not compulsory
II. The Ecole Primaire (Primary School)
A six-year program divided into three levels of two years each, namely, an elementary level
for children six to seven years old; a middle level for children eight to nine years old, and a
terminal level for children ten to eleven years old. The ages must be respected to pass from
one level to another. During the school year, the pupil is subject to constant control through a
series of tutorials, quizzes and exams. To pass from one class to another, he must get a
minimum overall percentage of 50% on this control and a minimum percentage of 50% in
major subjects: French, Calculus, Sciences, Drawing, Reading and Writing. He can repeat the
class only once. A Certificat ‘d’Ecole Primaire’ is awarded upon completion of the six-year
program.
III. The Ecole Secondaire (Secondary School)
The Certificat d’Ecole Primair serves as the basis for admission to secondary school.
This is a six-year program divided into lower level secondary education and upper level
secondary education.
Lower Level Secondary Education
A two-year core program for general secondary education for children twelve to
fifteen-years old. Final exams taken in all subjects on the program in one week. Minimum
passing overall percentage: 50% (including marks on tutorials, quizzes and final exams.
Upper Level Secondary Education
A program from the third year of secondary education to the sixth year for children
fourteen to seventeen years old who successfully complete the lower level secondary
education. From the third year, the student chooses an option (major) which is his intended
field of study at the university or an institute of higher education. Upon completion of lower
level secondary education, the student is admitted in either the cycle long (long cycle
program) or the cycle court (short cycle program).
A. The Cycle Long (Long Cycle)
A four-year program divided into literary, scientific, commercial, social, artistic, vocational
(for women), agricultural, veterinarian, medical, pedagogical and professional/technician

sections. Passing percentage from on class to another: minimum overall of 50% (including
tutorials, quizzes and exams). At the end of the four-year program, the student sits for the
Examen d’Etat (State Examination) in all the subjects on the program in four days. The
Diplome d’Etat (Stat Diploma) is awarded upon passing the examen d’Etat with 50% or
more.
B. The Cycle Court (Short Cycle)
A two to three-year program in professional/technical fields after completion of lower
secondary education. The Brevet (in area of specialization) is awarded after passing the
exams in all subjects on the program with 50% more. Areas of concentration after two-year
core program of Lower Level Secondary Education Sections.
Literacy, Latin-Philosophy 4 years, Scientific, Math-Physics 4 years, Chemistry-Biology,
Commerical, Commerce 4 years, Commerce & 4 years Administration, Social, Social
Sciences 4 years, Artistic, Plastic Art, Dramatic Arts 4 years, Music, Vocational, Tailoring 2
years ,Hostess Training, Tailoring 4 years Hostess Training, Agriculture, Agriculture 4 years,
Horticulture, Food & Nutrition, Veterinary 4 years, Professional/Technical, Auto-mechanics 3
years, Carpentry, Masonry 3 years, Electricity, Printing, General Mechanics 4 years,
Machine-Tools, Electricity 4 years Construction, Electronics, Medical, Health Care 5/6 years
Education, Pedagogical, General Pedagogy 4 years, Physical Education.
The school year is divided into two semesters and each semester (six months) into
two periods of 3 months each. At the end of a period, the student must have sat for as many
quizzes as the hours of a course per week. For example, for a course of 5 hr. /week, the
student must sit for at least five quizzes (plus tutorials) at the end of a period.
At the end of the first semester, the student must sit for examinations in all the subjects taken
during the semester in one week for lower classes or four days for upper classes. He/she must
get a minimum overall average of 55% in upper classes and 50% in lower classes. Otherwise,
he/she must step back to a lower class.
At the end of the second semester, the school organizes its final examinations for four days.
The student in the upper sixth must get 55% minimum overall total on these examinations. In
case of failure, he/she can only be allowed to sit second time for two subjects not specific to
the section in which he/she is enrolled. In lower classes, he/must get 50% minimum overall
total and can sit a second time for four subjects he/she failed.
The final grad at the end of each school year consists of the total marks earned during the
first and second semesters. The Brevet (In area of specialization) is awarded at the end of the
Cycle Court (Short Cycle) program. The student in the humanities or Cycle Long (Long
Cycle) must sit for the Examen d’Etat (Stat Examination) organized by the Stat in four days
in all the subjects on the program of each section, The Diplome d’Etat (State Diploma) is
awarded upon passing the Examen d’Etat with a minimum.

Table 2: STRUCTURE OF THE HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC

Explained the Structure of the Higher Education System in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo, levels, level minimum, duration and certificate or diploma issued.
Level of Education Age Level Duration Certificate/diplom
study al levels theori minim (years) a issued
que um
(yrs) entry
requir
e
Universit 18– High 1er cycle 3 Associate
y 20/22 School yrs

2eme cycle Bachelor
Universit Diplo
-2 yrs
y ma 3eme Masters
cycle–2 yrs
Sans Master 4 – 7 yrs Doctorate (Ph. D.)
objet s
Higher 18 – High 1er cycle – Associate degree
institute 20/22 School 3 yrs apply in Pedagogy
Higher of Diplo
2eme cycle Bachelor degree
institute teaching ma
–2 yrs apply in Pedagogy
of (ISP)
teaching
Higher 18 – High 1er cycle – Technician
institute 20/22 School 3 yrs Ingenier
of
Technics Diplo 2eme cycle Ingenier
(IST) ma – 2 yrs
Sources: World Bank: January 2005: Departement du
developpement humain
Belgian Cruelties in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
In 1884-1885, a conference was held at Berlin to parcel out spheres of influence in
Africa. (Wattenberg & Smith, 1963 p. 110) states that Leopold II succeeded in having him
recognized as sole master of the Congo Free State. The country did not become a Belgian
colony: It was given to Leopold, personally, to administrator. He treated the land as his
personal fief, despite the fact that one of the prime intentions of the Berlin Conference was to
give Leopold the administration of the Congo for humanitarian purposes, especially to effect
the abolition of slavery.
(Wattenberg & Smith, 1963) From 1885 to 1908, King Leopold exploited its principal
resources of rubber and ivory. The process involved great cruelty to the natives, who were
mutilated or shot if they failed to fulfill work quotas. Labor-gang bosses brought in basketfuls
of human hands as evidence of how they handled recalcitrant workers. The Belgian officers
made their soldiers prove that they had not wasted any cartridges. A soldier was obliged to
bring in part of a human body for every cartridge he was issued. These and other atrocities
were revealed to the outside world by some courageous British journalists, the most
prominent of whom was E. D. Morel. Authorities estimated that Leopold’s twenty-three year
rule of Congo took between five and eight million African lives (Wattenberg & Smith 1963).
Hochschild, A. (1998) states: The station chief selects the victims….Trembling,
haggard, they lie face down on the ground….two of their companions, sometimes four, seize
them by the feet and hands, and remove their cotton drawers….Each time that the torturer
lifts up the chicotte, a reddish stripe appears on the skin of the pitiful victims, who, however
firmly help, gasp in frightful contortions…. At the first blows the unhappy victims let out
horrible cries which soon become faint groans….In a refinement of evil, some officers, and
I’ve witnessed this, demand that when the sufferer gets up, panting, he must graciously give
the military salute. As result, International protest against these atrocities caused Leopold to
relinquish his personal rule in 1908, and to turn Congo into a Belgium colony. Murder and
mutilation ceased, but forced labor continued. Enormous mineral resources were discovered,
and commercial mining was undertaken. This proved highly profitable since business was
one of the purposes of the colony. In the late 19 th and early centuries, colonies were viewed as
measures of power. Some colonies on key waterways, such as Egypt, Morocco, and the cape
Colony, provided strategic military and economic advantage. Others were rich in minerals
and other natural resources. As the industrial Revolution proceeded in the 19th century,
European factories required more and more African resources. These factories also required
markets for their products. Africa could provide both (Challenor, Humbert, spradlin & Tyree
2000).
Europeans ruled most Africa for 70 years. During this time, they exploited African
wealth to their own advantage and were rarely concerned about the conditions in which most
Africans lived. Many Africans were Christianized during this era, but few were educated
(Challenor, Humbert, Spradlin & Tyree 2000, p. 15). During the occupation by Leopold II,
the Portuguese took a few Congolese to Europe to teach them to speak Portuguese and learn
European culture, real western education did not begin in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo until 1906 when the Roman Catholic Church established schools in return for
government grants and land concessions (Wattenberg & Smith 1963). But King Leopold
legacy was not good at that time because meanwhile the quest for income was unrelenting.
District officials' salaries were reduced to a bare minimum, and made up with a commission
payment based on the profit that their area returned to Léopold. After widespread criticism,
this "primes system" was substituted for the allocation de retraite in which a large part of the
payment was granted, at the end of the service, only to those territorial agents and magistrates
whose conduct was judged "satisfactory" by their superiors. This meant in practice that
nothing changed. Native communities in the domaine prive were not merely forbidden by law
to sell items to anyone but the State: they were required to provide state officials with set
quotas of rubber and ivory at a fixed, government-mandated price and to provide food to the
local post. The rubber came from wild vines in the jungle, unlike the rubber from Brazil,
which was tapped from trees. To extract the rubber, instead of tapping the vines, the natives
would slash them and lather their bodies with the rubber latex. When the latex hardened, it
would be scraped off the skin in a painful manner, as it took off the natives' hair with it. This
killing of the vines made it even harder to locate sources of rubber as time went on, but the
government was relentless in raising the quotas. Underpinning such scenes were a number of
royal decrees from Brussels. The first and most important had been issued on the very day in
1885 that the existence of the Congo state was formally proclaimed it declared that all vacant
land was the property of the state. There was no definition of what made land vacant. All over
the world, of course, land that looks vacant has often been deliberately left to lie fallow while
crops are planted somewhere else, especially in the tropics, where heavy rainfalls leach
nutrients out of the soil. Leopold was after whatever could be quickly harvested. In that
sense, he treated both vacant and no vacant land as his property, claiming a right to all its
products. King Leopold made no distinction between the tusks of an elephant roaming wild
or villagers’ vegetables that could feed his soldiers, it was all his. The Force Publique (FP)
was called in to enforce the rubber quotas. The officers were white agents of the State. Of the
black soldiers, many were cannibals from the fiercest tribes from upper Congo while others
had been kidnapped during the raids on villages in their childhood and brought to Roman
Catholic missions, where they received a military training in conditions close to slavery.
Armed with modern weapons and the chicotte a bull whip made of hippopotamus hide the
Force publique routinely took and tortured hostages (mostly women), flogged, and raped the
natives. They also burned recalcitrant villages, and above all, took human hands as trophies
on the orders of white officers to show that bullets hadn't been wasted. (As officers were
concerned that their subordinates might waste their ammunition on hunting animals for sport,
they required soldiers to submit one hand for every bullet spent).
Period of Crisis
As de Gaule mulled through new options an even more dramatic policy turn around
took place in the Belgian Congo. Though the first post war labor force passed the 1000 000
mark in the mid 1950s it was more than twice the size of any other in Black Africa. The high
level of capital penetration built on the advanced character of Belgian business involvement
going back to the 1920s. A new element in the situation, though, was the dramatic urban
growth, rapid even by African standards, that followed from the ever wider gap between the
harsh life of the peasantry and the possibilities that beckoned in the towns.
During the boom years the Belgians never seriously considered political reform. In
the mid 1950s however, their thinking began to alter, perhaps in the wake of influence from
more powerful western countries, perhaps as a reflection of pressures for modernization
within Belgian capitalism as Congo boom gave way to stagnation. In 1952 the catholic party,
which had almost invariably controlled the colonial ministry and the governor generalship of
the Congo, was for once thrown out of office and this proved to be the first impetus of rather
timed reforms that build up in the 1950s. Secular education was introduced and the first
Congolese permitted to go to Belgium universities. In 1957 a university was actually
established in Leopoldville. The market economy was allowed more scope in rural areas,
permitting the growth of a cash crop peasantry and a class of petty shopkeepers, especially in
the Bas Congo province between Leopoldville and the Atlantic. Political liberalization led to
the formation of African urban association and journals. In 1957 municipal elections were
held in the biggest cities. Two years early Professor Van Bilsen, associated with the Institut
Solvay, an influential think-tank for Belgian capitalism, had predicted the independence of
the Congo. Within thirty years. Once unthinkable this marked a decisive break in colonial
planning.
The municipal elections introduced the first party political groupings among urban
Africans. They revealed bitter cleavages on ethnic lines, typically between people from the
vicinity of the town and those, often long orientated to migration who had acquired greater
skills, from further away in the Katanga capital of Elizabethville there was tension between
the Luba from Kasai Province and local Katanga people, and in Luluabourg between Luba
and Lulua. In Leopoldville the Kongo speakers were ranged against people from up river.
Little of this reflected any genuine cultural or even historical differentiation; it was a question
of politics along the lines of protective association in the harsh conditions of survival in
colonial society, combined with the ambitions of the rising bourgeoisie, whom the Belgians
quaintly called evolues, trying to establish a clientele. The increasingly charged atmosphere
in Leopoldville, where employment opportunities were diminishing in the late 1950s, led to
serious riots in January 1959, attacks on property and substantial violence. To the surprise of
the world, within a fort-night King Baudouin announced that Belgium would bring the Congo
speedily to full independence.

When the Belgian Government took over the Administration from King Leopold II,
the situation in the Congo improved marginally. Belgians were largely ambivalent towards
the colony, so it suffered from vacillators governance. Because of this attitude, Belgium was
usually a decade behind other colonial powers in its methods of governance, and was
surprised when the Congo moved towards independence in the 1950's. (Hill, J. 2006) The
educational system was dominated by the Roman Catholic church and, in some rare cases,
protestant churches, and the curricula reflected Christian and Western values. For example, in
1948, fully 99.6% of educational facilities were controlled by Christian missions. Native
schooling was mainly religious and vocational. Belgium made the catholic churches
responsible for education under the term of the 1906 agreement between the Vatican and
government of Belgium. The curricula in school at that time was not adapted to social and
reconstruction of Congolese people. It could manifests itself in programs that emphasize
preparation for adult living such as the current school to work programs. It is grounded in the
belief that the curriculum should find its foundations in society’s needs. Those committed to
social adaptation believe that schools should help students adapt to the existing social order.
They argue that schools should prepare students to fill the work force needs of the nation and
to accommodate themselves to societal values and norms.
These schools subsidies formed the backbone of the educational system until 1948.
The Catholics monopolized education throughout this early period. (Hill, J. 2006) Catholic
schools taught religion and won converts, while also teaching utilitarian subjects that made
Congo’s population more useful to Belgium. First level primary schools were known as
‘Ecole Primaire du degree Ordinaire’. Students began at age six and went to school for five
years. Students who successfully completed only the first level of primary school were not
considered candidates for secondary school. However, they were eligible to go on to second
level primary schools known as, ‘ecole primaire du degree selectionne’. This level took an
additional six years to complete. Very few students went on to secondary school. Most were
enrolled in the first level primary schools were reading, writing, mathematics, and French
were stressed. Upon completion most went immediately into the labor force. Secondary
schools were specialized, somewhat like “A” levels in the British system and comparable to
junior colleges. After finishing secondary school, many students spent an additional year
taking college preparatory courses to help to qualify to enter universities. During the colonial
era, the number of Africans who reached this level was so negligible that for all intents and
purposes it was as if none did. Churches schools, which received government subsidies, were
called regime Congolese. Schools that were for Europeans only were known as ‘regime
metropolitain’. The curriculum at that time in African schools was far less rigorous than in
European schools where it was assumed that most students would go on to the university. In
this two tiered system equity did not exist. In 1954, the Belgium colonial government tried to
remedy this problem by creating secular secondary schools called ‘ecoles laiques’ or ‘ecoles
officielles’, which were separate but allegedly equal to the regime metropolitan for whites.
This was an apartheid styled educational system. The aim was to provide minimal or basic
education, not complete education. (Parelius, R. & Parelius A. 1987) said that: In most
modern societies, educational institutions are considered key instruments of social purpose.
Governments formulate explicit educational policies and finance educational institutions on
the assumption that education is necessary for both order and progress. On the one hand,
education is expected to maintain hallowed traditions: respect for authority, obedience to the
law, patriotism and the like but in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it is an education
for servitude, rather than an education that made independent thinkers of learners who
became problem solvers. Those who were allowed to receive secondary education
concentrated on agriculture and industry, rather than academic preparation for leadership.
Two catholic universities were created in 1954, the lovanium and the University ‘Officielle
du Congo’. They planned to prepare well educated African elite who would eventually
assume power in a peaceful transfer of authority. They were overtaken by events before this
could happen, so at independence the African population did not have enough educated
individuals to efficiently run a modern government. The world blamed Belgium for failing to
prepare them in time. Consequently the world judged the Belgium colonial education system
a failure, compared to British and French system of colonial education.
Independence of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
On June 30, 1960, the Republic of the Congo proclaimed its independence from
Belgium (Wattenberg & Smith 1963. p. 114). Wearing the maroon sash of the order of the
crown, Belgium’s highest decoration, which he had received the previous night, Patrice
Lumumba, Premier of the new nation, addressed the assembled diplomats and guests,
including Belgium’s King Baudoin. They listened in stunned silence as Lumumba
recapitulated the sufferings of the people of the Congo and of all Africa at the hands of the
Europeans. Recalling the glorious history of our struggle for liberty, Lumumba said that only
independence could put to an end the humiliating slavery which had been imposed upon us
by force. Colonialism, he said had left wounds too keen and too painful to be wiped from
memory. Lumumba reminded his hearers of the ironies, the insults, the blows that we had to
submit to morning, noon, and night because we were Negroes. Lumumba’s words may not
have been diplomatic, but they were historically accurate. His strong language foreshadowed
the disturbances that followed. The colonial history of Belgian Congo had been
extraordinarily grim. Lumumba was right in saying that colonialism had left deep
resentments that would lead to grave trouble (Delvin, 2007).
The new independent government abolished the ‘regime Congolaise’ in 1960 and
adopted the regime metropolitain for all. This was seen as fair and nondiscriminatory.
Primary education was reduced to six year course, which fed into secondary schools without
a second level of primary education. Educational opportunities at all levels expanded rapidly
for Africans. This created a teacher shortage and the Peace Corps, Belgium, and France sent
volunteer teachers to the Democratic Republic of the Congo to fill the void. In 1971,
Protestants added third universities known as University Libre du Congo. Other institutes of
higher learning known as ‘Institutes Superieurs’ or institutes of higher education helped train
a modernizing workforce. There were 27 of these and together with institutes techniques or
technical institutes they tried to add vocational skills to the labor pool. There were 12 such
technical institutes. These schools taught technical and vocational subject as well as
humanities, art, and social science courses. In 1990, some 40,000 students were enrolled in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s Universities. By 1996, there were more than 9,000
university students.
Fall of Patrice Lumumba
Lumumba was beaten again on the flight to Elizabethville (today called Lubumbashi)
on January 17, 1961 (Wattenberd & Smith 1963). He was seized by Katangan soldiers
commanded by Belgians, and driven to Villa Brouwe. He was guarded and brutalized still
further by both Belgian and Katangan troops while President Tshombe and his cabinet
decided what to do with him. That same night Lumumba was bundled into another convoy
that headed into the bush. It drew up beside a large tree, where three firing squads had been
assembled. According to David Akerman, the firing squads were commanded by a Belgian,
Captain Julien Gat, and another Belgian, Police Commissioner Verschurre, had overall
command of the execution site. The Belgian Commission's findings were that the execution
was carried out by Katanga's authorities. Their report suggests that apart from Katangan
ministers, four Belgian officers were present at the execution site, but were under the
command of Katangan authorities. Lumumba and two other comrades (Maurice Mpolo and
Joseph Okito) from the government were lined up against the tree. President Tshombe and
two other ministers were present for the executions, which took place one at a time.
Lumumba's corpse was then buried nearby. The execution most likely took place on January
17, 1961, according to the Belgian report. As to why Mpolo and Okito were executed; the
apparent reason is that they would be possible political players in events after Lumumba's
death. Nothing was said for three weeks, though rumor spread quickly. When Lumumba's
death was formally announced on Katangese radio, it was accompanied by an implausible
story involving an escape and subsequent murder by enraged villagers. Later, under cover of
this yarn, the Belgians i.e., Belgian Police Commissioner Gerard Soete and his brother dug
up Lumumba's corpse, cut it up with a hacksaw, and dissolved it in concentrated sulfuric acid.
Only some teeth and a fragment of skull survived the process, kept as souvenirs. In an
interview on Belgian television in 1999, Soete displayed a bullet and two teeth that he
claimed he had saved from Lumumba's body. After the announcement of Lumumba's death,
street protests were organized in several European countries, in Belgrade, capital of
Yugoslavia, protesters sacked the Belgian embassy and confronted the police, and in London
a crowd marched from Trafalgar Square to the Belgian embassy, where a letter of protest was
delivered and where protesters clashed with police. There is much speculation over the roles
that western governments had played in the prime minister's murder. Although the Belgian
Commission investigating the assassination of Lumumba reached the conclusions that (1)
Belgium wanted Lumumba arrested, (2) Belgium was not particularly concerned with
Lumumba's physical well being, (3) although informed of the danger to Lumumba's life
Belgium did not take any action to avert his death, the report also specifically denied that
Belgium ordered Lumumba's assassination. Under its own 'Good Samaritan' laws, Belgium
was legally culpable for failing to prevent the assassination from taking place. More
importantly, and on a more formal and straightforwardly proven level, Belgium was in breach
of its obligation (under U.N. Resolution 290 of 1949) to refrain from acts or threats "aimed at
impairing the freedom, independence or integrity of another state.” A declassified interview
with then-National Security Council minute keeper Robert Johnson released in August 2000
from Senate intelligence committee's inquiry on covert action revealed that President
Eisenhower had said "something to CIA chief Allen Dulles to the effect that Lumumba
should be eliminated” (Delvin, 2007, p. 88). The committee later found that while the CIA
had conspired to kill Lumumba, it was not involved in the murder.
(Nzongola, 1986, p.19). Sates that Those leaders who are judged unreasonable for
defying the logic of homo occidentalis, in doing things outside the established norms and,
above all, in harming the vital interests of the free world, are declared dangerous and targeted
for political and , if necessary, physical elimination. This was the fate of Zaire’s first Prime
Minister, Patrice Lumumba. Like Mossadegh in Iran in 1953 and Arbenz in Guatemala in
1954, he was perceived as an unreliable nationalist and a dangerous man from the standpoint
of US and Western interests. Like them, he became a victim of a CIA-directed assassination.
His was apparently ordered by US President Dwight D. Eisenhower at a meeting of the
National Security Council on August 18, 1960. Interestingly the same report mentions that
there had previously been U.S. and Belgian plots to kill Lumumba. Obviously either they
failed or they were abandoned. Among them was a CIA-sponsored attempt to poison him,
which may have come on orders from U.S. president Dwight Eisenhower. CIA chemist
Sidney Gottlieb was a key person in this by devising poison resembling toothpaste. However,
the plan is said to have failed because the local CIA Station Chief, Larry Devlin, had a
conscience issue and did not go forward. (Dalvin, 2007) states:
‘Chief of Station, Congo: Fighting the Cold War in a Hot Zone, details the CIA’s
covert activities in undermining Mr. Lumumba to the point that he should be poisoned, a task
Mr. Delvin was asked to carry out…But whatever flack he might take for his role, Mr.
Delvin’s book details for the first time the CIA’s let’s say unofficial account of how Mr.
Lumumba died……Apart from covert dealings, the book also details interesting Indiana
Jones like tales. In one incident, someone plays Russian roulette with Mr. Delvin, in another
he is lined up to be shot by firing squad. In his quest to stem Soviet influence, Mr. Delvin was
willing to work with the devil. Readers get treated to meetings with the notorious mercenary
Bob Denard, who has been involved in overthrowing several governments in Africa’.
The Belgian Commission's 2001 report led to an official apology. In February of
2002, the Belgian government apologized to the Congolese people, and admitted to a "moral
responsibility" and "an irrefutable portion of responsibility in the events that led to the death
of Lumumba." In July of the same year documents released by the United States government
revealed that while the CIA had been kept informed of Belgium's plans, it had no direct role
in Lumumba's eventual death. This same disclosure showed that U.S. perception at the time
was that Lumumba was a Communist. Eisenhower's reported call, at a meeting of his national
security advisers, for Lumumba's elimination must have been brought on by this perception.
Both Belgium and the United States were clearly influenced in their unfavorable stance
towards Lumumba by the Cold War. He seemed to gravitate around the Soviet Union.
Arguably that was because that was the only place he could find support in his country's
effort to rid itself of colonial rule, and not because he was a communist. (Ironically, the
United States was the first country Lumumba requested help from). Lumumba, for his part,
not only denied being a Communist, but said he found colonialism and Communism to be
equally deplorable, and professed his personal preference for neutrality between the East and
West.
Higher Education under Former President Mobutu
The university was one of the last institutions in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo to be brought under the state’s control. In 1971, partially as a result of student unrest
in 1969 which led to government troops killing dozens of students, the universities were
nationalized. The newly created national university, Universite nationale du Zaire (UNAZA)
which was placed under the management of a rector who was appointed by the President of
the Republic. In addition, the 13 members of the university’s Governing council, the Conseil
d’Administration, were all appointed by the President, and Minister of education was given
veto power over council’s decisions. The result of this nationalization was the centralization
and the politicization of the education system. The physical conditions in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo universities are abysmal, and continue to deteriorate, with campuses,
classrooms and dormitories resembling a disaster area. Even the lack of adequate food is a
growing problem among students. During Mobutu regime, there is another element which
contributes considerably to the government’s control over the universities: the presence of
security forces and the network of informants on the campuses. Professors or students who
speak out critically vis a vis the government are likely to be turned in by these informers,
some of whom are in the employ of one of the security agencies, while others are simply poor
students who want to be paid for their information. In addition, some of the university
administrators, who are government appointees, were members of the security services. For
Example, the former president of the University of Kinshasa, Mr. Bingoto Mandoko na
Mpeya, used to be an official of the security police. Student’s activism had been declined,
due largely to the effect of brutal crackdowns on students in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
As a result university students do not protest much because of fear. When students at the
Institute for building and public works turned their backs to protest president Mobutu when
he was passing in a motorcade, he ordered their school closed. It remained shut for four
years. This kind of arbitrary action, reinforced by more violent government responses,
undermines campus activism and severely limits independent academic inquiry. In addiction,
students have been harassed and beaten for questioning the authority of the Jeunesse du
Mouvement Populaire de la Revolution (JMPR), the youth organization of the ruling MPR,
and the government often restricts the ability of outspoken professors to participate in
international conferences or to travel abroad for other purposes.
Like all other institutions in Zaire, the universities were controlled by the Mobutu
regime. Sometimes with violence, but often using less direct methods. The repression is felt
most acutely by the students, university campuses had been invaded by security forces,
leaving many dead or injured, and student leaders have disappeared or been attacked by
unknown assailants. Professors are subjected to more subtle forms of intimidation to keep
them in line, but the prevalence of self censorship ensures that most stay well within the
limits of what the government is likely to tolerate. While internal control defines academic
pursuits in Zaire, it is grounded in a history of repression and brutality against the academic
community. These are some of the massacres that occurred in higher education between 1985
until the end of Mobutu legacy: The massacre of at least 12 and possibly as many as 150
students at the University of Lubumbashi on the night of May 11-12, 1990, is the dramatic
example of the lengths to which the government will go to stifle student activism. The
killings were preceded by demonstrations at university campuses in various parts of the
country which grew out of frustration at President Mobutu’s failure to honor his promise to
reform the countries political involved in protest actions, which resulted in the arrest of more
than two dozen. The students at Lubumbashi began protesting in solidarity with the students
in Kinshasa, beginning on the night of May 9-10. According to a protest issued on May 14 by
21 professors and deans who investigated the incident, the unrest began when students
identified three persons as government agents, who were holding weapons. These three
persons were beaten by students, a skirmish ensued, and the university was blockaded by the
Gendarmerie, a paramilitary force. For the better part of May 11, students were involved in
confrontations with the Gendarmerie. On the night of May 11, the University’s electricity was
cut off and later that evening, commandos of DSP (Division speciale presidentielle) and local
security agents arrived at the campus. The commandos ransacked and burned shops, students’
rooms and university property, and attacked people with bayonets, machetes and guns.
Ambulances attempting to evacuate the victims were intercepted. The ambulances and
Gendarmes did not enter the campus until 5:00 am, after the commandos had left, despite the
facts that the university rector had been called hours earlier, as had the Gendarmes. In June, a
parliamentary commission of inquiry concluded that regional government and security
officers on Lubumbashi were involved in preparing the attack on the campus. The
commission’s report found that government and security officials had ordered the electricity
to be cut to the campus and had surrounded the campus during the attack, refusing to
intervene. At least one member of the security forces was determined to have played a part in
the attack. On December 26, 1990, president Mobutu ordered the prosecutor of the former
governor of Shaba province, Koyagialo Ngbase te Genengbo. Although the charges against
him were not announced, they were related to his role in the Lubumbashi attack.
CHAPTER FOUR
CURRENT FACTORS AND CONDITIONS IMPACTING HIGHER EDUCATION IN
THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
This chapter examines the current factors and conditions impacting the higher
education system in the Democratic Republic of the Congo?
Table 3: Wages of Professors at the University of Lubumbashi from: 1999-2002
This table explains wages of education personnel at the University of Lubumbashi from
1999-2002.
November 1999
Grade wages $
Ordinary professors 1 625, 00 FC …………….. 59, 09
Professor 1 250, 00 FC …………….. 45, 45
Associate professor 750, 00 FC ……………….. 27, 27
Chef de travaux 500, 00 FC ………………. 18, 18
Assistant professors second mandate 412, 00 FC ………………. 14, 98
Assistant professors first mandate 412, 00 FC ………………. 14, 98
In charge of professional practical 360, 00 FC ………………. 13, 09
November 2000
Title wages $
Ordinary professors 4322, 50FC …………………………….25, 33
Professor 3325, 00 FC ……………........................ 19, 49
Associate professor 2660, 00 FC ……………........................ 15, 59
Chef de travaux 1740, 00 FC ………………... ………… 10, 20
Assistant professors second mandate 1503, 75 FC ……………………………. 8, 81
Assistant professors first mandate 1392, 50 FC ………………..................... 7, 79
In Charge of professional practical 1218, 75 FC ……………………………. 7, 14

2001
Title wages $
Ordinary professors 6108, 00 FC ……………………….. 20, 46
Professor 5586, 00 FC ……………………….. 18, 71
Associate professor 5386, 00 FC ……………………….. 18, 04
Chef de travaux 4788, 00 FC ……………………….. 16, 04
Assistant Professors second mandate 3511, 00 FC………………………… 11, 76
Assistant professors first mandate 3192, 00 FC ………………………. 10, 69
In Charge of professional practical 2527, 00 FC ………………............. 8, 47
2002
Tile wages $
Ordinary professors 16824, 50 FC ……………………… 40, 06
Professor 15361, 50FC ……………………… 36, 58
Associate Professor 14811, 50 FC……………………… 35, 27
Chef de travaux 11172, 00 FC …………………….. 26, 60
Assistant Professors second mandate 8192, 33 FC ……………………… 19, 51

Assistant Professors first mandate 7448, 00 FC ……………………... 17, 73
In Charge of professional Practical 4488, 75 FC ……………………... 10, 69
Sources: Archives/treatment of wages of academic personal /Secretary General

Administrative/Division of Treatment, University of Lubumbashi, April 2002.
Salary Policies in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
The issue of teacher’s salaries is one of the most pressing issues in reforming the
education system in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. There are large differences in the
salary levels paid by the state between teachers in Kinshasa and the rest of the country on
account of differing allowances. Often the salary due is not paid to teachers on time and
sometimes not at all, especially for those in the provinces. While teacher’s salaries are low,
the cost of other inputs is relatively high. Textbooks cost nearly twice more than they do in
other developing countries. The cost is relatively high compared even to other African
countries. While community construction is cheaper, it is often of poor quality, requiring
frequent repairs and of more maintenance. The high level of dependence on household
financing is both inequitable and inefficient. Household charges per student are 6 to 7 higher
than the per pupil public recurrent expenditures at the primary and secondary level. The
provincial; averages for household charges varies from $ 9 to $14 per year at the primary
level and $14 to $12 at the secondary level. Although low in absolute terms, these charges are
high relative to per capita income. In practice, many parents do not pay the full amount or
stagger their payments. This results in intermittent attendance, repetition or dropping out,
especially among poor children. Further, the system of direct payment of teacher’s salaries
creates perverse incentives for teachers to penalize non paying students or reward those who
pay regularly. Finally, teachers seek employment opportunities outside their training or their
major, and this makes it difficult to introduce programs for improving quality of education,
which requires sustained teacher involvement and commitment. Because teachers are not
teaching with love and the logic is gone in the teachers minds because they are not paid or
motivated by the government. (Funk & Fay, 1995, p. 8) said that great educators are
experimenters. They read and attend workshops looking for special techniques to experiment
with their schools. When they identify a potentially helpful technique they play with the
concept. They begin to visualize experimenting with it on one of their students.
Brain drain
Brain drain is another factor which affected the entire higher education in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. This concerns all third word countries and not only the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Most developing nations are convinced that economic
development is impossible without the development of human resources, and for the last two
decades the government may have over invested in higher education in relation to the
demand for students. The result has been rising unemployment among the educated, which
has led to a brain drain, the emigration of the professionals to the industrialized nations.
(Castles, S. & Miller, M. 1993, p. 3) said that millions of people are seeking work, a new
home or simply a safe place to live outside their countries of birth. In many
underdevelopment countries of origin, emigration is one aspect of the social crisis which
accompanies integration into the world market and modernization. A study done by the
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) estimated that about
500,000 professional had left third world countries since World War II. However, the
incidence of brain drain varied enormously because most come from a limited number of
countries in Asia, such as India, Pakistan, Egypt, and Korea. During the 1977 to 1980 period,
the prime minister of Jamaica made an interesting observation that over 8,000 top
professionals, 50 percent of the country’s most highly trained citizens emigrated primarily to
the United States. The prime minister of Jamaica estimated that the education of these people
cost his nation $168.5 million. Because of the salary and research opportunities available, the
United States continues to attract scientists and engineers from other countries. Note that the
largest proportion of the scientists and engineers entering the United States as permanent
resident came from Asia. In 1999, among foreign born science and engineering degree
holders living the United State, the top two places of birth were India and China.
Teacher Recruitment and Retention
Higher technical and pedagogical institutes, which were established to train teachers,
in theory train all teachers. In reality, specialists often fail to find jobs for which they are
trained and teach other subjects. The rapid expansion of schools continues to force the
Democratic Republic of the Congo to staff many teaching positions with unqualified
teachers. Teaching is not considered prestigious by youth and this contributes to recruitment
problems. Yet teaching is one area that offers hundreds of secure jobs yearly so people
continue to train. Some view these jobs as stopgap employment that will temporarily tide
them oven until they can do better. High personal mobility makes teaching in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo very unstable, and the turnover of teachers is a big issue. Primary
school teachers are trained at the secondary school level in teacher training colleges and
instruction in primary schools is in the local language. Science and mathematics are only
taught up to the primary school level. Certified and trained teachers are supplemented by a
legion of unqualified teachers who require on the job training on a massive scale.
Administrative Challenges
Four categories of entities are involved in education administration in school
education. These are the central government and ministry of higher education, the provincial
government, the representatives of four religious congregations and the parents. The division
of responsibilities between the state and the religious institutions has remained murky ever
since the nationalization of the private schools in 1974 and their subsequent handing back in
1977. Further, there is a proliferation of administrative structure, the financing of which
places an additional burden on parents. Despite their pre-eminent role in financing school
education, parent committees do not really have the voice required to enforce accountability
over management committees or the administrative structures of the state and the religious
schools. Most schools do not keep proper accounts of fees and other primes received from
parents of how they have been spent. Since the churches run various schools, health centers
and other enterprises, they prefer not to show separate accounts for individual schools.
Further, many parents are illiterate or do not have the time to participate in school affairs.
Finally, parents are afraid of penalties being imposed on their children (failure in
examination). Together, these factors lead to a lack of transparency in the use of funds.
In higher education, the existing system of administration is cumbersome and limits
the autonomy and accountability of public institutions. For example, for state approved
courses, universities require the approval of various administrative councils and the ministry
takes times. There is also limited accountability for the funds received from the state and
from parents. The present legal framework for private unsubsidized schools and higher
education institutions is weak, unclear, and is inherited from a time when the public sector
was dominant. At present, these institutions are excluded from all types of public subsidies.
Moreover, their programs are often not recognized, especially in higher education, which
means that their full potential is not used for increasing access.
Weak systems of Governance and administration
Four categories of entities are involved in education administration in school
education. These are the central government and the ministry of higher education, the
provincial government, the representatives of four main religious congregations, and the
parents. The division of responsibilities between the state and the religious institutions has
remained murky ever since the nationalization of the private schools in 1974 and their
subsequent handing back in 1977. Further, there is a proliferation of administrative structures,
the financing of which places an additional burden on parents. Despite their pre-eminent role
in financing school education, parent committees do not really have the voice required to
enforce accountability over management committees or the administrative structures of the
state and religious schools. Most schools do not keep proper accounts of fees and other
primes received from parents or how they have been spent. Since the churches run various
schools, health centers and other enterprises, they prefer not to show separate accounts for
individual schools. Further, many parents are illiterate, or do not have the time to participate
in school affairs and are afraid of penalties being imposed on their children (failure in
examinations).Together these factors lead to a lack of transparency in the use of funds.
Corruption in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

How can we expect to challenge corruption in higher education since professors are
not well paid? Corruption remained endemic even throughout the transitional government
and security forces. The public perceived the transitional government to be widely corrupt at
all levels. According to NGO Transparency International (TI), both resident and nonresident
experts perceived corruption among the country's public officials to be "rampant," the most
severe assessment designation used by TI. Weak financial controls and lack of a functioning
judicial system encouraged officials to engage in corruption with impunity. Many civil
servants, police, and soldiers had not been paid in years, received irregular salaries, or did not
earn enough to support their families, all of which encouraged corruption. For example, local
authorities continued to extort "taxes" and "fees" from boats traveling on many parts of the
Congo River. The mining sector lost millions of dollars to widespread theft, corruption, and
fraud involving government officials. According to a July report by Global Witness,
transitional government officials actively colluded with trading companies to circumvent
control procedures and payment of taxes, extorting large sums of money in a system of
institutionalized corruption. (Human Right Watch 2000) reported that armed groups,
government officials and, increasingly military officers continued to profit from the illegal
exploitation of the country's mineral resources often in collusion with foreign interests. The
government took some steps to combat corruption. For example, in February the National
Assembly's Lutundula Commission, named for its chairman, released a report detailing
corruption in the awarding of 60 wartime mining and business contracts. The report
implicated many senior politicians, some of whom were fired from high-ranking positions as
a result. The report was funded by the World Bank and was widely available on the Internet,
but its findings and recommendations were not debated by the Assembly. According to
Human Right Watch, some commission members said they received death threats. The law
required the post-transition president and ministers to disclose their assets. Following his
December 2006 inauguration, the president did disclose his assets, but there continued to be
an Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission, and with little impact during the year it lacked
resources, independence and credibility. Through the use of defamation laws that carry
criminal punishments, transitional government authorities and wealthy individuals sometimes
restricted the freedom of press and speech on occasions when the media investigated or made
accusations of government corruption. The law does not provide for public access to
government held information, and in practice the government did not grant access to
government documents for citizens or non-citizens, including foreign media, although there
were no reports of requests for access.Those responsible are the politicians who knew that
professors were not paid and give them money, so that their children could get a better grade
to pass the class.
War in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
When Mobutu led an army coup against the nationalist government of Patrice
Lumumba, Mobutu was victorious and soon became the Army Chief of Staff. In a second
coup in 1965, Former President Mobutu assumed the office of Prime Minister (1966), and
then established in 1967, a presidential form of government which he headed (Delvin, 2007).
The constitution did not come into force until 1970 when Mobutu was old enough to become
president. As part of his program of “national authenticity” all names with western
connotation had to be changed to authentic ones. The country name changed from Congo to
Zaire (1971). The President himself changed from Joseph to Mobutu Sese Seko. Sites,
boulevards to property ownership were “Zairianised.” Power was concentrated with Mobutu,
he headed the executive, legislative and judiciary systems. Backed by western intelligence
agencies that saw in him a foil to such leftist states as Angola, he established a one party state
and a cult of personality. He suppressed tribal conflicts and encouraged a sense of
nationhood. In the meantime, he amassed a huge personal fortune through economic
exploitation and corruption, leading some to call his rule “kleptocracy.” Mobutu became
incapable of paying the military, teachers and doctors. The nation suffered from uncontrolled
inflation, a large debt, and massive currency devaluations. By 1991 economic deterioration
and unrest led him to agree to share power with opposition leaders. Mobutu used the army to
thwart change until May 1997, when rebel forces led by Laurent Kabila expelled him from
the country. Kabila was welcomed because the population had become angry with the
Mobutu regime.
On April 06, 1994 President Habyarimana and the president of Burundi, Cyprien
Ntayamana, were killed when Habyarimana’s plane was shot down near Kigali Airport.
Extremists suspecting that the president was finally about to implement the Arusha Peace
Accords are believed to be behind the attack (Human Right Watch 2000). The Rwanda forces
and the Interhamwe set up roadblocks and went from house to house on a mission to kill
Tutsis and moderate Hutu politicians. Thousands died on the first day. On April 30, 1994, the
UN Security Council spent eight hours discussing the Rwandan crisis. The resolution
condemning the killing omits the world “genocide.” Had the term been used, the U.N. would
have been legally obliged to act to “prevent and punish” the perpetrators. Meanwhile, tens of
thousands of refugees fled into Tanzania, Burundi, and large number in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. The presence of refugee Hutu’s brought big problems in the entire
country because the Rwandan government claimed that the refugees Hutus, who are in the
Congo, are responsible for genocide and the insecurity in the Congo (Human Right Watch
2000). Tens of thousands of Rwandans have been living the eastern of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo since the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, some as refugees, and some as
members of the FDLR. In July 1998, the Congolese President Laurent Kabila sent home all
Rwandan soldiers, thus officially break ties with allies who together with Ugandan forces,
had helped sweep him into power fourteen months before. Rwanda and Uganda responded by
invading Congo and joining forces with troops from the Congolese army that had mutinied
against the government in Goma and Bukavu. The Ressemblement Congolais pour la
Democraties, composed of former Tutsi members of Kabila’s government, former Mobutists,
a number of intellectuals and others soon emerged as the political leaders of this coalition.
Rwanda and Uganda claimed they had sent forces across the border to protect themselves
against various armed groups, which had been attacking them from bases in the eastern
Congo operating without hindrance from the Congolese government.
After the assassination of Laurent Kabila, his son Joseph Kabila continued with his
father’s transitional parliament, but overhauled his entire cabinet, replacing it with a group of
technocrats with the stated aim of putting the country back on the track of development, and
coming to a decisive end of the Second Congo War. In October 2002, the new president was
successful in getting occupying Rwandan forces to withdraw from eastern Congo. Two
months later, an agreement was signed by all remaining warring parties to end the fighting
and months later an agreement was signed by all remaining warring parties to end the
fighting and set up a transition government, the make up of which would allow representation
for all negotiating parties. Joseph Kabila took the power and demonstrated a willingness to
engage in talks to end the Civil war.
In 2002, the government agreed to a power-sharing arrangement with Ugandan supported
rebels and signed a peace accord with Rwanda and Uganda. He adopted the new constitution
on December 18-19, 2005; a successful nationwide referendum was carried out on a draft
constitution, which sets the stage for election in 2006. The voting process though technically
difficult due to the lack of infrastructure, was facilitated and Organized by the Congolese
independent electoral commission with the support from the UN mission to the Congo. Early
UN reports indicate that the voting was for the most part peaceful, but spurred violence in
many parts of the war town east and Kasais (Congolese province). However, interim
President Kabila urged Congolese to vote yes, saying the constitution is the country’s best
hope for peace in the future. An impressive 25 million Congolese turned out for the two-day
balloting. According to the results released in January 2006, the constitution was approved by
84% of votes. The country’s first democratic elections in four decades were held on July 30,
2006 with a run off between current president Kabila and his rival Bemba held on October
29, 2006. Joseph Kabila was proclaimed the president of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo on July 30, 2006. President Kabila, the son of Laurent Kabila, received 44.8 % of the
votes, which was not enough to win the election outright. He was declared the winner in the
October run off election winning 58% of the vote.
According to Peace Conflict 2005, p. 5, African countries have a low capacity for
conflict management, due to that they continue to face serious challenges to achieve peace
and stability. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo millions of people have died as a
result of conflicts, more than in any other conflict since World War II. According to a report
2004 from the International Rescue Committee in matter of six years the world lost a
population equivalent to the entire country of Ireland or the city of Los Angeles (World Bank,
2000). The high incidence of civil wars in Africa is commonly attributed to ethnic diversity.
This inference might seem self evident given that rebel movements almost always have
ethnic identities. But more systematic analysis suggests that Africa’s civil wars conform to a
global pattern explained by political and economic factors as well as by ethnic, cultural, and
religious diversity. Conflict imposes heavy social and economic costs. It also imposes costs
on neighboring countries by generating refugee flows, increasing military spending,
impeding key communication routes, and reducing trade and investment. (Tolbert & Baum
1985) four factors drive Africa’s Propensity for violent conflict. First, many countries are
dependent on natural resources. Second, income in Africa is low; the fact that young men are
very poor and often have little education has increased the risk of civil conflict. Third, a lack
of democratic right has also increased the risk of violence. Until the 1990’s the only prospect
for power transfer in many countries was through violence. Fourth, African countries tend to
be small. Even though countries with smaller populations have a lower risk of war, Africa as
a region has a higher risk because the risk does not increase proportionately with population
size. Despite the progress in the peace recovery process, the IDP population in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo is still high, currently estimated at over 3.4 million.
Approximately 400,000 of these internally displaced are children between the ages of 5 to 12
years old, and do not attend school in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In addition,
nearly all children of pre-school age have no access to health care and early childhood in
development programs. Only 3% of 3 to 5 year-olds are enrolled in pre-primary/kindergarten
schools. These schools charge expensive fees and only operate in urban and suburban areas.
Similarly, traditional cultural practices related to early childhood education is disappearing.
This not only deprives most 0-8 year olds of a good start in life, but also impedes their access
to primary education with a trend showing a slight disadvantage for girls. Over 50% of
primary school aged children do not have access to primary school and only 32% of
Congolese adults can read and write. The continuing conflict, deteriorating infrastructures,
mismanagement of state resources and a serious collapse in family coping mechanisms have
all been party to creating such a dire situation.

The country has historical wars which did not help the improvement of Congolese
higher education and the whole economy. (Ball, McCulloch, Frantz, Geringer & Minor 2004)
A country which has been at war twice in a generation will be reluctant to reopen normal
commercial relations with their enemies, and men and women who have lost their savings
through war havoc or inflation twice in a generation may be reluctant to save. The profound
changes which the war has wrought in the relative economic strength and levels of living of
different people cannot be made good in any brief span of time. Democratic Republic of the
Congo will have lost its old balance and will not quickly find a new one.
Peace Process
Several mechanisms were put in place to help ease tensions between Kigali and
Kinshasa. The United States sponsored a tripartite agreement that included Uganda. It
established committees on diplomatic relations and securities issues. (Human Right Watch
2005) states that in November 2004, the heads of state of eleven African countries meet in
Dar es Salaam. President Kabila and Kagame signed an agreement pledging to work towards
a peaceful resolution of their differences in particular the dismantling of the FDLR. Western
donors and South Africa also put pressure on those involved to end the war. Britain
threatened to reduce aid to Rwanda and Uganda unless they withdrew their forces and
stopped backing local prozzies. Sweden suspended $6 million in loans and South Africa
hosted months of talks between the various Congolese groups and separate negotiations
between the foreign governments involved, which finally culminated in the agreement to
share power and organize multi part elections. According to the British Broadcasting
Corporation website, the transitional government, which was sworn in on June 30, 2003, is a
political compromise between the five main armed groups:

-Joseph Kabila (PPRD)
-Jean Pierre Bemba (MLC)
-Azarias Ruberwa (RDC- G)
-Mbusa Nyamwisi (RDC-LM)
-Roger Lumbala (RDC-N)
-Mai Mai (Militias from the east of the country who are against the occupation of Rwandese
soldiers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo). According to the transitional agreement
and the constitution, the former belligerents should hand over control of their armed groups
to a unified and apolitical new national army. With the help of the South Africa government,
the Congolese transitional government has tried to register all the civil workers including
professors because for many years the government did not know the listing of the higher
education personnel ( effective tableau). After the government negotiated with the teachers
union for their salary in February 2004, the government signed an agreement called Mbudi
agreement, which states that the minimum salary for public employees is fixed at 35,000
Congolese francs ( about 40 US dollars), but the Government never respected the agreement,
and as a result, Congolese teachers have been on strike several times. For example, on
September 3, 2005 there was no school for 15 days. For the teachers to go back there were
different negotiation with the teachers union. The education union’s demands included
among others, the regular payment of teachers and inspection’s wages, the creation of a fund
for the promotion of education and the provision of computer material for teachers both in
the capital and in the provinces. Given the government’s failure to implement the Mbudi
agreement which was signed by the government, and to fulfill its commitments made to
teachers last October, both unions have once again asked all public education teachers in
primary and secondary education and vocational training, to go on strike as from 30 January
2006. A previous strike held in September, and part of October 2005 was suspended in mid-
October following the government’s commitment to find a solution to the teachers wage
situation and its promise to associate teachers to the drafting of the education budget. Quality
education for children requires good teachers. A teacher is in a position to acquire what few
jobs in our society are capable of delivering that special kind of immortality. A great teacher
is never forgotten! Not at student reunions, in the hallways or cafeteria of that lucky school
where he taught, and most of all, not by the students who learned because a master teacher
made learning a fulfilling experience. Such a teacher can have an effect on the lives of
generations of human beings. A master teacher fosters a love of learning in the subject he or
she teaches. That love may be transmitted to the students and onto the student’s children.
(Ciaccio, J. 2004). As a result, good teachers need and deserve reasonable and adequate
salaries to support themselves and their families. Most university professors left the country
due to the low wage and insecurity. The Democratic Republic of the Congo is an African
country which has low wages for educators and, as a result, educators decide to leave the
country for places where they will make a good salary. Countries that border the Democratic
Republic of the Congo tend to take advantages of Congolese educators. For example, the
numbers of Congolese professors who are in the Republic of Rwanda are higher because it
borders Democratic Republic of the Congo and pays higher wages than the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. As a result, many Congolese who complete their bachelor degree
decide to go and teach in Rwanda. Insecurity, law wages and lack of democracy are result of
Brain Drain in the DRC. Educators fear for their security and future. Freedom of speech is
not total permitted in some third world countries. During Mobutu’s regime many professors
were arrested and traiten to death because of their opinion, and as a result, they fled the
country. (Parelius, R. & Paralius A. 1987) states that educational institutions are generally
considered to be highly conservative. This is because cultural reproduction is one of the
primary effects of formal systems of education. Schools are always at least partially
responsible for the transfer from one generation to the next of society’s beliefs values,
sentiments, knowledge, and patterns of behavior.
The wage bill as share of GDP in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is low
relative to that in other African countries, including post conflict countries. It amounted to 3.6
percent of GDP in 2004, even though it has doubled since 2001 in line with steps taken
toward establishing a fully functioning administration in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo. Per capita salaries are also low compared with those of other African countries
averaging only 3.7 times per capita GDP in 2004. Specific steps taken in the past few years
include the regular payment of wages to the civil service, military and police. The creation of
new political institutions, increases pay scales and the granting of new allowances. Also, the
wage bill share of GDP is much lower in the Democratic Republic of the Congo than in
neighboring countries. Democratic Republic of the Congo will have trouble participating in
the global information economy unless it increases the generation and flow of knowledge.
Beyond building basic skills such as reading, writing, communications and teamwork, Africa
requires trained people, especially young people who can use technology, choose technology,
and develop local applications. Making the next generation literate in information and
communications technology will require enhancing the capacity of Congolese universities to
apply new technology for research, teaching, and learning. It will require creating
opportunities for lifelong learning through community centers and school and university
networks that promote equal access for all. Giving Congo’s small markets, regional and
international collaboration is a key for achieving the economies of scale needed to lower
costs and attract sufficient private investment. The Democratic Republic of the Congo must
collaborate to develop strong system backbones and to share resources and knowledge on
information and communications infrastructure (Hellriegel & Slocum, 2007). Regional and
national collaboration which leads to the bulk purchasing of capacity, capacity-building
initiatives, innovative financing arrangements, public offering, build operate transfer
agreements, joint ventures and bond sales to users could also help achieve economies of
scale and lower costs (World Bank 2005).
TABLE 4: DRC: Government wages and Salaries in Selected African Countries.

This Table explains the Salaries in the DRC and Selected African Countries from 1998 -2003.
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003

Benin 4.7 5.5 4.7 4.6 4.8 5.1
Botswana 9.2 9.8 9.2 10.8 12.8 13.1
Burkina Faso 5.2 5.6 5.5 5.6 5.5 5.6
Burundi 6.8 6.6 6.6 7.3 7.9 8.7
Cameroon 4.9 5.1 5.0 5.3 5.9 5.8
D.R.C 0.0 0.2 0.7 2.1 2.7 2.8
Cote d’Ivoire 5.5 5.5 5.9 6.2 6.4 6.5
Ethiopia 5.2 5.9 6.6 6.6 7.3 7.8
Ghana 5.5 5.6 5.2 6.1 8.7 8.6
Kenya 9.1 8.7 8.4 8.1 8.6 8.9
Lesotho 16.5 14.7 15.1 14.7 13.8 13.3
Madagascar 4.1 4.3 4.0 4.4 4.5 5.3
Malawi 5.1 4.9 5.0 5.7 6.8 7.0

Mali 3.8 3.9 4.2 4.5 4.2 4.6
Mozambique 4.5 5.8 6.5 6.6 6.5 7.1
Namibia 15.5 15.8 15.2 14.2 14.3 13.5
Niger 3.7 4.1 4.0 3.5 3.7 3.6
Rwanda 4.7 5.3 5.2 5.2 5.1 4.7
Senegal 5.8 5.7 5.6 5.2 5.6 5.4
Sierra Leone 4.8 6.0 6.7 7.5 8.6 8.4
Swaziland 11.1 12.1 11.1 10.4 11.6 12.0
Tanzania 4.0 4.4 4.2 4.2 4.6 4.8
Uganda 3.4 4.2 4.2 4.3 5.3 5.3
Zambia 5.4 5.4 5.3 6.8 8.0 10.3
Zimbabwe 11.7 12.7 15.7 14.2 11.7 11.0
Memorandum items:
Average 6.7 7.0 7.1 7.3 7.7 7.9
Average excluding small states 1/ 5.4 5.7 6.0 6.2 6.6 6.9
Source: IMF/2003
Low wages in the country affect the education system and has some tremendous
consequences such as corruption. IMF Staff papers, vol. 45 No 4 (December 1998) states:
“Corruption is not a new phenomenon.” Two thousand years ago Kautilya, the former Prime
minister of an Indian Kingdom, had already written a book, Arthashastra, discussing it,
“Corruption is simply attracting more attention now than in the past.” First, a the end of the
Cold War has stopped the political hypocrisy that had made the decision makers in some
industrial countries ignore the political corruption that existed in particular countries, such as
Zaire (Now the Democratic Republic of the Congo). As long as the latter were in the right
political camp, there was a tendency to overlook obvious cases of high level corruption.
Second, perhaps because of lack of information, or reluctance to talk about it by those
familiar with these countries, there was also a tendency not to focus on corruption in the
centrally planned economies. It is now widely known that centrally planned economies, such
as the Soviet Union, or those imitating them through highly regimented economic activities,
such as Nicaragua and Tanzania, experienced a great deal of corrupt practices. However,
these practices were either ignored or not widely reported at the time. Donor countries also
tended to play down this problem in countries that they assisted financially, even in the face
of misuse or misappropriation of foreign aid. Third, the increase in recent years in the number
of countries with democratic government, and free and active media has created an
environment in which discussion of corruption is no longer a taboo. In such countries, such
as Russia, the media has responded with a vengeance to the newly acquired freedom. In some
countries, political charges have increased in reporting cases of corruption, but still the
problem of corruption is persistent.
Poor Infranstructure
Infrastructure is a current situation which challenges the Congolese higher education.
It is easy to find a Congolese graduate, or a professor, who has never taught or has seen a
computer or printer in his lifetime. Students based their researchers through books or old
material books published in the 16th, 17 th or 18th centuries. Communication between schools
is by hand, and sometimes schools do not have stamps to send their correspondences to
others schools. (Hellriegel & Slocum, 2007, p. 26) states that technological forces, especially
computer based information technologies and the internet continue to revolutionize how
customers are served, how employees communicate and network with one another, and
external stakeholders, such as customers, suppliers, competitors, and government agencies,
tasks are performed, organizations are structure and how, human resources are led and
managed. (Brandt 2000) from a low base in 1980, the number of computers in the U.S.
schools grew exponentially during the 1980’s. In 1981, only about 18 percent of U.S. publics
schools had even a single computer designated for instructional use. In 1983, the number of
computers in U.S. schools was estimated at 50,000. By 1990, the estimate was 2.6 million
(Becker, 1990). As the number of computers in schools started rising during the 1980s,
attention shifted from the total number of computers per school to the student-computer ratio.
The average number of computers per 30 students nearly tripled between 1984 and 1990,
rising from 0.60 to 1.53 (Mageau, 1991). The Congolese government and education leaders
should be aware as the United States government is about technological change which may
have positive effects, including products and services of higher quality and lower costs. New
technologies are increasing the need for constant learning, adaptation, and innovation by
individuals, teams, and entire organizations. The revolution in technologies is a driving force
in creating the need to actively manage change. For example, in the United States the rapid
rise in the use of the internet is the most obvious expression of an economy and a culture that
focus on technology. The internet seems to bring the entire world to a person’s desktop,
laptop, or personal digital assistant instantaneously and to satisfy quickly any query or
curiosity. The modest infrastructure that the Belgian colony left behind is gone. Internal
conflict and poverty have taken their toll and what remains is a majority of people who
function without paved roads, electricity or running water. Political struggles for power and
resources have rendered government education provision nearly obsolete. In many cases,
villages and communities have been left to their own devices. Parents will sell their only goat
and few household goods so that their children can go to school. The poorest segments of the
population often pay for teacher’s salaries, school buildings and administrators’ offices to
compensate for suspended government support.
The Government is trying to see how the revenue of the Mining Sector can contribute
to the Economy of the Country, so that Professors and civil servants can be properly paid.
The Government revenue from mining is very low, although it rose from 0.18 percent of GDP
in 2002 to 0.24 percent in 2004 to achieve further increases, however, will remain a challenge
taking into account the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s weak institutional and
administrative capacities. Compared with other countries with a large mining sector, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo’s performance is mixed. It is comparable to the
performance in Sierra Leone, a country also emerging from a civil war, and where the mining
sector (currently mostly alluvial diamonds) accounted for about 11 percent of GDP and
contributed the equivalent of 0.27 percent of GDP to fiscal revenue in 2004. However, in
Botswana, with a mining sector accounting for about one third of GDP, government revenue
from mining amounted to 22 percent of GDP in 2004. In Namibia, the corresponding figures
for 2003 were 7 percent and 1.5 percent. Although both countries are not “post conflict” and
have virtually no artisanal mining activities, their revenue performance indicates that there is
considerable scope for improvement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
According to one of my friends, Director of Preparation of Budget at Ministry of
Budget said that year 2007, the government was able to mobilize 80 % of the budget from
Ministries, but the situation of civil servants remains the same. Professors are not paid, roads
are not fixed, and most cities lack electricity and clean water. The reason is mismanagement
and that most of the money from the tax revenues goes to the pocket of officials.
There is no quantitative information on learning outcomes in secondary and higher
education, since curricula and standards have not been officially revised for over 25 years and
there is little doubt that the education is outdated and of limited relevant. The higher
education system is characterized by a multiplicity of courses and options with outdated
curricula. The provision of higher education is also currently fragmented across a number of
small institutions, which prevents investments on the required scale in facilities and
equipment. Quality is also affected in higher education because of the lack of appropriate
orientation of new entrants. (Bain, K. 2004) states that at the core of most professor’s ideas
about teaching is a focus on what the teacher does rather than on what the students are
supposed to learn. In that standard conception, teaching is something that instructors do to
students, usually by delivering truths about the discipline. It is what some writers call a
transmission model. In contrast, the best educators thought of teaching as anything they
might do to help and encourage students to learn. Teaching is engaging students, engineering
an environment in which they learn.
Democratic Republic of the Congo relation with China.
To reduce the problems of infrastructure, last year the government signed a contract
for five billion dollars with China to help the country with communication, building schools,
hospitals and roads. (African Studies Review, 2008) China has been involved on the African
continent since it started investing there, mostly in infrastructure, during the post colonial era.
But today, partly as a result of accelerating commerce between developing countries
throughout the world, the scale and pace of trade and investment flows between Africa and
China are exceptional. (Throughout Africa is used as shorthand for sub-Saharan Africa).
Africa’s exports to China increased at an annual rate of 48 percent between 2000 and 2005
(Foreign Affairs March/April 2008). Two and half times as fast as the rate of the region’s
exports to the United States, and four times as fast as the rate of its exports to the European
Union ( EU) over the same period. Much of this activity is concentrated in a handful of
African countries and in the extractive industries, such as oil and mining. But increasingly,
businesses from China is also pursuing strategies in Africa that are about far more than
natural resources. In addition to rapidly modernizing industries, China has burgeoning
middle classes with rising incomes and purchasing power and whose members are
increasingly buying Africa’s light manufactured products, household consumer goods, and
processed foods, and using its back office services, tourism facilities, and
telecommunications. Fundamental differences in the resources, labor, and capital

endowments of Africa and Asia make them complementary business partners meaning that
the trend will likely be sustained. This is good news because the boom is a potentially pivotal
opportunity for African countries to move beyond their traditional reliance on single
commodity exports, and move up from the bottom of the international production chain,
especially if growth-enhancing opportunities for trade and investment with the North
continue to be limited as they have been historically.
Peace agreement in Kivus (Eastern Part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo)
In the first half of 2007, there was a troubling resurgence in violence in North Kivu,
sparked by Laurent Nkunda’s offensive against the FDLR, which in turn triggered the
rearming of anti-Nkunda militia, often along with ethnic lines and Kinshasa support. The
mergence of Nkunda’s militia is due to a crisis within the RCD, as well as Rwandan
brinksmanship. At the beginning of the transition, RCD hardliners encouraged Nkunda to
turn down a regional command post in the Congolese army, in effect to desert. With
Rwandan support, he attacked the government in Bukavu and Kanyabayonga in 2004. Many
RCD and Rwandan leaders, however, abandoned Nkunda under international pressure and
ties improved between Kinshasa and Kigali in 2005, and Nkunda re-emerged in early 2006.
Offensives in Rutshuru and Sake were linked to the run-up to elections, during which
numerous local politicians and businessmen who feared to lose power at the polls supported
him. Dozens of civilians died in the fighting, and UN officials concluded that Nkunda’s
troops used rape as a weapon of war in Rutshuru.
Despite the progress in the peace recovery process, the IDP population in DRC is still
high, currently estimated at over 3.4 million. Approximately 400,000 of these internally
displaced are children between the ages of 5 to 12 years old, and do not attend school in the
Democratic Republic Congo. In addition, nearly all children of pre-school age have no access
to health care and early childhood development programs. Only 3% of 3 to 5 year-olds are
enrolled in pre-primary/kindergarten schools. These schools charge expensive fees and only
operate in urban and suburban areas. Similarly, traditional cultural practices related to early
childhood education is disappearing. This only deprives most children ages 0 to 8 of a good
start in life, but also impedes their access to primary education with a trend showing a slight
disadvantage for girls. Over 50% of primary school aged children do not have access to
primary schools and only 32% of Congolese adults can read and write. The continuing
conflict deteriorating infrastructures, mismanagement of state resources and a serious
collapse in family coping mechanisms have all been party to creating such a dire situation. In
2006, Joseph Kabila became the first democratically elected president of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and many Congolese and international observers hoped that stability
had finally come to the country. In 2001, the United Nations dispatched to the country what
was to become its largest and most expensive peace keeping mission (International Crisis
Group, 2008). A peace settlement was reached in 2003, paving the way for the 2006
elections. The entire effort was touted as an example of a successful international
intervention in collapsing state. Yet over two million more Congolese have died since the
official end of the war. According to the International Rescue committee website, over a
thousand civilians continue to die in Democratic Republic of the Congo every day, mostly
due to malnutrition and diseases that could be easily prevented if the Democratic Republic of
the Congo’s already weak economic and social structures had not collapsed during the
conflict. In mid 2007, in the eastern province of Nord Kivu, low level fighting between the
government forces and troops of the renegade Tutsi general Laurent Nkunda escalated into
major confrontation, both playing off and exacerbating long standing animosity between the
Tutsis, the Hutus, and other groups. Since then, clashes have killed hundreds, maybe
thousands, of fighters and civilians and forced half a million people to relocate. The
Democratic Republic of the Congo is now the stage for the largest humanitarian disaster in
the world (Foreign Affairs review of May/June 2008).
CHAPTER FIVE
POSITIVE ELEMENTS OF THE EUROPEANS HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
As suggested in the introduction, this Chapter attempts to answer sub questions
number three which is: What are the positive elements of the Europeans system of higher
education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo?
Bigining of European Univesities.
The first European university is often considered to be the University of Bologna,
founded in 1088, although some dispute this statement based on the intangibility of the
definition of university. In addition, the concept of the University of Bologna as the mother
of European universities was created as a symbol for Italy’s national unity, which detracts
from the legitimacy of its being considered the first. If the term university requires that a
single corporate body be made up of students and professors of different disciplines, rather
than that a corporate body simply exists, the University of Paris, founded in 1208, can be
considered the first university, however, the university at Magnaura Palace was founded
much earlier, in the 9th century. The University of Magnaura can be defined as a university
because it brought prominent scholars together to create a focal point of Medieval Greek
science and culture. Universities concentrated on Science in the 19 th and 20th centuries, and
they started to become accessible to the masses after 1914.Until the 19th centuries, religion
played a significant role in university curricula, however, the role of religion in research
universities decreased in 19th century, and by the end of the 19th century, the Germany
university model had spread around the world. The British also established universities
worldwide, and higher education became available to the masses not only in Europe. In a
general sense, the basic structure and aims of universities have remained constant over the
years.
The European University proliferated in part because groups decided to secede from
the original universities to promote their own ideals; the University of Paris fostered many
universities in Northern Europe, while the University of Bologna fostered many in the south.
Some leaders also created universities in order to use them to increase their political power
and popularity. (Cotton, K. 2003. p. 9) said that decades of research have found that a
principal’s strong focus on academics is a key determinant of schools achievement outcomes.
One expression of such a focus is the principal’s frequent emphasis to all who hold a stake in
the school that learning is the most important purpose of schooling. Another is to reach out to
stakeholders to help shape and support the school’s goals. For example, Frederick II, Holy
Roman Emperor founded the University of Naples in 1224 to train lawyers and
administrators who could rival the University of Bologna’s influence, which served the
hostile Lombard league.
The structure of these early classes involved a master reading from texts and
commenting on the readings, as well as students learning by teaching other students. Masters
also offered disputed questions to their classes for discussion. Moving into the 18 th century,
professors became less focused on simply training university teachers and more focused on
forming the minds of the elite. (Cotton, K. 2003) successful principals were those staffs had
attained high levels of empowerment and participative decision making. In comparison with
the Democratic Republic of Congo University, the Portuguese took a few Congolese to
Europe to teach them to speak Portuguese and learn European culture, real western education
did not begin in the Democratic Republic of the Congo until 1906 when the Roman Catholic
Church established schools in return for government grants and land concessions. Teachers
are not part of decision making. Congolese schools leaders ignore that closely related to the
benefits of shared decision making are the researchers’ discoveries about the positive
outcomes that emerge when principals and others establish and maintain a truly collaborative
school culture. The program of primary school is a six year program divided into three levels
of two years each, namely, an elementary level for children six to seven years old, a middle
level for children eight to nine years old, and a terminal level for children ten to eleven years
old. The age must be respected to pass from one level to another. During the school year, the
student is subject to constant control through a series of tutorials, quizzes and exams. To pass
from one class to another, student must get a minimum overall percentage of 50% on this
control and a minimum percentage of 50% in major subjects: French, calculus, Sciences,
Drawing, Reading and Writing. Student can repeat the class only once. But in France Kids
start school very early: school starts at age 2 or 3 and children spend Three years in
kindergarten than in the Democratic Republic of the Congo where a Three year program for
children from three to five-years, which is not compulsory. A teacher in public schools and
universities are employed and paid by the state since in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo the government is not responsible of salary which went to the parents charges (World
Bank 2005).
Both the Democratic Republic of the Congo and France, we have some similarities in
matter of education system. For example, the final in higher school organized by the
government is very important because it give students in both countries access to universities.
Teachers are not in school all day long. They come to give their courses and then leave. They
do not have office hours. All students study Philosophy in their last year of higher school.
During the colonization European had a good education system because moving into the 19 th
century, the objective of universities evolved from teaching the regurgitation of knowledge to
encourage productive thinking.

There were significant differences in what European powers expected from their
colonies. Objectives included acquiring power and strategic advantage, exploiting resources,
settling African territories, and converting Africans to Christianity. In the late 19 th and 20th
centuries, colonies were viewed as measures of power. Some colonies on key waterways,
such as Egypt, Morocco and the Cape Colony, provided strategic military and economic
advantages. Others were rich in minerals and other natural resources. As the industrial
Revolution proceeded in the 19 th century European factories required more and more African
resources. These factories also required markets for their products. Africa could provide both
(Challenor, Humbert, Spradlin & Tyree, 2000, p. 13). Some Europeans, especially the British
and to a lesser extent the Portuguese wanted to establish permanent settlements in Africa.
Europeans often appropriated African land, as in Angola, Kenya, Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and
South Africa, when this occurred; the territory’s occupants were often moved, sometimes
forcibly, into reserves of less-productive land.
Purpose of Europeans in Africa
(Hill, J. 2006) states that:
As the explorers’ opened up the African coast, other people followed in their wake.
First they build forts and trading posts and then they built settlements, since all trade was in
the hands of Portuguese crown and any smuggling was punishable by death, settlement was
punishable by death, settlement was relatively slow and sparse. Clearly many people felt put
off by the strict rules. However, settlements still appeared, especially around the mouth of the
river Gambia. The settlers built churches, and some took local women as their wives. In 1948
a fort was constructed at Sao Joao da Mina (one the coast of what is now Ghana), which was
used as a base for trading with the whole region, especially what is now Senegal, Guinea and
the Ivory Coast. Gold, Ivory, pepper and slaves were traded all along the coast, and
missionaries from the Order of Christ arrived there and began to preach to the indigenous
people. In this they were helped by a fortuitous miracle: the fact of a wooden statue of
Francis of Assisi which they had brought darkened in the humidity and heat. The missionaries
claimed that the saint was turning black, becoming the patron saint of Africans. The missions
had some success. Many Africans converted to Christianity, often as the chiefs of kings of
tribes converted and had all their followers baptized at once.
The quest to convert Africans to Christianity and to civilize them was the goal of
European colonial policy. More cynically, this objective helped obscure Europe’s more self-
interested motives for colonizing the continent. On occasion, colonial objectives changed.
For example, when Britain took the cape colony from the Dutch in 1803, it was primarily for
strategic reasons. However, by the late 1800s, settlement and access to the region’s gold,
diamonds, and other minerals had become chief British objectives. Mineral wealth was a key
reason Cecil Rhodes went to Matabeleland (later Rhodesia and now Zimbabwe) in 1893. In
case of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, after the Second World War, Belgium gave
increased attention to the needs of the Congolese people. (Wattenberg & Smith 1963. p. 113)
A ten year plan, launched in 1950, involved a substantial financial investment in the
economic development of the Congo. However, Belgium unlike England and France, avoided
taking any steps that might have prepared Congo for self rule. The essence of the Belgian
system, John Gunther said after his visit to the Congo in 1954, is to buy off African
discontent by giving economic opportunity, widespread social services, and a comparatively
high standard of living. The Belgium believed that if the Congolese people were given
sufficient economic advantages they would not demand independence. Steps were taken to
prevent the growth of a Congolese professional group that might have led to political activity.
Gunther in inside African (1955) noted the professional lines above which African were not
permitted to rise. “A Congolese Negro can become a first-class carpenter or mechanic, but
not an engineer. He can be a bishop, a Journalist, an accountant, a medical assistant, a
teacher, a civil servant, or a pharmacist but not an architect or an attorney. There are
thousands of Negro lawyers in British and French Africa, but not in Congo” (Challenor,
Humbert, Spradlin, &Tyree, 2000, p. 38). Edward Perkins states that maintains colonialism
left a legacy of taking from the country and leaving little in return. He believes that the
positive legacy of colonialism was education-the idea of human capital investment”
Belgian also tried to keep Congolese from going to Europe. Hundreds of students from the
French and British African colonies attended Europeans Universities during the colonial
period, but only a handful of Congolese ever achieved this goal. The Belgians tried to keep
from the Congolese knowledge of such things as habeas corpus, a free press, elections, and
trial by jury. Fewer racial barriers existed in the Belgian Congo than in such areas as the
Rhodesias and the Union of South African. Under Belgian rule there was no racial
segregation in shops, elevators, banks, post offices, or in local transportation. Mixed crowds
attended sporting events and other public functions. During the 1950’s economic opportunity
for Africans was often substantial- within the spheres of activity allotted to them. In
Elisabethville, capital of copper-rich Katanga, at least 8000 Africans owned their own homes.
Additional thousands were highly skilled workers. A few Africans in Leopoldville earned $
20,000 or more a year. Joseph Kapenda Tshombe, father of Moise Tshombe, the president of
secessionist province of Katanga, is an example of how a few Congolese made use of the
economic opportunities offered by Belgian rule. The elder Tshombe owned a string of 16
village stores, a saw mill, a hotel, a fleet of trucks, and several cotton plantations, and became
a millionaire. (Wattenberg & Smith, 1963. p. 114) said that it was the visit of a few selected
Congolese to the Brussels World Fair, in 1958 that had such a shattering impact on the
Congo. When these men returned home, they started agitating. The political pictures changed
overnight, and a number of political parties sprang up. Among the politicians were two men
who were to figure prominently in coming events: Joseph Kasavubu and Patrice Lumumba.
Kasavubu was a member of the Bakongo, a tribe concentrated at the mouth of the Congo. He
wanted to revive the old glories of the Congo Kingdom, and for this purpose, he started the
Abako Association, which was formed as cultural club, and later became a political party.
Because Kasavubu was strongly attached to his tribe and believed in tribal autonomy, the
Abako Association supported federation of the several provinces with local autonomy.
Lumumba, a young man from the eastern part of the country, had no such tribal loyalties.
Lumumba was townsman who worked as a postal clerk and advocated a centralized Congo,
with a strong national government which would override tribal powers. When the
neighboring French Congo became a sovereign state under General de Gaulle’s new
constitution of 1958, nationalist feelings were stirred. Riots developed and events moved
swiftly. By January, 1959, Belgium decided to withdraw. Independence was granted on June
30, 1960 (Wattenberg & Smith, 1963).
Europeans Educational Cooperation with the Democratic Republic of the Congo
The highest level of higher education in some states in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo such as South Kivu, North Kivu, is Bachelor degree. Students who want to further
their education beyond Bachelors degree have to go outside the states to other states such as
Lubumbashi, Kisangani or Kinshasa even outside the country. Students who finished
Bachelor degree with the average point A or B directly the university hired them as assistant
professor. To improve the Congolese Higher Education System, European countries such as
Germany, French, and Belgium… established cooperation with some Congolese universities.
Professors received full scholarship to go to Europe to improve their knowledge and skills in
their field. It was assumed that upon completion of the program they would return home and
continue with their profession. A case in point is my cousin who upon completion of his
Bachelor’s degree in Physics and Technology at a college in Bukavu, was hired as a
professor. After two years of teaching he received a full scholarship to go to Belgium at
university of Louvain la Neuve for further studies in Experimental Physics. (Castles & Miler
1993) states that Millions of people are seeking work, a new home or simply a safe place to
live. Because upon my cousin completion of his studies, however, he refused to return home
for many reasons including: the security, low wage, and the volatile political state of the
country. Although the goal of the program was to improve higher education that particular
state, this did not work effectively due to the prevailing socio-political circumstances in
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Most of those who benefited from that program, refused
to return home to resume their professorial duties. Germany extaure exchange programs with
the department of Physic at Institut Superieur Pedagogique (Higher Institute of Teaching) in
Bukavu in the Department of Physics. Since they know that some professors will not return
home, the instraure that program with African universisities such as Makerere university in
Uganda, Benin, Egypt so that those who beneficiary with that program could return home
when their finish and continue their careers, what happen is that those African university also
would hire them when their finish the full program. My brother in law who was a professor at
ISP in the department of Physics and Technology went to Makerere University, where he did
his masters and Ph. D. He was hired there as a full Professor, now he lectures in Uganda,
Tanzania, and Kenya as a visiting Professor. Belgium and Democratic Republic of the Congo
had a Political, commercial, health, social and educational cooperation, which failed due the
dictatorship, mismanagement, war and abuse of human rights by the former president
Mobutu and his government. Belgo-Zairian relations have been on a roller coaster throughout
the Mobutu years, in part because of disputes involving the substantial Belgian commercial
and industrial holdings in the country. Also contributing to the tumultuous relationship were
the numbers of Zairian students who continue to congregate in Belgium and the persistent
symbols of the former colonial relationship, which remain highly charged for both Zairians
and Belgians. The coup of November 1965 was interpreted by some observers as having been
actively supported by Belgian military officers in Mobutu's entourage. Others noted that the
coup was a loss for Belgium in that it prevented the return to power of Moïse Tshombe, the
most reliable defender of Belgian interests in the ex-colony.
In any case, Belgo-Congolese relations were cordial until Mobutu raised the question
of revising the Convention of February 6, 1965, which supposedly settled the Contentieux
Belgo congolais i.e., the bundle of disputes concerning assets and debts of the former colony.
Belgium rejected the demand to revise the convention but agreed to reopen negotiations,
because it had some unsatisfied demands of its own. When bilateral negotiations failed to
produce substantive results, the Congo acted unilaterally on July 13, 1966, breaking off the
negotiations, freezing the assets of certain Belgian organizations, and seizing a number of
their properties in Kinshasa.
Relations with the Belgian-controlled mining company UMHK also deteriorated in
early 1966. On June 7, the government ruled that the headquarters of all enterprises operating
in the country must be transferred to the Congo and promulgated a law, called the Bakajika
Law, which in effect cancelled concessions granted before independence. All titleholders
wishing to continue in the country were given thirty days in which to introduce a request for
renewal of title.
Discussions with the Belgian government and UMHK continued until December
1966, when the Congo decided to break off the talks. On December 23, when UMHK
announced its refusal to transfer its headquarters to Kinshasa, the government suspended
copper exports and blocked the transfer of the mining company's funds. On January 2, 1967,
Kinshasa authorities announced formation of the stateowned company, General Quarries and
Mines (Générale des Carrières et des Mines-Gécamines) to replace UMHK. In February

1967, Gécamines signed a technical cooperation agreement with a sister company of the
former UMHK, and copper exports were resumed. Although the matter of indemnities for
UMHK properties remained in suspense, the accord marked a turning point in relations.
Belgium subsequently took a number of steps to ensure closer relations with the
former colony. In early June 1968, President Mobutu and his family were received as
houseguests of the Belgian king and queen, the first such visit by statesmen from the new
nation since 1960. The two governments signed a convention for scientific and technical
cooperation on August 23, 1968, and the minister of state for foreign affairs and foreign trade
announced the release of certain Belgian funds that had been blocked in the Congo since
1960. During a return visit by King Baudouin and Queen Fabiola in June 1970, a treaty of
friendship was signed.
In the early 1970s, the relationship periodically soured over various issues. But
starting in 1976 both sides made efforts to move closer. A new cooperation agreement was
signed in March, and Zaire promised to compensate Belgians who had lost assets under the
Zairianization policy. Zaire later allowed foreigners whose property had been expropriated to
recover 60 percent of their assets, leading to a Belgian renewal of interest in investment.
Improved relations notwithstanding, Mobutu complained that students and exiles hostile to
the regime were allowed to publish and be active in Belgium.
During the second Shaba invasion in 1978, Belgium sent paratroopers, as did the
French, to rescue the stranded Europeans at Kolwezi. Planning to negotiate with the FLNC
rebels, the Belgians proceeded cautiously, landing their forces at Kamina, more than 200
kilometers away. Their hand was forced, however, when the French preceded them by
landing directly at Kolwezi and counterattacking. Fearing the extension of French influence
in their former domain, the Belgians promoted the formation of a joint African defense force
to repel future attacks by Zairian dissidents.
Despite such support, by 1989 Zaire apparently was closer to a total break with its
former colonial ruler than at any time since the crisis at independence. In November 1988,
Belgium had offered to postpone for ten years the due dates of state-to-state loans and to
make new arrangements concerning Zaire's guaranteed commercial debt to Belgium.
However, this relatively liberal stance toward Zaire was criticized in the Belgian parliament
and especially in the press, where Mobutu was depicted as an autocrat who had led his
country into economic ruin. In response, Zaire renounced all measures of reduction of its debt
undertaken by Belgium. All Zairians with property in Belgium were to dispose of it or
transfer it out of Belgian territory. By the end of the academic year, every Zairian studying in
Belgium would have to leave.
Zaire then escalated the conflict by terminating the treaties governing Belgian aid to
Zaire, calling for an inventory of all specific aid agreements and termination of all those that
did not contribute to the development of Zaire, and reopening the contentieux. Belgo
Congolais. Belgium replied that the contentieux had been definitively settled and that it was
suspending cooperation with Zaire, although pending aid projects would be completed.
The Francophone Summit held in Dakar in late May 1989 provided Zaire with
considerable debt relief and also brought its dispute with Belgium nearer to resolution. The
highlight of the meeting was French president François Mitterrand's announcement of the
cancellation of US $ 2.6 billion of debts from thirty-five African states. Attracting less
attention, but of more direct importance to Zaire, which accounted for 80 percent of the US $
500 million of guaranteed debt owed to Belgian banks by developing countries, were the debt
relief plans announced by Belgium's premier, Wilfried Martens, at the summit.
Suddenly, in July, the crisis was over, and Belgo-Zairian relations were back to
"normal." During a ceremony in Rabat on July 26, President Mobutu and Premier Martens
signed an agreement that formally ended the dispute between the two countries. The accord
wrote off nearly $ 277.7 million in commercial and government debt and rescheduled the
remaining commercial debt of $ 296.7 million. Relations between Belgium and its former
colony were cordial once more. They stayed that way for about a year, and then worsened
again over the killings at the University of Lubumbashi in May 1990, in the aftermath of
which Belgium cut off all but humanitarian aid. Mobutu retaliated by expelling 700 Belgian
technicians and closing all but one Belgian consular office in Zaire. In October 1991,
Belgium dispatched troops to Zaire to help restore order and protect foreign nationals
following a mutiny and rampage by paratroopers in Kinshasa in September 1991. But
Belgium increasingly began to voice criticism of the Mobutu regime's human rights abuses
and lack of democratization. Moreover, there was a growing consensus among most Belgian
politicians in favor of the departure of President Mobutu from office.
In late 1992, Belgium, along with France and the United States, expressed official
support for the Tshisekedi government, despite fears that its power was more apparent than
real. Belgium also showed some cautious interest in resuming aid to Zaire if democratization
continued and it Zaire received IMF and World Bank backing for its economic program. But
no such resumption appeared likely at the end of 1993.
In response to another wave of violence in Zaire in early 1993, Belgium again sent
troops to Zaire to evacuate its nationals. However, Mobutu refused to permit the Belgian
forces to enter Zaire, forcing them to remain in Brazzaville. In the aftermath of the violence,
in February 1993, Belgium joined France and the United States in voicing continued support
for the Tshisekedi government and democratic forces in Zaire. The three nations demanded
that Mobutu live up to his agreement and transfer power to the Tshisekedi government. They
subsequently refused to recognize the rival Birindwa government appointed by Mobutu in
March 1993. Nevertheless, Belgium, France, and the United States have stopped short of
taking stronger action to oust Mobutu, such as confiscating his assets abroad--a measure
advocated by the European Parliament in early 1993--or imposing economic sanctions on the
regime. In July 1993, Belgium did send a pointed diplomatic message to Mobutu by not
including him among those invited to attend the funeral of King Baudoin I, with whom
Mobutu had enjoyed a good relationship prior to 1990.
Involvement of European in term of peace process
In terms of peace process, Europeans were involve in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo., Ideally, the Congolese would lead the initiatives, but the government in Kinshasa is
weak and corrupt and Congolese NGOs and civil society representatives often lack the
funding, logistical means, and technical capacity to implement effective peace building
programs, according to Foreign affairs of May and June 2008. International actors can help
more, but only if they make resolving local conflicts a top priority instead of concentrating
only on humanitarian programs or macro issues such as elections. Diplomats and UN staffers
have little experience developing and implanting comprehensive programs addressing local
violence. They should urgently build up their capacity by hiring experts on the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and Rwanda and local conflict resolution, sharing those specialists’
knowledge with all existing staff, and creating specialized offices or departments in these
areas. Since 2007, international actors have taken tiny steps in the right direction. The United
States and the United Kingdom have opened consulates in Goma, the capital of Nord Kivu.
The UN peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo redeployed troops to
the eastern provinces mostly to Nord-Kivu, and is setting up buffer zones to separate the
main combatant groups. The few existing NGOs that focused on local conflict resolution in
the region are more active than ever. The NGO Initiative pour un Leadership Cohesive en
RDC, for example, has organized several workshops with local and national elites in order to
help them work out their differences, and the Life and Peace Institute has intensified the
funding, as well as the teaching and logistical support, it gives to those Congolese NGOS that
do the best work promoting conflict resolution in the Kivus, but this is not enough.
Furthermore, even well-intentioned initiatives are often ill conceived. In January 2008, for
example, the Congolese government, with strong diplomatic and UN support, organized a
peace conference in Goma to find a solution to the specific problems of the Kivus.
Participants did have a chance to discuss their grievances over local political power, land
expropriation, and mining resources, but these topics were not a priority. The conference
focused instead on neutralizing the most prominent warlords, such as Nkunda and the major
Mai Mai chiefs. A cease fire agreement was signed. But the gathering’s main
accomplishment, a nonbinding “act of engagement,” proposed no concrete solutions for local
antagonisms. And the fighting never stopped, not even during the conference. Donors would
do better to expand the funding available for local conflict resolution by increasing their aid
budgets or shifting their assistance priorities away from elections. They should focus on
helping the Congolese government and representatives from all the eastern communities
work on land reform and the review of mining contracts by providing independent experts on
land reform and judicial matters. Donors should also fund the training of local Congolese
NGOs and justice officials so that they can be deployed as observers to the land-
redistribution commissions or sent to villages to educate the rural population. And they
should provide the NGOs with the funds to compensate the parties who will lose land. To
ensure that any additional money goes to efficient programs, donors should ask the experts on
local conflict resolution and specialists on Congo -Rwanda in their consulates to identify
reliable local pace builders in the Eastern provinces, They should offer financial support to
the Congolese NGOs that organize peace talks and reconciliation programs, such as Plate-
form des Associations de Development de Bunyakiri, which brings together military,
political, business, and ethnic elites of the territory of Bunyakiri, in South Kivu, and Arche
d’Alliance, which helps victims of human rights violations in South-Kivu and promotes the
reform of existing human rights legislation. MONUC has an important supporting role to
play. Although some of its troops have been involved in resource trafficking, sexual violence,
and some brutal joint operations with Congolese army personnel, the force’s presence has had
a positive impact overall. If nothing else, it has so far prevented the conflict in the North-
Kivu from escalating into regional or national war. Going forward, MONUC should start
working on resolving local conflicts and distributing its resources differently than it does
now. (New directives from the UN’s Department of Peacekeeping Operations and MONUC’s
leadership would allow for this, but a Security Council resolution emphasizing the dangers of
local tensions and MONUC’S responsibility in local peace building is preferable, as it would
help overcome any resistance by UN staffers on the ground.) In the eastern provinces,
MONUC should deploy more military police and special operations forces and fewer
traditional troops, because the former are better trained for action at the local level, especially
in logistically difficult environments. In their daily work, military and civilian UN staffers
should help provincial authorities develop the capacity to oversee the exploitation of mining
sites. In addition, MONUC should recruit well-trained local peace building officials for
deployment in the eastern provinces, downsizing its staff in Kinshasa if necessary. MONUC
should also send civilian staffers with the authority to draw on military, diplomatic, or
development resources to monitor local tensions and suggest how best to broker peace.
Europeans were involved politically, financially and material in the peace process in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. For example Ireland and Denmark have donated around
R 11-Million to enable South Africa’s Independent Electoral Commission to help the
Democratic Republic of the Congo hold successful elections on 30 July 2006.
There are many government and contract agencies such as ‘Agence Universitaire
de la Francophonie’, Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada, The Africa
America institute, German Academic Exchange, Norwegian Council of Universities
Program for Development Research and Education which involved in higher education
and research cooperation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. For example, German
Academic Exchange Service ( DAAD) contribute much in Congolese Higher education,
it has provides many services such as Research Grants for Doctoral Candidates and
Young Academic and Sciences, Scholarships for Artists and Re-invitation Program for
former Scholarship Holders. German development cooperation with Democratic
Republic of the Congo dates back to 1967 and was not totally suspended even during the
civil wars in the 1990 s. During this difficult period and up to 2001, German activities in
this area focused on measures designed to ensure that the population’s basic needs were
met.
Without the involvement of European Union maybe the peace process in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo could not be possible. Europeans Scholars with the
collaboration of Congolese Universities and politicians were involved in Peace process.
Congolese politicians and scholars were invited in Europe for conferences and debate.
For Example, The University of Louvain, in Belgium is involved in peace process in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo by sending scholars and Volunteer for research and
teaching exchange between both countries. In higher Education, the federal Republic of
Germany awards postgraduate scholarships and hosts short-term and long term lecturers
on research visits. In addition, it helps improve working conditions and institutes of
higher education and universities through individual donations of material and equipment
as part of follow-on measures.

CHAPTER SIX
FACTORS AND CONDITIONS NECESSARY FOR AN EFFECTIVE AND QUALITY

HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO.
In order to gain as comprehensive picture, this chapter discusses the factors and
conditions necessary for ensuring an effective and quality higher education system in the
The law, which introduced the national curriculum and its associated school tests
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, was a pivotal moment. Central government
took unprecedented powers to decide what and how children should learn.
Ever since getting their hands on the levers of control, successive governments
have never relaxed their grip. But do we still need a national curriculum? And why are
schools still based on a 19th century model when we are now several years into the 21st
century?
As it happens, these were also the questions aired at a gathering of education
experts attended by government officials recently in Africa sponsored by UNESCO, the
event was part of Horizontal - it stands for 'horizon scanning: technology and learning' - a
futurology project funded by the international organizations.
Since the Web allows students to become more independent learners and true distance
education participants, it is important for students to quickly overcome technological
problems. The quicker a student learns the interface, the quicker a student can concentrate
on the course’s content. It is logical that students taking an online course for the first time
are the ones that will need the most help becoming comfortable with the interface in
order to go on and concentrate on course content.

Hillman et al. (1994) offers that "the optimal solution would be a comprehensive learning
program designed to ensure at least a minimum competency of learner-interface
interaction" (p. 39). The researchers recommend that learners complete a technology
credit course before enrolling in the distance education course. This is a good solution
"on paper." Students enrolled in DIMS online courses are required to either complete a
microcomputer applications course offered in the department (HRD 210), or pass a
computer proficiency exam at a test-out rate of 80% before enrolling in an online course.
Hillman et al. (1994) also suggest that students can become familiar with the interface in
the context of in-class exercises, orientation sessions, or technology credit courses (p.
36). While the suggestions of Hillman et al. are worthy, these methods require that
students be present with the instructor. Distance education in the truest sense of the
definition does not realistically allow all students the opportunity to come to campus for
in-person sessions. Therefore, this paper investigates how to expand Hillman’s
suggestions to include methods that cater not only to students taking an online course for
the first time, but also to truly distant learners.
Bridge to the future:
The issues it set out to address in part - what shape education should take in the
future - are as relevant to the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the rest of the
Africa, as they are to both advanced and developing nations around the world.
The setting was inspirational and apt. It was inspirational because it offered new
perspectives on familiar and traditional objects. It was apt because when the setting was
designed it was an example of an innovative solution to a long-term problem:

The experts came from all over the world. They were educators and economists,
teachers and administrators, bankers and entrepreneurs. Some inhabited the world of
centralized, tax-funded government provision. Others belonged to the voluntary sector.
Yet others were active in the for-profit world of private enterprise. Discussion focused
around why schooling had failed to change radically when so many other spheres of life
had been transformed. As educational experts noted there was a time when every country
aspired to have a national airline in much the same way as they felt the need for a
national curriculum.
Globalization:
Now most have accepted there is no need for a government-owned, nationally
branded airline. Why then do we still feel the need for our own distinctive national
curriculum rather than taking a 'pick 'n mix' selection from the best bits of curricula
around the world?
As the experts noted, modern economies do not try to do everything any more.
There are just a handful of countries that continue with car-making, or try to excel at
film-making. The rest import cars and films from those places acknowledged as the
world's best. So why don't we do the same in education. If a country, Finland for
example, has found a schooling model that consistently leads the world, why don't we
import it either wholesale or at least in parts? Or, more radically, if a private school chain
from Sweden or the USA has developed an effective model why don't governments hire
them rather than persisting with their own failing models?
Is providing charitable donations of second-hand computers to schools in the
developing world really the best way to stimulate education reform? Or should
governments offer contracts to the private sector to make investments in the country's
educational infrastructure in return for a long-term payback as a more educated and
prosperous nation starts to buy its products?
These are, of course, controversial questions. They raise ethical issues. They
rarely prompt easy answers. But it does seem right to be asking them.
User-generated learning:
As experts pointed out other sectors have been transformed by technological
change. Take broadcasting, for example. Two decades ago, or even less, it was nice and
simple: the broadcasters made programmes for the audience. No one strayed much over
the dividing line. Now not only do the established broadcasters appeal for, and broadcast,
'user generated content', but they are losing out to the likes of You Tube where users
provide their own material. Or, closer to the world of learning, look at what has happened
with encyclopedias. Once families saved up to fill a whole shelf at home with several
volumes. Then these were condensed onto a single CD-Rom for a smaller price. Now it is
all free online and - with Wikipedia - you can even add your own entries.
So why has this not happened with schools? Why, despite the rhetoric about
personalized learning, do we still have national curricula and national testing?
Why, for that matter, are schoolrooms still much the same in terms of size, shape
and focus as they were 150 years ago when mass education began in several part of the
world and learning methods were so different?

Political grip:
One answer to emerge from the event was that, unlike many industries, education
is still firmly in the grip of governments.
The consensus was that governments are generally not very good at innovation or
risk-taking. Nor do they tend to take the long view as they work to four or five year
cycles. Where new technologies have been used they tend to reinforce existing teaching
and learning methods rather than taking us off in new directions.
The model for schooling still very often involves gathering large numbers of
children together into a single building, dividing them into groups by age, and placing an
adult with some textbooks in front of them.
Yet the evidence around us shows that young people, and increasingly adults too
learn from their peers. If they want to find something out they go on the web, searching
for a user group or search engine, rather than asking a nearby figure of authority.
Of course, there are problems with this. You can get the wrong, or false, answers. You can
fail to understand the information or its context. But shouldn't we take more note of how
young people learn? When they get a new mobile phone or computer, they never read the
manual. They learn by doing or by asking their peers in online communities.
This may not work for all young people but it can be great for those who find
conventional schooling unbearable. Take the 'Not School' initiative that has had great
success with pupils who have been excluded from school. Instead of putting them all
together in a special unit, it created a virtual school, where pupils learned from home,
interacting over the Internet. So, 20 years on, is the Education Reform Act still the right
approach? Or is it time we broke out of a 19th century model of the teacher at the front of
each class, delivering a prescribed curriculum, and constrained by regular pencil and
paper national tests?
Better wages in the Democratic Republic of the Congo:
Teachers are not paid; schools all over the country demand a prime or premium. The
prime varies from about 15 cents to $1.00 in the interior, and between $ 10 and $30 in the
capital Kinshasa. For many parents, even 15 cents is prohibitively expensive. These problems
of low wages and working conditions are affecting most ministries in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. Employers often did not respect the minimum wage law of $1.00 per
day. The average monthly wage did not provide a decent standard of living for workers and
their families in the formal economy. Government salaries remained low ranging from $50 to
$110 (26,500 to 58,300 Congolese francs) per month, and salary arrears were common
throughout the public sector. More than 90 percent of laborers worked in subsistence
agriculture or informal commerce and many relied on extended family for support. The
Ministry of Labor was responsible for enforcing the minimum wage, but did not do it
effectively. The law defines different standard workweeks for different jobs, ranging from 45
to 72 hours per week. The law also prescribed rest periods and premium pay for overtime, but
this was often not respected in practice. The law established no monitoring or enforcement
mechanism, and businesses often ignored these standards in practice. The law specifies health
and safety standards; however, the Ministry of Labor did not effectively enforce them. No
provisions of the law enable workers to remove themselves from dangerous work situations
without jeopardizing their employment. According to Global Witness, workers in the formal
mining sector, as well as illegal diggers faced particular risks. Most worked with no
protective clothing, equipment, or training. Scores died during the year usually in mineshaft
collapses, and companies provided no compensation upon death. It is estimated that there
were more than one million miners working outside the formal sector nationwide. Many
suffered violence from guards and security forces for illegally entering mining concessions.
Working conditions and law wages are some of the factors which should pay a key role in an
affective and quality higher education in the DRC.
Mbudi Agreement:
The government should make the Mbudi agreement in application, so that educators
will get their salaries as result education sector financing will not be on the hand of parents.
Civil servants in the Democratic Republic of the Congo never enjoy their work because of
the low wages and lack of salaries. To make the condition necessary for an effective higher
education the government must be able to pay regularly professors and provide good wages.
In 2008 civil servants could not receive their salary because of the peace process initiated by
the government in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. As as a result,
the money which was planned to pay civil servant went to the peace processes of the Kivus
Regions.
Employees Motivation:
Motivating employees is important because it affects their productivity. One of the
management’s jobs is to channel employee motivation effectively toward achieving
organizational goals. However, motivation is not enough to ensure productivity if workers do
not have the competencies needed to perform the jobs or work under unfavorable job
conditions (Hellriegel & Slocum, 2007, p. 121). Although job performance involves more
than motivation, it is an important factor in achieving high performance. Experts might not
agree with everything that motivates employees and the effects of working conditions on
their careers but they do agree that an organization must:
- Attract people to the organization and encourage them to remain with it
- Allow people to perform the tasks for which they were hired, and
- Stimulate people to go beyond routine performance to become creative and
Innovative in their work.
Thus, for an organization to be effective, it must tackle the motivational challenges involved
in arousing people’s desires to be productive members of the organization. For example,
Uganda was committed to basic education and it was successful (World Bank 2000, p. 123).
Massive political will:
This research paper demonstrates how the Democratic Republic of the Congo is rich
from is natural resources which are needed in the world. For example, the Democratic
Republic of the Congo is the world producer of cobalt. If security, good management and
transparency is guaranteed to everyone, the country will benefit from its natural resources.
Politicians should understand that education is the key of success in any country, and as a
result, they should pass a bill which should finance researchers and provide a good salary to
higher educational personnel. For example, education was the principal electoral platform
President Yoweri Museveni in his successful 1996 campaign and is the most talked about
topic in Uganda today. Basic education is Uganda’s top priority.

Commitment to elimination of barriers to access:
(African Studies Review 2008) Within independent Africa, expanding access to
schools and improving the quality of education have long been prominent national goals.
Indeed, broader access to education was both an objective and a promise of Africa’s
liberation struggles. The new constitution approved by Congolese voters in December 2005
guarantees free primary and secondary schooling for all children. Until 1996, education was
not free. Fees were minor, but parent-teacher association dues amounted to $ 6 to 8 per child.
The government should apply the Mbudi agreement so that parents will not have to finance
higher education. This will give access to a young generation to attend school. The part
which was involved in the peace agreement should also respect their engagement in the peace
process, so that students and higher education personal will attend schools without fear of
insecurity.
Sustained budgetary commitment:
The government has dramatically increased the share of the national budget going to
education, from 22 percent in 1998 to 31 percent in 1999. Two-thirds of this goes to primary
education allocated to districts on a capitation basis. Waste has been eliminated with the
elimination of ghost teachers, cutting payroll numbers by a third. Moreover, the government
is committed to concentrating future increases in spending including from the heavily
Indebted Poor Countries initiative on education.
Decentralization with central support:
All primary education is now run by Uganda’s 45 districts. Each district deploys and
pays teachers, though they remain centrally financed. Classroom construction is also
managed at the district level using a community demand approach, which has resulted in
faster and better construction. Multi-grade teaching is being piloted in sparsely populated
areas. Support to schools and teachers provided by a cascading system linking teacher
training colleges to district coordinating centers and then to schools. Nationally, 560 tutors
are in place, each responsible for supporting 20 schools, a large but manageable
responsibility. Schools select textbooks from a nationally approved list.
Effective accountability structures:
Since the government is not able to provide school with funds, they also became
unable to know how the money paid to schools by parents is used. Districts and schools are
held accountable for results and funds are used transparently. There are no things which
guarantee parents or students that the money paid by them is used properly. Effective
accountability structures are needed in most universities to guarantee better education until
the government will take their responsibility.
Promoting accountability and transparency is a political challenge requiring officials
to work against the entrenched interests of the political elite. Attempts to improve
transparency have exposed corruption, but not held officials accountable. Reforms have to be
institutionalized: courts, legislatures, the press and financial watchdogs need to be
strengthened and isolated from patronage networks. Parliament must be used as a primary
source of conflict prevention and peace building. The judiciary and administration must be
freed of constant political interference.

Curriculum reform
Democratic Republic of the Congo is a country in post conflict. The curriculum
should be changed in accordance with the realities of the country. The war, corruption and
lack of technology have destroyed higher education which affected the economy. For
example, studies (Baum & Tolbert, 1985) have suggested that education contributes to
economic growth, and that spending on education should therefore be considered productive
investment and not merely the satisfaction of consumer demand is now widely accepted.
Alexandra Kaum states on his independent Study Project that: The curriculum should
concentrate on courses that are critical for economic development and for supporting the
education system. Education is a fundamental part of the reconstruction process in any war
torn society. Despite this fact, attention given to the reconstruction of educational structures
in countries sacked by the war both by international and local communities is a new
phenomenon. The biggest effect the war had on the social sector was the undermining of
social trust in the region, a trust that acts as the foundation of any reconstruction process.
Teachers were killing students, neighbors were killing one another, and even friends were
killing each other, which is why it is necessary that conflict resolution skills and the
alleviation of psychosocial stress and grief should be incorporated in the curriculum, so that
students will re learn how to leave together. (Brandt, 2000. p. 98) Perhaps the best analysis of
the streams is that presented by Elliot Eisner (1979), who used the term “ curriculum
orientations,’’ rather than ‘ streams.’ He identifies five such orientations: Cognitive processes,
academic rationalism, personal relevance, social adaptation and social reconstruction and
technology.
Teacher support
Increase number of qualified teachers and training of teachers in priority courses by
enabling foreign teachers to come to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. There are still
not enough teachers given the massive increase in enrollments, but the government is
committed to reducing student-teacher rations from about 60-1 (and as high as 100:1 in the
first two years of primary school) to 40:1 as soon as is financially feasible. Budget increased
to fund more teachers and build classrooms are the government’s spending priority for the
next decade, and resources released through the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative
will be used for these purposes.
Strengthening Democracy.
On December 6, 2006, Joseph Kabila was sworn in as the first democratically elected
president since Congolese independence, concluding a landmark electoral process largely
devoid of major violence or gross irregularities. (Brandt, 2000. p. 213) Democracy one
assumed required a ruling elite with time, leisure, and mental capacities for reasoned and
objective thought. Democratic governance was supposed to support peace building and the
reconstruction of higher education, but it has not. The new government has weak and barely
functioning institutions, however, and the international community which has given decisive
support to the peace process, must continue to help it overcome serious security and political
challenges. Immediate agenda items include promptly setting up a new structure to
coordinate aid efforts, renew the United Nations Mission (MONUC) with a strong mandate,
and increase efforts to improve security throughout the country. The war which began in
August 1998, has dramatically reduced national output and government revenue and has
increased external debt. It has resulted in the deaths from wars, famine, and the disease of
perhaps 3.5 million people according to the International rescue committee, a Non
Governmental organization based in New York. Foreign business has curtailed operations due
to the uncertainty about the outcome of the conflict, lack of infrastructure, and difficult
operating environment. All parties involved in the war who signed the peace agreement
should respect the peace agreement, so that everyone can go to school without fear or
discrimination (African Studies Review April 2008) with flourish and fanfare the world met
in 1990 and proclaimed education for all. In fact, the idea that universal access to education
was in humanity’s common interest was embedded in the 1948 Universal Declaration of
Human Rights and that everyone has the right to education. The peace process, however, is
not complete. Its successes have to be consolidated and its achievements safeguarded. The
situation in the East in particular remains extremely volatile, and little state authority exists in
most of the opposition-dominated West. The defiant capital Kinshasa is permanently at risk
of large-scale civil unrest. Kabila’s control of most state institutions also entails a risk.
Indeed, political repression is already on the rise with triumphant hawks demanding a review
of some of the transition’s key legislative milestones. There are signs of opposition
marginalization in the national assembly and of former rebel forces being sidelined in the
security services.
Democratizing resources management
Democratic Republic of the Congo is a devastated country but its natural resources, if
properly managed, could become the engine for a rapid economic recovery. Unlike the 1990s,
international demand for raw materials is dynamic, and investors are eager to return to access
its huge reserves. Unfortunately, Democratic Republic of the Congo’s capacity to benefit
from this renewed interest is rather limited. Before and during the transition the authorities
signed with total lack of transparency, mining and timber contracts that will deprive the state
of billions of dollars in revenue. Numerous reports, national and international, have
documented the flaws in these contracts, especially in the mining sector.
At first, the government did not seem particurly keen to discuss these concessions.
Some advisers to Prime Minister Gizenga feared debate would discourage investors. Others
feared the political consequences knowing that President Kabila’s top advisers had been
involved in most of the deals, and that he had been backed by many foreign investors among
other things because he was seen as the contracts’ guarantor.
The situation has changed, however, and more and more officials and
parliamentarians, including within the ruling coalition, are looking critically at these
contracts. In April 2007, the government made two important decisions. On April 3, 2007,
Minister of Environment Didace Pembe canceled 21 forest development projects, some of
which had been granted in violation of the 2005 decree banning new timber concession.
Though the major logging companies such as Safbois, Sodefor, Siforco and Soform, were not
affected, three million hectares returned to the state.
On April 10th, Minister of Mines Kabwelulu announced a special commission tasked
with reviewing the 63 mining contracts approved from 1996 to 2003. Set up on May 15 th and
with access to Congolese experts as well as the open society initiative for southern Africa, the
Carter Center and Rothschild Cabinet it is expected to report by mid-August. According to
the minister, the objective is to renegotiate the contracts to secure a better deal for the state
and its main mining company Gecamines. In some cases, nevertheless, the government may
have no option but to ask the parliament to cancel the contracts.
Improving security
The persistence of insecurity and lawlessness parts of the country demands swift
action from the new authorities. However, it is essential that the government adopt a global
approach and resist the temptation to undertake spectacular military initiatives that could
easily backfire. Despite Congolese army weakness, military options have been given priority
for ending local conflicts at the expense of any serious political and diplomatic initiatives.
While proceeding with security sector reform, it is vital to launch local peace initiatives
based on a comprehensive set of diplomatic, financial, security and political measures and
involve provincial institutions in their implementation. Rallying local support and addressing
impunity and reconciliation should be key components of the action plans. (African Studies
Review 2008) African governments have been heavy handed in their response to student
activism, students and professors have been imprisoned, detained, raped, and killed and yet
student activism, students and professors have been imprisoned, detained, raped, and killed.
The student activism has also been a significant social force.
Technology for education
In the early days of the introduction of computers to classrooms, there was unbridled
hope that technology would bring about the same kind of successful transformation that had
been seen in science, industry, and business. In these arenas, technology’s role seemed
obvious from the start. In science, automated computation allowed measurement and
comparisons never before possible. Simulations made whole classes of natural phenomena
accessible and opened them to experimentation. In industry, repetitious and well specified
process suggested computerized and roboticized solutions, eliminating the errors and hazards
that come with human boredom. In business, the flexibility of the world processor over the
typewriter was immediately obvious. In each of these fields clear procedures combined with
technology led to quantum leaps in efficiency. (Sandholtz, Ringstaff & Dewyer, 1997, p. 35)
technology’s role in schooling is not so obvious, in part because the process and product of
formal education remains largely unspecified. Learning and teaching vary widely (Green,
1979) and some argue that teaching is a clinical pursuit, where practitioners control
instructional variables (Smith, 1963). Others view it as an enterprise where teachers create
learning communities and focus on social processes (Dewey, 1963), or to some the practice
of teaching might be more like therapy, where a teacher recognizes unique moments that
present students with opportunities for growth and capitalizes on them. None of these images
of teaching have proven superior to any other. To some extent, they all co-exist in school
today.
CHAPTER SEVEN
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
Introduction
This study was undertaken to analyze the challenges involved in ensuring quality
higher education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It has found that the Congolese
Higher Education continue to face many challenges since independence. Since the
Democratic Republic of the Congo is recovering from wars, corruption, and mismanagement,
education will play a critical role in the reconstruction of Democratic Republic of the Congo.
This study is therefore worthy of consideration by educators, scholars and the government of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The main research question states: What are the challenges involved in ensuring
quality higher education system in the Democratic Republic of the Congo? To answer this
question, the following sub-research questions were addressed: What is the historical
perspective of higher education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo? What are the
current factors and conditions impacting higher education system in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo? What are positive elements of the Europeans system of higher education in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo? What are the factors and conditions necessary for an
effective and quality higher education system in the Democratic Republic of the Congo?
The qualitative research methodology used for this directed research project was
conducted by reading and analyzing primary sources, such as library books and previously
made studies by researchers on this subject. As secondary sources, periodicals articles,
industry publications, and government generated data were used to give a complementary
analysis. The result of the study indicates that higher education in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo has faced many challenges since independence. The country was ruined by the
Belgium colonization and much was not done to improve higher education. In 80 years of
colonization only two universities were built and not much done to prepare Congolese for
their administration. This is why after the independence the country could not even have a
single lawyer or engineer. The study also indicates that the current president Joseph Kabila
has made considerable effort to reform the county. However, the higher education still faces
many challenges such as wars, law wages, insecurity, lack of technology, social benefit such
as health insurance and corruption.
The study indicates that the country is rich in natural resources to have better
education system in the whole country. If the country was well managed and government was
involved in higher education, the country could produce better citizens who can contribute to
the reconstruction on the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
SUMARIES OF RESERCH CHAPTERS
Chapter Three: The Historical Perspective of Higher education in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo.
This chapter summarized the historical perspective oh higher education in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. The chapter starts with the Map of the DRC and
introduction and economy of the Country. Also, it demonstrates how Belgians committed
crimes and misused the whole country and their involvement in the killing of Patrice
Lumumba, the former primer minister of the country after independence. In eighty years of
colonization only two universities were build, and few Congolese had access to education,
whereas in other countries colonized by the British and French people were educated and
schools were built. Congolese natural resources attracted Belgians, and as a result they
colonized the country with ideas to develop business for their national interest, but not to help
Congolese higher education. Mobutu's efforts to centralize state power in his hands in order
to penetrate all aspects of society have been analyzed by Thomas Callaghy, who has
demonstrated that in the economic realm these efforts met with catastrophic results. When
Mobutu came to power, the country began major state expansion and consolidation. The key
to this process was the notion of economic sovereignty. Furthermore, Mobutu sought to bring
economic activity within his tight control and was especially concerned with mining activity
in the secessionist Shaba and Kasai (present-day Kasai-Oriental and Kasai Occidental)
regions. Some have speculated that insecurity about Shaba separatism in part led Mobutu to
construct the country's primary source of electricity, the Inga I and Inga II hydroelectric
plants, west of Kinshasa, in order to increase the capital's control over Shaba. Mobutu sought
to reverse the traditional dominance of the mining region over the rest of the nation. The
nationalization of the Belgian-owned UMHK in 1967 and its transformation into the Zairian-
owned parastatal Gécamines, for example, was both a political and an economic act,
deliberately and carefully planned. Its primary objective was the consolidation of presidential
authority and spending ability. To finance state goals, Mobutu had to acquire major new
financial resources for development projects and for slush money.
The government became increasingly preoccupied throughout the 1970’s with raising
revenue to finance grandiose projects. The practice of patrimonialism gave free rein to the
enrichment of the president and his associates in government and other spheres.
Chapter Four: The Current Factors and Conditions Impacting Higher Education in the
During President Mobutu reign reformation of higher education was seen in higher
education, but with bad results due to the lack of preparation, mismanagement, corruption
and politicization of universities, and as a result, President Mobutu became unable to pay the
salaries of civil servants and professors. The war started in late 1996, and a small ethnic
rebellion in eastern Zaire suddenly expanded, routing Zaire’s under funded and poorly
disciplined army. Led by veteran guerrilla fighter Laurent Kabila and supported by several
neighboring countries, including Angola and Rwanda, the rebellion soon developed into an
anti-Mobutu revolution. Meanwhile, Mobutu left the country to undergo medical treatment in
France, Switzerland and Monaco. Despite the government’s hiring of foreign mercenaries by
the time Mobutu returned to Zaire in March 1997 the rebels had captured most of eastern
Zaire and were rapidly pushing west toward Kinshasa. Mobutu went to Morocco where he
died, and on May 17, 1997, Kabila proclaimed himself the President of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. Later on in 2006, President Kabila was assassinated by one of his
bodyguards. In December 2006, his son Joseph Kabila took power and became the President
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. President Kabila continued with peace processes
led the transitional government with 4 Vice Presidents and participated in the election
processes, which he won with 58%. Even now, however, the country’s higher education is
facing many challenges because of instability, a crippled economy, low wage, brain drain,
poor infrastructure, weak government, corruption, and administrative challenges in most
schools. In eastern parts of the country ( Nord Kivu and Sud Kivu) several rebels movement
are creating insecurities which are affecting higher education because the government still
lacks the capacity to control the national territory. The main problems are well known: ill
disciplined, ill equipped and often abusive security forces, continuing control by militias of
large areas of the East and the risk of civil unrest and repressive violence in the west, where
there is little government authority. Obviously, wars divert resources from more constructive
undertakings, like strengthening education, building infrastructure, improving health, and
preserving the environment. Wherever the Democratic Republic of the Congo has
experienced warfare and fighting, economic development efforts have slowed or stopped. For
example, according to The World Bank, Angola experienced a decline in per capita
consumption of almost 10 percent per year throughout the 1990s because of its ongoing civil
war. World Bank, (2005) in the University of Kinshasa, the largest university, 50 percent of
students drop out in the first year and 35 percent in the second year. The internal efficient is
about 50 percent and only 18 percent obtaining a postgraduate degree without any repetition.
Chapter Five: The Positive Elements of the Europeans Higher Education in the
During independence Belgian was blamed by international communities in matter of
education. This made Belgians feel an obligation to offer Congolese students scholarships to
study in Belgium. Also, several programs such as student exchange, educational programs
between both counties, and access to study aboard became available. The Policy that by-
passed self rule for Congo had serious consequences. At the time of independence, there were
only fourteen university graduates in Congo. The 25,000 man Congolese army had no
African officers; only twelve Congolese had risen to administrative positions in the colonial
government. By comparison, Ghana had 1,500 British trained civil servants when it achieved
independence in 1957. In September, 1960, United Nations officials estimated that it would
take a generation of intensive effort to train enough Congolese to man the nation’s
administrative and technical services.
Higher education cooperation between countries existed. Professors at the ‘Institut Superieur
Pedagogique de Bukavu’ would go to Germany or Belgium for training, come back to
Bukavu to continue their careers as the Belgians professors used to do, and teach at the
schools, but these programs could not survive due to insecurity and low wage. Professors
who benefited from this program could not return home because of low wages and securities
issues. This chapter also demonstrates the implementation of Europeans in the Congolese
peace process. They were involved in the transition process and financed the elections
processes.
Chapter Six: Factors and Conditions Necessary for an Effective and Quality Higher
Education in Democratic Republic of the Congo.
This chapter illustrates the factors and conditions necessary for an effective and
quality higher education. It states that employees motivation, curriculum reform, technology
for education, strengthening democracy, political will, effective accountability structure,
teachers support, sustained budgetary commitment are key players to improve higher
education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The new constitution approved by
Congolese voters in December 2005 guarantees free primary and secondary schooling for all
children, but since teachers are not paid, schools for all over the country demand a prime or
premium. The government should institute some strategies to fight against corruption which
has affected Congolese higher education. Despite the fall in public financing, households
have continued to finance the education system at all levels, and in both the public and
private sectors, preventing a complete collapse of the system and reflecting the strong
demand for education. Households finance between 80 to 90 percent of total expenditures in
the public sector and has grown even more rapidly than the public sector at all three levels.
Since these high growth rates are relative to a small base, the public sector continues to
predominate at all levels. The government needs to take the responsibilities by paying civil
servants especially in higher education, so that parents will not continue to finance schools.
There is no quantitative information on learning outcomes in higher education since curricula
and standards have not been officially revised for many years. Thus, there is little doubt that
the education is outdated and of limited relevance. Education can contribute to the economy
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo because it provides an innovative, intelligent and
efficient workforce.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
In conclusion, the study indicates that the country is rich in natural resources, which
should guarantee a better higher education system in the whole country. If the country is well
managed and committed to promote and improving higher education, the country could
produce better citizens capable of contributing to the peace processes, economy and
reconstruction of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The challenges in ensuring quality higher education in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo started since it existence because of selfishness, mismanagement, corruption, lack
of technologies, infrastructures, low wages and different wars the country was involved in. If
peace, true democracy, political will, good governance are established, Congolese higher
education will play an important role in the peace process, economy and the reconstruction of
the country.
After analyzing the challenges in ensuring quality higher education in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, the following recommendations were proposed:
First, modernize the curricula: The curriculum design used in The Democratic
Republic of the Congo is the one used since colonization. Now that the country is facing
many realities such war, mismanagement, and lack of economy. These have damaged the
country in different ways. Conflict resolution should be added into the curricula so that
students can learn to live together in a safe environment. The government and school board
should concentrate on courses that are critical for economic development and for supporting
higher educational system and conflict resolution as the Republic of Rwanda did after
genocide. In October of 1996, the Ministry of secondary education of scientific research and
culture decided to create a project called the program of communication and civic education
for the rehabilitation of confidence and national reconstruction. In this program a class called
‘civisme’ was added to be a class included in school curriculums.
Second, the creation of an anti-corruption commission: Corruption is one of the
challenges higher education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo faces. This is because
teachers’ salaries are low and the cost of other inputs is relatively high. The school leaders
and the government should be involved 100 percent to fight against corruption. The
government has a key role in regulating this by punishing all parties involved in corruption.
Third, establishment of an independent and good law system: In 1960, the
Fundamental Law declared that all children had a right to an education. Each
province assumed this responsibility for its children. University education was the
domain of the central government. The Ministry of Education administered and
oversaw all aspects of education, including school inspections. The 1964 Constitution
restated that education was a right, not a privilege, as it had been during colonial
times. If the law can be in application some major offenders involve in corruption can be
punished. Successful strategies begin by frying a few big fish. When there is a culture of
engaging in corrupt acts with impunity, the only way to begin breaking it up is for a number
of major corrupt figures to be convicted and punished.
Forth, Mbudi agreement should be applied. The Mbudi agreement which was signed
between the Government and federal union, states the new wages of each civil service worker
include the higher education personals in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The
agreement states that the minimum salary for public employees is fixed at 35,000 Congolese
francs (about $40 US dollars). The application of the Mbudi agreement will be the major step
to fight corruption in higher education because academic corps will be paid a reasonable
salary which will fit with the Congolese life.
Fifth, the government should provide funds for schools to use for research books and
equipments such as computers, televisions and printers. School administrators should
encourage the employment of professors proficient in academic research. This will be very
beneficial for the country. Peace process needs to be implemented and modernized. It will
thus play an important role in revolutionizing the education system. The momentum towards
these changes should be irreversible. Universities need to take the lead in applying
technology to their educational system. They should also take the lead in applying
computational and informational technology. Further, the university administrators need to
begin to chart the 21st century vision for their institutions on a journey that will include
informative technology, collaborative learning and teaching.

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HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE DRC

A Study Of Challenges In Ensuring Quality Higher Education In The Democratic

A DIRECTED RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE

CHAPTER ONE. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………….1

Context of the Problem……………………………………………………………1

CHAPTER TWO. REVIEW OF LITERATURE……………………………………….13

CHAPTER THREE. THE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF HIGHER

CHAPTER FOUR. THE CURRENT FACTORS AND CONDITIONS IMPACTING

HIGHER EDUCATION ………………………………………………………………..56

Salary Policy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo…..................................58

CHAPTER FIVE. THE POSITIVE ELEMENTS OF THE EUROPEAN HIGHER

EDUCATION IN THE CONGO………………………………………………...………82

Beginning of European Universities……………………………………………..82

CHAPTER SIX. FACTORS AND CONDITIONS NECESSARY FOR AN EFFECTIVE

AND QUALITY HIGHER EDUCATION ………………………………………….......99

Bridge to the future……………………………………………………………..100

CHAPTER SEVEN. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION……………………………..115

Table I - Mining potentialities in the DRC ……………………………………………18

Table II - Structure of the Higher Education in the DRC ……………………………...40

Table III - Wages of Professors at the University of Lubumbashi from 1999-2002…….56

Table IV - DRC: Government wages and salaries in selected African Countries…….....74

Figure I - Map of the Democratic Republic of the Congo……………………………….32

AFDL Alliance des Forces Démocratique pour la Libération

CUD Commission de Coopération Universitaire au Développement

DAAD German Academic Exchange Services

DRC Democratic Republic of the Congo

DSP Division Spéciale Présidentielle

FAR Force of the Rwandan Patriotic

GDP Gross Domestic Product

GNP Gross National Product

HSD Higher School Diploma

HRW Human Right Watch

ICT Information and Communication Technolgy

IDP Internal Deplace People

IMF International Monetary Fund

ISP Institut Supérieur Pédagogique

IRC International Rescue Committee

JMPR Jeunesse Mouvement Populaire De la Révolution

MONUC Mission de l’ONU en RDC

MLC Mouvement de Libération Congolais

MPR Mouvement populaire de la Révolution

NGO Non Governmental Organization

RCD Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie

RDC (ML) Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (Mouvement de

UOC University Officielle du Congo

ULC Université Libre du Congo

UMHK Union Minière du Haut Katanga

UNAZA Université Nationale du Zaïre

UNESCO Organisation des Nations Unies pour L’éducation, la Science et la

UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development

Context of the Problem

Colonial authorities were interested in training limited numbers of Congolese to assist in

development is an extremely complex and intricate process involving many decision

follow and are elaborated upon in the body of the text.

Africa, the number of inhabitants in Africa dropped significantly, leaving an insufficient

start a new country.

Back in early African history, Europeans colonized and infiltrated African

rather than academic preparation for leadership.

secondary education concentrated on agriculture and industry, rather than academic

In 1971, Protestants added a third university known as University Libre du Congo.

Other institutes of higher learning known as ‘Institutes Superieurs’ or intitutes of higher

Statement of the problem

businesses. As a result of inexperience and mismanagement, many of these nationalized