Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Thomas McGinn
ii
Preface
General prospectus of the research.
The following study deals with the prehistory of Sino-Tibetan (ST) languages and the human
environment in which they developed. The concrete objective is to determine whether ST languages have
an origin outside of the current geographical area where they are spoken, and whether there is any
evidence that they have their origin in African languages including the southwest Asian Semitic
languages (which are known to be descended from African languages). Though the primary method uses
language as the research instrument, it is not a work of the genetic linguistics which systematically traces
sound changes. Hence it does not attempt formal reconstruction of a proto-language, although well-
supported etymologies are proposed when no relevant proto-root has previously been elaborated by an
expert. (See further discussion of this in Chapter 1 section 1.6.1 below on proto-forms).
Similar enterprises have traditionally been called philology in the sense that language can be a means of
understanding a particular culture. However philology was mainly based on the study of written
documents. (Anttila 323). These of course are not available for research on pre-history. More recent
terms are “linguistic paleontology” or “historical anthropological linguistics.” “Anthropological
linguistics continues the priorities of the old philology by asking that linguistics be relevant and explain
something beyond mere language” (Anttila 325).
Research on human prehistory using language can be correlated with archaeology (including
paleogeography, paleoclimatology and paleobotany and to a lesser degree genetics.) Thus words for
material objects such as pots, pounding slabs and grains which are common to African and Sino-Tibetan
languages can support a hypothesis of African origins of both language and culture in Asia. (See
especially Chapters 6 and 7).
iv
v
vi
Contents
Chapter 1 Introduction: Summary of research, Languages, Methodology………………………..1-29
Chapter 2A Words representing Animals: names, body parts, actions and products.
Semantic Domain A word families...........................................………….…………………….……32-127
Chapter 2B Words representing objects in the natural world such as rocks, water, plants etc.
Semantic Domain B word families. ……………………………………………………………….128-237
Chapter 5 Statistical Comparison of one AA language (Hausa) with one TB language (Tibetan)
and with Sinitic languages as a group................................................................................................789-792
Chapter 6 Cultural and geographic language common to African languages and ST………….…..793-804
8. Correspondences of Sanskrit and other non-ST Asian languages with the African /Afro-Asiatic and
Sino-Tibetan language roots………………………………………….……………….………..…...826-834
9. Linguistic data relevant to African/AA- based migrations into the ST linguistic area..….........835-851
Works consulted…………………………...………….………….………..……………..…..…..….…..866-879
Supplementary Table 1 Results of a preliminary comparison of Greenberg’s word lists from all four
African language superfamilies with Sino-Tibetan ……………...………………..…………..……880-882
Abbreviations:
AA Afro-Asiatic
adj. adjective
adv. adverb
AA/African Afro-Asiatic and other African language superfamilies
AV Avestan (Indo-Aryan language found in E. Iran)
bf. bound form
BCE before the Common Era
BP before the present time
c. circa (approximate date)
CE [of the] Common Era
CC close phonetic/semantic correspondence (= lexical isogloss)
CC set close correspondence set (often referred to simply as set)
C. Chadic Central Chadic
coll. colloquial, colloquially
corresp. correspondence, correspondences
Cush. Cushitic
Dict. Dictionary
dial. dialect, dialectal
(Djenne) Djenne Chiini (Dialect of Nilo-Saharan-Songhay)
E. East
e.g. exempli gratia [for example]
esp. especially
excl. exclamation
Extended designates words in the Extended Word Family section of a table.
f. noun or verbal noun feminine gender
(Fr.) French
fut. future tense
(Ger.) German
HG haplogroup (a group of chromosomes containing the same defining
mutation from an earlier form)
ideo. ideophone (an adverb specific to certain kinds of actions)
IE Indo-European
i.e id est [that is]
imperf. imperfect tense
IPA International Phonetic Alphabet
(It.) Italian
x
W. West
(WG) Wade-Giles transcription of a Chinese word
w.f. word family / word families
(Y) Yale transcription of a Chinese word
xii
1
Introduction
Summary of Phases of the research
Preliminary research identified the Afro-Asiatic superfamily languages as containing the largest number
of lexemes showing close correspondence with those of Sino-Tibetan. (See Supplementary Table 1
below)
Chapter 1. The first stage of the Afro-Asiatic/African ↔ Sino-Tibetan comparison reviewed the
languges compared, fixed the objectives of the study and defined the criteria for selecting and sorting
the correspondences.
Chapter 2. Domains A-H The comprehensive comparison of the two superfamiles identified a
massive number of lexical correspondences between Afro-Asiatic/African and Sino-Tibetan languages.
These are grouped in broad semantic fields called Semantic Domains.
Chapter 2A Domain-A Animals
Chapter 2B Domain-B Objects in the Natural world –Landforms, Plants, Fire etc.
Chapter 2C Domain-C The human body and its states.
Chapter 2D Domain-D Human groups, e.g. kinship and social groups.
Chapter 2E Domain-E Cognitive and Volitional language, Speech acts.
Chapter 2F Domain-F Artifacts, Tools, Circular residences
Chapter 2G Domain-G Qualities, Numbers, Pronouns
Chapter 2H Domain-H Verbs, mainly transitive
Chapter 3. Chapter 3 summarizes the Chapter 2A-H data statistically. There are 508 word families
common to the two superfamilies Afro-Asiatic (AA) and Sino-Tibetan (ST).
Chapter 4. Using the chapter 3 information, statistical data is reported for the four Afro-Asiatic (AA)
subfamilies, AA-Chadic, AA-Cushitic, AA-Semitic and AA-Egyptian. Each is compared separately with
the ST-Tibeto-Burman (TB) and ST-Sinitic (Han Chinese + Min) language groups:
Results are in:Chapter 4 Tables 4.3
TB < Chadic correspondences (74.2%) / Sinitic < Chadic close correspondences: (69.7%)
TB < Cushitic correspondences (51%) / Sinitic < Cushitic close correspondences: (52.2%)
TB < Semitic correspondences (45.5%) / Sinitic < Semitic close correspondences: (40.4%)
-TB < Egyptian correspondences (18.5%) / Sinitic < Egyptian close correspondences: (15.6(%)
…The combined TB/ Sinitic ↔ AA subfamily correspondences constitute the Afro-Asiatic ↔ Sino-
Tibetan subfamily correspondences. By percentage these are:
Chadic ↔ ST 71.9%, Cushitic ↔ ST 51.4, Semitic ↔ ST 42.9%, Egyptian ↔ ST 17.05%
Hence the highest percentage (71.9%,) of correspondences for the combined ST subfamilies is found in
the Chadic group.
Chapter 5. Based on the Chapter 4 results, the comparison was further narrowed to the single Chadic
language, Hausa/Gwandara, which was compared with the single TB language Tibetan and the Sinitic
languages taken together as one language group. The results were:
Total word families which contain at least one Tibetan ↔ (Hausa and/or Gwandara) close
correspondence:
224 = (44.1% of the 508 Chapter 2A-H word families
Total word families which contain at least one (Sinitic ↔ Hausa and/or Gwandara) close
correspondence:
260 = (51.2% of the 508 P Chapter 2A-H word families)
The single family comparison furnished the basis for the Chapter 10 report on morphology and
grammar common to Chadic-Hausa/Gwandara and Sino-Tibetan languages..
Chapter 6.
This chapter summarized the study’s linguistic evidence of cultural influences of the East/Northeast
African and West Asian civilizations on those of East Asia.
Chapter 7. This chapter summarized the Chapter 2A-H linguistic and archaeological evidence which
showed that the names of African grains are mainly the same as those of the East Asian Tibeto-Burman
2
and Sinitic languages. The data suggests a mid-Holocene incursion of agriculturists who spoke a
language closely related to Afro-Asiatic (principally Chadic, into Central and East Asia.
See Chapter 7 sections 7.3 and 7.5.
Chapter 8.
This Chapter summarized information on IE-Sanskrit, IE-Pashto and other Asian language
correspondences with the African/Afroasiatic and Sino-Tibetan lexicon. These are reported overall in
Supplementary Table 2. The data support a firm hypothesis that Sanskrit and its descendants, Hindi and
Bengali, contain a substratum composed of Afro-Asiatic roots..
Chapter 9.
This Chapter presented linguistic data which support a hypothesis of different migrations of populations
speaking Afro-Asiatic-based languages into the current Sino-Tibetan linguistic area.
Chapter 10.
This Chapter reviewed a number of closely similar morphological and grammatical features which exist
especially between AA-Chadic-Hausa and Sino-Tibetan languages.
3
Chapter 1
Overview of languages compared and methodology
Chapter 1.1 African language superfamilies. Greenberg’s classification of African languages into four
major groups has been widely accepted.. (See Greenberg1966 language map “Summary of Classification”
177). For this reason the African languages’ vocabulary which he used was adopted for a preliminary
comparison of African languages with Sino-Tibetan. This comparison of Sino-Tibetan (ST) with all four
of the African language superfamilies identified Afro-Asiatic as possessing the largest stock of closely
matching lexemes (lexical isoglosses). See Supplementary Table 1- Preliminary Sino-Tibetan ↔ African
language comparative table based on Greenberg’s word list.
The four African superfamilies are:
1.1.1 Afro-Asiatic (AA).
This family contains the subfamilies Cushitic, Chadic, Semitic, ancient Egyptian and Berber. It
contains about 350 distinct languages spoken by over 300 million people. The AA languages are found in
North, Central and East Africa in the area bounded on the south by the 5th parallel of north latitude, on the
north by the Mediterranean, on the west by present day northern Nigeria, and on the east by the Red Sea.
Through the Semitic languages they extend eastward across the Arabian peninsula and north to upper
Mesopotamia. Many scholars consider the Omotic languages of Ethiopia to be a separate subfamily.
Given their location near Cushitic languages, they are for purposes of migration history counted with
these since evidence from physical anthropology and genetics indicates that the region of north Sudan and
Ethiopia was the original location of the Afro-Asiatic superfamily. Berber could not be compared
systematically.1 (See also Chapter 4 note 4.0.1.1, sections 4.0.1-2, Notes 4.3.1 and A.12a.1).
Throughout the study evidence is presented that speakers of Chadic and Semitic languages migrated
across the Central Asian land mass into the E. Asian Sino-Tibetan linguistic area. For Cushitic and
Egyptian it is not clear that speakers of these languages migrated across Asia at least in the Holocene
period. They show a considerable number of cognates with Sino-Tibetan languages but these may have
been transmitted through roots shared with Chadic and Semitic rather than through migrations of
populations. Theses issues are discussed in Chapters 4- 9
1.1.2 Nilo-Saharan (NS) This superfamily consists of about 150 to 200 languages found principally
along rivers from western Ethiopia across Sudan and the African Sahel to northern Nigeria, Niger, and
Mali. From northern Sudan they extend south along the Nile to Northern Uganda and from there eastward
into Northwest Kenya. There are about 70 million speakers.(Cyffer 2008 v.3 234-235, Jaggar 2008 v.3
221).
The unity of Nilo-Saharan as a superfamily has been the subject of much discussion. The internal
classification of languages considered to belong to the group has been difficult to establish.2
1.1.3 Khoisan.
This language group is comprised of a relatively small number of languages from Southwest and East
Africa. Many Africanists consider that Khoisan probably extended over a much greater region of sub-
Saharan Africa before being submerged, first by speakers of Afro-Asiatic in East Africa, and later over
1
Note 1.1.1 Ehret omitted Berber from his research on Proto-Afroasiatic because it had lost key Afro-Asiatic
phonological distinctions probably as a result of merging of many of the original consonant distinctions. He also
considered that no adequate reconstruction of the proto-Berber lexicon had been done. (See Ehret 1995 12). A
comparison of Cortade’s Berber-Tuareg Lexicon with ST roots was carried out during the present study but very
few correspondences could be identified. Because of this no extensive comparison of Berber was possible, although
individual words found in some of the works consulted are cited when they correspond to other African and ST
lexemes.
2
Note 1.1.2 “It has become evident that historical reconstruction may not be the only approach to understanding
the Nilo-Saharan complex. Many of the languages were exposed to speakers of languages with different linguistic
affiliations (Afro-Asiatic, Niger-Kordofanian). Mutual linguistic influence may have taken place over a long period
of time. This has led to a large amount of diversity on the one hand, and on the other to a considerable amount of
structural and conceptual retention of linguistic features over the long period of common membership”. (Cyffer
2008 236).
4
the whole of southern Africa by the Bantu expansions during the last millenium BCE.3 Only about 20 to
30 languages with about 350,000 speakers remain.(Jaggar 221-222).4
1.1.4 Niger-Congo (NC)
This superfamily is made up of a large number of languages found throughout sub-Saharan West
Africa, the Central Sudan and the whole southern region of the continent. It includes most languages
south of the Equator and comprises about 1,500 languages. This phylum is larger than any other in the
world, and has around 400 million speakers. (Williamson 2008 223). Greenberg proposed a
linguistically genetic relationship between Kordofanian which is located in the Nuba mountains of the
southwestern Middle Nile Basin and the Niger-Congo peoples of West Africa.5 Ehret ( 2002 58) supports
this classification and considers Niger-Kordofanian to have existed as far back as 15,000 years ago. The
present study uses NC as notation to identify the Niger Congo group but this does not imply a position on
Kordofanian’s status in relation to Niger-Congo languages. In the study Kordofanian is identified by its
full name when one of its lexemes matches an ST form.
1.2 Sino-Tibetan
1.2.1 Tibeto-Burman family – Sources.
For a wide range of TB languages the work of Benedict, Matisoff, Van Driem and S. Starostin (plus his
successors) provides extensive vocabularies.6
Benedict, Matisoff and Starostins’ works have the double advantage of presenting a set of TB proto-
roots and the contemporary forms posited to be their reflexes, as well as some affixes. The Starostin
group has provided etymologies for most African and Asian language families. Both Benedict and
Matisoff compare their results with the Old Chinese roots elaborated by Karlgren. They thus provide
substantial data for a comparative TB ↔ Chinese study. Van Driem’s lists are important especially for
information on TB languages.
3
Note 1.1.3(1) Although Khoisan is currently spoken in East Africa by only one or two small groups, there is
evidence that Khoisan languages were once widespread in the area. (See Semino 2002 265 and Wood et al. 874-
875) for genetic evidence of a historic relationship between Khoisan and the emergence of AA languages. For a
provisional list of Khoisan correspondences with AA and ST languages see Supplementary tables 3 Khoisan ↔ ST
comparative data . See also Chapter 9 section 9.4.
4
Note 1.1.3(2) Greenberg considered that the Khoisan languages had varying degrees of relationship. Some
Khoisanist linguists now consider “Khoisan” to be a cover term which represents three to six unrelated families.
(Traill 2008 v.3 229). Ehret recognizes the present limits to any theory that they belong to a single family, but
points out that they share similar features of structure and phonology, and more basic language vocabulary cognates
than has generally been recognized. (Ehret 2002 58) G. Starostin has done important introductory reconstructions
for most Khoisan languages and these give evidence that there is a single superfamily, although Hatsa and
Sandawe probably separated early from the rest of the group and are more remotely related. (Starostin, G. 2008
[337]
5
Note 1.1.4 Greenberg notes the importance of the regular correspondence between the Kordofanian final -ŋ and the
Niger-Congo final -m for originally establishing that the two language groups belong to the same family. He cites the
C.2c.1 Niger Congo lim- / lem- and Kordofanian C.2c.2 liŋ roots as instances of a regular variance between the
two. (See Greenberg 1966 150-151.)
Blench reviewed correspondences between Kordofanian and other African languages and concluded that there are
as many similarities between Kordofanian and Nilo-Saharan as there are between Kordofanian and Niger-Congo;
hence that Kordofanian cannot be firmly established as belonging to the same phylum as Niger-Congo. (See the
discussion in Blench Kordofanian and Niger-Congo at http://www.rogerblenchinfo./Kordofanian and Niger-
Congo.pdf/. Also Williamson “Studies of lexical borrowings between Niger-Kordofanian languages and their
neigbors, including Songhay and Chadic, have often been inconclusive because cultural words in particular tend to
have a cross linguistic distribution within a geographical area , so that it is frequently impossible to determine which is
the donor and which is the recipient language”. Williamson 2008 232.
6
Note 1.2.1 Benedict (1972) used data from over 100 TB languages. However, he focused on the five most
“phonologically conservative” of them, i.e.Tibetan, Burmese, Lushai (Mizo), Jingpho (Kachin) and Garo. (Matisoff
2003 2). These five figure prominently in the present comparison of TB and African languages.
5
1.2.2 Sinitic family (Chinese) A traditional view of Chinese languages divides them into a northern
and southern group.7
1.2.2.1 Northern Chinese-
The Northern Chinese dialects, often called Mandarin, are quite similar to each other. Their Pûtōnghuà
version, meaning “the common language” is the official language of China, called in English Modern
Standard Chinese. (cited as MSC). MSC is based on the dialect of Beijing, the national capital, but Beijing
has some lexical elements which are proper to it. (See Note C.21a.2, Norman 1988 249 Table 1 and examples
in D.3c.2 Chinese–Beijing Extended) e.g. jīzĭr “egg” and D.9a.7 niángrmen “woman”). MSC has the
largest documentation of all Chinese languages.
1.2.2.2 Southern and Central Chinese languages.
Yuè, the language of the city of Guangzhou (Canton), is now the standard one for this South Chinese
group. (Norman 1988a 214). The Guangzhou dialect is commonly called Cantonese by English speakers.
It is considered to be phonologically conservative as compared to the northern Sinitic group. Its sound
system preserves with great fidelity the final consonants and tonal categories of the Tang dynasty literary
standard. (circa 756 CE). (Yue, Anne 164.)
Kejia, also known as Hakka, is classified with the South Chinese language group. It has some Northern
features but more closely resembles Cantonese than Beijing/ MSC or other northern languages. (Ramsey
111)
Min (called Amoy-Hokkien by Bodman) also belongs to the South Chinese group. It is spoken in Fujien
province of southeast China. Min is also phonologically conservative and shares many phonological
features with Kejia. (Norman 1988a 239-241). It has lexical elements not found in other Chinese
languages. It is thought to have split away from the main body of Chinese language development
sometime before the compilation of the Qieyun Dictionary [601 CE], and thus has inherited elements
directly from Old Chinese. (Norman 1988b 288). The historically first Chinese language spoken in
Taiwan is a dialect of Min.8
Wu is a language of the Central Chinese group. It is made up of a group of dialects spoken mainly in
southern Jiangsu and in Zheijiang provinces. It is the second largest after Putonghua (MSC) in terms of
the number of speakers. (Rose 159). Shanghai is the commercial center of this region. The Wu-
Shanghaiese dialect is more conservative than Mandarin since it has a series of voiced consonants b, d
and g which Mandarin does not possess. It contains phonetic features which relate it to both the
northern and southern group. Along with other central dialects it was possibly originally part of the
present-day southern group but was overlaid with northern features as the northern empires expanded
south- and eastward in the middle historical period. 9
These languages constitute a substantive sampling of the language/dialect groups existing in the Sinitic
family. Their relationships within the family have not all been settled, but no position need be taken on
7
Note 1.2.2 “In the second millennium BC, the language which is ancestral to the modern Chinese dialects was
spoken on the North China Plain along the banks of the Yellow River. How far it had spread at that time beyond
this nuclear area, we have no way of knowing, nor do we know anything about dialectal diversity in that ancient
period. It is clear, however, that in the succeeding millennium Chinese began to spread into new areas both to the
north and south, a process that has continued throughout Chinese history right down to the present.” (Norman 1988
183) Comment- It is not clear that in Chinese prehistory the whole lexicon originated in the north, though the
expansion from north to south did occur after the emergence of the first empire. See following Note 1.2.2.2(1) Min.
8
Note 1.2.2.2(1) Min Norman mentions that the Min dialects are a separate group which are possibly the oldest
but show much similarity with southern Chinese languages. The Min dialects are considered to be outside of the
main Chinese group since Karlgren was not able to use a portion of its lexicon in his derivation of Old Chinese.
Norman recognizes that Min phonetics cannot be explained in terms of the Middle Chinese phonological system;
however he shows convincingly that it is related phonetically and lexically to the Kejia (Hakka) southern Chinese
language. (Norman 1988 239-241).
9
Note 1.2.2.2(2) Wu Adequate vocabularies of this language and Kejia seem to be readily available only on the
Internet. They have been cited from http://www.chinalanguage.com/dictionaries, though this site now gives only
Chinese character equivalencies of English words.
6
this question in order to carry out an initial comparison with African languages. The Sinitic language /
dialect groups have been considered to be separate groups with a common ancestor, a language family
rather than a single language with a number of regional forms. The relationship is comparable to that of
the Romance languages with Latin. (Kratochvil 327, Norman 1988a 187).
1.2.2.3 Sinitic languages which have not been systematically included in the comparison are:
Qiangic, spoken mainly in Sichuan and Yunnan (Central West and Southwest China). It is divided into
Old (Southern variety) and New (Northern variety) Xiang. The Southern variety is more closely related
to Wu dialects, and the Northern ones to Mandarin. There is no writing system other than Chinese
characters. (You Rujie 164).
Gan (W. Central China) and Jin (spoken in Shangxi province (NW China). Jin is very important for its
preservation of prefixes present in Old Chinese and some African families, but lost in most modern
dialects. Jin has been cited from the work of Sagart, and Qiangic from that of Benedict and Matisoff, but
due to limited documentation a full comparison with African/AA languages has not been possible for
either group. Sagart’s work on Jin figures importantly in research on “the disappearing k- initial”
(reported in Chapter 10 section 10.3.2).
1.3 Non-ST Asian families in relation to Sino-Tibetan.
1.3.1 Indo-European
1.3.1.1 Sanskrit, Avestan
A hypothesis resulting from the present study proposes that African/Afro-Asiatic languages constitute
a substratum in Asia between Africa and East Asia. This has been most extensively studied for Sanskrit.10
and Avestan. Those words which appear in the Indo-Aryan Sanskrit Rigveda (NW, N. India) and in
Avestan (Eastern Iran) have been identified using the abbreviations RV and AV respectively. A
substantial set of African/AA cognates in other non-ST languages of the central and Eastern Asian region
has also been included. See evidence of these lexical relationships throughout Chapter 8 and
Supplementary Table 2). The AA substratum in IE Indo-Aryan languages suggests that c.1800 BCE in
central / northern Pakistan and north India a native population became a subordinate class which adopted
most of the language of the elite invading dominant Aryans, but retained a lexicon inherited directly from
Africa during an earlier migration. Supplementary Table 2 contains a large Central / East Asian non-ST
lexicon, especially Indo-European and Altaic, which closely matches African / AA roots.
10
Note 1.3.1.1 As an example of prehistoric Afro-Asiatic influence in north India see Bryant 78-9 and Chapter 2E
Notes- E.9b.1 and E.11a.1 on a “quotative” grammatical feature found in Sanskrit but not in other Indo-European
languages. It matches comparable African language “quotative” lexemes.
7
In Leslau’s notation Amharic ä “is pronounced like the sound one makes when hesitating during
speech; it is represented in writing by ’uh’”. Leslau 1976, xiv. Hence it appears to be a low central vowel
with glottal stop before the following consonant.
1.4.1.3.2 Semitic-Arabic. Some Arabic-English dictionaries use Latin alphabets for most sounds but
Arabic alphabet letters for those not contained in English.11 These latter which occur in this study are:
=عvoiced pharyngeal spirant, no English equivalent
=حvoiceless pharyngeal spirant, no English equivalent, generally transcribed in IPA as ʔ.
θ = voiceless interdental spirant, similar to English th as in “thank”.
ɗ̟ = voiceless interdental spirant, velarized, no equivalent in English
x = voiceless velar spirant, no English equivalent but similar to German ch as in Bach.
See also H.34c.1. (Arabic).
11
Note- Semitic-Arabic A Dictionary of Iraqi Arabic : English-Arabic, Arabic-English. Washington :
Georgetown University Press, c2003 part 2 Arabic-English vi-vii
9
Note also:
Pinyin què = Yale chywè = Wade-Giles ch’ūèh. See Chen xii and A.2a.2
Pinyin quān = Yale chywān = Wade-Giles chuan. See Chen xii and F.7a.6
Pinyin qiâng = Yale chyâng See Chen, xi and F.1.3
Pinyin xìng = Yale sying = Wade-Giles hsìng / sìng. See Chen xxi and D.16.1
Pinyin duī = Yale dwēi. See Chen xii and B.5c.1
Pinyin jiào = Yale jyàu See Chen xvi and E.13e.5, C.21b.1.
Citations from Mathews (1966) use his Wade-Giles transcriptions. For Chen or Wang’s tables of Yale,
Wade-Giles and Pinyin equivalencies see Chen x-xxiv, and Wang, F. 627-638.
1.4.3.2.2 Chinese-Hakka.
MacIver’s transcription uses an approximation of the sound as it is most commonly represented in
Latin alphabets. His transcription is cited when it is available. The Lau Chunfat entries employ the Pinyin
transcription and this is also cited when available.
1.4.3.2.3.
Chinese-Wu. IPA transcriptions are used for Wu in the Online Hakka Dictionary and these are followed
in the citations of this study.
1.4.3.2.4. Cantonese (Yuè). The Yale transcription is used for Cantonese since it is employed by all
three of the main sources, Chik / Ng Lam, Kwan and Chen. Chen also supplies a table of Yale, Meyer-
Wempe, and IPA transcriptions of Cantonese. (Chen xxvi-xxvii).
10
12
Note 1.5.1 “Word families are of particular importance because, more than isolated words, word families,
especially well-diversified ones, may be suspected of being ancient in the language” Sagart 1999 14.
11
Notes function both to provide historical-cultural context and describe regular phonetic relationships
between languages when this information is available from scholarly research on a particular language or
language family. General notes cite the section of the study which they qualify. Notes specific to a word
family of Chapter 2 Sections A-H cite the alphanumeric identifier(s) of a set or sets of the word family.
1.5.2.1 Correspondences must be recurring, i.e. a single ST ↔ AA match does not count as an
established correspondence
1.5.2.2 Basic core language vocabulary must be compared in order to reduce the chance of borrowing
between the languages.
1.5.2.3 Parameters must be established to determine “what matches what”. The questions of minimal
contrast and segmentation are central to this task .
1.5.2.4 Semantic matching must be fairly rigorous. (Anttila 229-230)
A word family can be established, however, when only one of the ST correspondences satisfies the
rules for being a close correspondence set, as long as there are two or more ST ↔ African/Afroasiatic
root correspondences listed in the Extended Section of the data record, e.g.:
Table 1.5.3.1b
Example of non-recurring ST ↔ African/Afroasiatic close correspondence plus Extended forms.
ST Languages African/Afroasiatic languages-Close correspondences
B.39 AA-Chadic AA – AA- NS NC
Cush. Sem.
B.39.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic – Hausa
jim / jimbə “clay, mud” jimb’u “clay”
jim-pa yimb’ū / yumb’ū m.
“mud, clay, loam” “red clay (used for making pots”
“mud, clay, muddy water”
Base correspondence(s) for positing etyma:
B. 39.1 TB-Tibetan jimbə “clay, mud”
< W. Chadic–Hausa jimb’u “clay”
Approximate Tibetan etymon *jimb’u “clay”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B. 39.1
Chinese- MSC / Beijing chîn “yellow loam, clay”
TB-Tibetan jimmi “clay statue of a person”
Extended African/Afroasiatic language word family:
B. 39.1 W. Chadic – Gwandara (Koro ) yembu (Gitata ) yumbu “clay”
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
B. 39.1 IE- Sanskrit jamba “mud, clay” jambala “mud, clay” jambalini “muddy”
The definition of minimal size, however, is not a sufficient basis for adequate comparison. The
identification of large numbers of recurring phonetically similar correspondences having the same
meaning is essential for any classification of languages. It is the major factor in determining what
13
morphemes together constitute an individual language and what languages taken together constitute a
language family or subfamily.The present comparison of ST and AA language families would not be
possible if such massive comparison had not already been done for African and ST languages, resulting in
their classifications as superfamilies.
1.5.3.2 Identifying large word families. Use of massive comparison methodology to identify large word
families.
If the comparison must identify large sets of common lexical roots, this can best be achieved by first
comparing the language superfamilies Afro-Asiatic and Sino-Tibetan and their subfamilies rather than
individual languages within either of these. This is necessary because initially we do not know which
individual families to compare, and these are numerous in both the AA and TB families. If large word
families common to the two language superfamilies are found to exist, this is initial evidence that the
relationship is old, so we can at least tentatively posit a historical relationship between them as a working
hypothesis. But how large is large enough?
1.5.3.2.1 Pragmatic criteria for counting word families as “large”:
Large single independent word families.
A large single independent word family is defined as containing four or more primary (close)
correspondence sets. The Chapter 2A-H massive comparison contains 39 of these single large word
families. See chapter 3 Table 3.1.3a’
Generic (groups of related) word families.
Each of the component word families in these larger groups has been constructed on the basis of one or
more close correspondence sets. The rules for grouping generically related word families are less
precise, since they are not the primary units of the comparative study, but rather second order constructs,
so etymologies are not proposed for these conglomerates, but only for each of their component word
fmilies.
Both of these types of word families are identified and counted at the beginning of each semantic
domain, e.g. for semantic domain A of the Chapter 2A comparison 14 of its 37 numbered tables are
generic word families and their component word families.
Examples of very large generic word families are:
-Those containing 7 word families-
H.24a-g - “clean” “clear” “new” “to rub, wipe” “to shave, scrape” “to sweep, to comb” “to wash”
“to strain”
-Those containing 6 word families-
A.10.a-f - “canines” “dog, fox, hyena”,
B.11.a-f - “burn, fire, kindle” “bake, roast” “hot, warm”,
B.15.a-f - “rain, water” “passage for water” “valley, hollow place”,
E.13a-f - “speak, cry out, call, greet”
-Those containing 5 word families –
E.7a-e - “good, beautiful, better”
E.8a-e - “say, announce, publish, judgment” “law” “predict, divination”
The number and size of generic word families common to AA and ST are also reported in the statistical
data of each of the word family groups in Chapter 2 Sections A-H. These are combined and listed in
Chapter 3 Table 3.1.3c. They total 112 generic word famlies in the Chapter 2 A-H analytic comparison
and these make up 307 = 60.4% of its 508 word families. This high proportion of large word families
argues against chance correspondence between the AA and ST lexicons.
If the objection is still made that chance matching cannot be sufficiently excluded because the resulting
correspondences are spread across many African/Afroasiatic language superfamilies, then statistics for
AA ↔ ST subfamily correspondences can be compiled to show numbers of AA ↔ ST correspondences
within a subfamily. (This done in chapter 4 Tables 4.3). And if these subfamily comparisons can identify
a single African/Afroasiatic language as most similar to a single ST language, then a comparison of only
these two languages can be undertaken. This was ultimately done as a comparison between Tibeto-
14
Burman-Tibetan and AfroAsiatic-Chadic-Hausa. (See chapter 5 Table 5.2.1 for statistics). However the
comparison between superfamilies was necessary before these degrees of specification could be carried
out.
1.5.4 Objective 2 – Identification of loan words. Evidence for and against loaning.
Usual criteria for identifying loans are:
1.5.4.1 The loaned words have not formed their own word families. Theyoften occur as one or a very
small number of words in a language. See Note Table 8.1a
1.5.4.2 They have not adopted the morphemic/syntactic structure of the host language.
1.5.4.3 They are less likely to attest words from basic vocabulary.
As mentioned above, if a large word family is shared between many language families in Africa and
the ST linguistic area, most of the lexemes are not likely to be based on recent loaning. Hence ancient
loaning between African non-Afro-Asiatic and Afroasiatic languages in prehistoric Africa is not relevant
to the present study, given the separate histories of AA and non-AA languages prior to their speakers’
migration(s) out of Africa during the early or mid-Holocene. See Chapter 4 section 4.0.1.
For loaning to and from Chinese languages see Norman 16-22
1.5.5 Objective 3 - Inclusion of Basic core vocabulary at all stages of the comparison to identify
words which are less likely to be loans.
There are two ways of identifying basic vocabulary.
1.5.5.1 Basic core vocabulary comparison can be carried out through use of a standard vocabulary
which is found in all languages, i.e. a universal set of concepts which are native to even the simplest
languages and hence constitute part of its original stock. The most commonly used list of these is the
Swadesh list, a list of 100 or 200 words in English widely used after its inception in the mid-20th century.
G. Starostin’s Lexicostatistical Approach towards Reconstructing Proto-Khoisan is an important recent
example of use of the 100 word list to advance Khoisan research. It is cited throughout the present study.
Hence special attention has been paid to the inclusion of statistics for basic language lexemes as
represented by the English glosses of the 100 word Swadesh list. They have been flagged to facilitate
compilation of statistics, as in the first element of column 1 in Table 1.5.1 above for the Close
Correspondence (CC) set A.5a.1: Swadesh “to fly”
1.5.5.2 In an extended sense the basic core vocabulary of a language is made up of sets of words
which are closely related semantically to the standard core words. They also resist borrowing and can be
considered to be early in a language.
Examples of these sets are those composed of words for body parts and many natural objects. They
are not dependent on a given society’s socio-cultural practices or its material culture. The Swadesh list
includes many, but not all, of these. In this study these basic language words do not appear explicitly in
the Swadesh list, so they are not flagged in the tables. But the grouping of such terms in the broad
semantic fields B and C referring to natural objects and body parts respectively provides a second means
for recognizing their presence.
Words other than the basic language group are generally designated as “cultural” and are more subject
to loaning. For example words for artefacts and many socio-cultural practices are highly subject to
loaning. In Africa kinship terms are often borrowed by neighboring groups which are not closely related
linguistically, but practice intermarriage and have other close social contact. (See w.f. D.37.1).
For statistics on basic vocabulary in the Chapter 2 A-H data see Chapter 3 Section 3.2..
1.5.5.3 Results of basic vocabulary comparison between large word families.
Both the large single independent and generic word families mentioned above contain a substantial
percentage of basic language vocabulary. For example, there are 12 large single independent families
containing basic language vocabulary and these make up 30.8% of the 39 large independent families.
(See Chapter 3 Table 3.1.3a). For very large generic word families the proportion of word families
containing basic language is much higher. Of the 21 largest generic word families 17 ( = 81%) contain at
leasr one basic language term of the Swadesh list. (See Chapter 3 section 3.3.2)
15
1.5.6 Objective 4- Establishing parameters for root identification and phonetic /semantic
correspondence criteria. A rigorous methodology will require the identification of lexical roots through
well-defined phonetic and semantic matching criteria.
1.5.6.1 Root and affix identification
Complete word families are composed of sets of semantically and phonetically related words which can
show their relationships through either the roots or the affixes. However most of the words of the present
study represent matching root morphemes.13 Highly isolating languages such as those of Modern
Standard Chinese (based on Beijing dialect) contain few readily identifiable affixes. (Norman 1988a 10)
Affixes cannot be dealt with comprehensively in this comparative work since, with certain exceptions,
affix correspondences are not attested widely enough between African and ST languages to permit
construction of an inventory comparable to that of the lexical roots. However they are described in notes
of records when they form part of an etymology, so they are summarized in Chapter 10 sections 10.3.1-4.
In some cases a supposed ST “prefix” corresponds to an initial radical of the African language
correspondence. (See chapter 10 section 10.3.2-3 and notes A.1a.1, A.10a.5, C.1a.3 and C.38a.2-3 on
Khoisan.)
1.5.6.2 Phonetic / semantic correspondence criteria.
As mentioned above root identification can be dealt with by grouping similar ST ↔ AA
correspondences together and then separating them into smaller groups which are even more similar.
“Most similar” and “even more similar” are, of course, not well-defined expressions. A preferable term
is “minimal contrast” (a form of bilateral opposition). A fundamental distinction in comparing two
morphemes is whether they contrast or not. Non-contrastive morphemes are those which have the same
semantics and are composed of the same phonemes in the same order. The phoneme is, of course an
abstraction which can represent a group of analytically different sounds which are intelligible as a
meaningful unit when heard by native speakers of a given language. The standard orthography of a
language may omit certain phonemes which its notation does not account for, or it may represent them
differently from what a reader might expect. Nevertheless, we can begin a comparative study of two
languages or language families using the standard orthography of the languages, if enough morphemes
are compiled to separate them into continually smaller matching sets.
Hence criteria must be provided to identify levels of contrast between morphemes. Root morphemes
which have the same ultimate etymology in e.g., Indo-European, can show important variances between
the subfamilies, e.g. Romance or Germanic of the superfamily. But the family itself was established
through identification of minimally contrasting morphemes.
The term “minimally contrasting morpheme” denotes those morphemes attesting a single observable
contrast of either a consonant or a vowel. This phonetic relationship is comparable to Duanmu’s
definition of a minimal pair as “a pair of words which differ in only one sound”. For example in standard
Chinese the words mai “buy” and nai “milk” form a minimal pair. (Duanmu 14). However, the term
“minimal pair” in this case refers to closely matching morphemes in the same language, but it does not
involve semantic matching. For this reason the present study employs another term “close
correspondence” to identify minimal contrasts of both phonetics and semantics. (Linguists technically
call these lexical isoglosses). The phrase “close correspondence” (CC) is a short form of this “lexical
close sound and meaning correspondence” which may be more useful for non-linguists primarily
studying language as a key to pre-historic culture. These close matches might involve variant
13
Note 1.5.6 Benedict’s comparative work was based for the most part on the comparison of lexical roots. “The
Sino-Tibetan stock outlined above has been set up on the basis of a series of monosyllabic roots shared by Tibeto-
Karen and Chinese” (Benedict 1972 3). He considered that classification based on structural features such as
morphology and tonal systems existing in various East Asian languages did not prove their common origin. “In
general lexical considerations are here of primary importance, morphological and syntactical considerations of
secondary importance”. (Benedict 1972 4). He held that Chinese originally possessed prefixes and suffixes, though
they had become only remnants in Old Chinese. The present study has reported suffixes with grammatical functions
in ST languages, but these representgrammaticalized independent roots.. (See Notes D.3c.1-2, D.25.2 (2,) G.33.1,
and H.6a.2, See also Chapter 10 section 10.6.1 on directioal verbs in Chinese)
16
morphemes of the same language, or of languages known to be related, but they also serve as
instruments for discovery of previously unknown linguistic relationships. This latter type of discovery
occurred when Sanskrit and most European languages were found to have a massive number of common
lexical roots, thus incorporating Indo-Aryan languages into the known European superfamily which then
became the more extensive Indo-European one. Hence close correspondence sets can be a pair or group
of morphemes from the same language, the same language subfamily, the same language superfamily or
of two superfamilies as yet unidentified as possessing common word families. In the present study an
initial comparison was done between all African superfamilies and Sino-Tibetan. Results of this showed
that the Afro-Asiatic superfamily has the highest incidence of close correspondences with the Sino-
Tibetan lexicon. See Supplementary Table 1.
In the following example the non-palatalized F.15b.1 TB and Sinitic initial velar k- morphemes contrast
with the palatalized initial ch- / c- / ki- F.15b.2-3 sets. The palatalization is a minimal contrast, the
other root elements being the same. The Chadic velar initial ƙ = /k’/ is pronounced as back or front
palatalized ky- or ch. (See also Note A.33.1 Chadic-Hausa and its references). Hence the closely
corresponding morphemes are set up in separate correspondence sets. The contrast is minimal both across
each CC set and between their Column 1-2 ST and Chadic variants.14
Table 1.5.6.2 Identifying close sound / meaning correspondences
F.15b.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-N. E. Cushitic- Semitic-Arabic NS-Masai NC-
kháng-pa “house” Bauci- Pa’a Oromo (Iraqi) (enk)aŋ Common
“in compounds also as kani “hut ganda makaan, “home, Bantu
part of the house: (house)” “village” mukaan kraal” ganda
room, story, floor etc.” W. Chadic- E. Cushitic- “room, space” “chief’s
káŋ “house, home” Ngizim Afar Egyptian khanu enclosure”
S. Chinese-Kejia gándə̀řvú ganta / “private part of a
[Hakka] (MacIver) “area (within ganda building, most
kan1 / kan3 compound)” “village” sacred part of a
(Lau Chunfat) E. Chadic- “encamp- temple”
gan1 / gan3 Migama ment of Written Arabic
“a numerical classifier kankama nomad xan “hostel,
for rooms” “compound” houses” caravansary, inn”
F.15b.2 S. Chinese- W. Chadic- N.
Yuè (Cantonese) Bauci- Tsagu
chàhng “a story k’an “room”
(of a building)” Proto-Chadic
N. Chinese- MSC k’an
jiān measure word “hut (house)”
“for room”
F.15b.3 W. Chadic-
Chinese- Kejia Ron
(Hakka) (Kulere)
(MacIver, Hailu) cyèn / cèn
kien1 / kien3 / “Haus”
ken1 “a numerical [house]
classifier for rooms” W. Chadic-
S. Chinese–Min Polci
kiêng “classifier for keen
buildings, etc.” “house, hut”
14
Note 1.5.6.2 In this example the contrast is between initial consonants. A minimal pair is also present when
there is a single vowel contrast, e.g. between front and back vowels. See Anttila 61-62 (Umlaut Phenomena) and
Anttila 208.
17
Obviously the above table does not represent a systematic phonemic analysis. A systematic comparison
of sound variances of phonemes can only be made between individual languages.
A complete phonology of each language is necessary to carry this out. However the unavailability of
such data at this stage does not preclude a study of sound correspondences between individual
morphemes, especially when multiple closely matching lexemes run parallel between the two or more
languages being compared. In the above table there is a parallel sound shift between the F.15b.1-3
Chadic variant forms and the F.15b.1-3 Sinitic ones. See also chapter 9 section 9.8 - Palatalization of
velars and its references.
1.5.7 Parallel close correspondences represent minimally variant matching roots in ST and AA.
In another example sets C.12a.1 and C.12a.2 show parallel CC’s between Tibeto-Burman and
Sinitic which match closely similar variants within West Chadic. Set C.12a.3 shows a sound shift from
the C.12a.2 morphemes which is an additional close correspondence. Hence there is a succession of three
matching close correspondences. This indicates a common inheritance by TB and Sinitic of the two
Chadic roots, and is the basis for their inclusion within the one Sino-Tibetan family. In the next example
an explicit marker has been added to show the C.12a.1-C.12a.2 TB and Chinese morphemic variants’
matches with the Chadic variants..
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka]
pag5 “strike with the hand,
to clap”
There is a parallel sound
variance between TB ↕ Chinese
and N. Cushitic ↕ E.Cushitic
C.22c.2 TB-Tibetan Proto-Cushitic
phóg-pa phog perf. *poɣ- or
“to hit, strike, touch” *boɣ- “to hit”
Jaschke 357 Proto-Afro-Asiatic
S. Chinese-Min *-boɣ-
phok1 “strike, box”, “to hit”
“engage in hand-to-hand E. Cushitic- Somali
combat” bog- / bug-
S. Chinese- Yuè (Cantonese) “beat”
bok “to strike, to box”
/
In the following table the G.16.1-2 TB variants parallel the variance between the West and East
Chadic forms. Also the G.16.3 N. Chinese ↔ W. Chadic root correspondence parallels the G.16.4
Tibetan ↔ West and Central Chadic root correspondence.
Swadesh “one” W. Chadic-Hausa
G.16.1 Proto-Sino-Tibetan ‘daya n. and adj.
*dāy ~ *dān “one” “same”
“single, one, only” ‘daya, biyu, uku
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] tāi “one, two, three”
TB-Bodo, Garo-Bodo otay [used in counting]
“single, one” ‘dai-‘dai adv. “one each”
“one by one, separately, singly”
G.16.2 TB-Chin-Lakher E. Chadic-Mokulu N. Cushitic-
dei “single, one” ‘dey Beja
TB-C. Loloish-Lahu “seulement” [only] [Bedauye]
tě “single, one” “whole, only” də’i “alone”
G.16.3 Proto-Sino-Tibetan W. Chadic- Gwandara NC-
*dāy ~ *dān “single, one, whole, danda Fulfulde
only” “alone” [Fulani]
Proto-Tibeto-Burman W. Chadic- Angas tan
*dāy ~ dān or *tāy ~ tān dânî “alone,
“single, one, whole, only” “alone, only” only”
N. Chinese –MSC
dān “one, single” “singly, alone”
“only”
Old Chinese *tân “single,
simple”
G.16.4 W. Chadic- Ron (Daffo) NC- S.W.
TB-Tibetan ’dàŋgat “one, alone” Mande-
dang-po “Einsamkeit” [loneliness] Kpelle
“the first with respect to number, C. Chadic-Margi taang
rank, time” tang “one” “one”
taŋbo “first” C. Chadic- Padoko
taŋa “un “ [one]
19
(For other examples of Chadic ↔ ST parallel correspondences see w.f’s C.24b.1-4, B.3d.1-3 and sets
G.8a.3-4.)
Such instances of parallel matching of roots exhibiting the same morphemic variants between two or
more ST and AA language families reveal cross-family grids of close correspondences. The very large
numbers of these throughout this study constitute firm evidence that the African family and the Asian
family are historically related. Each time such a grid is identified the hypothesis of historical
relationship is further confirmed. (See also sets A.3.1, A.7a.1, A.7a.3, B.3d.1-3, B.9.1-2, B.9.2-3,
B.11a.1-2, B.25.1-2, B.11c.1-2, C.22b.1-2, C.24b.1-4, C.28a.1-2, C.12a.1-2, D.7.1-2 etc. These are but a
small number of those in the Chapter 2A-H comparative tables.
In general no statistics need to be compiled for parallel close correspondences, since the record
structure itself generates them in tables containing multiple close correspondence sets. However for
examples of Hausa/Gwandara morpheme variant forms matching ST form variances see Chapter 5
Section 5.5.
1.5.9 Segmentation
Root identification often involves decisions on segmentation. Segmentation is not usually necessary in
Sinitic languages since they are predominantly monosyllabic. However Sinitic monosyllables are often
the result of the reduction of an etymologically disyllabic morpheme through loss of a final element
(apocope) as in the C.22a.2. TB-Proto-Kiranti *bhák <ProtoAA *pakuh̟ of Table 1.6.3 below. (See also
C.8a.1-2 and C.8a.3-4 ).
In the following uncommon case the TB monosyllabic forms appear to be the result of apocope while
the Chinese disyllabic form matches the disyllabic Ethiopian Semitic-Amharic shape.
Swadesh “all” S. Omotic Semitic- Arabic Songhay S.
G.23.1 TB-Meithei kul *kull- “all” (Iraqi) kull “all” (Koroboro) Khoisan-
/ TB-Siyin kul Proto-Afro- “whole, entire, all” kúlú ǀXam
TB-Chin-Lai (Haka) Asiatic West Semitic- “tous, tous ku:
kul “twenty / all” *-kal- / *-kull- Ethiopian-Amharic entier” “all”
N. Chinese –MSC “all” hullum [all, the
húlún “whole, entire” E. Cushitic-Afar “all of them, whole]
húlún tūnxia kùlli “every” everything”
“swallow wholesale” “tout” (Fr.) hullu “every, all”
15
Note 1.5.8 The Chapter 2 A-H analytic tables below include a few etymologies based on a characteristic
attribute of the referend (e.g. the lion as “roarer” (Note A.19b.1), or a producer → product relationship, e.g.
acacia tree → gum, resin, gum Arabic, (Note- B.32.2), or a grounded inference of historical relationship , e.g
arrow → needle (F.14.1-2).
After some consideration it was decided that word families which may be based on onomatopoeia would be
included in the Chapter 2 A-H Analytic tables since the sounds of the words imitating a natural sound differ between
otherwise related language families. Examples are found in Note A.37.2, and sets E.21.1 (South Semitic Extended)
and A.1a.3.
20
The comparison of ST with African close correspondences can sometimes aid decisions on
segmentation. In the following A.10a.1 CC set Benedict (1972 44) segments after the khi- of the A.10a.1
Kiranti khia. If this is pronounced ki-a and not kya then the morpheme is disyllabic and therefore in
opposition to the A.10a.2-3 TB khyi / kwi forms which are monosyllabic. The comparison shows that
in fact the 10a.1 Kiranti khi-a is morphologically close to the 10a.1 AA-Chadic and NC-Mande
morphemes and thus contrasts with sets A.10a.2-3. Since these show both mono- and disyllabic,
correspondences with the TB forms of A.10a.2-3 , they are plausibly the result of coalescence into
monosyllables. In set A.10a.3 the TB-Kanauri kui closely corresponds to the disyllabic E. Chadic-
Sokoro kuwī and exactly corresponds to the coalesced Chadic-Hausa kwī. The Khoisan ǂʔhwi is
disyllabic since the click + stop is a fully syllabic initial before its -wi second syllable. Hence the
proposed etyma are *kila “dog” ~ *ǂʔhwi “dog”.
(Domain) (A through H) of the Chapter 2A-H comparison.; these are compiled in Chapter 3 Table 3.4
Column 2. This summary also lists corresponding lexemes which have been identified only in African >
TB or only in African > Sinitic. These are also reported in Chapter 9 sections 9.1 and 9.2 as an aid in the
discussion of migration routes of populations of African origin into Central and East Asia.
16
Note 1.6.1 See for example Note-A.10d.1. Blench has called such proposed etyma “quasi reconstructions”
(Blench 2010a 3). In the present study the term “approximate etymon” is used. This term implies that the root
has a solid basis but may be amended by further research. The term “proto-form” as distinct from “proto-root”
refers to roots common to multiple language families identified through massive comparison of cultural vocabulary
(as done for AA by Ehret and Orel/Stolbova, or for Tibeto-Burman by Benedict/Matisoff 1972). Moreover under a
migration from Africa hypothesis the proposed etymon will represent the development of an AA or other African
language root at the time of the posited migration and not necessarily a proto-root existing in a related older
African language superfamily. See also Note-Table 1.6.8b below.
17
Note 1.6.2 “Perhaps the greatest source of confusion in recent taxonomic debates has been the role that sound
correspondences, for example Grimm’s law, play in classification. It is clear that many historical linguists see
regular sound correspondences as playing some crucial role in identifying valid linguistic taxa. In reality sound
correspondences are only discovered after a linguistic family has been identified, for the simple reason that sound
correspondences are properties of particular linguistic families. They are not - and could not be- a technique for
discovering families. When the Indo-European sound correspondences were worked out in the nineteenth century,
not for a minute did any of the Indo-Europeanists believe that they were “proving” Indo-European, the validity of
which had not been in doubt for decades.” Ruhlen 1994 286
22
However many of the African/AA languages are much older than any Indo-European language and they
have borrowed extensively from each other in Africa during millenia of pre-history. We are not aided by
historical knowledge of the time of a migration such as we have with the 1066 CE Norman conquest of
England. Research on the human genome in contemporary biology can sometimes aid linguistic research
on the geography of the migrations of populations carrying a particular language. For example Wood et
al. have been able to show an association between the oldest human genes and the Khoisan language.
(Wood 2005 Fig.2). However few geneticists have attempted to identify the language associated with a
haplogroup [a type of stable chromosome] because there is no intrinsic link between the gene and the
language spoken by its carriers. The same gene can be carried by populations who speak different
languages.
Whatever the position taken on a standard for proto-form validity, any comparative work on languages
requires at least a tentative identification of the historically original root which is the source of the
presently existing (synchronic) variant forms. This is not an assertion of a definitive proto-root, but shows
that it is possible to provide a plausible one. So the etymologies must be considered “approximate” or
“tentative” since in only a few cases have regular sound changes been made explicit, and because further
research on African and Asian language families will often show a need for modifications. Hence the
etyma of the present study are called proto-forms rather than proto-roots. If linguists require the “gold
standard” exemplified in the formal reconstruction of Indo-European, then researchers who support
proposal of proto-forms less perfect than the hierarchical levels leading to proto-roots will better call
their work one of language prehistory, rather than linguistics.
In 1770 Judge Jones in India discovered Indo-Aryan as a new branch of what had been called
European languages. He is often considered to be a major founder of modern comparative linguistics, but
judged in terms of the present-day linguistic “gold standard” modeled on IE sound changes at all levels,
he was a “philologist” or a “linguistic pre-historian”, not a linguist. This does not diminish his
importance in the history of comparative study of languages.
18
Note 1.6.3 “---it has long been clear that a number of words from Hausa basic vocabulary, such as “sun”,
“moon”, “night”, “fire”, “water”, “ashes”, ”meat, animal” are not Chadic.” Skinner [viii]. See also Chapter 5
Note 5.1.2a (Chadic-Hausa).
23
The ulimate form cannot always be distinguished from the proximate form, especially when the
morpheme is found in more than one African superfamily. Yet in some instances it may still be possible
to identify both a proximate and ultimate form guided by a general consensus that Khoisan is the oldest
known human language. Also the term “ultimate form” refers only to African etyma based on languages
which are still spoken. There is no guarantee that even the oldest African language known today reflects
the earliest human speech lexically.
Since some of the data included in Chapter 2A-H was added during later phases of the research, many
etymologies were not posited until the full study had been completed. This is especially true for basic
language terms.
In the data records the bold type used for matching syllables designates a monosyllabic or polysyllabic
root correspondence. For example in the following word family the C.22a.2 Kiranti and Tibetan
morphemes match on the C.22a.2 African forms on the vowel –a-; both TB and Chinese C.22a.1 forms
attest an –o- and this variance is also attested in Chadic, NS and NC.
All the table’s African forms in sets C.22a.1 and C.22a.2 including the Proto-AA one have a second
syllable, so the monosyllabic TB forms can plausibly be considered to be reductions of a disyllabic form
to a monosyllable through apocope. These correspondences also indicate that the k- initial of the African
second syllable should be retained as the final of a root in the Tibetan and Kiranti forms which are no
longer disyllabic. But etymologically segmentation probably ocurred before the –k, i.e. (ba-ka).
So at this point the researcher might consider the proto-root to be the disyllabic baka. However the
second syllable vowel varies in the whole table between contrasting -a ~ -u/o. So the proto-ST form
can conservatively be posited as *bככkכ- “upper arm” ~ *bhák- “shoulder”. The extended ST and
African/ forms are taken into account when making this determination.
Table 1.6.3 Example of progressive identification of proto-forms.
C.22a1 TB-Kiranti-Dumi W. Chadic- Tangale NS- NC-Proto-
bokto “shoulder” bokbok Bagirmi Bantu
Chinese- Cantonese “wing” boko -bככkככ/
bok “the shoulder”, W. Chadic- Prio “arm” NC-Efik
the upper arm” b’əkb’ə k “wing” -bכככ
k̀ “arm”
Chinese- Hakka NC-
bok7 / pok7 “the upper Dagomba
arm, the shoulder” boɣo “arm”
Swadesh “hand” Proto- W. Chadic Proto-AA NS-Baka NC-Mande-
C.22a.2 *pak(k)a “wing, shoulder” (Orel / baka Gbaya
TB-Proto-Kiranti / *(ba) + baka “wing” Stolbova “arm” baxa “arm”
*bhák “shoulder” W. Chadic – Tangale paka 1995)
TB-Tibetan “hand, arm, branch, (front) *pakuh̟-
phyag “the hand” paw” “hand, arm”
C.22a.3 E. Chadic-Masa Group-
TB-Mao Naga Misme ba “shoulder”
o-ba “arm” -Peve ‘ba “arm”
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.22a.2 TB-Proto-Kiranti *bhák “shoulder”
< Proto- W. Chadic *pak(k)a “wing, shoulder”
C.22a.1 Chinese-Cantonese bok “the shoulder, the upper arm”
< NC-Proto-Bantu - bɔכkɔ“ כarm”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *bɔכk- “upper arm” ~ *bhák- “shoulder”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.22a.1 TB-Kiranti-Limbu phoktaŋ n. “shoulder”
C.22a.2 TB-Chin-Mikir ri-pak “palm of hand”
ST Proto-form *Pek “hand, arm”
24
1.6.4 Further sorting of the Chapter 2A-H comparative data for sorting etyma..
Proposing etyma involves a second and narrower sorting of the Chapter 2A-H data. In the preceding
comparison the data was sorted into closely corresponding sets of correspondences. These were then used
to further sort the close correspondences by selecting those which show the most exact matching.
1.6.5 Etyma based on a single CC set.
Even single CC sets can provide data for a tentative root postulation. Though the CC set of the example
is the only one thus far identified, it provides multiple morphemes for comparison, and the researcher
can determine whether the root is etymologically polysyllabic or monosyllabic.
Table 1.6.3
F.9a.1 C. Chadic-Mofu- Proto-Cushitic Egyptian Kanuri N. Khoisan-
TB-Tibetan Gudur (Ehret) karkar kálàngin !’O-!Kung
h’khál-wa / ŋalŋal- *kal- “anything “turn galə
’kál-ba “to spin” “mettre en boule” “to go round” round, over, “roll”
(C. and W. Tibet) [roll up, lit. make Proto-AA staff, stick, return” C. Khoisan-
’kál-ce “to spin” into a ball]” *-kal- “to turn roll, Nama
round” cylinder” gari “roll”
In this example most of the African root correspondences are attested as kál-. and this is the Proto-
AA form. Chadic forms and Khoisan show an alternation of gal- / gar- and Egyptian has kar-. The
Tibetan ‘khál- form closely corresponds since its only difference with the African kál- forms is the
initial glottal stop. Strictly applied, the CC minimal pairs rule excludes the C.Chadic ŋal- and the
Khoisan gar- as CC’s since they differ in two respects: Tibetan has an initial glottal stop, the other forms
lack it; also C. Chadic ŋal- has a nasalized velar and Khoisan a gar- initial rather than the velar k-, or
the root final tap -l rather than the approximant -r.
The forms which are not exact close correspondences with the Tibetan ‘khál- can be seen to be close
correspondences with forms which are so.They could be placed in the Extended word family section, but
since they approximate multiple minimal pairs, in this case they are included in the single CC set.
But the Egyptian kar- is still a CC with the other African kál- forms, and the Khoisan gari shows a
clear relation to it as an alternate form of the other Khoisan root galə. Despite the variant forms of the
TB and African/Afroasiatic ↔ ST morphemes, the Proto-AA, Proto-Cushitic and Khoisan are first
syllables of a polysyllabic word whose second syllables vary or are affixes, so the first syllable is the root
stem and is the most indicated as etymon and PAA *-kal- is the proposed proximate etymon (which as
mentioned is also “approximate”) and Khoisan gal- the ultimate one, i.e.
The study has not, however, provided strict criteria for identifying which form is proximate and which
is ultimate. As mentioned, we follow the general position of Africanists that Khoisan is the older
language, so it probably is the ultimate source when its lexemes match AA, NS or NC roots. It cannot
be definitively proposed as ultimate since there is a possibility that late Khoisan speakers borrowed words
from Afro-Asiatic or other African superfamilies. “The large number of similarities seen across Khoisan
families is the result of borrowing and convergence that has taken place across centuries, if not millennia”
Traill 2008 v.3 228.
1.6.6 Etyma based on multiple CC sets.
In the following table the two ST CC sets’ morphemes primarily contrast in the final vowel. Set A.2c.1
AA/NS attestations terminate in a back vowel, and those of set A.2c.2 in a front vowel. This variance is
also found between the Chadic, Egyptian and Nilo-Saharan morphemes. The A.2c.2 Nilo-Saharan čiraa
/ círówà variants attest the –a final along with the disyllabic -ówà which best matches the Kiranti and
Hausa forms of this set. The A.2c.2 Khoisan ʒìrá form possibly generated the Khoisan tsera, the NS
čiraa and the PAA/Omotic *c̟ir(aʕ)- / *č’era.
The evidence suggests that the A.2c.2 Hausa shirwà is the proximate source of the Kiranti cirwa.
The Khoisan Tsika ʒìrá can be plausibly proposed as the ultimate ST etymon with the shift čiraa >
círów > círówà occurring in NS-Songhay, the transitional form círów being preserved in the A.2c.1
MSC chio attestation.
In this case proto-form identification is facilitated by the existence of the matching variant forms in the
NS subfamily.
1.6.7 Cases of separate but related etyma for Tibeto-Burman and Sinitic sub-families.
26
In the following B.11a example sets 1 and 3 both correspond to an NC-Mande form and sets 3 and 5
contain a matching Khoisan root. W. Chadic attests reflexes of all the variants and W. Chadic-Hausa
attests both the set 1 and 3 forms.
Hence it might be conjectured that the B.11a.3 morphemes constitute the single basis for derivation of
the ultimate root due to its Proto-AA and Khoisan correspondences. There is some evidence for this since
the B.11a.3 set also attests Old Chinese and Mande forms as well as Khoisan and the AA Proto-form.
However set B.11a.1 may represent an older Mande form with initial g- and medial -b- which has
generated both the b- and xw- initials respectively in the B.11a.2 and B.11a.3 morphemes. The variant
ST forms could be derived from different proximate Chadic roots present in different migrations, but it
cannot be excluded that there may be an unidentified second Khoisan root which could account for the
variant Chadic and ST forms.
Thus the B.11a.1 gb- initial gives a basis for tentatively positing *gbà- as the proximate proto-form of
Tibetan and Karen, but B.11a.3 kwar as the proximate source of Old Chinese and TB- Nung while the
initial k- has been lost in the B.11a.2 shape; hence *gbar- and *kwar- are proposed separately for TB
and Sinitic. If future research determines that the set *gba- NC-Mande form is derived from a Khoisan
form, then a Khoisan morpheme could be proposed as the ultimate root and as the Sino-Tibetan proto-
form. So here either a Khoisan or NC form may represent the ultimate root.
However, as mentoned, it is also possible that late in Khoisan’s history lexemes such as F.5.2 !kכrε̎
“dish” were borrowed from NC or even AA. This uncertainty is probably due to the large amount of
linguistic contact between the language superfamilies in pre-historicAfrica.19
So the etymological history is complicated by possible Khoisan or NC borrowings from other African
families. However Khoisan was the dominant language in E.Africa before the emergence of AA in this
area. (See Note 1.1.3 above) and Semino’s reporting of genetic links between the populations which
spoke these languages. (Semino, O. 2002, 265-268)
.
Swadesh W. Chadic- E. Semitic- NS- NC-S.E.-
“to burn” Hausa gòobařā Cushitic- Ethiopian- Maba Mande-Mano
B.11a.1 TB-Tibetan “fire, Rendille Amharic Group- gbà
h‘bár-ba / ‘hbár-wa conflagration” guba abärra vi.. Masalit “fire”
“to burn” C. Chadic-Gude vt. “to “be aglow, gubra
“to catch fire,” ‘bərə “shine” burn” shine” “(of “flame”
TB-Karen gəbɔ sun) “light up”
“bright”
B.11a.2 C. Chadic- West
TB-Kanauri Musgu (Ethiopian)
bar vi. “burn” bára Semitic-
/ par vt. “burn” vi. Amharic
TB-Tibetan bar “shine” bärra “burn”
“to burn, to catch fire, “(of light) be
to explode” alight,
‘bar “blaze, burn” light up”
TB-Tani-Miri par
“burn, kindle” par
“light (as a fire), ignite”
19
Note 1.6.7 Cyffer refers to the NS classification of Bender as more correct than that of Greenberg because it
“shows that areal features or contact phenomena “ give a clearer picture of the relationships of the Nilo-Saharan
subfamilies. “The [NS] Saharan languages, too, have sometimes been connected with Afro-Asiatic, and even Niger-
Kordofanian”. He considers that the existing similarities between Songhay, Afro-Asiatic,and Niger-Kordofanian are
best explained as a result of linguistic contact rather than genetic inheritance. (Cyffer 2008 v. 3 235). This
borrowing is common in other African language families. See also note for Chapter 5 section 5.1.2b.
27
1.6.8 Cases of etyma for only one ST- subfamily or one language.
The two following examples show that the analytic tables also support proto-form proposals for only
one ST subfamily or an individual language. For example, related sets of root correspondences may have
been identified only between TB ↔ African/AA or only between Sinitic ↔ African/AA. In these cases
the etymon is labeled as a TB etymon or a Sinitic etymon; in the following case the etymon is for Sinitic
only.
28
Table 1.6.8a
Swadesh “dog” W. Chadic- Proto-AA N. Khoisan- Zul’hoan
A.10b.1 Ron (Fyer *küHen“ ǂghúiŋ “dog”
Old Chinese kweéŋ dog” S. Khoisan-!Kwi- ǀXam, ‖Ng
*k’uən “dog” / “dog” !wiŋ ~ !úiŋ ~ !húiŋ “dog”
*khwenX “dog” / *khwin “dog” S. Khoisan-Proto-!Wi
Middle Chinese ǂ(ʔ)úiŋ “dog”
hiwen: “dog”
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
A.10b.1 Old Chinese khwin “dog”
< W. Chadic-Ron (Fyer) kweéŋ “dog” / N. Khoisan- Zul’hoan ǂghúiŋ “dog”
/ S. Khoisan-!Kwi- ǀXam, ‖Ng !wiŋ ~ !úiŋ ~ !húiŋ “dog”
Approximate Sinitic etyma: *ǂghúiŋ ~ !wiŋ
/
In the following case the research has identified only a TB-Kiranti match with the African root. This
would become a Tibeto-Burman etymon if another TB family correspondence is discovered.
Table 1.6.8b
Swadesh “dog” W. Chadic- E. Cushitic- Semitic-Old NS-Kanuri
A.10d.1 Ngizim Afar, Konso Aramaic kùtùrú
TB-Proto-Kiranti kútə́řu kùta “dog” qurti-son “young dog, pup,
*ku°tu / *ku°cu “dog” “puppy” “little dog” puppy”
[Disyllabic corresp.] C. Chadic- Proto-E. NS-Tepeth
TB-Kiranti-Tulung Bura Cushitic, Burji kudo’ “dog”
ku°tüma “puppy” kutiru *góta “hyena” NS-Nuer
TB-Kiranti-Limbu “puppy” kut kut /
kutibā C. Chadic-Bata kut ku(t)ni
“puppy” kəde “dog” “colt, pup”
Starostin. S.
Kiranti Etymology
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
A.10d.1 TB-Proto-Kiranti *ku°tu “dog” / TB-Kiranti-Limbu kutibā “puppy”
< C. Chadic- Bura kutiru “puppy” / NS-Kanuri kùtùrú “young dog, pup, puppy”
Approximate TB-Kiranti etymon: *kuti- / kùtù- “young dog, pup, puppy”20
There are 177 word families identified in the study which exist in only one of the ST language
subfamilies (Sinitic or TB).
See Chapter 9 section 9.2
20
Note- Table 1.6.8b (Etymon) The proximate etymon is proposed to be derivedfrom the Chadic and NS variants
kùti- / kutu- which are matched in TB-Kiranti. However, the vowel within E. Cushitic-Sidamo (Extended) also
shows a similar vowel shift between the singular and plural forms, góti- pl. gótó “hyena”. (A.10d.1 Extended).
The Cushitic forms may represent the proximate root, if the Kanuri morpheme has been borrowed from AA. This is
a typical case of Blench’s observation (mentioned in note 1.6.1) that we can know that the root existed in the proto-
language, but cannot determine the exact form.
29
Hence in many cases a table gives evidence that an Afro-Asiatic proto-form is not the ultimate source of
a given TB lexeme. This gives rise to a subhypothesis, i.e. ST is often composed of roots which are
derived from a particular branch of an AA or other African language subfamily (proximate roots), but the
ultimate root probably lies in another African language superfamily.
Since the non-AA African languages have not been systematically compared to ST, a great number of
candidates for proximate and ultimate root are doubtless yet to be identified. Pre-historic loaning between
superfamilies, particularly in the African Sahel, makes identification of the linguistic locus of the proto-
form difficult, but does not undermine the hypothesis of African/AA origins of a large portion of the
Sino-Tibetan lexicon. On the contrary, the appearance of a root in various African superfamilies
strengthens the hypothesis of pre-historic migration(s) from Africa into Asia and a genetic relationship
between African/AA → Sino-Tibetan-speaking populations.
Etymologies provide a new perspective from which TB ↔ Sinitic cognate words can be identified.
They give additional confirmation to the traditional classification of TB and Sinitic languages as distinct
subfamilies of a common family. Etymologies also clear up confusions which are thus not relegated to
the proto-language level. (Antilla 333).
30
Chapter 2
A comprehensive comparison of Sino-Tibetan with Afro-Asiatic. Word Families in Analytic Tables
resulting from the Chapter 2 comparison
Using the above rules for correspondences Chapter 2 carried out a comprehensive comparison of Sino-
Tibetan with Afro-Asiatic and its related African language lexemes using analytic tables.The perspective
(filter) was Sino-Tibetan↔Afro-Asiatic. Lexical roots of the other African language superfamilies, i.e.
Nilo-Saharan, Niger-Congo and Khoisan were included only insofar as they correspond to the roots
common to ST and AA. A later comparison of the resulting data directly with Khoisan added a certain
number of sets which did not contain an Afro-Asiatic lexeme, but no new tables were created.
2.0 Semantic/Syntactic ordering of the Chapter 2 records To facilitate comparison of characteristics
of groups of word families including basic as well as cultural words in the inventory, the
correspondences were first sorted into eight broad semantic categories (domains).A-H.
2.0.1 Word Families in Analytic Tables A-H
The broad semantic fields are:
Semantic/Syntactic Domain A Animals
Semantic/Syntactic Domain B Objects in Nature: plants, earth, fire , water etc.
Semantic/Syntactic Domain C Human body and related terms
Semantic/Syntactic Domain D Kinship and social group terms
Semantic/Syntactic Domain E Human communication: cognitive and intentional terms
Semantic/Syntactic Domain F Artefacts and related actions
Heterogeneous word fams. G Qualities, time words, numbers, quantifiers, pronouns
Semantic/Syntactic Domain H Verbs, transitive and intransitive
Each group contains in varting amounts “basic” or “cultural” language. Many lexemes of Semantic/
Syntactic domains B (Natural objects) and C (The human body) form part of the basic core vocabulary.
Semantic/syntactic domains A (Animals), D (Kinship, human groups), and F (Artefacts) mostly contain
“cultural” language. Semantic/syntactic domain E (Cognitive terms) is difficult to categorize. It is mainly
composed of verbs which, though sometimes transitive grammatically (they can take objects, e.g. to plan
a project, to conceive a ruse), in fact denote mental acts or states of the subject. The G domain contains
single digit numbers and pronouns both being partially composed of basic language, while the final
domain H is purely syntactic, containing verbs. For statistics of basic language terms in each Semantic
Domain see Chapterr 3 section 3.2.
2.0.1.1 Consequences of the semantic/syntactic sorting. An interesting result of this semantic sorting
was the discovery that each domain is mainly associated with only one or two grammatical categories,
e.g. count nouns (Domains A, C), mass nouns (Domain B), collective and count nouns (Domain D),
verbs (expressing human intentional states) (Domain E), and transitive verbs (Domain H).
The G domain includes the derived syntactic groups adjectives and adverbs. These latter are qualifiers
which as such are subordinate to nouns or verbs, and thus can fluctuate between a nominal or verbal
meaning. Because of this variability they are placed in this “heterogeneous” field.
As an example the G.1a.1 Tibetan ŋar- / kar- roots show nominal, verbal and adjectival syntax. Their
Chadic CC’s are nouns, the Cushitic CC’s are adjectival or stative verbs, the Semitic and Berber CC’s are
stative verbs, the Egyptian word is a past participle (verbal and adjectival) and the NS lexemes are
mainly ideophones. Ideophones are qualifiers that characterize a manner, state, appearance or other
quality of a noun phrase in the sentence. These also occur widely in Chadic languages. See Newman, P.
2000 78. Including all these in the G heterogeneic field permits the researcher to concentrate on their
shared correspondences with ST rather than deal in extended grammatical analysis.
All the Domains compensate for a deficiency found in a single alphabetic (or otherwise organized) list
of basic vocabulary words. For example the Swadesh list contains the two entries “water” and “rain”.
31
However the comparative study shows that “water” and “rain” are only two of the words which
represent the natural object “water” and its forms. Others such as “river”, “stream”, “spring”, “lake”,
“pond”, “water hole” are more specific nouns. Other semantically related roots of the concept “water”
occur in this same word family as verb forms, e.g.“to flow”, “to pour”, “to spill, “to flood” etc. Thus
many of the languages in the present study contain morphemes which are somewhat different
semantically but closely related phonetically under a more generic concept for the entity. For example in
the following B.15a.1 set, only a small number of the morphemes are directly designated by the English
gloss “water”; the others signify forms or active states of this natural object and exhibit close phonetic
similarity with the other words which represent it indirectly. In all three sets the morphemes of the
correspondences are organized first by the sets of phonetic similarities, then by semantic similarity under
the general concept of water. See also the introduction to Chapter 2A-H below.
Table 2.0.1.1 Grouping closely corresponding roots containing different but related semantics
Swadesh W. Chadic – C. Cushitic- W. (Ethiopic) NS-For [Fur] S. Khoisan-
“rain” Bachama Bilin Semitic- kɔwí Nu‖en
B.15a.1 gùrɛכy kurā / kuri Gurage “rain” !kwe
TB-Qiangic- “lake” “Fluss” kure NS-Berta “rain”
Pumi Dayang Mukarovsky 299 [river] “pond, flood kɔ̃ì Starostin, G.
gwí C. Chadic – Skinner 161 of water” “rain, cloud” 2003
“rain” Padoko Leslau 1979 NS-Nyimang 2821
Matisoff kúre v.3 348 kwe Khoisan-
2003 171 “urine” “water” Tati
S. Chinese-Min Jungraithmayr Ruhlen xwere
khué 1994 v.2 335 1994 327 “waterhole”
“stream” Ruhlen 1994
Bodman 1987 #615 67
v.2 155
Swadesh C. Chadic- Fali Proto-AA Egyptian NS-Nuer
“rain” (Gude- Mubi) (Orel / qerá kir, kiri
B.15a.2 kurabi Stolbova “rainstorm, “river”
TB-Bodo/Garo- “rainstorm” 1995) tempest, Huffman 24
Digaro C. Chadic- Margi *kur- thunder-
kəra kula “river” storm”
“rain” “rain” C. Cushitic- Budge v.2
Benedict 1972 Mukarovsky 290 Bilin 775
109 kurā /
[Disyllabic kuri
corresp.] “Fluss”
[river]
Skinner 161
21
Note- B.15a.1 (Khoisan) In this case the B.15a.1 Khoisan form corresponds closely to all the AA subfamilies
plus NC-Mande and Nilo-Saharan and these show a close correspondence with the ST forms. Semantics are those
of “stream”, “rain”, “river”, “water”. These multiple correspondences in three different AA languages suggest a
,proximate origin in Cushitic or Semitic. Mande and NS are older than any of the AA languages, but the ultimate
origin is probably Khoisan which, as well as corresponding closely in all B.15a.1 phonetic/semantic variants attests
the probably original meaning of all forms, i.e. ‘rain” or “water”.
32
Chapter 2A
Words representing Animals: names, body parts, actions and products.
Semantic Domain A word families.
The scope of the A group is the semantic domain consisting of the Sino-Tibetan and African /
Afroasiatic words denoting animals. Also included are words usually associated with animal actions or
products .
The words are mainly “cultural” as their referents exist only in certain cultures. The Swadesh basic
language list contains only the terms “dog”,“louse”, and “bird”, these being present in almost all human
cultures. Also included are shared cultural roots based on practices which probably occurred early in
animal hunting and/or domestication, e.g. “castrate / castrated animal” (A.6a.1), “slaughter, slaughtered
animal” (A.7a-b.), “wealth” (A.9d.1). Phonetic correspondences of words for all of these are found only
through massive comparison.
The small number of names of animals in the Swadesh list illustrates the limitations of using it alone
as a research tool for the African/Afroasiatic ↔ Sino-Tibetan comparative study.
2A Domain statistics
Number of tables and word Families
Tables = 37 numbered analytic tables which represent an individual or generic word family.
Individual word families = 65
The count is of individual word families including those within a generic word family.
Single large word families (containing four or more Close Correspondence sets) = 3
“egg” A.26.1-7
“dung, excrement” A.27.1-4
“louse, fly” A.29.1-6
Polysyllabic correspondences: 30 (Only one polysyllabic correspondence per word family is counted)
Etymologies:
Etymologies have been proposed for three levels of ST languages: i.e. ST level, TB or Sinitic levels and
a few individual ST languages.
Sino-Tibetan etymologies 23
Tibeto-Burman etymologies 13
Sinitic etymologies 7
Tibetan etymologies 16
Cantonese etymologies 2
TB-Kiranti etymologies 2
Hakka etymologies 2
The matching of Khoisan lexemes containing click initials may be unfamiliar, but is explained in notes.
For a proposed key to the matching of click initials with non-Khoisan roots, see Supplementary Table 3
section 1.1a-e.
A high percentage of the lexemes in the present chapter are count nouns. The only exceptions to this
are in the following correspondence sets:
A.5a,b,c- These morphemes include variant forms of a Proto-AA verb root which means “to fly, jump”.
A.6a.; 7a,b - These morphemes mean “to kill, slaughter”. The semantics of this set also occur in reference
to humans, but the word is included here because of its most common reference to animals.
The A.6a and A.11 tables contain terms for slaughtering which also mean “slaughtered animals” such
as “cow, flesh”, “meat” “game” along with verbs and nouns referring to the act of castrating and to
castrated animals.
2A Domain Tables – Animals etc.
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
A.1a-b AA – Chadic AA-Cush. AA- Nilo- NC,
Sem. Saharan Khoisan
Swadesh “bird” W. Chadic–Bole Cushitic- NS-Daza S.
A.1a.1 TB-Tibetan karmata Arbore karabu Khoisan-
kharada “name of a “white hawk” kore “vulture” Nu’en
22
bird” Das 9 Skinner 137 “kite” Skinner ǂkariron
[Disyllabic corresp.] 277 “bird”
22
Note- A.1a.1 (Tibetan) The morphemes of the Tibetan kara- root and its African/Afroasiatic close
correspondences kar- / kor- / kur- match those of the present A.1a.1 table on their root stem but contrast with
the tsa- / sa- / cha- / s- initials of the A.1b forms. This is one of a set of TB lexemes which attest similar
prefixation and match African/AA lexemes but only on the root stem.:
A.1b A.1a
TB-Tibetan tsa-ko-ra “a partridge” Cushitic-Arbore kore “kite” (A.1b.1, A.1a.1)
TB-Chin-Lushai sa-kor “horse” NS-Kanuri, AA koro “donkey, ass” (A.9a.1)
TB-Miri spre / spra “monkey” AA vre / bare ~ bura / vííra “monkey” (A.31.1-2)
TB-Tibetan sbrul “snake” NC mburu “viper” (A.20b.1)
TB-Tibetan sgál-pa “the small of the back” AA kal-ée “kidney”“rene, rognoni, lombo” (C.7.2)
TB-Tibetan sdig-pa “scorpion” AA ‘dig- / ‘dik- “scorpion” (A.13a.1)
Proto-TB *(s)ka“jaw, chin” AA gác- “jaw, chin” (C.29a.3)
There are two different theories which provide an explanation of this divergence:
34
1. The sa / s- initial is a prefix meaning “animal / meat, flesh” Benedict and Matisoff proposed this explanation.
(Benedict 106-108, Matisoff 2003 102). See also note A.14a.1-2 for discussion. These give evidence of its usage
as an identifier of animals which are edible, thus hunted. (See note A.6d.2-3). For this reason they contrast with
the kar- / kor- “bird” morphemes of the present table. In African languages these latter most commonly refer to
birds of prey or scavengers such as crows and vultures which are generally repugnant to humans as food.
However, in the following A.1b word family containing the sâ- prefix the common referent in Africa and Tibet
is the partridge/guinea fowl, still prized for its taste. It belongs to the same species, gallinule, as its domestic
variety (chickens etc.). See also note A.9a.1, and set A.1c.3 .
2. Alternatively the s- / sa initial syllables found in the following A.1b.1, A1c.4 Tibeto-Burman lexemes may
be the result of a Khoisan click initial. In these CC sets the Khoisan forms show different initials.The A.1a.1 S.
Khoisan-Nu’en ǂkariron contains the palato-alveolar /ǂ/ click which when lost preserves only the basic velar
sound of all clicks. (See note C.38a.2-3 Khoisan) It contrasts with the A.1b.1 S. Khoisan-Khakhea ǀk’arika (ǀ =
dental click) which tends to generate an (s-, sh-, sha- or (t- / te ) initial in TB languages. (See sets A1c.3,
A.2a.2, note A.13b.2 (Khoisan) and Supplementary Tables 3 Section 1.1b..
Since a full study of Khoisan click correspondences with TB lexemes is not within the scope of this study, the
evidence is not as yet sufficient to claim that Benedict’s hypothesis is not correct in all cases. See further
discussion in Chapter 10 section 10.3.3 and examples in Supplementary Tables 3 Khoisan Table 1.1.b
35
23
Note- A.1b.2 (Hausa) The Hausa form tsàakoo is derived from an original form tsààkuu which is still present
in the Hausa plural. See Newman, P. 2000 237 Section 2.2 for the sound change rule “lowering of final u > o” for
the second radical, i.e. -koo < kuu. See also Notes A.9b.1 (Hausa) and set A.25.2 (Hausa)..
The final -u is also present in A.1b.2 C.Chadic-Kilba-Pela jaku which also corresponds on this second radical
to the Chinese and Khoisan morphemes of A.1c.3. It is also found in the A.1c.4 C. Chadic-Gude tsekwa which
closely corresponds to the A.1c.5 Tibetan segba. (In Tibetan final *-wa = final *-ba . See Jaschke “Phonetic
Table” xix-xx.
Hence the Tibetan A.1b.2 tsa-kór and A.1.c.4 sēgba constitute disyllabic correspondences to both the older
and more recent forms of a Chadic root tsakuu- > tsakoo-/ tsekw- . The Chinese A.1c.3 zhègū / chīgù
37
cagar C. Chadic-
“pheasant” Mandara
Goldstein 729 c’aako “chick,
“young bird”
Jungraithmayr
1994 v.2 70
C. Chadic- Kilba-
Pela jakū “bird”
Jungraithmayr 1994
v.2 22
W. Chadic–Ron
(Bokkos)
shikóòr “Huhn”
[fowl, hen]
Jungr. 1970 146
A.1b.3 TB- C. Chadic–Bura C. Cushitic- Semitic- Aramaic
Tibetan shaka / sheka Agaw zāg / zāgā
chagaà “chick, baby ĉága / ĉ̟áġă “a young cock or
“chicken, chicken” “bird” “hen”
a kind of Dictionary of Bura Militarev, A. Comprehensive
water-fowl” Proto-Chadic Cushitic-Agaw Aramaic Lexicon
chagöö tsàakū Etymology
“vulture” “chick” 2005
Goldstein 729 Newman, P. 2000
S. Chinese-Min 237
ciăq C. Chadic-
“classifier for Mandara
animals, birds” tsakala
Bodman 1987 “cock”
v.2 126 Skinner 294
Base correspondence(s) for positing etyma:
A.1b.1
TB-Tibetan tsa-kór / tsa-ko-ra “a partridge” cagar “pheasant”
< W. Chadic–Hausa sàagarā f. “pullet” / S. Cushitic-Irakwe sakäri “guinea fowl”
A.1b.3
TB-Tibetan chagaà “chicken, a kind of water-fowl” / S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] zak7 / chak7 / zhak7
“classifier for hen, pigeon, bird, ox, goat” zha5 “partridge”
< Proto-Afro-Asiatic *tsagah̟ “bird” /
C. Chadic–Bura shaka / sheka “chick, baby chicken”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *sakära ~ *tsagah̟ /*tsààkū “guinea fowl” “chick (young
bird)”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
A.1b.1
S. Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) jaahk “a kind of pheasant with long tail feathers”
Chik / Ng Lam 367
TB-Tibetan tsa-kra bāka “the red goose” (Anas casarca) Das 995 Jaschke 429
TB-Written Burmese ca < Proto-Lolo-Burmese m-dzya “sparrow” Matisoff 2003 169
lexemes also appear to be variants of the older forms of the Chadic tsààkuu, and ultimately of the A.1c.3 Khoisan
ši-‖gu root. See also Note A.25.2.
38
24
Note- A.1c.3 (TB-Kiranti, Chadic, Cushitic, NS) There may be a pre-historic convergence of this *ce’k- / cik
“bird” root with the *jik- , zhek, shek, shek “body” forms of Chapter 2C C.8a.2, e.g. C.8a.2 (Cantonese)
jek “a body”. See also Notes A.6d.2-3 “meat, flesh” and set A.6c.2 “animals to be eaten”. The Chinese
character radical used in the associated ideogram signifies birds, but one of its more complex forms functions as
the measure word for morphemes referring to other animals and parts of the human body.
40
A.1c.3
S. Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) jegū “partridge” Kwan 339 jek “a numerary adjunct for hen, pigeon,
bird” Chik / Ng Lam 481 [the character radical is that used for “bird”].
C. Cushitic- Bilin jägira “guinea-fowl” Skinner 294
TB-Tibetan sheju “grouse” Goldstein 1090
Extended African/AA language word family:
A.1c.1 W. Chadic-S. Bauci-Guruntum jokshi “bird” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 22
A.1c.3 E. Cushitic- Kambata zigree-ta “guinea fowl” Hudson 74
S. Khoisan-!Kwi-|’Auni si-|u “bird” Starostin, G. 2012 11
C. Chadic-Zime-Batna sékné / ya sēkné “bird” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 71
Cushitic-Alaba, Kembata, Saho z/j-gr- “guinea fowl” Skinner 294
NS-Maba Group kùjik “bird” Edgar 369
A.1c.4 S. Khoisan-|Nu‖en si-|kou “bird” Starostin, G. 2003 9
W. Chadic-Hausa càkwaikwaiwàa “starling” Newman, P. 2007 31
A.1c.4 Semitic-Hebrew sekhvee “rooster, cock” Baltsan 375
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
A.1c.1
IE-Sanskrit zakatavila “a gallinule” zakatara “a bird of prey”
A.1c.3 IE-Pashto shikraey “a hawk, a falcon” Raverty 534, 655
IE-Sanskrit cikura “a kind of bird” Cologne Lexicon. See also Supplementary Table 2
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
A.2a-c Afro-Asiatic – AA-Cush. AA- NS NC
Chadic Proto-AA Semitic.
Swadesh “bird” W. Chadic- Hausa Proto-AA Semitic- NC-
A.2a.1 tsâttēwàa *c’uc’- Arabic Common
S. Chinese-Kejia < *tsew-tsēwàa “chick” šuha Bantu
[Hakka] “a swift, Militarev/ “kite, hawk, *-c’ucu
(Bao’an, Hailu) a swallow” Stolbova vulture” “chicken”
1
ts’u Newman, P. AA Etym- Skinner
(Lau Chunfat) 2000 234, 2007 ology Egyptian 276
chu1 / cu1 n. 206 E. Cushitic- asu
(Dongguan, W. Chadic- Oromo “birds”
Lau Chunfat) Gwandara c’uc’o / Budge
“chick ” “bird” (all dialects) c’uc’ii v.1 9
Hakka Dict nsusuwa / “chick”
ncucuwa / Gragg 87
nsûtsûwã Skinner 276
“bird”
Matsushita 1974
#349 87 25
25
Note- A.2a.1 (Gwandara) Gwandara is very closely related to Hausa within the W.Chadic subgroup. It is
“a creolized offshoot of Hausa rather than a sister language”. Gwandara culture contains oral traditions
concerning the separation of the Gwandara group from the Hausa group which indicate that it probably occurred as
recently as 300 years ago. However Gwandara and Hausa are no longer mutually intelligible. Newman, P. 2000 1
41
26
Note- A.2c.1-2 (Etymon) The evidence suggests that the A.2c.2 Hausa shirwà is the proximate source of the
Kiranti cirwa. The Khoisan-Tsika ʒìrá can be plausibly proposed as the ultimate ST etymon with the shift čiraa
45
> círów > círówà occurrring in NS-Songhay, the transitional form círów being preserved in the A.2c.1 N.
Chinese-MSC chio attestation. See sound change rule –o → -owa in Newman, P. 2000 213-214
46
28
Note-A.4.3 (Tibetan) A water hen is any of small aquatic birds of the genus Gallinula distinguished from rails
by a frontal shield and having a resemblance to domestic hens (also called marsh hen, swamp hen].
48
The two A.5a-b tables show that all three proto-Cushitic root stems *pîr- / *pûr- / *pâr-
reconstructed by Ehret are attested in Tibetan, and two of these match Benedict’s proto-TB
reconstructions. The A.5a.1 fir- / phir- / pir root “fly” is found in all four African language families.
It is also noteworthy that the three variant forms in Tibetan, i.e. A.5a pir, A.5b.1 pur and A.5b.2
h’phar, match variant forms in Chadic languages.
TB-Kham / E. Cushitic-
Magar-Kham Kambata
bhur-nyā “fly” v. bûrriy- v.
Matisoff 2003 397 “fly” Hudson 66
A.5b.2 W. Chadic – Proto-Cushitic Semitic- Anywa [Anuak]
TB-Tibetan Goemai *pâr- Hebrew pʌʌr
h’phar-wa (Ankwe) “to fly, jump” parakh “to jump”
“to leap up, to fly pʔaar Proto-Omotic v. past Reh 64
up, “jump” *par- “flew off” Dinka
to bound” Greenberg “to fly” Baltsan 335 par “to fly”
Das 848 1966 57 S. Omotic- Dime Ruhlen
par p’ār far- 1994 317
“to bounce up, “fly, soar” “to jump”
to fly up” Skinner 69 Ehret 1995
Goldstein 703 #51 9
See also set E.23a.3 E. Chadic– N. Cushitic- Beja NS-Nuer
(Tibetan) Sumray [Bedawi] fār bar
pâr “fly” “jump, hop” “to run away,
Jungraithmayr Greenberg to fly,
1994 v 2 211 1966 57 to flee”
Reinisch 81 Huffman [5]
A.5b.3 Proto-W.
N. Chinese-MSC Chadic
pâo *paw-
“run, “jump”
run away” Skinner 69
“escape, flee”
Wu, J. 510
S. Chinese-Yuè
(Cantonese)
paau “to jump,
to leap”
Chik / Ng Lam 439
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
A.5b.1 Proto-Tibeto-Burman *pur v. “fly” / TB-Tibetan ‘phur-ba “to fly, jump”
< Proto-Chadic *pərə “to fly” / W. Chadic – Gwandara, C. Chadic – Gude fər / pər “flying of
birds”
A.5b.2-3
TB-Tibetan ‘phar-wa “to leap up, to fly up, to bound”
< W. Chadic – Goemai pʔaar “jump” / S. Omotic- Dime far- “to jump” /
N. Cushitic- Beja [Bedawi] fa:r “jump, hop” / Semitic- Arabic (Iraqi) farr / farra “to flee, run
off, run away, escape”
N. Chinese-MSC pâo “”run, run away” “escape, flee” / S. Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) paau
“to jump, to leap”
< Proto-W. Chadic *paw- “jump”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *pʔaar ~ *paw- “to fly” “to jump, to fly up”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
A.5b.1
TB-Bodo/Garo-Dimasa bur “fly” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
TB-Newari (Dolakha) bwכr- “fly” v. Matisoff 2003 397
51
29
Note- A.6b.3 Old Chinese (Extended) Benedict and Matisoff consider the Old Chinese š��“body” morpheme
1
to be cognate to the A.6b.3 TB-Jingpho šàn “flesh, meat, deer”. Benedict 1972 99, Matisoff 2003 448, 449 note c.
1 1
The A.6b.1 C.Chinese-Wu Extended morphemes seŋ meaning “livestock” and A.6b.1 Extended seŋ “body,
trunk” “one’s own person, oneself” confirm the association of the two meanings in Chinese also. The two meanings
are expressed by slightly different morphemes in N.Chinese-MSC.In MSC shēng means domestic animal”,
whereas shēn means “body”. The use of this root to designate both the human and animal body seems to be a
particularity of Bejing and Wu, but in this respect they are similar to the dual semantics existing in the C.8a.2
Proto-Afro-Asiatic *dzik- “body, meat” root. See also Note A.6d.2-3 below.
54
32
Note- A.6d.2-3 (Middle Chinese). The A.6d.3 Middle Chinese �zכjuk “meat” and its Egyptian, Mande sug
“flesh, meat” cognates may be related to the C.8c.2 Chadic cúk-“body”. The Cushitic/Semitic/Chadic sag /
shag- / shəg / šug morphemes of the present word family refer to the bodies of animals, especially birds and
bovids, whereas the C.8c.2 cúk- / sug- forms refer to the human body. The C.8a.1-2 Proto-AA *dzi- / *dzik-
and Proto-Chadic forms mean both the human and animal body. Contemporary Chadic forms refer to the body
generically. See also Note A.6b.3 above.
The evidence suggests that the C.8a.2 jìk- and the present A.6d.2 sheg- / shag- roots generated the parallel
7
variants jek / chak / zak / cè°k meaning “bird”found in tables A.1b and A.1c. The Chinese character used to
represent jek has a base radical which signifies “bird”. Here there may be a convergence in Chinese of the two
different roots most of whose reflexes are phonetically close, and have different proximate African origins, though
they give evidence of being ultimately related. It is noteworthy that the roots denoting “bird” in A.1b, and
A.1c.1-5. closely parallel those meaning “body” in the present A6d.2 set and sets C.8a.2, C.8c.2. Therefore, taking
into account that birds and bovids were hunted as a substantial source of food, these first syllables of roots
meaning “bird” as in A.1b.1-3 may be reflexes of the AA proto-roots meaning “animal body, meat”. Under this
hypothesis the disyllabic A.1b.1-2 morphemes tsakar- etc. are compounds of the present A.6d.2 tsak-“meat,
body” root with the A.1a kar-“bird”root. See also notes A.1a.1, A.1c.3, A.9a.1, A.6b.3 and set A.1c.1.
56
32
Note- A.7b.1-2 (Proto-TB, TB Jingpho) The Proto-Tibeto-Burman correspondence to Chadic and Cushitic
forms indicate that the *g- initial in TB languages is a form of a Chadic/Semitic ka- / ki- / ga- first radical. The
A.20a/1-2 root most closely matches two similarly contrasting morphemes meaning “cut”. See note H.30a.1-2.
See also Notes- A.20a.2, A.27.3, B.14c.2, C34,1-7, and sets H.30b.1, H30c.1 and H.24e.1
Benedict states concerning the TB *g- prefix that “the form written *g- is to be interpreted as gə- (with ə as
a separate phoneme) or as *gă- (with ă as an allophone of the phoneme /a/ in syllables with reduced stress).
Benedict 1972 112. He considers the Jingpho [Kachin], Burmese morphemes to be rare cases of a TB language
in which this is a verb prefix. These are not rare in African languages, but are commonly lost in ST, see Chapter
10 section 10.3.2 on the “disappearing k-”.
60
34
Note- A.7b.2 (NC-Mande Extended) Mukarovsky considers this Mande form to be cognate to the Chadic-
Glavda tsa (A.7a.1) and Ngweshe tsawe (A.7a.1) which mean “kill”. Mukarovsky 141. It gives evidence of
being cognate but it more closely matches the present A.7b.2 forms.
61
TB-Naga-Ao W. Chadic-Bole,
Chungli C. Chadic- Buduma,
kor “horse” Masa-Peve koro
Matisoff 2003 400 “ass” Greenberg
1966 52
“donkey”
Blench 1999b 65
A.9a.2 W. Chadic-Tangale Tubu [Teda] C.
TB-Chin-Lushai la-ngóro agər “Esel” Khoisan-
sà-kôr “horse” “donkey, ass” [donkey, ass] Nama
Matisoff 2003 Jungraithmayr 1991 Lukas 1953 !goreb
40036 113 188 “zebra”
Ruhlen
1994
#645 69
A.9a.3 TB-Tani- Omotic- Kanuri
Miri / TB-Tani- Mao kuuri ngərí
Gallong-Deuri “donkey” “gazelle”
guri “horse” Blench Cyffer 1990
TB-N. Naga- 1999 65 137
Chang
kuri “donkey”
Matisoff 2003 400
[Disylalbic
corresp.]
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
A.9a.1 TB-Tibetan ku-rúg, gu-rug “colt of an ass” / TB-Naga-Ao Chungli kor “horse”
< W. Chadic – Hausa k’urù “horse of small stature”, aguru “donkey” / C. Chadic- Buduma,
Masa-Peve koro “ass” / C. Khoisan-Nama !goreb “zebra”
A.9a.3 TB-Tani-Miri / TB-Tani-Gallong -Deuri guri “horse” / TB-N. Naga- Chang kuri “donkey”
< Omotic-Mao kuuri donkey” / C. Khoisan-Nama !goreb “zebra”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etyma: *guru ~ *koro “small horse, donkey = [equid]
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
A.9a.1
TB-Naga-Lotha korrū “horse” Matisoff 2003 400
TB-Tibetic-Tsangla (Motuo Monpa) kurta “horse” Matisoff 2003 400
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *kor “horse” Matisoff 2003 400
A.9a.2 TB-Chin-Tedim sa-kòl “horse” -Thado sʌ� kòl “horse” Matisoff 2003 400
A.9a.3
TB-Naga-Sangtam kuri “horse” Matisoff 2003 400
TB-Bodo-Garo-Deuri guri “horse” Matisoff 2003 400
Extended African/AA language word family:
A.9a.1 C. Chadic–Tera kóró “ass” Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic Etymology 2006
E. Chadic- Sokoro kuro: “ass” Greenberg 1966 52
E. Cushitic- Oromo qorqê n. “specie di antilope equina, bruno chiaro con code lunga” [species of
equid antelope, light brown with long tail] Borello 347 qorkē “hartebeest” Skinner 97
36
Note- A.9a.1 Benedict proposes sa /sya “animal” as the basis of the s- prefix of words for animals in Tibeto-
Burman languages such as the present one. See note A.1a.1, sets A.31.1-2 and discussion in chapter 10 section
10.3.3..
63
NS-Kanuri koro ngasai “roan antelope” Cyffer 1990 135. See also A.24.1 (Chadic)
E. Chadic- Nancere kurá “donkey” Blench 1999b 65
Omotic-Chara kura “ass” Greenberg 1966 52
Semitic-Aramaic kr “donkey” Comprehensive Aramaic Lexicon
E. Cushitic – Rendille inkuraarú “donkey colt” “young donkey” Pillinger 157, 331
Proto-Chadic *kwar- “donkey” Ehret 2001 272
NS-Anywa [Anuak] ōgwār “zebra” Reh 60, 134
W. Chadic–Ngizim kwáará “donkey” Schuh 101
C. Chadic – Masa kūlum “le cheval” (Fr.) [horse] Caitucoli 104.
E. Cushitic–Oromo kulula “asinello” [donkey] Borello 242
E. Cushitic-Saho okalo “ass” Greenberg 1966 52
A.9a.2 C. Chadic– Gaanda kwari “ass” Stolbova, Olga C.Chadic Etymology
Proto-AA *kwer- “donkey” Ehret 2001 272
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
A.9a.1 IE-Sanskrit kuru “a horse” kurutin “a horse” Cologne Lexicon.
gardabha “foal, young of an ass” Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 50
Altaic-Turkic-Uzbek qulun “a young horse just after birth or less than a year old” English-Uzbek
Dictionary
A.9a.2 IE-Hindi ghor̝ā “horse” ghor̝ī “mare” Scudiere 77, 234 Kobayashi Tables 1,2,3 #98 3, 8, 15
IE-Bengali ghorā “horse” n. Thompson 48, 104
IE-Pashto
ghorā-khar “the wild ass or onager” gh’yara “the wild ass or onager” Raverty 745, 852
IE-Sanskrit khara “ass, mule” gaurakhara “a wild donkey” [lit. buffalo donkey]
gaura “a kind of buffalo” “the Bos gaurus” kharu “a horse” khara m. “a donkey” “an ass”
“a mule” khara kutī “a stable for asses, a stall” Cologne Lexicon
kutu “hut, house” (F.8c.2 )
IE-Middle Persian kurrag Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology
IE-North Persian kurra “Fohlen” (Ger.) [foal, colt] Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology
IE-Hittite kurka “Fohlen” (Ger.) [foal, colt]
Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology
A.9a.3 IE-Pashto
khar “an ass, a donkey”
khára “a female donkey” Raverty 409 khargaey “a young ass” Raverty 413
Altaic-Turkic-Kazakh kürre “young donkey” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian *gúri “deer, game” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
/
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
A.9b AA–Chadic AA-Cushitic AA- NS Khoisan
Sem.
A.9b.1 W. Chadic- N. Bauci- Proto-Cushitic N. Khoisan-!Kung
TB-Tibetan Mburke, Jimbin (Dolgopolski) !kwere
dagöö̀ / dáakù “horse” w
*d-( )�-r “zebra”
dagööbo C. Chadic- Margi “donkey” Ruhlen
“a wild or tágú Skinner 17837 1994
untrained horse” “horse” #645 69
37
Note- A.9b1 (Proto-AA ) Note that the -kwar- morph exists as an independent root in A.9a.1 Extended
W. Chadic–Ngizim kwáará “donkey”. There seems to have been an early convergence of two different roots
w
*daw- or da- as in A.9c.2 Proto-AA and the A.9a.1 Extended Proto-Chadic kwar. Dolgopolski’s *d-( )� -r
reconstruction is a plausible expression of such a convergence. Ehret reconstructs Proto-AA *kwer- “donkey”
(A.9a.3 Extended). See also Chapter 10 section 3.3.2 on d-/t- initials resultng from a Khoisan alveolar click./
64
38
Note- A.9b.1 (Hausa Extended ) Hausa here retains the A.9c.1 daw- root’s initial syllable as the plural but
shows a shift to dóo- in the singular. The vowel change to -óo- here gives evidence of following a regular
sound change (Medial *u > *o). Long /u / is lowered to the corresponding mid-vowel /o/ when the preceding
syllable contained long / áa / as in the other Chadic forms. See Newman, P. 2000 237 Section 2.2 213-214 and
Note A.1b.2..
65
Note- A.10a.3 (Chadic-Hausa, Etyma) P. Newman cites the Proto-Hausa *kwuykwuyo “puppy” root as an
instance of a regular sound change in Hausa of /u / to /i /. “Reduplicated words illustrate the change of /u/ to
/ I / conditioned by /y / in the same as well as in the following syllable”. Hausa *kwuykwuyòo > kwikwiyòo
“puppy, hyena pup, lion cub”. Newman, P. 2000 239. According to Newman’s etymology the reduplication of the
A.10a.3 kuwī + kúyo. E. Chadic-Sokoro morphemes would represent the earlier Chadic form. However the N.
Khoisan ǀgwí form should be taken into account in any etymology of the Chadic (and TB) forms. Note that both
the TB *kwiy root and the A.10c.2 Old Chinese ku root correspond to a N. Khoisan variant.
Hence the proposed TB etymology for this set is *kwiy “puppy, dog”. This simply proposes (in accord with
Benedict) that one of the inherited TB roots was *kwiy. Since both proto-AA and the older African language
family, Khoisan, have variant A.10a and A.10b forms, the question of an ultimate proto-root for the A.10 word
families remains open. See also Note A.10b.1 (Old Chinese) .
41
Note- A.10a.5 (TB t- initial forms) The TB-Samong təkhwi, TB-Jili təkwi “dog” and TB-Mru tăkhwi “dog”
morphemes all correspond to the Khoisan form containing an initial dental or alveolar click before a glottal/velar.
There are other instances of this correspondence. See A.26.5, B.31.3, C.51.5 , Chapter 10 Note 10.3.3.2 and
Supplementary Tables 3 sections 1.1b and 1.1.d.
68
A.10a.6 N. Khoisan-
TB-Chin-Tiddim !Kung
ʔwi ǂʔhwi
“dog” “dog”
Matisoff 2003 139 Starostin, G.
2003 13
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
A.10a.1 TB-Kiranti-Limbu khi-a “dog”
< C. Chadic–Sukur kɪrra “dog” / C. Chadic – Bura kila “dog” / NC- S.W. Mande – Mende,
Bandi, Loko ngila “dog”
A.10a.2 TB-Tibetan khyi “dog”
< E. Chadic–Kwang kìyē / kíyé “dog” / NC- S.E. Mande–Bisa gyíì “dog”
A.10a.3 TB-Kanauri kui “dog” / TB-Thebor khui “dog” / TB- Burmese khwijh “dog”
< W. Chadic- Hausa kwīykwiyòo “puppy” m. / N. Khoisan- !Kung ǀgwī “dog”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etyma: *kila “dog” ~ *ǂʔhwi “dog”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
A.10a.3
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] gwì “dog” Benedict / Matisoff 1972 #332 121 2003 196
gui2 “dog” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
TB-Chepang kwi “dog” Matisoff 2003 448
TB-Garo-Digaro nkwi “dog” Benedict 1972 44
A.10a.4 Proto-Lolo-Burmese *kwəy2 “dog” Matisoff 2003 62, 448
A.10a.5 TB-Nung təgi “dog” Benedict 1972 115
A.10a.6
TB-Karenic-Pwo, Sgaw thwì “dog” Benedict 1972 133, 151 Matisoff 2003 96, 139, 448
TB-Chin-Lushai ui “dog” Matisoff 2003 96 139
TB-Chin-Lai uy “dog” Matisoff 2003 96
Extended African/AA language word family:
A.10a.1
E.Chadic–Lele gìrà “dog” Jungraithmayr 1994 v. 2 107
NC- S.W. Mande–Loma gile “dog” Mukarovsky 144
W. Chadic-Ron (Daffo-Butura0) cìra “Hund” [dog] Jungraithmayr 1970 213
NS-Kanuri kə́ri “dog” Cyffer 1990 94 Skinner 138
W. Chadic–Gwandara [all dialects] kəre “dog” Matsushita 1974 #279 75.
A.10a.2
Khoisan-Nama |giri-b “jackal, fox” Starostin, G. 2006-2008
C. Chadic–Lamang kɪrrε dog” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 107
C. Chadic-Higi-Baza kɨre “dog” Starostin, Olga C. Chadic Etymology 2006. .
C. Khoisan-Proto-Khoekhoe |iri “black-backed jackal” Starostin, G. 2006-2008 .
W. Chadic-Hausa (Kano dialect) k’irik’iinju “a wild hunting dog” Skinner 164 Matsushita 1993 279
Proto-E. Cushitic *ker- “dog” Skinner 138
A.10a.3
W. Chadic- Hausa kūrèe “male hyena” Newman, P. 2007 118
C. Chadic-Higi Futu kùrè “dog” Stolbova, Olga E. Chadic Etymology
E. Chadic- Kwang gə́:rény / gə:rény / gō:rény “hyena” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 205
A.10a.4
S. Khoisan-‖Xegwi ‖kwi “dog” Starostin, G. 2006-2008
C. Chadic-Daba kweykwaya “hyène” Skinner 164
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
A.10a.1-2 IE-Sanskrit khikhi “a fox”
kikhi “a small kind of jackal or fox” khigkhira “a fox” Cologne Lexicon.
69
42
Note- A.10b.1 (Old Chinese)
Norman and Sagart state that Chinese has two common words for dog”. Both consider that the Old Chinese
*khwin / khwenX roots are the oldest. Norman proposed that the other common word for “dog “ gou is derived
from *klu a proto-form from a language ancestral to the modern Miao-Yao language. (Norman 1988a 17). (See
A.10c.1 following) This and the following table establish that both *khwin and gou are very old in African
languages. The *khwin form is found in Afro-Asiatic (including a proposed Proto-AA root) and in the
ŋ
closelycorresponding Khoisan ǂghúi morpheme. The gou root is discussed in Note A.10c.1 following.
With reference to Old Chinese, Benedict considered that the final consonant –n of k’uən was originally a
suffix “apparently related to the widespread dental suffixes of Tibeto-Burman”. Benedict 1972 157. This supported
his view that “Chinese originally possessed suffixes”. This case of posited –n suffix, however, can just as well be
explained as the variant final of two roots existing within African languages. For example ST attests both the
Proto-Tibeto-Burman A.10a.2 *kwiy “dog” and the A.10b.1 Old Chinese k’iwən “dog”. These two forms cited
by Benedict both have close Chadic and Khoisan correspondences, the former existing in A.10a.3 Chadic and
Khoisan, the latter in A.10b.1 W. Chadic, Proto-AA and Khoisan. Also the final of the A.10a.3 N. Khoisan-
!Kung |gwí “dog” contrasts with that of the A.10b.1 S. Khoisan-ǀXam and ‖Ng !kúiŋ in the final nasal ŋ.
43
Note-A.10b.1 (Khoisan, Old Chinese) The evidence of the A.10b.1 set suggests that the Chadic or PAA form is
ŋ
the proximate proto-form of the Old Chinese *k’uən, while the A.10b.1 closely corresponding Khoisan ǂghúi
form is the ultimate and proto-form since *khwin is an Old Chinese variant. Hence this may be a pre-Neolithic
root. Under this hypothesis the word families A.10d, e and f ,N. Chinese and TB lexemes are later forms resulting
from Neolithic migration(s). See also Chapter 9 section 9.4 on a possible pre-Neolithic migration.
70
44
Note A.10c.1 (Old Chinese) “It is generally agreed that the Chinese dog (Canis familiartis) originated from the
Chinese wolf.“ (Liu / Chen 97) However, The Old Chinese, Tibetan (A.10c.4) and Central, NE Asian lexemes
cited above suggest that the wild canine ancestor of the dog in China, if domesticated locally, was the “fox”.
However, the archaeologists also point out that it is unclear when the process of domestication in China occurred.
“There is still a gap in the record between ancestral canids in the Paleolithic and fully domesticated dogs in the
Neolithic.” “The earliest domestic dog has been reported as present at Nanzhuzntou in Hebei. (ca.10,000 BP)
(Liu / Chen 97).
71
45
A.10c.1-2 (Old Chinese) As mentioned in Note A.10b.1, the Chinese-MSC gôu form corresponds closely to N.
Khoisan ghóá,a variant of the proto-N. Khoisan *ǂghú which itself corresponds to the Old Chinese proto-form
*ku. Sagart states that Proto-Miao-Yao “appears to be related to [Chinese] gôu i.e. < kuwX “puppy, dog”. Sagart
190. The A.10c.2 Khoisan *ǂghú and NC-Mande gûû are closest to the Old Chinese proto-form *ku while
A.10c.1 Chadic-Hausa kōlō and Cushitic-Oromo gullo morphemes are closest to Norman’s proposed proto-
Miao-Yao loan form *klu. Hence the comparative data support Norman’s proposal of the Miao-Yao *klu as
cognate to the A.10c.1 N. Chinese-MSC gôu n. “dog” since the A.10c.1 Chadic-Hausa kōlō and Cushitic-
Oromo gullo morphemes are probable proximate sources .They could have been brought into E. Asia by
speakers of African languages, possibly within the same wave of pre-historic migration as the Miao-Yao *klu.
Hence the hypothesis of a loan is not the only possible explanation of the origin of gôu.
Note A.10c.3 The A.10.c.3 Cushitic okaalo and xar-o are relevant to the Chinese etymology in this case as
proximate sources of the Min, Wu and Kejia variants. Both of these etyma proposed by Sinitic scholars as related
to Chinese are also consistent with the A.10c.1 proposal of Chadic kóoróo “dog” and Songhay koro “hyena”
as sources of Chinese gôu “dog”. Interestingly, however, in both sets the Khoisan correspondence is the closest
match to the Chinese lexeme. See also Note A.10d.1 following on determining proximate and ultimate roots
72
46
Note-A.10d.1 (Etymon) The proximate etymon is proposed to be derived from the Chadic and NS variants
kùti- / kutu- which are matched in TB-Kiranti. However, the vowel in E.Cushitic-Sidamo (Extended) shows a
similar vowel shift between the singular and plural forms, góti- pl. gótó “hyena”. (A.10d.1 Extended). The
Cushitic forms may represent the proximate root, if the Kanuri morpheme has been borrowed from AA. This is a
typical case of Blench’s observation that we can know that a form of a root existed in the proto-language, but
cannot determine the exact form. See Chapter 1 Section 1.6.1 and note.
74
47
Note- A10f.1 (NC-Mande) N. Mande contains four other languages which attest a wul- “dog” root stem. These
are Malinke, Bambara, Jula, and Vai. Mukarovsky 144
76
48
Note- A.11.1 (TB-Jingpho Extended) The morphemes in this table are included in the A domain since their
semantic content represents both “castrate” and “castrated animal”. As several of the African/AA language
extended word family morphemes indicate, the “castrate” meaning is derived from verbs meaning “pound, beat”.
So the word family is also found in H.29b.1 with meanings of “pound, strike” and in one case “castrate”.
Those attesting a final –k, e.g. Proto-AA (Orel/Stolbova) *duk- “break, pound” *tuk- “strike” / Proto-AA
(Ehret) *-duk’- “break into pieces by hitting”. and H.29b.2 Old Chinese tǔk “beat/strike” “castrate” correspond
to
W. Chadic- Ron (Scha) təkai “Kastrieren” [castrate]. .
The A.11.2 thoŋ / tun- morphemes of this table contrast with the H.29b.1 Proto-AA *duk- in their root finals
n or –ŋ but correspond more fully with the H.29c.1 d̀ɔŋ- / dʊכɔng “knock, hit” attestations.
77
NS-Songhay (Koyra) tutum “hit hard, beat, castrate” Heath v.1 247
A.11.2
E. Cushitic-Sidamo tumâlessa “castrated (calf, goat)” Gasparini 318
NC- N. Mande- Susu yaxe köntonyi “ram, whether” yaxe “sheep” Mukarovsky 293
E. Chadic-Mubi tǔmák “sheep”
C. Chadic-Tpala tǝmâk “sheep” Blench 1999b 61
Proto-Chadic (Newman, P.) *təmki “sheep” Newman, P. 1977 31 Skinner 262 49
W. Chadic- Gwandara (Nimbia) túmákywe “sheep” Matsushita 1974 #272 74
W. Chadic-Dyarim tàm “sheep” Blench 2007 47
C. Chadic-Bade taaman / təmakun “sheep” Blench 1999b 61
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
A.12a-b Afro-Asiatic – AA-Cush., AA- Nilo- NC
Chadic Proto-AA Semitic Saharan
A.12a.1 N. Chinese-MSC Proto-Chadic C. Cushitic- Egyptian Maba NC-Ewe
lù “deer” Chen 65 (Newman) Khamir ȧrù Group- lu
50
lú “donkey, ass” *ɬəw- / *ɬw luwā “stalled Aiki “female
Wu, J. 444-445 “meat, animal” “cattle” ox” àlù antelope”
ròu “meat, flesh” Skinner 223 Militarev / Budge “sheep” NC -Ahlo
Wu, J. 579 Jungraithmayr Stolbova v.1 69 Maba ulu
Chinese- Jiangdong 1994 v.1 116 Group- “female
(dialect of Yangzi W. Chadic – Masalit antelope”
estuary, 4th century CE) S. Bauci-Jimi aru “ram” Greenberg
rou4 “deer, cervidae” lowa “meat” Edgar 148 1966 153
Sagart 1999 [197] Jungraithmayr NS-Teda
TB-Tibetan lu̱ù 1994 v.2 232 arro
“sheep” ruru “deer” Chadic– Karekare “he-goat”
Goldstein 1043, 107 ló “meat, animal” Blench
rōō “herd of livestock” Greenberg 1966 54 1999b 62
Jaschke 1043
A.12a.2 Proto-AA
Old Chinese *lôʔ- pl.
a
rok > “cattle”
Middle Chinese *ɬôw sing.
luwk “cow”
“deer” Ehret 1995
Sagart 1999 [161] #888 42851
49
Note- A.11.2 (Proto-Chadic Extended) “Sheep and goats spread through the Sinai into Africa by or about 7000
BCE, first to the far northeasterly groups of the northern Erythraitic peoples.” “The word *tam “sheep” in the
Saharan branch of [Nilo-Saharan] Saharo-Sahelian came from an early form of the proto-Chadic language”.
Ehret 2002 78.
50
Note- A.12a.1 (NS-Maba group) Ehret states that the NS-Saharan and Sahelian subbranch roots referring to
goats and sheep were borrowed from languages of the Afro-Asiatic family, “which we know to have been spoken to
the immediate north and east of the Nilo-Saharan areas”. Ehret 2001 232.
51
Note- A.12a.2 (Proto-AA) Ehret reconstructs Proto-AA lôʔ with a meaning of “cattle” and notes that there
was an “Egyptian, Semitic innovation: [which was ] a generalization of the plural to domestic animals in general,
then narrowing in Proto-Semitic (A.12b.2) and Egyptian to different specific animals” Ehret 1995 # 888. 428. The
Extended A.12a.1, A.12a.3 Tibetan forms considered to be reflexes of this proto-root would be a result of this
innovation since they attest the Cushitic semantics of “sheep” or “goat”. However, the North Chinese/
Tibetan/Burmese semantics of “deer” and Sanskrit “antelope” imply that the root probably predates
78
A.12a.3 W. Chadic-
S. Chinese-Yuè Tangale
(Cantonese) lug
lúk “deer” “antelope
Kwan 125 (big as a donkey)”
Chen 65 Jungraithmayr
Middle Chinese 1991 116
luwk “deer”
Sagart 1999 161
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
A.12a.1 TB-Tibetan lu̱ù “sheep” / Chinese-MSC lù “deer”
< Proto-Chadic *luw- “meat” / E. Chadic- Kofyar luwa “meat, animal” / NS- Maba Group-
Aiki àlù “sheep”
A.12a.2 N. Chinese-MSC ròu “meat”
< W. Chadic–S. Bauci-Jimi lowa “meat” / Proto-Chadic *ɬw “meat” / Proto-Cushitic *ɬôw “cow” /
E. Cushitic-Rendille loólyo
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *luw- ~ *ɬôʔ “meat” “antelope, sheep/goat”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
A.12a.1
TB-Kham lū “sheep” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
TB-Tibetan lu-gu or lug-gu “lamb” Das 1214 [gu is a diminutive suffix. See G.9.1]
TB-Tujia ruo2 “goat” Blench 2009a 2
N. Chinese-MSC niúròu “beef” Wang, F. 396
A.12a.3
TB-Tibetan lug “a sheep” Jaschke 547 Das 1214
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] lug6 / luk8 “deer, stag, doe” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) lúhk “deer, stag, doe” Chik / Ng 507
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *lug “sheep” Matisoff 2003 363
Old Chinese *bhlu[k]-s “animal” Sagart 1999 [197]
Extended African/AA language word family:
A.12a.1
W. Chadic–Ron (Sha) luw / low “Fleisch” [flesh, meat] Jungraithmayr 1970 286
W. Chadic- Warji hluu-na “meat, animal” Newman, P. 1977 29
NS- Maba Group-Zaghawa aro “ewe” òòru “flock” Blench 1999b 62
C. Chadic- Mandara- Lamang hluwi “meat, animal” Newman, P. 1977 29
IE. Chadic- Kofyar luwa “meat, animal” Newman, P. 1977 29
W. Chadic –Sura luwaa “meat” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 Mukarovsky 256
W. Chadic- Ngizim tlùwái “meat” “animal (generally wild)” Schuh 163, 188
W. Chadic – Ngamo lu “meat” Skinner 220
C. Chadic- Kotoko-Kuseri ɬù “body” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 232
W. Chadic–Tangale lọ “animal, meat” Jungraithmayr 1991 115
C. Chadic- Masa *slīw “la chair, la viande” Caitucoli 114
W. Chadic–Ron (Fyer) ló “Tier, Fleisch” Jungraithmayr 1970 87
W. Chadic–S. Bauci- Kir tlo “meat” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 232
A.12a.2
Proto-Cushitic *ɬôw / *ɬôʔ pl. “cow” Ehret 1995 #888 428
Nuer rok “cow with spreading horns” Huffman 42
domestication of animals and originally referred to antelopes or deer. See also Note A.12b.1 Chadic Extended
following.
79
52
Note- A.12b.1 (Chadic Extended) Jungraithmayr lists13 Chadic correspondences of hla or tla meaning “cow”
Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 92-93. This Chadic root plausibly belongs with the ra root of this table but is found in TB-
Tibetan with semantics of “goat, sheep”. As indicated by the TB-Burmese CC of this set and the Chinese forms of
the previous table, the root probably predates domestication of animals and meant “deer” or “wild animal” at the
time of the earliest of the proposed migrations. See also Chapter 6 section 6.2.1.
81
53
Note- A.13a.1 (Chadic) Jungraithmayr considers the root to be *d’gt derived from a non-Chadic source.
Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 143. See Jungraithmayr 1994 v. 2 282 for 5 other reflexes which correspond less
closely to the Tibetan form.
The Niger-Congo correspondence suggests a possible non-Chadic source of the TB root. Like the Chadic
attestations it does not attest the final *-t of Jungraithmayr’s reconstruction.
The Tibetan s- prefix in this case appears to represent a shift to an alveolar sibilant from the ejective pre-
glottalized dental (‘d) of the Chadic and NC forms. Under this hypothesis it is not an instance of the explanation
of s- prefixation as sa- / s- “animal” mentioned above in Notes A.1a.1 and A.9a.1. It is possibly a case of
inheritance by Tibetan of a click phoneme expressed as á-’di- in the NC transcription of Williamson-Shimizu.
This is also notated as a glottal initial ‘d in the two Chadic correspondences. See also Chapter 10 section 10.3.3.2
and Supplementary Table 3 section 1.1.
82
54
Note- A.13b.2 (Khoisan) There is evidence here of a correspondence between the TB tśə c.-/sh- initial and a
Khoisan alveolar lateral click / ‖ /. See other examples in Supplementary Tables 3 Khoisan section 1.1c.
55
Note- A.13b.3 (Hausa) Hausa k’yāguwā is an accurate transcription of the morpheme written as k’āguwa.
See Newman, P. 2000 416, notes A.33.1and sets E.5c.2, and E.7b.2.
83
A.13b.2
TB-Lepcha tăhi < *takhi “crab” Benedict 1972 25
TB- Chin-Mikir tśehe < *tekhe “crab” Benedict 1972 2
Extended African/AA language word family:
A.13b.1 C. Khoisan –Tati ‖kadi “scorpion” Ruhlen 1994 #480 62
A.13b.2 Semitic-Arabic عagrab “scorpion” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 1 155 part 2 318
ʕagrab (IPA) “scorpion” Merriam Webster Arabic 137 =عvoiced pharyngeal spirant.
Semitic-Hebrew m. ‘akrav “scorpion” Baltsan 9
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
A.13b.1 Proto-Altaic kējna “crab, tick” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
A.13b.3 IE-Sanskrit ajakava “kind of vermin, centipede or scorpion” Cologne Lexicon.
↓↓
In the following word family the semantics vary in African languages between types of small insects
such as “louse, fly, bee, chigger, tick”. Some of these insects are difficult to distinguish through ordinary
observation, but have the common characteristic of being biting/sucking insects.
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
A.14a-c AA – Chadic AA –Cushitic AA- NS NC
Sem.
Swadesh “louse” W. Chadic– Proto-Cushitic Kanuri NC-Wolof
A.14a.1 TB-Jingpho Hausa (Dolgopolski cígə jìga
[Kachin] tsiʔ “louse” jìgā f. 1973) “fly” “insect”
Benedict 1972 108 “jigger flea” *ts-Gw-n(s) Cyffer Krio
TB-Tibetan chig Skinner 124 “fly, louse” 1990 26 jìga
“louse” Das 1233 “jigger” Skinner 262 “insect”
Jaschke 558 Newman, P. N. Cushitic- Skinner 124
TB- Chin-Mikir 2007 99 Beja (Bedauye)
chikli “flea” Walker 281 s(ʔ)gee
S. Chinese-Yuè “louse”
(Cantonese) sīk Militarev, A.
“a poisonous insect” Bedauye
“to sting” Etymology
Chik / Ng Lam 404 56 2005
A.14a.2 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Proto-AA
h̟ji-ba / ljככi-ba “a flea” Hausa jibar- “bee,
Jaschke 175, 183 mājib’āri fly” (Orel /
h̟ji-wa / lji-wa “bee, fly” Stolbova 1995)
“a flea” Das 455, 470 Skinner 193 Skinner 193
A.14a.3 W. Chadic- E. Cushitic- NS-Kənzi NC- N. Mande-
TB-Nung Angas Somali issi Mandinka
[Rawang] shî šilin ”tick” “Laus” síi
śi “louse” “sausage fly” Leslau 1979 (Ger.) “fly”
Benedict 1972 107 Foulkes 279 v.3 578 Skinner Mukarovsky
Starostin, S. 140 176
ST Etymology
56
Note- A.14a.1-2 (TB-Chinese The African/AA lexemes here confirm Benedict’s reservations as to whether the
intial s- of his A.14a.1 Extended Proto-TB *srik “louse” is a prefix and thus follows the general explanation of s-
prefixation meaning animal, meat. See also notes A.1a.1, A.19a.2, C.5a.1 and C.50.2 “In a couple of animal
names [Benedict] ultimately deems the sibilant element to be part of the root initial, and not a prefix, though much
hesitation is displayed on this point.” Matisoff 2003 102
84
57 2
Note- A.14a.3 (MSC) The Chinese-MSC shi and Hakka tshi lack the final –g of the A.14a.1 morpheme. This
regular absence of the final - g in MSC roots has been noted by Sinitic scholars as contrasting with southern
Sinitic languages, e.g. the A.14a.1 Cantonese sīk morpheme. “The Middle Chinese ending consonants –p, and –-k
merged by the 14th century into a glottal stop, leaving no trace of the original consonants. The change affected both the
vowels and the tones.” Ramsey 142. See also the C.21.a.1-2 Hakka– MSC contrast. In this case Hakka has a
northern rather than a southern shape. The change is not limited to Chinese languages. The reduction of the final
velar to at most a glottal stop is also found in TB languages. See TB examples above in A.14a.1 vs. A.14a.2 and
A.14a.3. See also sets B.25.1-2 + note, C.8c.1-2, C.40.1,4 and C.51a.1-2. The C.8a.2-3 sets and note give an
example of this variance paralleled by both Tibeto-Burman and Sinitic with Proto-AA and Proto- Chadic.
The evidence from the present table shows that this contrast is also present in the NS and NC African superfamilies.
See Note C.16.2-3 and sets C.1a.1-2 for NS, and TB-Jingpho [Kachin] tsiʔ “louse”. Benedict 1972 108 and
C.8c.1-2 for NC.
w-
The proto-Cushitic *ts-G n(s) form of the present table indicates that the form attesting final -g/k is the older
one in AA.
85
TB-Bodo/Garo-Garo tśi-pu “bug” Matisoff 2003 178 [compound of this root and that of A.20a.1]
TB-C. Loloish-Lahu še “louse” Matisoff 2003 261
TB-Kanauri tsià “louse” Benedict 1972 64
A. 14a.4 S. Chinese-Jin (Yangqu) kəʔ-tsɛu (Xinzhou) kəʔ-ts“ כflea” Sagart 1999 99, 106
S. Chinese-Min (Xiamen) kətsau “flea” Sagart 1999 99 ka suaʔ “cockroach”
Norman 1988a 214. See also Chapter 10 section 10.3.2 “moveable k”
Extended African/AA language word family:
A.14a.2 Proto-N. Khoisan *cʔíŋ “louse” Starostin, G. 2003 23
A.14a.3
C. Chadic-Guduf čìčàa “louse” Stolbova, Olga C.Chadic Etymology
C. Chadic-Gava čìčà “louse” Stolbova, Olga C.Chadic Etymology
NS-Bari ciro(tat) “louse” Greenberg 1966 102
C. Chadic-Bura ciri “general name for fly and bee group of insects” Dictionary of Bura
A. 14a.4 Omotic-Janjero tu’a- “louse” Skinner 275
C. Chadic-Mandara Group (m-) ts-ts- “louse” Skinner 275
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
A.14a.1
Altaic-Turkic-Khakassian sik, sēk “fly” / Altaic-Turkic-Oyrat sēk “mosquito”
Altaic-Turkic-Tuvan sēk “fly”
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian ciɣV- “locust” “wood louse” / Altaic-Mongolian-Buriat šigej- “locust”
“wood louse”
Altaic-Mongolian-Kalmuck šigej- “locust” “wood louse” Starostin, Sergei Mongolian Etymology
http://starling.rinet.ru./c
Altaic-Turkic-Uzbek chigirtka “locust” “type of grasshopper” English-Uzbek Dictionary.
Altaic-Turkic-Turkmen čekirtge “locust, grasshopper” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho, Mundari s’iku “louse” Kobayashi Table 1 #87 2, 8
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho si’kȋ: / s’iki’je “mosquito” Kobayashi Table 1 #85 2
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Mundari si’kȋ’ɳȋ / sȋ’k’ri “mosquito” Kobayashi Table 1 #85 8
IE-Sanskrit A.14a.1 suksmaSika “a small fly, mosquito” suksma “minute, small”
[compound of A14a.1 and G.8a.3 roots]
IE-Old Indian makśika “fly, bee” Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 85
IE-Sanskrit māksīka “spider, louse” Cologne Lexicon.
A.14a.2 Kartvelian-Laz čič- “firefly” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 7
Kartvelian- Georgian cicci-natela “firefly, moth” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 7
IE-E. Iranian-Avestan makśī “Fliege” (Ger.) [fly ] Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 85
IE-Bengali machi “fly”n. Thompson 72, 100
IE-Sanskrit cicciTiGga “a kind of venomous insect” [compound of A14a.1 and A14c.1 roots]
Cologne Lexicon. See also Supplementary Table 2 A.14a.1-2
Altaic-Turkic-Uzbek chivin “fly” “insect of the familyMuscidae” “midge” “mosquito”
English-Uzbek Dict.
A.14a.3 IE-Sanskrit śiri “locust” Cologne Lexison
/
Swadesh “louse” C. Chadic- Mandara (Wandala) C. Cushitic-
A.14b.1 tšētša “louse” Xamta
Middle Chinese sjet “louse” Barth 207 ts’ɨts’a n.
Norman 1988a 214 E. Chadic-Migama “fly”
S. Chinese-Kejia ‘asid’ “Laus” (Ger.) Mukarovsky
[Hakka] Skinner 275 176
(MacIver, Meixian) set7 Skinner 276
(Lau Chunfat) sed5
(Hailu, Siyan) sit7 “louse” Hakka Dict.
86
58
Note- A.14b.2 (Chadic) Skinner considers the Chadic names of sucking insects such as lice and leeches to be
derived from a root similar to the Hausa tsots- root stem meaning “suck, kiss”. Skinner 275.
87
59
Note- A.15.1 (TB-Mikir) Beckwith considers phak to be an ancient loanword “from an unknown Indo-
European language.” Beckwith 743. On this hypothesis it is a reflex of the Proto IE *pork- “pig”. However, the
African bak- / bag- / vak- roots of this table are found in two African language superfamilies (AA and NC). The
correspondences are closer to the TB forms than is the proposed Proto-IE form. This supports a hypothesis that
the ST name of this domestic animal is ultimately derived from a language of the African/AA linguistic region.
88
60
Note- A.15.1 (S. Chinese-Min Extended) In Chinese- Min the generic word for “meat” bâq also means
“pork”. This suggests that pigs had become the staple meat source in Southeast China before domestic goats,
sheep or cattle were introduced.
TB-Tibetan, Burmese and Lahu show a contrasting situation. In Tibetan phag-sha “pork” the sha element
means “meat” but requires the phag root to specify it as “pig meat”. Hence the generic word for “meat” is
sha, a Cushitic root for “meat” from various animals, not including pigs, probably the wild and domesticated
yak and buffalo, and later goats or sheep. See A.6c. 1. In A.15.2 Extended Burmese and Lahu the ə- prefix is a
genitive construction with common nouns prefixed to the thing possessed, in this case sa / ša “meat”.
Matisoff 106.
Thus the TB semantics indicate that the domestic animals which were not pigs had become the staple meat
source in Western Sino-Tibetan languages before pigs were introduced.
61 1
Note- A.15.1 (Old Chinese Extended ) “The name of the wild animal ba [wild pig] may be related to the
Tibeto-Burman form *pwak “domesticated pig”. Benedict 1972 #43 14, 23-4, 205, confirmed by Sagart 1999.
1
Note also the Old Chinese A.15.2 Extended *g’iwag “kind of boar” corresponding to the A.15.2 main section TB-
Kuki-Rongmei gəwak “pig” and the W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Gurage awäg-.
89
62
Note- A.15.1 (Sanskrit Extended). The Cologne database also glosses this morpheme as “sporting in the mud”
since pagka in Sanskrit means “mud” and krIda means “sport, amuse oneself”. The comparative tables give
evidence that the pag root means “pig” or “pork” in the two Sino-Tibetan languages cited above plus the
following: TB-Kiranti-Limbu phak “pig” TB- Mikir phakleng “wild pig” TB- Proto-Kiranti *ʔpək “pig”
TB-Tibetan phag-rgod “wild boar” TB-Kiranti-Limbu phaksa “pork”, S. Chinese-Min bâq “meat (especially
pork)” tī -bâq “pork” gū -bâq “beef” (Taiwanese) ti-bâq “pork” ti “pig”. ; phag-sha “pork” Jaschke 339
pag-sha “pork” sha “meat”. Hence “sporting in the mud” seems not to be a correct gloss on the morpheme,
but perhaps is just a folk etymology.
63
Note- A.15.1 (Austro-Thai Extended) Benedict and Matisoff consider this to be a possible loan from Austro-
Thai since the morpheme exists in that language family. Benedict 189. This may well be the case, and, if so, the
above table presents evidence for an African origin of the morpheme in Austro-Thai also with TB being the
indirect heir. This also suggests the existence of an Austro-Thai substratum in SE China and Taiwan which was
also the origin of the A.15.1 (Extended) S. Chinese-Min lexeme bâq “meat (especially pork)”
“Several lines of evidence suggest that the pig was already domesticated by 7000 BC in the Huai River Valley”
(in Anhui province at Jiahu . an early Neolithic site) Liu / Chen 99..
64
Note- A. 16.1 (Chadic) This root is dominant in West and Central Chadic, but occurs only once in East Chadic.
Semantics are quite stable, “fat, oil”. It apparently is not attested in Chinese languages. Nor is it listed as a root in
Tibeto-Burman by Benedict or Matisoff. Jungraithmayr reconstructs it as *mbur / *mààr “oil, fat” and
considers that its reflexes ”undoubtedly stem from Non-Chadic languages.” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 130. The
morphemes listed here are a subset of Chadic variants which are close to the Tibetan form. Hence the Tibetan
morpheme gives evidence of being inherited from a Chadic language. Jungraithmayr includes 77 morphemes
some of which more closely match his proposed *mbur- Chadic proto-root, e.g. W. Chadic-Sura mwɔɔr “oil”
Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 260.
90
65
Note- A.16.1 (Hausa-Extended)
The sound variance between the A. 16.1 (Hausa Extended) mâi “oil, fat” and Proto-Chadic *mar results from
a regular sound change of non-initial *-r to *y / i in Chadic. See Newman, P. 2000 227. Other instances are
reported in notes A.30.1 (Hausa), B.9.1-2, H.22.1-2 ( Chadic) and H.38a.4 (Hausa),
66
Note- A.17.1 (Tibetan) Jaschke and Das report that glāŋ means “bull, bullock, ox” and also “elephant” in
Tibetan. Jaschke 80, Das 425. The Tibetans of their time (early 20th century) distinguished the elephant from
these other animals by also designating it as glaŋ-po-che lit. “big / large bull”.cē “big, large”.
67
Note- A.17.1 (Chadic) làngá is not a widely occurring root in Chadic languages. (Thus for Jungraithmayr a C
root ). The three existing reflexes are listed in this record. It is most likely a loan word into Chadic, perhaps from
Nilo-Saharan. See for example NS-Berta la(a)n “cow, ox” Skinner 223, NS-Nuer yaŋ “cow” Huffman 50..
91
68
Note- A.18a.1-2 (Jingpho, Old Chinese, etymon) The CC-Gude Extended ngwi- “root meaning “buffalo”
and ngu- meaning “bush cow” correspond respectively to the gwi(y) morphemes of this table meaning
“elephant” and the A.21a.3 gu- “root” meaning “cow, ox”. In the above A.18a.2 and the A.21a sets these
roots in some cases have semantics of “male animal “ or “bull”. These as in English refer to both male bovids
and male elephants.
Stolbova and Militarev consider that these and other AA variants of the two tables have a common origin in the
proto-AA root *gaway- which meant both “buffalo” and “elephant”. A.21a.1 Extended Omotic-Kafa (Kaficho)
and Omotic-Anfillo attest *gāho “buffalo” . These in turn match the A.21a.1 Chadic, NS, Khoisan, and NC
kau-, ngáw-, gau, roots meaning “cow, buffalo” “bull”.
Concerning the Proto-Tibetan Extended *m-gwi(y) Benedict observed “This TB root can be reconstructed in
either *-i or *-əy.” Benedict 184. In this respect note the gīwā f. sing. gīwāye pl. variation in Hausa. In the
main section above, only the Proto-AA entry shows semantics of both elephant and a bovd, but both of these
meanings are attested in the African extended sections.
67
Note A.18a.2 (Central Chadic) The A.18a.2 evidence suggests that the palatalized či- / ču- initials of the Central
Chadic forms of these roots have been inherited by Chinese-MSC as “elephant”, whereas the A.18a.1 TB- Jingpho
[Kachin] has inherited the non-palatalized variant Chadic gwi as “elephant” whilethe southern Chinese
languages cited in A.21a.1, A.21a.3 have inherited the non-palatalized form ngau as “ox, cattle, cow, bull”
(Cantonese) or gu (Hakka and Min) “cow, bull, ox”. The non-palatalized g- is older as found in the A.18a.1
Proto-AA *gaw- “buffalo, elephant ”, the A.21a.1 S. Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) ngàuh “ox, cattle, cow, bull” and
the Khoisan |gàuh, |kau “buffalo”. See also Note B.32.1,3 and Chapter 9 section 9.8 below for other contrasts
between north Chinese palatalized and south Chinese non-palatalized initial velars.
92
The final *-n has been lost in three of the A.18a.1 Chadic languages including Hausa, and these are
closest to TB Jingpho [Kachin] and Old Chinese. (A.18a.1-2) The final –ŋ / -n has been retained in the
following A.18b Chadic languages, as well as in Tibetan (A.18b.1) and Cantonese (A.18b.2). Thus
these latter give evidence of having inherited and retained the more conservative form of the root.
A.18b.1 TB-Tibetan Proto-Chadic *giwan
gi-waŋ / giuwaŋ “elephant” Newman, P. 2000 230
“a yellow pigment, *gyəwan “elephant”
an antihelminthic medicine, Ehret 2002 80
the best quality of gi-waŋ C. Chadic- Lamang
is that which is obtained giwan / giiwàŋ “elephant”
from an elephant” Jungraithmayr 1994 v. 2 125
“name of a concretion C. Chadic-Hwona
which an elephant has on čɨwānà “elephant ”
its neck” Jaschke 68 Stolbova, Olga Central Chadic
70
Das 1056 Etymology 2006
A.18b.2 E. Chadic- Kabalai Proto- Afro-Asiatic
S. Chinese-Min jùnə “elephant ” *�áHun- “elephant”
chhiuN7 “elephant” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 125 C. Cushitic-Proto-Agaw
Hakka Dict. Proto-Chadic *�áHun- “elephant”
y
*g wn “elephant” Militarev / Stolbova
Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 58 71 AA Etymology 2007
A.18b.3 S. Chinese-Yuè C. Chadic-Fali-Muchella Proto-Afro-Asiatic
(Cantonese) �unu (Orel / Stolbova 1995)
jeuhng “elephant” *jeHun-
“an elephant” Kwan 158 E. Chadic-Kabalai “elephant”
Chik / Ng Lam 431 �uno “elephant” Skinner 295
S. Chinese-Kejia (Hakka) Militarev / Stolbova W. Semitic-Ethiopian-
siong5 “elephant” C. Chadic-Tera j Amharic zəhon
Hakka Dict. juwàn “elephant ” “elephant”
Jungraithmayr 1994 v. 2 124 Leslau 1976 178
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
A.18b.3 S. Chinese-Min chhiuN7 “elephant”
< Proto-Chadic *gywn “elephant” / A.18b.4
S. Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) jeuhng “an elephant”
< W. Chadic- N. Bauci- Miya yəwun “elephant” / E. Chadic- Kabalai jùnə “elephant ”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *gywun ~ *jəwun “elephant ”
Extended African/AA language word family:
A.18b.1
W. Chadic- Bade/Ngizim Group- Duwai giiwən “elephant ” Newman, P. 1977 #43 25
C. Chadic-Fali-Kiria čùwùnù “elephant”
Stolbova, Olga Central Chadic Etymology 2006
C. Chadic-Dghwede gwínè “elephant ” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 125
70
Note- A.18.b.1 (Tibetan) This, the most widely occurring root for ‘elephant” in Chadic languages, appears in
Tibetan only as a medicine extracted from an elephant gland. Its close correspondence to the Proto-Chadic
*giwan, however, indicates that the original meaning is “elephant”.
71
Note- A.18b.3 (Chadic) Jungraithmayr includes all the Chadic variants in A.18a.1-2 as reflexes of a proposed
y
Chadic proto-root *g wn, his A root. Newman (A.18b.1) includes the main vowel a in the second radical of
the proto-root so that his Proto-Chadic form includes the vowel correspondence also. The Jungraithmayr form
more exactly corresponds to the A.18b.2-3 PAA variants, but Tibetan gives evidence of being a reflex of the
A.18b.1 Proto-Chadic form.
94
A.18b.2
Proto-Berber gi(w)- “elephant” Berber Etymology Militarev/, A. 2006
W. Chadic- S. Bauci- Boghom yuwan / ywa:n “elephant ” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 124
W. Chadic- Bole/Tangale-Karekare ʔuwan “elephant ” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 124
W. Chadic-N. Bauci- Siri yòòwaní / yawani “elephant ” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 124
A.18b.3
C. Chadic-Fali-Gilli *�uʔwuni “elephant” Militarev / Stolbova
NC-Benue-Congo-Bamileke jin “elephant” Williamson / Shimizu #34 v.1 136
NS- Daza kuwun “elephant” Greenberg 1966 138
Old Nilo-Saharan *kowon “elephant” Ehret 2002 80
NS- Teda kuhun “elephant” Greenberg 1966 138
W. Chadic-Gera junguma “leopard” Skinner 295.
W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Diri, Pa’a juŋgwa “hippopotamus” Militarev / Stolbova
W. Chadic-Ngizim jàunàk “elephant” Schuh 83 Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 124
W. Chadic- N. Bauci- Miya yəwun “elephant ” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 124
Proto-Cushitic (Dolgopolski) *j-nkw-r “elephant” Skinner 295
W. Chadic- Bole/Tangale-Bole jauno’ = (yauno) “elephant” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 124
C. Chadic- Matakam, Mafa jəŋgwaya “leopard” Skinner 295 See note A.19b.1 for the etymology of
this root which means both “elephant and “leopard”. This association is also attested in A.19a.2.
/
The following A.19a-c group of related word families is structured like the others in the study. It
employs phonetic matching at the first level of comparison, then groups the results by semantic
similarity. But it differs from the others in that the semantics of all three groups of phonetically similar
morphemes refer to wild felines or elephants. Etymological research revealed a semantic unity based on
a characteristic common to these and other animals. So the proximate proto-forms designate the similar
names of the different animals, and these are seen to be derived from the same ultimate root which
denotes “animals which make loud noises”. See Subtable A.19c below. It integrates the ST and AA/
African homonyms meaning “make loud noises”, “raise the voice in anger” into a unified semantic /
phonetic field with their cognates designating the animals themselves.
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
A.19a-b AA– Chadic AA – AA-Sem. NS NC
Cush.
A.19a.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-N. Bauci-
gzig “the yellow leopard Tsagu
Das 1104 “leopard” zəgən “leopard”
Jaschke 49372 Skinner 295
72
Note- A.19a.1 (Tibetan)
The word for the extant feline in Tibet is traditionally glossed as “snow lion” or “snow leopard” in English. The
A.19a.1 Tibetan word gzig / sig refer to a leopard which still lives in the high valleys of the Himalayas. Fuller
information has been presented on the Internet at www.//snowleopard.org. and www.defenders.org. The snow lion
“myth” is very important in Tibetan culture and figures in much pageantry and dancing. Note that the A.19a.1-2
Chadic root *š’gɮ and W. Chadic- N.Bauci- Tsagu morpheme zəgən attest the presence of both meanings “lion”
and “leopard” in W. Chadic.
The Asian feline species called “lion” in English is a sub-species of the more common African lion. It is
scientifically designated as Panthera leo persica, and was in modern times still extant across the Middle East into
Northwestern India (where it survives in a park of Gujarat state). Hence it would have been known continuously
to pre-historic migrants on an itinerary from the Middle East/Africa to Tibet and north India. In Tibetan the A.19b.1
designation for the lion senge is also a name for the Indus river, i.e. senge kabeb “Indus River” lit. “lion River”
Goldstein 1126. This suggests an awareness of the presence of lions in the Indus River region by Tibetan speakers
at some earlier period of Tibetan history since lions are no longer extant in the region of the Indus close to Tibet.
95
TB-Proto-Lolo-Burmese
*zik “leopard”
Matisoff 2003 28
A.19a.2 TB-Chin-Lushai W. Chadic-Hausa W. Semitic- NC-
sakei “tiger” zākìi “lion” Ethiopian- Fulfulde
Matisoff 2003 102, 111 Skinner 295 Gurage [Fulani]
note 66 73 W. Chadic–Ngizim žägwara njagáwu
TB-Chin-Lakher jágádláu “lion” “leopard” “lion”
tśəkei “tiger” Schuh 83 / žãgwar pl. njāgaji
Benedict 116 Ehret 1995 #565 29774 “elephant” Taylor 94
Matisoff 2003 510 àjàgúm “hippopotamus” Skinner 295
[Disyllabic corresp.] Schuh 7, 204
TB-Written Burmese Chadic root-
sac “leopard” W. Chadic, C. Chadic
khye-sac “leopard cat” (Jungraithmayr)
Matisoff 2003 *š’gɮ “lion”
28, 344, 510 Ehret 1995 #565 297
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
A.19a.1 Proto-TB zik “leopard”
< W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Tsagu zəgən “leopard”
A.19a.2 TB-Chin-Lushai sakei “tiger”
< W. Chadic- Hausa zākìi “lion” / W. Semitic-Ethiopian- Gurage žägwara “leopard”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etyma:
Proximate proto-forms *zik- “lion, leopard” / *zāk- “lion, leopard” “elephant” “animals which
make loud noises”;
Ultimate proto-form: t’s̟aak “shout” “roar”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
A.19a.1
TB-Tibetan sigdruù “leopard cub” ; sigdzaŋ “leopard’s den” Goldstein 968
TB-Tani-Miri si-ke “species of civet” [cat] Benedict 116 Matisoff 2003 510
TB-Kiranti-Limbu sigebā “lion” Starostin. S. Kiranti Etymology
S. Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) sì / sìjí “lion” Kwan 274 Chik / Ng Lam 296
TB-Proto-Kiranti *sik’-ba “tiger, leopard” Starostin. S. Kiranti Etymology
73
Note A.19a.2 (TB-Chin-Lushai) The disyllabic correspondence between Lushai and Hausa indicates that the
sa- syllable of the Lushai morpheme is not a prefix but that the whole morpheme has been inherited from the
Hausa form. See example of sa- as prefix to animal names in Notes A.1a.1, A.9a.1 and the summary in
Chapter 10 section 10.3.3.
74
Note- A.19a.1-2 (TB, Chadic) Under the same Hausa entry zakii “lion” Skinner includes as AA cognates
various closely similar roots which denote the elephant or hyena. He does not speculate on the reason African AA
speakers designated different animals with the same root. These widespread homonyms, however, suggest
African etymologies for them similar to their names but different in meaning. The common characteristic of these
animals is the loud noises they make. This underlying meaning was signaled by Ehret when he posited the W.
Chadic, C. Chadic proto-form *š’gɮ “lion” to be a reflex of an Afro-Asiatic protoroot *ceyg- or Proto-Omotic
*c’ayg- ”to shout”.
On this basis Ehret also includes the A.19a.2 W. Chadic-Ngizim (Extended) jagadlu “lion” as a reflex of the
Proto-AA root, and he considers “lion” to be etymologically “the roarer”. Ehret 1995 #565 297.
Similar roots meaning “lion” “elephant” “hippopotamus” and “hyena” are found in the A.19a.2 and A.19b.1-2
close and extended correspondences. These have been compiled in Subtable A.19c below.
96
76
Note- A.19b.1 (Sanskrit Extended) For Sanskrit Witzel reconstructs this root as: *sengha / singha > sing˄ha
> sinjha > simha based on an Indo-Iranian root which is “a very old loan from a Central Asian substrate”. This
substrate has influenced several of the surrounding language areas, e.g. Tibetan seŋ-ge and Old Chinese
*suan- ŋei” Witzel 1999b 56. On an Afican/AA substratum in Sanskrit see Chapter 8 Section 8.1 and
Supplementary Table 2 A.19b.1.
98
Subtable A.19c
Names of animals corresponding to words meaning “make loud noises” “raise one’s voice in anger”
Sino-Tibetan roots < African language correspondences
A.19c Sino- Sino-Tibetan African language African language
Tibetan names of correspondences correspondences to the correspondences
animals which meaning “make name of the animal in meaning “make loud noises”
make loud noises loud noises” col. 1
A.19c.1 Chinese-S. Min W. Chadic-Gera NS-Songhay
S. Chinese-Kejia ziong junguma “leopard” kòsòŋgù
(Hakka) “to shout, make W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Diri “parler en elevant la voix, avec
siong5 noise” C. Chadic- Matakam, violence, faire du bruit”
“elephant” chàngsùng Mafa jəŋgwaya [speak raising the voice, with
S. Chinese-Yue “chant” “leopard” violence, make noise]
(Cantonese) C. Chadic-Fali- kòsòŋgi “bruit” [noise]
jeuhng Muchella
“an elephant” �unu “elephant”
E. Chadic-Kabalai
�uno “elephant”
juŋgwa
“hippopotamus”
A.19c.2 Chinese-MSC NC-Benue-Congo-Ndoro NS-Kanuri
TB-Burmese shēngxiǎŋ a-sangama sanngin “call to prayer”
tsaŋ / “sound, noise” “elephant” “call out the prayer”
tshaŋ xiǎŋ “sound, noise” NC-Benue-Congo-Ndoro samma “call”
“elephant” “noisy, loud” sɨəngama “elephant” sammaح
N. Chinese-MSC xiǎŋbi (of a horse “to make hear, cause to hear”
syaŋ / mule etc.) “snort”
xiǎŋ chàng (of cock)”
“elephant Chinese-S. Min
Old Chunese sang1 “sound,
dziaŋ “elephant” voice, noise” Hakka
Dict.. chàn gwai
“to rebuke, to scold”
chàngsùng
“chant”
A.19c.3 S. Chinese-Yuè A.19a.1 NS-Kanuri
TB-Tibetan (Cantonese) W. Chadic-N. Bauci- cingin /
gzig chìk hot Tsagu cigékin
“the yellow “to shout or bawl zəgən “attack verbally, speak
leopard” angrily” “leopard” harshly to”
Das 1104 jìk “to scold,
“leopard” to revile” C. Cushitic-Awiya
sigdruù “to reproach” [Awngi]
“leopard cub” TB-Tibetan ziɣoni “elephant”
TB-Proto-Lolo- rdsig-rdsig /
Burmese rdzig-rdzig
*zik “leopard” “to address one
harshly”
tshig-pa zaba
“to be angry”
99
A.19c.4
Proto-Altaic *sagè “to cry, shout” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
Altaic-ProtoTungus-Manchu *sag- “to cry, shout” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
A.19c.5 South Daic-Lao dtua1 si:ng4 n. “lion” Marcus 124
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
A.20a-b AA – Chadic AA –Cush. AA-Sem. NS NC
A.20a.1 C. Chadic- Proto-Semitic
Proto-Kiranti Hitkala būbu *bur
*bhu “snake, worm” “Schlange” [Ger.] “kind of insect”
Starostin, S. [snake] Militarev, A.
Kiranti Etymology Skinner 149 Semitic
Proto-Tibeto- C. Chadic- Gava Etymology
Burman buba “snake” 2006
*buw = *bəw Skinner 149
“insect, snake” W. Chadic-Gera
Benedict bur-si “mosquito”
# 27 19, 22 Militarev /
TB-Tibetan Stolbova
bu “insect, bug” W. Chadic- Hausa
Goldstein 762 77 (Hadejia dial.)
TB-Magari bùurà kâi
bul “snake” “the termite
Starostin, S. ST zago” Matsushita
Etymology 1993 202
A.20a.2 W. Chadic- Hausa E. C.
TB-Tibetan kùbūbuwàa Cushitic- Khoisan-
h̟buu / ‘buu “viper” Afar Naro
“worm, insect, Newman, P. gùbun ǀkaūba
any small vermin” 2007 116 “very “snake”
Das 919 Skinner 149 poisonous Ruhlen
Jaschke 393 snake” 1994 63
Benedict 19, 123 Parker /
Norman 1988a Hayward
Table 1.2 13 116
Skinner
149
A.20a.3 E. Chadic- Masa E. NC-
TB-Mirish-Bengni Group- Lame Cushitic- Fulfulde
bɯr-ta budor Sidamo [Fulani]
“snake” “snake” būte mburu-tu
Matisoff 2003 417 Skinner 21 “viper” “guinea
[Disyllabic corresp.] Skinner 21 worm”
Taylor 22
77
Note A.20a.1-2 (Tibetan) The contrast between sets A.20a.1 and A.20a. 2 is based on the presence or absence
of an initial. velar or glottal stop. This occurs in both nouns and verbs in Chadic, Nilo-Saharan, Khoisan and
Tibeto-Burman languages. Note that Hausa shows the root with and without the initial velar. The disappearing
initial k- phenomenon has been identified in several contexts . See further discussion in Notes B.3d.1-2,
B.11a.2-3, B.14c1-2, B.21.1-2, C.34.1-3, 5-7 and Chapter 10 section 10.3.2.3-4.
101
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
A.21a-c AA – Chadic AA- AA- NS NC, Khoisan
Cush. Egyptian
A.21a.1 C. Chadic- Glavda N. Khoisan-!Kung
TB-N. Naga-Chang káwa “bull” |gàuh,
ŋʌ̂u “cattle” káwà “buffalo (male)” |kau /
Matisoff 2003 166 Rapp / Benzing 51 N. Khoisan--Hukwe
S. Chinese-Yuè W. Chadic- Bole / |gau
(Cantonese) Tangale-Kirfi C. Khoisan-Nama,
ngàuh “ox, cattle, kaunong / kaunu Korana
cow, bull” “buffalo” |gao “buffalo”
Chik / Ng Lam Jungraithmayr 1994 Greenberg 1966
29178 v.2 50 #18 76
A.21a.2 E. Chadic-Kabalai NC--Benue-Congo-
TB- Nung gwàbènè Ikulu
ŋwa ~ ŋa ~ nwa “buffalo” kuwah
“cattle” Jungraithmayr “buffalo”
Benedict 50 1994 v.2 50 Williamson/ Shimizu
v.1 49
A.21a.3 C. Chadic- Egyptian NC-Benue-Congo-
S. Chinese-Kejia ‘gusaŋ gu Amo
[Hakka] “taureau” [bull] “a kind ku-káwi
ku3 / gǔ3 Barreteau 446 of C. Khoisan-Khoekhoe-
“cow, bull, ox” cattle” Gowab
Hakka Dict. Budge ‖goo “bull”
v.2 805 Blench 2007 6
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
A.21a.1 Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) ngàuh “ox, cattle, cow, bull”
< C. Chadic- Glavda káwa “bull”, káwà “buffalo (male)” / N. Khoisan-!Kung |gàuh,
78
Note- A.21a.1 (TB-Naga-Chang, S.Chinese–Yue) In China there are two species of cattle, humpless taurine
(Bos Taurus) and humped zebu (Bos indicus), considered to have been domesticated independently. Modern
Chinese cattle have been divided into three groups distributed geographically in the north, central and southern
regions. “Phylogenetic analysis suggests that the southern breeds are dominated by zebu mtDNA,whereas the
northern breeds are dominated by taurine mtDNA.” The central groups are hybrids of the two. “These data
strongly suggest that cattle were introduced to China from the north and south through different routes”.
(Liu / Chen 106). Taurine cattle were domesticated in the Near East around the 8th millenium BCE ; this indicates
that the northern taurine cattle were brought to China after this time. They could have entered northwest China
from a north central route which crossed Afghanistan, forked north along the western Himalayas, then across the
southern edge of the Taklamakan desert into northwest China. The human populations who lived in this area
possessed West Asian/African genes. See Li, Chunxiang 2010, Di Cristofaro, J. 2013 and Zhong 2011. See also
Note- A.21b.2 (Old Chinese) following and Chapter 9 Section 9.4.1.2
All indigenous buffalo remains in China have been identified as the zebu type, hence identical to the type in
Southeast Asia/and NE India, so the south Chinese bovid populations are unlikely to be derived from the
northern taurine wild buffalo in China which has the different DNA. (Liu / Chen 109-110). The common root
found in Sanskrit, TB-Naga (on the border of NE- India and NW-Myanmar) and S. Chinese (Yue) suggests a
cultural contact between NE India and Yunnan province in S. China. “The buffalo images in the Cangyuan rock
art, Yunnan (first through fifth centuries CE) have been interpreted as buffalo, configured in both hunted (i.e.
wild) and domesticated forms )”. These suggest that Yunnan may have been part of a distribution area of the wild
ancestor, ǀkau “buffalo” See also Chapter 6 section 6.2.2.2 and Chapter 9 Sections 9.6 and 9.7.
104
A.21a.3 S. Chinese-Min gú “ox, cow” / S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] ku3 / gǔ3 “cow, bull, ox”
< NC-Benue-Congo-Amo ku-káwi “buffalo”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: * |gàuh ~ gú “buffalo” “cow, bull”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
A.21a.1
S. Chinese-(Yue) seuingau “buffalo” Kwan 51 seui “water”
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] ŋā “cattle” Matisoff 2003 167
Sino-Tibetan root ŋwV “cow, ox” “widely attested in ST” “also in Daic and Austrasiatic”
Blench 2009a 5
A.21a.2
TB- Written Burmese nwâ “cattle” Benedict 50 Matisoff 2003 167
TB-Trung-Dulong nuŋ-ŋwà “yellow buffalo” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
Proto-TB *ŋwà “horned cattle” Sagart 194
A.21a.3 N. Chinese-MSC
gǔ “bull” “male” Wu, J. 243
kǔ “a bull” “a male” Mathews #3457 514
S. Chinese-Min gú “ox, cow” cuî-gú “buffalo, water buffalo” cuî “water”
Bodman 1987 v.2 76, 135
See also D.4c.2 (N. Chinese-MSC)
Extended African/AA language word family:
A.21a.1
NC-Benue-Congo-Gure kawi “buffalo” Williamson / Shimizu v.1 49
Omotic-Anfillo (Southern Mao) gāhō “buffalo” Militarev, A. Omotic Etymology 2005
Omotic-Kafa gāho “buffalo” Militarev, A. Omotic Etymology 2005
C. Khoisan-Khoe-Kwe kx’áò “bull” Blench 2007 6
C. Chadic-Gava kawa “bull” Stolbova, Olga C.Chadic Etymology
Proto-S. Cushitic *ʔaw- “bull” Militarev, A. 2005
Proto-E. Cushitic *ʔawr- “bull” Ehret 1995 #1005 476
Proto-S. Cushitic *cawr- “bull” Militarev, A. S.Cushitic Etymology
W. Chadic-Bole/Tangale-Kubii kabba “buffalo” Jungraithmayr 1994 v. 2 50
Proto-AA *yaw- / *yawr- “bull (2d shape:stem + *r noun suffix)” Ehret 1995 #1005 476
NS-Songhay (Dendi) hàẃ “boeuf” [ox, steer] Zima 106
C. Khoisan-Hiechware |hao “buffalo” Greenberg 1966 76
Proto-Cushitic *yaw- / *ʔaw- “bull” Ehret 1995 #1005 476
W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic awra bare “bull, young bull” Leslau 1976 143, 287
NC-Benue-Congo--Benue-Cogo-Kuturmi kawa “buffalo” Williamson/Shimizu v.1 49
Omotic-S. Ometo-Zayse-Zergula galó “cow” Blench 1999b 58
W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Warji kavna “buffalo” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 50
A.21a.2
NC-Benue-Congo-Kadara e-kwa “buffalo” Williamson/Shimizu v.1 49
Proto-TB *ŋwa “cattle” Benedict #215 204 Matisoff 2003 167, 176
W. Chadic-Mburku ɣérwá “cow” Blench 1999b 58
A.21a.3
NC-Fulfulde [Fulani] kūri “a cow with long horns and a small hump” Taylor 115
NC-Benue-Congo-Ijo ɔ-kʊ́ “buffalo” Williamson / Shimizu v.1 49
Egyptian khu “cattle for sacrifice” Budge v.1 537
gw “bull” Militarev, A. Egypyian Etymology 2005
C. Khoisan-Proto-Khoekhoe/Proto-Non-Khoekhoe
*kxo “meat” Starostin, G. 2003 24
Egyptian-Coptic ʔgoĺ “calf” Blench 1999b 58
NS-E. Sudanic-Nubian-Nobin goŕ “calf” Blench 1999b 58
105
79
Note- A.21b.2 (Old Chinese) Benedict and Matisoff comment that “Chinese ni̭ŭg > ŋi̭ə̭u is distinct from this
series.” [i.e. the set of TB lexemes from which the Proto-Tibeto-Burman A.21a.2 ŋwa ’cattle’ is constructed].
Benedict/ Matisfoff note 164 50. The evidence from A.21a.2 and this table supports Benedict’s statement since
the A.21.a-b word families point to different African origins for the two Old Chinese ŋwa and ni̭ŭg roots,
plausibly an A.21b.2 Nilo-Saharan-Maba Group source for ni̭ ŭg and a Chadic or NC one for ŋwa (e.g. A.21a.2
E. Chadic-Kabalai gwàbènè “buffalo” or NC-Benue-Congo-Kadara e-kwa “buffalo”).
w
Sagart considers the Old Chinese form to be *ŋg u Bos [bovid] and the modern niu form to be derived
w
from this by a process *ŋg u > ŋgjuw > niu.
w
Both ŋʌ̂u and ŋg u appear to predate the domestication of bovids in Africa since *ŋʌ̂u primarily means
“buffalo” in the A.21a African cognates and A.21b niu(g) primarily means “meat” or “slaughtered game” in
the African NS forms. See also Chapter 9 Section 9.7.
106
A.21c.2
S. Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) naahm “tender beef” Chik / Ng Lam 376
N. Chinese-MSC niúnân “sirloin, tenderloin” Wu, J. 500 niú “ox”
TB-Tibetan nagmo “tender (meat)” Goldstein 634
Extended African/AA language word family:
A.21c.1
NC-Adamawa-Eastern-Bua nya “cow” Greenberg 1966 16
NC-Benue-Congo-Proto-Plateau *niam- “animal” Skinner 207
NC-Benue-Congo-Proto-Bantu *nyama “animal” Williamson / Shimizu 2, 34
NC-Adamawa-Eastern-Mambila nyama “animal, meat” Greenberg 13
A21c.2
W. Chadic- Angas nâm “meat, flesh” Foulkes 47, 251 Skinner 207
W. Chadic- Hausa nāmàa “meat, flesh, wild animal” Skinner 20780
NC-Adamawa-Eastern-Degha nama “animal, meat” Greenberg 1966 13
NC-Benue-Congo-Proto-Plateau *-nam “meat” Skinner 207
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
A.21c.2 South Daic-Lao na:m5 ma:n3 keuang2 n. “oil” Marcus 150, nam5 man3 mu4 “lard
(pig)” Marcus 119 nam5 man3 “fat (pig or animal)” Marcus 79 South Daic-Lao man3 “oil”
(A.16.1)
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
A.22 Afro-Asiatic – Chadic AA– AA- NS NC
Cush. Sem.
A.22.1 N. Chinese-MSC C. Chadic- Mada dudu gizuwe
zhīzhū n. “spider” “spider” Skinner 86
Wu, J. 897 Wang, F. 601 W. Chadic–Hausa gízògizò “spider”
S. Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) Newman, P. 2007 75 Skinner 86
jìjyū “spider (insect)” W. Chadic-Gwandara (Toni)
81
Kwan 497 ògɨzògɨzò “spider”
[Disyllabic corresp.] Matsushita 1974 #335 84
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
A.22.1
N. Chinese-MSC zhīzhū “spider”
< C. Chadic- Mada dudu gizuwe “spider” / W. Chadic – Hausa gízògizò “spider”
Approximate Sinitic etymon: *gizu- “spider”
80
Note- A.21c.2 (Chadic-Hausa Extended) nāmàa “meat” is an early borrowing from “unidentified Niger-
Congo languages.” Newman, P. 2000 316.
81
Note- A.22.1 (MSC, Cantonese) The -zhū morpheme is a bound form in MSC. DeFrancis 1290. This and the
Cantonese jìjyu give evidence that the original term in Chinese was disyllabic and inherited as such from the
disyllabic Chadic form. In MSC there are other disyllabic words containing the zhū “spider”
bound morpheme, e.g. zhūsi “silk” and zhūwang “spider web, cobweb” formed with the independent
morphemes sī “silk” and wang “web”. DeFrancis 1309 . However these are probably reduced forms of the
trisyllabic compounded morphemes zhīzhūsi “silk” and zhīzhūwang “spider web, cobweb”. In Cantonese the
spoken word for “spider web” is the similar compound jìjyumohng, which retains the disyllabic form jìjyu.
Kwan 497
Entry of the single syllable zhū in character-based dictionaries is probably the result of the monosyllabic
structure of Mandarin Chinese imposed by a character-based script. Although the word is written as two
characters (representing syllables), when used in the spoken language they usually do not occur separately and zhū
is always in second position. “Zhizhu ‘spider’ is a disyllable that must be viewed as unanalyzable”. Norman
1988b 289. See also Note D.21a.1and Chapter 10 section 10.1.2.
108
82
Note- A.22.1 (Chadic- Gwandara Extended) In addition to the Gwandara dialects cited above the other variant
forms are: Koro dialect ògúgúzo “spider” Gitata dialect əgúzo “spider”
C. Chadic–Mafa žigula “god, sky” shows palatalization of the initial as in Chinese, though the meaning follows
the ”sky, god” semantics.
83
Note- A.22.1 (Chadic-Hausa Extended) The spider is personified in West and Central African folktales as
Gizo, a preternatural hero and generally benign but playful figure who can change his appearance and play tricks.
He is also identified with the sky and a divine presence there. See Skinner 86 for a list of additional Chadic and
Cushitic cognates meaning “spider, “sky” or “god”.
109
84
Note- A.24.1 E. Chadic-Migama (Extended) b’argu Skinner identified this word meaning “roan antelope”
as cognate to phonetically similar words meaning “buffalo” Skinner x, 17. .
110
The roan antelope (Hippotragus equinus) has some external physical similarity to the African Cape buffalo,
which in turn is closely similar to the Asian buffalo. The roan antelope belongs to the same genus “Bovidae” as
the buffalo and domestic cattle. “Bovid” designates any hoofed animal in the family “Bovidae” of the order
Artiodactyla and includes antelopes, bison, buffalo, cattle, sheep, and goats. However the roan antelope shares
physical characteristics of both Equids (horse family) and Bovids. (cattle, antelope family). Equid characteristics
are its horse-like face, donkey-like ears and erect mane. The head and muzzle also resemble those of horses;
hence the scientitific name (Hippotragus equinus) incorrectly suggesting an equid. The kor- root means “equid
antelope” in E. Cushitic- Oromo qorqê (A.9a.1 Extended ) and refers to the roan antelope in Nilo-Saharan-
Kanuri koro ngasai A.9a.1 (Extended) above although it belongs to the Bovid family. “Roan antelope” is also
glossed in French as “antilope cheval” [lit. horse antelope] in A.9b.1 dèwki E. Chadic- Dangaleat (=Dangla)
(Chadic Extended).
The roan is the second largest antelope with a body about the same size as that of buffalos. As compared to most
antelopes the roan is behaviorally more similar to both the African and wild Asian buffalo in that it does not flee
when attacked, but fiercely defends its territory and has been known to kill even lions with its long sharp slashing
horns. See also note A.8.1 (Hausa) on the hartebeest.
85
Note- A.25.1-2 (Chinese, AA) The camel was probably known quite early in China, as it is native to Asia in the
area north and northwest of China. The root also appears in several Altaic languages as noted in the following
A.25.2 Asian non-ST language citations.
The humped animals native to the Sino-Tibetan linguistic area are the yak (Bos gruniens) and the gaur (Bos
gaurus). The yak is humped at the shoulder whereas the gaur has a longer ridged hump on its back along its
spinal column. See note A.21a.1 above.
In Buduma, Hausa, Burji, Somali, Oromo, and Harari the root simply means: “hump of animal”, or “hill, hunch,
hunch-backed”. The term does not mean “camel” as such in any of the African/AA correspondences. It refers
directly to the camel’s hump or neck when applied to camels. Hence the tou- / to- / tul- root as used to denote
humped animals appears to be secondary to an original meaning of “mound, hill, heap” which was then applied to
humans or animals with hunched backs, and ultimately camels.
Humped zebu cattle have been considered to have been introduced into Africa from India in the 4th century CE.
Camps 575. However Blench notes that the cattle which appear on the rock paintings of the Sahara (from the 5th
111
millennium BCE) “show cattle with some sort of a hump”. This has led to speculation that “humpedness” evolved
separately in the Sahara and in India. “Present day humped breeds almost certainly combine genetic material from
the indigenous breeds and the incoming zebu”. Blench 1999 49. The data can imply either that “humpedness”
emerged in genetically African cattle before the 4th century BCE or that zebu cattle were introduced into Africa as
early as the 5th millenium BCE.
86
Note- A.25.2 (Chinese-Yue, Wu, Hausa) The Chinese variants correspond to a vowel shift basic upon a regular
*ū > o sound change in Chadic. Initial syllable long ū lowers to the corresponding long mid-vowel ō followed
in the next syllable by a mid-vowel . Newman, P. 2000 235-236 See also Note- A.1b.2 (Hausa) above.
112
87
Note-A.26.1 (Tibetan) The two meanings of this root in Tibetan and Songhay reflect a common African
metaphor. Many African languages have words with these dual semantics of “testicle, egg”.
See Skinner x, 178, 272. This association does not exist in English, but it is well-known to speakers of Spanish.
113
A.27.3 W. Chadic- W.
TB-Tibetan Hausa Semitic-
gchi-ba / kāshī “feces” Ethiopian-
gtshid-pa “excrement” Ge’ez
“urinate ” 88 Newman, P. kācse
Jaschke 143-144 2007 110 “feces”
Newman, R. Skinner
1990 87, 94 139
A.27.4 TB-Tibetan E. Cushitic-Gedeo
gtshin “urine” shi’na “urine”
Jaschke 144 Hudson
Benedict 30 161, 260
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
A. 27.2 N. Chinese-MSC shi “excrement, faeces, dung”
< W. Chadic-Ron shishí “faeces” / Proto-N. Omotic *ši “dung”
A.27.4 TB-Tibetan gchi-ba / gtshid-pa “urinate”
< W. Chadic- Hausa kāshī “excrement”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon: *ci- “excrement, faeces, dung”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
A.27.1
S. Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) sí “excrement” Chik /Ng Lam 113
N. Chinese-MSC shî “excrement, faeces, dung” Wu, J. 623 “ordure, dung (in comb.)”
Mathews #5784 807
TB-Tibetan gci-wa “to discharge urine” Das 386
C. Chinese-Wu sɿ1 “excrement, dung” Hakka Dict
A.27.2
TB-C. Loloish-Lahu jɨ̂ “excrement” Matisoff 2003189
Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] si3 / shi3 “excrement, dung” Hakka Dict.
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *ts(y)I “urine” / *ts(y)i = *tshi “urinate” Benedict # 77 30, 208
A.27.3
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] tší ~ dźí “urinate” Matisoff 2003 187, 454
TB-Written Burmese chɨ̂ “urine” Matisoff 2003 187.
Extended African /AA language word family:
A.27.1
NS-Bulala isi “excrement” Greenberg 120
W. Chadic- Ron (Bokkos) shishí “feces” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 128-129
C. Chadic-Gude šid’a “contents of intestine” Skinner 140
NS-Bongo iši “excrement” Greenberg 1966 120
Khoisan-Hadza hiciya “excrements” Greenberg 1966 77
W. Chadic-Bauci group- Geji ʔìšì “feces” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 128-129
C. Chadic-Zime Batna ši “dirt” Militarev / Stolbova
E. Cushitic- Sidamo ç’ilo “human excrement” Gasparini 58
A.27.2
W. Chadic-Bole-Tangale Group- Karekare ishe “excrement” Newman, P. 1977 25
N. Bauci group- Kariya tsípír “urine” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 334
E. Chadic- Jegu shilwu “defecate” ish “feces” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 129
W. Chadic- Karekare išè “feces” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 128
88
Note-A.27.3 (TB-Tibetan) On TB initial g- see Note- A.7b.1-2, sets A.20a.1-2, H.24e.1.and Chapter 10 Section
10.3.2.3-4
116
90
Note- A.30.1 (Hausa) A shift from the Chadic -ar / -al finals to -i / -ai finals as in C. Chadic-Wamdiu is
typical . Newman, P. 2000 227. The same shift appears to occur between North and Central Khoisan. For Hausa
see notes A.16.1 Chadic-Hausa Extended, B.9.1-2 and H.22.1-2 (Chadic.).
91
Note- A.31.1-2 (Tibetan) On the *s- prefix “for animals” See notes A.1a.1, A.9a.1 above and summary in
Chapter 10 section 10.3.3.
120
92
Note- A.32.2 (Chadic) Jungraithmayr classifies this as a D root *drm ”horn”. Chadic D grade roots are often
borrowings from outside AA. The form is found only in Central Chadic (Mandara) which has borrowed heavily
from other language families. The evdence of this table shows wider attestation in Chadic of a *drú ~ *də́r-
Chadic-proto-form
The final -m is not attested in the Chadic forms attested above which match the closest TB attestations in other
respects. On the other hand, a nasal final –ŋ is present throughout TB as shown in the Extended section and in
Matisoff’s selection of the Proto-TB root as *ruŋ “horn, corner”. This suggests that the TB variants with final -n
121
A.32.3 C. Chadic-Glavda
TB-Nung də́rawà
dəri “horn” “Horn”
Benedict 115 93 Rapp / Benzing 29
TB-Tibetan Jungraithmayr 1994
ga-dor / v.2 193
gwa-dor also go-dor C. Chadic- Muktele
“the tender growth of fresh horn in diráù “horn”
the three animals, rhinoceros, stag, Jungraithmayr 1994
and antelope” v.2 193
Das 204 C. Chadic-Mofu-Gudur
rudur dəram
“horn (of an animal)” “horn”
Goldstein 1043 Stolbova, Olga
C. Chadic Etymology 2006
Base correspondences for positingetyma:
A.32.1
TB-Tibetan ru “horn”
< C. Chadic- Ngweshe drú “horn”
A. 32.3 TB-Tibetan ru-dur / ga-dor “horn” “fresh horn”
< C. Chadic- Glavda də́rawà “horn”
Approximate Tibetan etymon: *drú ~ *də́r- “horn (of animal)”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
A.32.1
TB-Tibetan ruleb “flat horn” Goldstein 1043 leb “flat” ru’dál “a single horn”
Jaschke 275
TB- Kanauri rud “horn” Benedict 113
TB-Kiranti-Vayu, Bahing ruŋ “horn, corner” Matisoff 2003 145
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] ruŋ ~ ǹ-rǔŋ “horn” Matisoff 2003 145
TB-Lepcha ăróŋ “horn, corner” Matisoff 2003 145, 514
TB-Naga-Tangsa- Moshang əruŋ “horn, corner” Matisoff 2003 514
TB-Tsangla wa-roŋ “horn” wa “cow”
Starostin, S. ST Etymology
A.32.3 TB-Nung riŋ “horn” Matisoff 2003 496
Extended African/AA language word family:
C. Chadic- Wandala (Mandara) də́rrma “horn” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 193
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
A.32.3 Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho, Mundari
di’riŋ / di’riɲ “horn”
Kobayashi Tables 1, 2 #68 2, 8
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Santali
de’reɲ / de’re:ɲ / ‘diriɲ / di’riɲ “horn” Kobayashi Table 3 #68 14
↓↓
94
Note A.33.1 (Chadic-Hausa) “The fact is that the velars k, g, k’ undergo regular palatalization before front
vowels.---Although scholars have known this for some time, the change has tended to be neglected because the
palatalization of velars, unlike the palatalization of alveolars, is not reflected in orthography or in standard linguistic
transcription [which in Hausa is] ƙ” [transcribed in the present study as k’] Newman, P. 2000 416. Hence an accurate
transcription of k’àhō is k’yaho. The TB-S. Loloish-Bisu ʔaŋ-khjáw “horn” suggests that the proto root was also a
preglottalization (transcribed as ʔâ) before the k- plus a subsequent palatalization. The other A.33.1 ST
correspondences also have ejective initials, i.e. ch- and ji- (IPA ç and ʝ.), although they are palatalized rather than
glottalized. See also similar contrasting initials such as C.8a.3 (Hausa),) Whether or not the Hausa form contains an
initial plosive glottal or not, there is close correspondence between the two morphemes. Norman includes palatalization
of velars before i as one of the features which distinguishes the northern, e.g. Mandarin, and central dialects of Chinese
from the southern ones, e.g. Hakka , Cantonese and Min. Norman 1988a 182. See also Chapter 9 section 9.8. Alao note
1
the palatal / non-palatal contrast between B.32.3 MSC chiāo “glue, gum” ↔ B.32.1 Cantonese gàau / Hakka kau /
“glue, gum” ; F.6b.2 MSC jiāo “suburbs, outskirts” ↔ D.3c.1-2 Cantonese gàau “suburbs of a city” ; E.7b.2 N.
Chinese-MSC (WG) ch’iào / ts’iào “handsome, beautiful” ↔ E.7b.4 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gáau “handsome,
attractive” See also Note A.13b.3 above and sets E.5c.2, E.7b.2, F.7a.6 and H.16.1-2.
123
95
Note- A.34.2 (Proto-Chadic) The variance between the A. 34.2 Proto-Chadic *surə and A. 34.1 Hausa sōyàa
/ suyàa is the result of a regular sound change of non-initial *-r to *y/i in Chadic “a very early change”. See
Newman, P. 2000 227. Other instances are found in notes A. 16.1 (Hausa-Extended), A.30.1 (Hausa), B.9.1-2
and H.22.2 (E. Chadic- Kabalai)
124
96
Note- A.34.1 Extended (Hausa) W.Chadic- Hausa has the variant forms sóóyàa / tóóyàà “fry”.
Jungraithmayr grades the variant Hausa tōyàa form as probably within the A group of reflexes (i.e. present in all
Chadic sub-groups and therefore primarily an AA form). Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 154.
125
97
Note- A.37.2 (Sanskrit) As the Sanskrit ghughu morpheme suggests, the origin of the ku- morpheme may
well be ultimately based in onomatopoeia. However the West Chadic and Songhay forms account for variant ST
forms including both the Proto-Tibeto-Burman ones, considerably reducing the probablity of any independent
origin of these roots in ST through onomatopoeia.
128
Chapter 2B
Words representing objects in the natural world such as rocks, water, plants, fire etc.
Semantic Domain B word families.
The scope of this section is defined as the broad semantic domain comprising the Sino-Tibetan and
African/AA language words for objects in nature exclusive of animals and humans. As a consequence,
there are more mass nouns than in other sections.
2B Domain statistics
Tables = 39 numbered analytic tables which represent an individual or generic word family.
Individual word families = 67 The count is of individual word families including those within a generic
word family.
Large single independent word families
“grass, straw” B.7.1-4
“grain, millet” B.27.1-5
“moon, planet” B.29.1-5
“star, planet” B.30.1-4
Generic word families = 13
“earth” “agricultural field”, “tree, wood, to plant” B.1.a-b
“green, trees, plants, leaf, forest” B.2.a-b
“stone, gravel, sand, clay” B.3.a-d
“a block of stone or wood” “mound, mountain, hill, stone, rock” B.5.a-c
“burn, fire, kindle” “bake, roast” “hot, warm” “hot, spicy, haste, urgent” B.11.a-f
“dry” “dry up, wither” “roast, toast, burn” “hard” “stiff, stiffen” B.12a-c
“blossom, bud, flower” “swell, swelling” B.14.a-d
“water“ (in its various forms), and water-related states such as “flow” “pour”, “boil” B.15.a-f
“rain, water” “passage for water” “valley, hollow place” B.16.a-c
“moisture, dew, steam, wet” B.18a-b
“smoke, mist” B.20.a-b
“flat stone or rock, flat objects” B.22.a-b
“rice” “millet” “beans” B.33a-b
Basic-vocabulary- Swadesh list There are 26 word families which contain one or more sets of ST ↔
African language correspondences which match an English gloss of the 100 word Swadesh list.
10 of these correspondences are found in the generic families listed above.
Polysyllabic correspondences: 21 (Only one polysyllabic correspondence per word family is counted)
The section contains 10 tables in which an ST morpheme corresponds closely to an Afro-Asiatic proto-
root. These tables contain 16 correspondence sets in which an ST morpheme corresponds closely to a
Proto-Afro-Asiatic root.
Etymologies
Sino-Tibetan etymologies 39
Tibeto-Burman etymologies 12
Sinitic etymologies 9
Tibetan etymologies 5
Min etymologies 1
/
129
98
Note- B.1a.1-2 (Chadic, Nilo-Saharan, Mande) 14 Chadic languages attest reflexes of a root which
Jungraithmayr reconstructs as *sn “fields (farm)”. Jungraithmayr v.1 64. 10 of these are W. Chadic languages.
They are the closest correspondences to the Tibetan variants.
Jungnraithmayr considers this to be a relatively recent loan word from Mande into Chadic. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 64.
However there is much linguistic evidence that the borrowing was in the other direction since Chadic was associated with
Nilo-Saharan in the area of NE Africa where agriculture appeared. (See Note B.9.1 and Chapter 4 section 4.0.1.1. In any
case the seŋ root seems to be relatively old, i.e dating from the extension of agriculture into the north central and
northwestern Sahara around 7000 BCE. (Ehret 2002 66-67, 71 , chapter 4 section 4.0.1.2 and chapter 7 section 7.2.2)
The active verbal concept of “planting ” as in B.1a.2 Songhay siŋgi / siŋow) or Mande-Kpelle seŋ is plausibly
the basis for both B.1a.1 “agricultural field” and B.1b.1 “tree/wood”. This could support postulation of a Nilo-Saharan
or Niger-Congo-Mande origin. However in B.1a.1 (Extended) the NS languages which are not Saharan have semantics
of “sand” whereas the other citations of B.1a.1-2 including the NS-Saharan Songhay attestation are words denoting
agriculture or planting.
The following NS-Masalit form “tree” of B.1b.1 does not imply any agriculture, but suggests that the ultimate root
siŋ- is of Nilo-Saharan origin, while Mande and/or Chadic applied it to cultivated plants. The Songhay form was
possibly borrowed from Chadic during the period of the north central humid Sahara before 5000 BCE.
In the Sahara grains were harvested from wild grasses from about 11000 BCE in northeast Africa. (Ehret 2002
38). Probably due to an increase in rainfall, grain agriculture followed there and in the central Sahara by 8000
BCE. (Ehret 2002 61-62, 66-67). Hence the above TB attestations of the above root would be the result of
migrations out of Egypt at this time or somewhat later. The table is an instance of Chadic correspondences with
NC-Mande languages suggesting that a linguistic border existed between them at some point after the spread of
agriculture in northern Africa beginning about 7000 BCE. See also set B.24.1.
What is significant for the migration hypothesis of ST language origins is that the Sino-Tibetan words for
agriculture in the south central and east Asian regions correspond closely to African language words. See also sets
B.9.1-3, B.27.1-7, B.33a-b, B.35, and F.12c. These have been placed together for discussion in Chapter 7 where
agriculture in Asia is discussed in sections 7.3-5.
130
/
Swadesh “leaf” NS- Maba NC- N.
B.2b.1 Group- Kibet Mande- Bozo
TB-Tibetan sɔŋo sə̂ŋó
sŋo-ló “leaf” “bush”
“the leaf of a plant” Maba [in sense of
sŋo “a root signifying Group- wild growth
blue or green” Kodoi or forest]
“as substance, plant, sɔŋo-ok / Mukarovsky
herb, vegetable, sɔŋoo 181
green” “leaf”
Jaschke 136 Das 374 Edgar 374
B.2b.20 W. Chadic- NS-Maba NC-S.E.
TB-Tibetan Gwandara Group- Aiki Mande-
tshaŋ-tshiŋ (Gitata) sʌŋa Samo
“a dense copse or tsàŋwâ < sɔŋɔ Bangasoko,
thicket” (Karshi, “leaf” Kiembara
“wood, grove, copse, Cancara) Edgar 374 etc.
thicket” Das 1020 càŋwâ kware
tshiŋ “tree” “grass” sááŋgaa
S. Chinese-Min Matsushita “forest,
châng “trees, plants” 1974 #99 45 thicket”
Amoy-English Dict. Mukarovsky
921 181
“shrub, thicket”
Hakka Dict.
cáng “classifier for
trees” Bodman 1987
v.1 232 v.2 124
N. Chinese-MSC
tsāngtsāng
(WG)
“dense foliage”
Mathews #6699 983
B.2b.3 Proto- Egyptian
S. Chinese-Yue Afro-Asiatic sām
(Cantonese) *tsim- / “a plant or
sàm *tsam- flower”
“luxuriant vegetation “fruit, seeds, Budge v. 2
or luxuriant growth of foliage, 645
trees” plant growth Semitic-
Chik / Ng Lam 227 in general” Akkadian
Ehret 1995 šamm-
#485 266 “grass”
Skinner 268
134
/
Swadesh “stone” Proto-W. Chadic Proto-AA NS- Maba
B.3b.1 *zhígwa “hill, rock” *ciqal- Group-Mimi
TB-Tibetan (Ladaki) Skinner 124 “sand” siki
mchig “the nether W. Chadic-Hausa Milirarev, “sand”
millstone” jìgāwā “sandy Stolbova Edgar 374
Jaschke 164 chi / wasteland” Afro- Greenberg
chigu “millstone, Newman, P. 2007 99 Asiatic 1966 144
grinding stone” C. Chadic – Gude Etymology
Goldstein 379 zhígè “sand” 2007
N. Chinese-MSC Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2
shíku “rock, cave, 280
grotto” Wu, J. 618 C. Chadic–Mandara
S. Chinese-Yue (Wandala)
(Cantonese) šígga “sand”
jīk “gravel and sand” Stolbova, Olga
Chik / Ng Lam 328 C. Chadic-Etymology
B.3b.2 N. Chinese- C. Chadic–Margi Egyptian
MSC shí “stone, shìshwà utshi
rock” Wu, J. 618 “sand” “a kind of
TB-S. Loloish-Lahu Jungraithmayr stone”
šɛ-ši “sand” 1994 v.2 281 Budge
Matisoff 2003 487 v.1 189
note h
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.3b.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) jīk “gravel and sand”
< C. Chadic – Gude zhígè “sand” / W. Chadic – Hausa jìgāwā “sandy wasteland”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *jig- “sand” “stone”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.3b.1
TB-Tibetan tshigu “a large muller or grinding stone” Jaschke 447
TB-C. Loloish-Lahu mi-jɔכk “flint” Matisoff 2003 184 mi “fire” lit. “firestone”
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) jihksà “quartz sand” Chik / Ng Lam 324 sà “sand”
B.3b.2 N. Chinese-MSC shítóu “stone”
Extended African/AA language word family:
B.3b.1
C.Chadic-Gaanda ĉèkwita “sand” Militarev / Stolbova
E. Chadic-Lele jegli “être impropre a la culture” [unsuitable for agriculture]
njegle “terre infertile” [barren land] Skinner 124
B.3b.2 Egyptian teshi “a kind of stone” Budge v.2 844
NS- Kanuri círa “gravel” Cyffer 1990 27
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
B.3b.1 IE-Pashto shiga’h ”sand, gravel, small pebbles” shiglana “sandy or gravelly soil”
Raverty 656
IE-Sanskrit sikaTa “sand , gravel” “sandy soil” “gravel or stone”
sikatila “consisting of sand, sandy” sikatavat “abounding in sand, sandy” Cologne Lexicon See
also table B.3b.1:
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *sekü “”stone bench, pedestal” / Turkic-Turkish seki “stone bench, pedestal” /
Altaic-Turkic-Turkmen seki “”stone bench, pedestal” / Turkic-Kyrgyz seki “”stone bench, pedestal”
Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology.
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian čeɣel “sand, sandbar” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology 15
139
/
B.3c.1 N. Chinese-MSC C. Cushitic- Egyptian
shā “sand, grit” Bilin shā
Wu, J. 591 shasshara “sand”
shā “pebbles, coarse sand, “sand” Budge v.2 723
gravel, gritty” Leslau 1963 Semitic-Arabic
Mathews #5610 772 145 ħasʕa: (IPA)
shāli “gravel, grit” “gravel
shākuang “placer mine” Merriam-Webster
Wu, J. 591 kuang Arabic 64
“mine, pit”
(C.18b.3 Extended)
B.3c.2 C. South (Ethiopian)
TB-Tibetan Chadic – Semitic- Gurage
sá “earth as elementary Guduf (Masqan, Gogot,
substance” zaazaa Selti) šähla “clay”
Jaschke 568 “sand” Leslau 1979 v.3
“the earth, soil, land” Jungraith- 576
Das 1255 mayr 1994 Egyptian tchā
Goldstein 1113 v.2 281 “desert”
Old Chinese Budge v.2 902
sa “sand” shā “sand”
Karlgren GSR 16a-c Budge v.2 723
Benedict 118 “barren ground”
Matisoff 2003 176, 487 “sandy soil (?)”
note h Budge v.2 730
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
sà “sand, tiny gravel or
pebbles” “ a kind of clay for
making utensils, vessels etc.”
Chik / Ng Lam 250, 324
Swadesh “sand” C. Proto-AA Semitic-Arabic Tubu
B.3c.3 Chadic- *šâp- safan [Teda]
TB-Tibetan Fali “earth, “dust, earth” besāfū
rdsab Kiria ground” Ehret 1995 “sand”
“mud, mire” ntsab’u Ehret 1995 #520 280 Lukas 1953
Das 1057 “mud” #520 280 198
Skinner
33
B.3c.4 N. Chinese -MSC W. Chadic-
Written-Burmese Hausa
sâi “sand” saimō m.
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] “infertile,
zài-bru “sand” barren land”
zài-ni “fine sand, dust” Newman, P.
Matisoff 2003 487 2007 175
shāmò “desert”
Wu, J. 590 Wang, F. 401
[Disyllabic corresp.]
140
99
Note- B.3c.4 Proto-Tai “If the monophthongal WT [Written Tibetan] form [*sa] meaning ‘earth’ is indeed
cognate to Chinese sa “sand” (OC sa “sand” [GSR 16a-c] --- as suggested in STC [Benedict Sino-Tibetan-
A Conspectus] 188, it is possible that this is an old loan from ST into Tai”. Matisoff 2003 487 note h.
The evidence of AA ↔ ST correspondences meaning both “sand” and “earth, land” in the present B.3c.2,4-
b.3d.2 sets confirms Matisoff’s conjecture that the two lexemes are historically related. Under the migration
hypothesis, however, they could all have been generated in ST around the same time by a migration of AA
speakers into the area which is close to both southern and northern China without there being loaning from any
pre-existing ST language. The widespread occurrence of the sai / zai “sandy, stony” variant in Altaic as well as
141
/
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
B.3d Afro-Asiatic – AA- AA-Semitic, Nilo-Saharan Niger-
Chadic Cushitic Egyptian Congo
Swadesh “earth” W. Chadic- E. Semitic- Maba Group-
B.3d.1 Gwandara (Karshi) Cushitic Arabic Masalit
TB-Tibetan kaša “earth” -Sidamo ħaʃijja kasε / káas-è
kha̱sheè Matsushita 1974 qaççe (IPA) “countryside,
“a place (conveys #201 62 “border, “border” desert”
a vagueness about W. Chadic-Hausa frontier, Merriam- Maba Group-
which place)” k’asā pl. boundary, Webster- Aiki
Goldstein 174 k’asāce suburbs, Arabic 18 kàsכ
[Disyllabic “earth, soil, rural area” “countryside,
corresp.] ground” Gasparini desert”
ga-śed / śed “country, state” 253 Edgar 289
“the approximate Newman, P. 2007 kʌsiyʌt
direction, region, 128 “dust, sand,
or quarter” “earth, ground, earth”
Jaschke 561, 64 land ” Skinner 168 Edgar 292
B.3d.2 W. Chadic-
TB-Tibetan Hausa sāshìi /
(Central Tibet) sāshèe /
sa-chá sâssā pl.
“place, country, “district, region”
land” “section” “area”
Jaschke 569 Newman / Ma
Das 1257 1979 107 100
B.3d.3 C. Chadic-Gabin Egyptian Proto-N.
TB-Kiranti- xàxà “earth” qah̟ Khoisan
Bahing Stolbova, Olga “earth, *kxà
*kha-pi Central Chadic- ground” “earth”
-Lohorong Etymology 2006 Budge Khoisan-
ba-kha W. Chadic- Ngizim v.2 766 ǂHoan
TB-Kadu gagai kxa
ka “earth” “ earth” “earth”
TB-Jingpho Schuh 67 Starostin,
[Kachin] G.
gá / ʔəgá / ngá 2003 15101
“earth”
Benedict 1972 33
Sanskrit confirms the hypothesis of a more general relationship as proposed in the hypothesis of migration out of
Africa.
100
Note- B.3d.2 The contrast between the two B.3d.1-2 Hausa morphemes is based on the loss of the initial
ka- evidenced in the B.3d.2 Hausa and Tibetan forms. The Hausa variant morphemes have parallel forms in
Tibetan. See the discussion of this change in Chapter 10 Section 10.3.2-3. For similar parallel correspondences see
Note B.11a.1-2, C.22b.1-2, and C.23.2-3.
101
Note- B.3d.3 (Khoisan) The Khoisan form appears to be monosyllabic but is potentially disyllabic given the
fricative velar kx- initial. The root is explicitly disyllabic in C.Chadic-Gabin xàxà.
142
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
B.4 AA— AA-Cushitic, AA- NS NC
Chadic Proto-AA Semitic.
Swadesh W. Chadic– Proto-Afro-Asiatic *dakw- “clay” South
“earth” Hausa Militarev/ Stolbova (Ethiopian)
B.4.1 dak’o Afroasiatic Etymology 2007 Semitic-
TB-Tibetan “clay soil” *dak’-- “clay, sand” [Orel, Stolbova] Gurage
h’dág-pa Skinner 41 Skinner 41 (Selti)
“clay” C. Cushitic-Proto-Agaw *dakw- “clay” däč
Jaschke 274 C. Cushitic-Qwara ”earth”
“a mixture of *daɧwa- “clay” Militarev, A. (Wolane)
clay and water” C. Cushitic Etymology Leslau
Das 677 N. Omotic-Kaficho (Kafa) 1963 53
dágba dağo “ground, land”
“mud, mire” Omotic-Gonga-Gimojan
Goldstein 571 dačo “ground, land” Leslau 1963 53
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.4.1 TB-Tibetan ‘dág-pa “clay”
< W. Chadic–Hausa dak’o “clay soil” / Proto-Afro-Asiatic *dak’- “clay, sand”
Approximate Tibetan etymon *dak’ “clay, sand”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.4.1 TB-Tibetan
mdag-pa “a sort of unburnt brick of mud or clay” Das 672 dagdam “mud, mire” Goldstein 571
[compound of this B.4.1 root and the B.21.1 root]
dagjar “plastering an opening” “sticking some things together with mud” Goldstein 571 [compound
of this B.4.1 root and B.32.2 Tibetan Extended below] ‘dág-gu “pap, pulp” Jaschke 274
Extended African/AA word family:
B.4.1
N. Cushitic-Beja (Bedauye) dekwa “dust” Militarev, A. N. Cushitic Bedauye Etymology
Berber-Semlal i-dəqqi “clay” Militarev, A. Berber Etymology 2006
South (Ethiopian) Semitic-Harari däči ”ground, land, floor, surface” Leslau 1963 53
South (Ethiopian) Semitic-Gurage (Wolane) däčče ”ground, land” Leslau 1963 53
Cushitic- Oromo [Galla] däčči ”ground, land” Leslau 1963 53
Omotic-Gonga-Gimojan dačo “ground, land” Leslau 1963 53
W. Chadic–Hausa dàkàli “low mud platform outside compound” Newman / Ma 1979 24
dāk’unā “mess up or dirty something by handling” Newman, P. 2007 41
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
B.4.1 Kartvelian-Megrel dixa / dexa “clay, earth” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 18
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
B.5a-c AA –Chadic AA –Cushitic AA –Sem. NS Niger-
Congo
Swadesh “stone” W. Chadic-
B.5a.1 Gwandara
N. Chinese-MSC (Karshi,
dūnzi “a block of Cancara, Koro)
stone or wood” dúnci “stone”
Wu, J. 171 Matsushita 1974
[Disyllabic corresp.] #197 61
144
/
Swadesh “stone” W. Chadic – Hausa Maba Group-
B.5b.1 (Standard Hausa) Kibet
TB-Tibetan dūtsèe ‘stone” dusi / dúusì
dodzi (W.Hausa) “stone”
“limestone” dūci m. “stone, rock” Edgar 212
Goldstein 588 “flint” “mountain, Egyptian t’u
[Disyllabic corresp.] rocky hill” Newman, P. “hill, mountain”
2007 49, 2000 415 102 Budge v.2 869
B.5b.2 TB-Tibetan NS-Songhay NC.- S.E. Mande–Mano,
dodɔɔ “stone, rock” tōde / tōto Dan tòo / tò
do “stone, rock” “rock, stone”
“mountain”
Goldstein 586-7 Barth 169 Mukarovsky 262
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.5b.1 TB-Tibetan dodzi “limestone”
< W. Chadic–Hausa dūtsèe / dūci “rock, stone
B.5b.2 TB-Tibetan dodɔɔ “stone, rock”
< NS-Songhay tōde / tōto “rock, stone”
Approximate Tibetan etymon *dod- “stone, rock”
Extended African/AA word family:
B.5b.1
W. Chadic-Sura d’ušu “hoher Vulkanhügel” [quite high volcanic hill] Skinner 52
C. Chadic-Mofu-Gudur das, adas “caillou de divination” [divining stone] Skinner 52
NS-Maba Group-Aiki dùs-i “bottom millstone” Edgar 212
B.5b.2 W. Chadic-Hausa tudù n. m. “high ground, hill” Newman / Ma 1979 127 See also A.25.2.
/
B.5c.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) E. Chadic–Tumak
dèui / dēui “mound” dəə̄y
“mound of earth” Kwan 304 “pierre, rocher,
“pile, heap” Po-fei Huang 372103 colline”
N. Chinese-MSC dwēi (Y) “pile [stone, rock, hill]
(heap)” Chen 283 Skinner 52
duī meas. for “heaps, piles”
DeFrancis 1360 meas. “pile of”
Wang, F. 117
B.5c.2 N. Chinese-MSC Chadic- Hausa E. Cushitic-Sidamo
duî “heap, pile, stack” / tulìi n. m. tullite / tullo “hill, heap”
duī “pile up, heap up, stack” “heap” “crowd” Gasparini 320
“heap, pile” Wu, J. 169 tulàa vt. Proto-Afro-Asiatic
duī vt. “pile” Wang, F. 117 “heap up, pile up” *-tuul- ”to rise, to form
S. Chinese-Min tuî “a pile, a heap” Newman, P. 2007 a heap, mound”
Bodman 1987 v.1 27 211 Ehret 1995 #172 142
102
Note- B.5b.1 (TB-Tibetan, Hausa) “The ejective sibilant ts palatalizes to c’ (an ejective affricate) in West
Hausa dialects, but not in Standard Hausa, e.g. Standard Hausa dūtsèe = West Hausa dūci “stone”.
Newman, P. 2000 415. Tibetan gives evidence of having inherited the Standard Hausa form. See also Note-A.4.1
(Chadic-Hausa)
103
Note- B.5c.1 (Cantonese) dēui is also used as a measure (quantity) classifier in Cantonese and functions like
a collective noun in English.“dēui ‘heap, mound’ implies a conical shape” yāt dēui sānggwo
“a pile of fruit” yāt dēui laahpsahp “a heap of rubbish”. Matthews, S. 97. See also Chapter 10 section 10.4
Measure words.
146
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
B.7 AA – Chadic AA –Cushitic AA –Semitic NS NC
B.7.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-Hausa Proto-S. S. (Ethiopian)
(Central Tibetan) tsāri Cushitic Semitic-Harari
tsà “herb, plant” “thatching grass” *tsar- “grass” sä’ar / sār
(Lahoul, Ladakhi) Skinner 270 Skinner 241 “grass”
sa “grass” W. Chadic- S. Cushitic- Leslau 1979
Jaschke 437 N. Bauci- Miya, Irakwe v.3 530
Goldstein 189 Kariya tsarami Egyptian
dza “grass” tsar “grass “thatching tchā /
Goldstein 866 species” grass” tchāā “straw,
Skinner 271 Skinner 271 weed”
Budge v.2 902
B.7.2 W. Chadic- E. Songhay
N. Chinese-MSC Bolewa Cushitic- (Koroboro)
ts’âo (WG) sáro “grass” Somali sarahu
“grass, straw, Stolbova, Olga caws “herb or
herbs, weeds” W. Chadic “straw, grass” grass
Mathews #6739 Etymology Awde 1999 species of
989 W. Chadic-Hausa 26 rocky areas”
tsâu (Y) “grass” tsiaua “grass, Heath
Chen 143 herb” v. 3 271
S. Chinese-Min Barth v.2 170
chaù “grass,
straw” Bodman
1987 v.2 89, 131
Hakka Dict.
B.7.3 W. Chadic- NC-
Proto-Tibeto- Dera Common
Burman šwari Bantu
*tswa “grass” “grass” -cuwa
Matisoff 2003 Skinner 269 “grass”
617 Skinner
TB-Tibetan 37
(Balti, Purig
provinces)
rtswa
“grass, herb, small
plant”
Das 1007
Jaschke 437
149
104
Note- B.8.1-2 (Proto-Tibetan, Tibetan) In Tibetan, the r- initial appears to be the result of metathesis since
the African/AA correspondences contain final -r. The Chadic data indicates the basic root is *sar-. Since the
metathesis is a single sound change, the Tibetan and Proto-TB morpemes are considered to contrast minimally with
the Proto-Chadic and Proto-Cushititc roots.
151
105
Note- B.9.1-2 (Old Chinese)
If, following Karlgren, the Old Chinese root contains a final –r, there has been a sound change of B.9.1 mer >
B.9.2-3 mei / mai. It is then a case of P. Newman’s sound change rule for Hausa and some other Chadic
152
languages that non-initial *-r shifts to y / i. “This is clearly a very early change”. Newman 2000 227. See also
Notes A.16.1 (Hausa-Extended), A.30.1 (Hausa), A.34.2 (Hausa) and H.22.1-2 (Hausa ).
Hence the B.9.1 E. Chadic-Dangaleat mériya and C. Chadic- Tera mere forms give evidence of being the
oldest Chadic forms and the change identified by Newman as occurring within East Chadic, i.e. Dangaleat
mériya > Somrai mai. Here the phonetic shape and the Dangaleat / Somrai semantics of “sorghum” both
coincide with the archaeological data supporting the origins of sorghum in Chadic Northeast Africa.
Under this hypothesis even the E.Cushitic mainko form would be derived from these oldest Chadic forms, an
exceptional case in the general genetic and geographic relationship between these two language families. But it is
consistent with evidence suggesting a NE African origin of cultivated sorghum and millet with later spread of this
development to other regions of the continent. Ehret considers that speakers of Afroasiatic languages were the first
to collect wild grains for food. So the Chadic correspondences above give further support to an existing
hypothesis that Chadic peoples were among the first to be involved in this practice. See note B.22b.2 below and
Chapter 7 sections 7.2-7.3 for discussion of this development of grain agriculture in Northeast Africa.
106
Note-B.9.2 (TB, N. Chinese) Mai was one of the five cereals mentioned in the Chou Dynasty classics. It also
appears in the bone oracles of the Shang dynasty ruins dating from the second millennium BCE. (Chang 77).
4
Sagart comments that it is possible that mai is a loan-word from an Altaic language (as also suggested by
Starostin, S 1991 69, 168). He also notes an Altaic root mu:rki ’barley, wheat)” (Sagart 1999 183). Hence
scholars have opined that bread wheats (Triticum aestivum) came by way of Mongolia and Yunnan, hence from
the north and south west. (Chang 78). The present study indicates that they came into both Mongolia and China
from the nortwest. “The earliest phase of domesticated millet dated between 8,200 and 7000 years ago, appears
widely in the archaeplogical record, stretching acros north China from the Liao River Valley in the northeast to
to the upper Yelloe River in the northwest.* (Liu / Chen 83).
See Chapter 7 section 7.5.1 for discussion of the development of grain agriculture in China.
It is not clear whether the B.9.1 Proto-Chinese root miər “rice” (from Karlgren) is related to Sagart’s
proposed Old Chinese *m(-)rik. Sagart’s proposed Middle Chinese meak “wheat (or barley” (B.9.4)
corresponds more closely to the Chinese-Yue siumahk “wheat” or daaimahk “barley”
and these closely match the C. Chadic-Gisiga magaya and Proto-South Cushitic *magwale.
There may be two different but valid Sinitic Proto-roots based on the B.9.1-2 and B.9.4 African roots, one
coming from the north the other from the west.
153
107
Note- B.9.3 (Chinese) The use of an African language root meaning “millet” to designate rice does not
necessarily imply that rice agriculture did not exist in China before the arrival of speakers of Afroasiatic languages.
It minimally implies, however, that the incoming speakers of AA-derived languages were adept at agriculture and
gave their names for grains to any locally existing ones. Blench proposes that the change of the names of rice to
the names for millet occurred when speakers of Proto-Sinitic moved southward and encountered Hmong-Mien
speakers who already cultivated rice. Blench 2010a 13 Evidence of another early name change for crops in
China is reported in Note B.33b.2.
154
B.9.2
Hmong-Mien-Mien mai3 “hulled rice” Blench 2010a Table 3 7
Hmong-Mien-Proto-Mienic *hmei “millet” Blench 2010a Table 3 7
Hmong-Mien-Mun of Hainan / Hmong-Mien -Mun of Funing mei / mei pe “hulled rice”
Blench 2010a Table 3 7
Hmong-Mien-Proto-Miao-Yao *maiB “shelled rice” Sagart 1999 178
Austro-Asiatic-Vietic ma “young rice plant” Blench 2010a Table 3 7
Austro-Asiatic-Bahnaricʔma “field rice” Blench 2010a Table 3 7
B.9.3
IE-Sanskrit medhya “barley” Cologne Lexicon
IE-Bengali mɔyda “flour’ n. Thompson 71
Daic-Kra-Biao mii “cooked rice” Blench 2010a Table 3 8
South Daic-Lao me:t2 “grain” Marcus 95
B.9.4 IE-Sanskrit syāmaka “Panicum Frumentaceum “a kind of cultivated millet”
magha “a species of grain” mahabuza “a sort of rice” “barley”
mahayava “a kind of large barley” mahadusaka “a species of grain” Cologne lexicon
Kartvelian-Georgian maxa “a kind of wheat” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 35
Kartvelian-Laz moxa “a kind of wheat” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 35
Proto-Altaic *miurgu “wheat”
Altaic-Mongolian mu:rki “barley, wheat” Starostin, S. 1991 69, 168 , Sagart 1999 183
Altaic-Proto-Tungus Manchu *murgi “wheat” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
This table was included in the summary of African agricultural terminology in Chapter 7
Section 7.1a.
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
B.10 Afro-Asiatic – Chadic AA— AA- Nilo-Saharan Niger Congo
Cush. Sem.
B.10.1 W. Chadic-Bura Kanuri NC-Mande
TB-Kuki-Chin-Mikir fun / vun fungîn fun / hun
phun “blow” “harmattan”108 “to blow” “cold, dry, wind”
Walker 208 [wind] Cyffer 1990 52 “harmattan”
S. Chinese-Kejia Mukarovsky 409 Hutchison 142
[Hakka] (Meixian) fuun “sandy fog” NS- Songhay
(Lau Chunfat) Mukarovsky 410 (Koroboro) NC-Proto-W.
fung1 / fung3 W. Chadic- funsu “blow Nigritic
“wind, gust, breeze, Karekare on *-phun
gale” Hakka Dict. funtu v. “ blow” (e.g. fire)” “wind”
Mukarovsky 103 Heath v. 3 116 Skinner 113
B.10.2 W. Chadic- Hausa NC-Mande
S. Chinese-Min hùnturù fun / hun
hông “wind” “harmattan (wind)” “cold, dry, wind”
Bodman 1987 Newman, R. 1990 “harmattan”
v.1 16, v.2 139 118 Skinner 113 109 Skinner 113
108
Note- B.10.1-2 (Chadic, NC) The harmattan is a cold, dry, dust-laden wind which blows from the Sahara
south into the sub-Saharan savannah (Sahel) region of Africa during the cold months of December, January and
February. It is usually accompanied by a sandy haze which obscures the sun. Smethurst 426-427, Azevedo 354.
See also B.37.1 (Chadic) below and Chapter 6 section 6.11. The inclusion of the lexemes hūn “dark, dim,
and húnzhuó “murky” in set B.10.2 (Extended) implies a hypothesis that the Hausa hùnturù / Mande hun
“harmattan” are their sources along with those whose semantics are “wind”, “blow” and “sandy fog”.
156
109
Note- B.10.2 ( Hausa) The phoneme written as / h- / in Hausa is a pseudo-allophone of the phoneme written as
/ f /. “The phoneme indicated as / f / is pronounced variably as / ɸ / (the norm), / f /, / p /, or / h /, depending on
dialect / idiolect and phonological environment.” Newman, P. 2000 393. For further examples of the condition
under which the / f / changes to / h / see the African-AA extended lexemes in B.14a.1, and Note H.3a.2
(Hausa). Hence the B.10.2 W. Chadic forms do not contrast in their / f / ~ / h / phonemes. From this a single
(hence minimal) sound change (the vowel o / u contrast) can be inferred to have existed between the proximate
proto-forms of the B.10.1-2 Chinese morphemes in Proto-Sinitic. Note that the B.10.1-2 NC-Mande morphemes
also contain initial f- and h- variants corresponding to the variant Sinitic and W. Chadic morphemes. See also
Note B.14d.1.
110
Note- B.11a.1-2 (Tibetan, Proto-TB) The B.11a.1 Tibetan h‘bár-ba and C. Chadic-Gude ‘bərə are the
result of change of initial velars to initial glottal stops or uvular fricatives. The B11a.2 forms which lack any initial
157
stop also represent a loss of the glottal stop.It may be the case however that the glottal stop is not phonemic in the
language and hence not notated by linguists. See also Note B.14c.1-2 below.
With respect to the B.11a.2 forms Benedict states “Both of these roots [TB #220 *bar ~ *par = *bwár ~
*pwár] probably represent loss of initial stop, ---although the latter might be prefixed.” Benedict 50
For more examples of loss or reduction of an initial stop see discussion in Chapter 10 section 10.3.2.
111
Note- B.11a.3 (Old Chinese, TB Nung, Proto-TB) “Archaic Chinese Xwâr ‘fire’ might be compared with
Nung hwarr ‘burn, kindle’, Kachin [Jingpho] wan, Moshang varr, Garo waʔl ‘fire’, but these three forms
appear to belong with the TB *bar~ *par ‘burn’ ” Benedict / Matisoff 1972 172 note 459. Matisoff [author of
note 459] recognizes that two different roots are involved here. The present study shows that these correspond to
the variant forms in (B.11a.3) W. Chadic-Hausa, Goemai / Proto-AA/Kanuri kuwar / qawar- / kwar- and
*(ʔa-)ɧwar- whereas the B.11a.2 TB *bar ~ *par variants most closely match the Central Chadic Musgu and
Semitic- Amharic bärra forms.
158
B.11a.4
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *hwa(:)l “heat up, kindle, cook” *hwa “shine, light” Matisoff 2003 429
TB-Chin-Thado wat “shine” Matisoff 463
Extended African/AA word family:
B.11a.1
E. Cushitic- Burji, Gedeo guba vt. “burn” Hudson 34
E. Cushitic-Somali gub “burn” Awde 1999 33
Proto-AA (Orel/Stolbova 1995) *gub- “burn” Skinner 86
NC-Fulfulde [Fulani] jab̟a “to blaze” jamna (for jab̟na) “to make to blaze, to set fire to, to light”
Taylor 93
E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] kòbìre / kobre “allumer un grand feu” [light a big fire] Fédry 295
NS- Songhay (Gao) gòobéré “provoquer un incendie de case” [put a hut on fire] Ducroz 104
B.11a.2
W. Chadic-Guruntum bàʔa “heat” Militarev / Stolbova
Semitic-Hebrew ba’ar “burned” Baltsan 30 barak n. m. “lightning” “glitter” Baltsan 32
“lightning” Oxford English-Hebrew Dict. 520
Egyptian barga “to give light” Budge v.1 204
C. Chadic- Bura mbà vt. “to burn” “to be burned” “to make a fire burn” mbàu’u “to light a fire”
Dict. of Bura
Central Chadic-Mandara (Wandala) paraka “light” Stolbova, Olga Central Chadic Etymology
2006
W. Chadic-Hausa bàlbàlniyā f. “burning brightly” balbàlā “fuel a bright fire”
Newman, P. 2007 15 Skinner 14
Egyptian bā “to shine, be bright bābā “to shine, to give light, splendour” Budge v.1 212
pāpā “to shine, to illumine” pā “flame, fire, spark” Budge v.1 234
W. Chadic-Hausa bal ideo. “flaming brightly” Skinner 17
E. Cushitic-Oromo barbada “what is left over after a fire” Skinner 17
NS-Anywa [Anuak] bur n. “ashes” Reh 12, 86
B.11a.3
Proto- Chadic *akwa “fire” Newman, P. 1977 #48 26 Ehret 1995 #717 361
S. Cushitic-Alagwa hwere-ʔes “hot” Militarev, A. S. Cushitic-Etymology
Niger- Congo-Benue-Congo- Birom (Plateau 3 group) hwalaŋ “charcoal”
Williamson / Shimizu v.1 65
C. Chadic- Higi Ghye -ngw-r- “charcoal” Skinner 81
E. Cushitic- Sidamo giwâra “to warm oneself at the fire” Gasparini 123
N. Cushitic- Bedauye [Bedawi] kwarar “to emit smoke” Skinner 110
B.11a.4
S. Cushitic-Iraqw warʔes “to flash (of lightning)” Ehret 1995 #973 462
Semitic-Arabic wary- “to burn, blaze (stem + y denominative)” Ehret #973 462
NS-Kanuri wardangin “roast”, “burn singe” “destroy by fire” Cyffer 1990 182
NS-Tubu [Teda] wár vt. “verbrennen” [to burn, to scorch] Lukas 1953 203
W. Chadic- Ngizim wə́rnàk “burnt remains of mush in pot” Schuh 170
NS-Barea wor “to burn” Greenberg 97
B.11a.5
W. Chadic-Hausa gawāro “anything burnt black” gawāyi “charcoal” Skinner 81
S. Khoisan-Masarwa ‖gwa “ashes” Starostin, G. 2003 8
S. Khoisan-|Gwi ǂgúà “ashes” Starostin, G. 2003 16
S. Khoisan-S. Khoisan-!Xóő ‖gòa “ashes” Starostin, G. 2003 8
C. Chadic- Glavda ghúvra “charcoal” Rapp / Benzing 44
Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2. 67
South (Ethiopian) Semitic- Amharic gwäränna “taste burnt” Leslau 1976 208
160
112
Note- B.11b.1 (MSC) In most Chinese languages initial glottals are not phonemic. However in MSC a majority
of speakers employ a very weak voiced uvular fricative [ʁ], classified by Norman along with the zero initial as a
voiced continuant. Norman 139, 140. The initial h- employed in Pinyin transcription appears to reflect this
pronunciation which, though not a glottal closure, is phonetically close to it. Hence the E. Chadic-Mokulu ’uwwo
“fire”> N. Chinese-MSC huô “fire” words form a close correspondence (i.e. mimimal contrast). See also sets
B.11a.5 and B.11b.3.
161
Proto-C. Chadic
*hwu “fire” “fry”
Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic
Etymology 2006
Swadesh “fire” C. Chadic- Affade Proto-AA N. Khoisan-
B.11b.2 hu: “fire” (Orel / !Kung (Doke)
Chinese- Wu C. Chadic-Kilba Stolbova kuʔu “burn”
hu5 “fire, flame, húʔù “fire 1995) -Žu|’oan
burn with fire” C. Chadic-Klesem *xu’- fire” kùʔú
Hakka Dict. ahu: “fire” Skinner 7 Proto-N.
N. Chinese-MSC Greenberg 1966 *-hooʔ- Khoisan
hu “(of food) #30 56 “to burn, *kùʔú “burn”
burnt” become hot” Starostin, G.
Wu, J. 284 Ehret 1995 2003 111
#801 388
B.11b.3 E. Chadic-Mubi C. Cushitic- NS- Mahas S. Khoisan–
Swadesh “ashes” kēwi Afar urre Proto-!Wi
Swadesh “fire” “Feuer” [fire] ure “to burn” *!ui
N. Chinese-MSC Skinner 141 “be ignited” Greenberg 97 S. Khoisan–
hwēi (Y) / W. Chadic-Warji Skinner 153 |Xam,
huī kúwe / kə̀wai / kuwol S. Khoisan-
“ash” “dust” “fire” ǂKhomani
Wu, J. 296 Jungraithmayr 1994 !ui “ashes”
Chen 12 v. 2 138 Starostin, G.
C. Chinese-Wu C. Chadic- Dgwede 2003 8
huE1 “ashes” gẁvre “charcoal” See also
S. Chinese-Min Jungraithmayr 1994 Chapter 2C
hoe1 “fire, v.2 67 note C.38a.2-3
flame, burn with (Khoisan)
fire” Hakka Dict.
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.11b.1 N. Chinese –MSC huô “fire”
< E. Chadic-Mokulu ’uwwo “fire” / NS-Coman – Koma woti “fire”
B.11b.2 Chinese- Wu hu5 “fire, flame, burn with fire”
< C. Chadic- Affade hu: “fire” / N. Khoisan-!Kung (Doke) kuʔu “burn” -Žu|’oan kùʔú
Proto-N. Khoisan *kùʔú “burn”
Approximate Sinitic etyma *hu / *’uwwo “fire” ~ kuʔu “burn”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.11b.1 Middle Chinese xwoj “ashes, charcoal” Sagart 1999 98
Extended African/AA language word family:
B.11b.1
W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Pa’a h’wub’u “burn” Skinner 86
E. Cushitic-Oromo
(h)o’a “be hot” Skinner 141
hohu “riscaldarsi” [to get warm, get hot”] Borello 213
W. Chadic- Bura u’u “fire” Dictionary of Bura
Proto-S. Cushitic *’oh- “burn” Skinner 141
C. Chadic- Higi ‘-xw- “fire” Skinner 287
W. Chadic- S. Bauci-Tala kuwo:m “burn” Jungraithmayr 1994 v. 2 54
C. Chadic-Hina koho “fire” Greenberg 1966 56
W. Chadic-Hausa wutā “fire” Newman, P. 2007 21
162
Chinese-Kejia
[Hakka]
sau1 “warm”
Ramsey 113
B.11d.4 W. Chadic- NS- N. Khoisan-
TB-Tibetan Hausa Kanuri Auen
tsha-tsha “illness, zàzzàb’i zâu cã, ca
complaint” n. m. “painful, “illness,
Jaschke 442 “fever, difficult” be ill”
tsā vi. high Cyffer C. Khoisan-
“to get a sharp, painful temperatur 1990 19 Naron
sensation” e” cã
Goldstein 868-869 Newman / “to be ill”
tsha-gdung Ma 1979 Khoisan-
“afflictions from 140, Hatsa ca
disease, suffering, Newman, “illness,
from fever” R. 1990 be ill”
Das 1017 95 Greenberg
gdung “pain” 1967 75
B.11d.5 W. NS-
TB-Tibetan tsawa Chadic- Kanuri
“hot food, drinks” Hausa zâu
Goldstein 870 zau ideo. “hot (of
N. Chinese -MSC “hot (and pepper
jiāo tasty)” etc.)”
“any of several hot “very hot” Cyffer
spice plants” “very 1990 19
Wu J. 340 sweet”
TB- Bodo/Garo- Skinner
Dimasa sa-ba 298
“heat (used of the Newman, P.
heat of chillies, 2007 231
peppers)”
Benedict 1972 27
B.11d.6 Proto-AA Egyptian S. Khoisan-
TB-Central Loloish- *-šah̟- sa !Kwi-|Xam
Lahu “to burn” “to burn” ‖a ~ ‖a:
cá “boil, Ehret 1995 Budge v.2 635 “burn” vt.
cook” vt. #510 276 Starostin,
Matisoff 2003 63 G. 2012 14
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.11d.1
Khoisan-Hoan čhá “sun” Starostin, G. 2003 32
TB-Chin-Lushai śa ~ śat “hot” Benedict 1972 27 Matisoff 2003 9
TB-Meithei əsau “heat” Benedict 1972 63
N. Chinese-MSC shû “heat, hot weather” Wu, J. 636
B.11d.4
TB-Burmese tsha “pain” Benedict 1972 151
TB-Karenic-Sgaw sha “disease, pain, painful, hot”
TB-Karenic-Pwo sha “pain” Benedict 1972 136
TB-Bodo / Garo-Garo sa “ache, sick” Benedict 1972 27 Matisoff 2003 177 note d
166
B.12a.2
TB-Tibetan gambo “dry” Goldstein 52 kam “dried” Goldstein 116 gro-skam “dry wheat”
Das 249 [compound of this root and that of B.27.1]
TB-Kulung gɔ:ma “be dried at the fire” “dry at the fire” Starostin, S. Kulung Dictionary
Extended African/AA word family:
B.12a.1
C. Cushitic-Bilin kwan “backen” [bake] Skinner 141
C. Chadic-Mokulu kuŋgiraŋ ideo. “sec, rigide” [dry, stiff] Skinner 135. See also B.12c.1
B.12a.2
NC-Swahili ikame “barren, arid” Awde 2000 82
Egyptian khemm “to be hot, to be dry, to burn” Budge v.1 547 skhamm causative “to make hot”
Budge v.2 688
B.12a.3 Egyptian tchamā “dry land, parched ground” Budge v.2 898
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
B.12a.1 S. Daic-Lao haang5 adj. “dry” Marcus 68 kaang4 adj. “stiff” Marcus 216
B.12a.2 Proto-Kartvelian *qam- “to be dry” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 43
/
Swadesh “burn” N. Omotic- Semitic- Kanuri NC- Benue-
B.12b.1 N. Mao Hebrew kángin Congo- Ekoid
TB-Chin-Lushai k’än- kham “deep fry Bantu
kaŋ “burn” vt. “to burn” “warm (e.g. bean cakes kaŋ- “fry, bake”
TB- Jingpho Ehret 1995 (tempera- in oil)” Williamson /
[Kachin] #419 236 ture)” Cyffer 1990 79 Shimizu
kaŋ “to be hot, Baltsan 1968 v.1 174
emit heat, as the sun 814 kánnu n. C. Khoisan-Naro
or a flame” “fire” ‖xām
Benedict 1972 71 Lukas 1937 “cook”
kekāŋ 26, 209 Ruhlen 1994
roast, toast” Cyffer 1990 79 # 220 51
Matisoff 2003 136 kange n.
Proto-Tibeto- “fever, malarial
Burman *kaŋ fever”
“roast, toast, burn” Cyffer 1990 79
Benedict 1972
#330 71, 201
Matisoff 2003
268, 595
Swadesh W. NS-Songhay S. Khoisan-
“warm” Chadic- (Gao) ‖Ng!Ke
B.12b.2 Hausa kónnù ‖kwonna
TB-Kiranti-Kaling k’ona “ětre chaud, “be warm”
ghona “burn” ětre fièvreux” Greenberg 1966
“to heat, Newman, [be warm, be 76
to warm” R. feverish]
Starostin, S. 1990 31 Ducroz 155
Kiranti Etymology W. Chadic-
[Disyllabic corresp.] Buli konu
“burn,
dry up”
Skinner
174
170
N. Chinese-MSC gāng “firm, strong” “rigid” gāngxing “rigidity” Wu, J. 221 Huang 130
Proto-Chinese *kāng “hard, strong” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
Extended African/AA word family:
NS-Kanuri gangâu “dried, hard, untanned animal skin” Cyffer 1990 56
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
B.12c.1 South Daic-Lao kaang4 adv. “hard” Marcus 100 adj. “stiff” Marcus 186
adj. “tough, strong” Marcus 234
↓↓
ST Languages African /ME languages - Close correspondences
B.13 AA –Chadic AA-Cushitic, AA- Nilo-Saharan Niger-Congo
Omotic Sem.
B.13.1 Nuer NC-S.W.
TB-Tibetan tuəl Mande-
rdul “dust as “smoke” Mende
particles floating in Huffman 46 ndùlú
the air” “smoke,
Jaschke 286 vapour”
“dust, motes” Mukarovsky
Das 700 127
TB-Pattani
dhul “dust”
Matisoff 2003 415
Swadesh “smoke” C. Chadic- N. Omotic- Songhay (Gao) NC-E. Mande-
B.13.2 Gude Janjero dùllù “vapeur, Bobo
TB-Tibetan tùl tuloo fumée” túlú
tuluŋ “smoke” “dusty” “dust” [steam, smoke] “dust”
Goldstein 530 Skinner 263 Skinner 263 Ducroz 264 Mukarovsky 151
[Disyllabic corresp.] N. Omotic- dullu
TB-E. Kiranti- Gimira “smoke”
Bantawa tulloo “dust” Greenberg
dhu-mi-lo Mukarovsky 1966 145
“dusty, misty” 151 Mukarovsky
Matisoff 2003 415 127
B.13.3 W. Chadic- Nile Nubian
TB-N. Loloish- Hausa [Kenuzi-
Nusu tùrùrī “steam, Dongola]
dhui “dust” vapor” tulli
TB-Kokborok Skinner 264 “smoke”
ha-druy “dust” Newman, P. Greenberg
Matisoff 2003 415 2007 213 1966 105
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.13.1 TB-Tibetan rdul “dust, as particles floating in the air” “dust, motes”
< Omotic-Janjero tuloo “dust” / tulloo “dust” / NS- Songhay dùllù “vapeur, fumée” [steam, smoke]
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etymon *tul- / dul- “dust, smoke”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.13.1
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *dul ~ *tul “dust” Matisoff 2003 587
TB-Tibetan tüü “smoke” Goldstein 532 düü “to make smoke (usually by burning incense)”
Goldstein 452 tushaà, tuwə, “smoke” tudreg “smoke, dirt, soot” Goldstein 530
dú-ba / dúd-pa “smoke” dú-z̀ag “the smoke or vapor hanging over towns and villages in the
morning” Jaschke 252, 253
173
113
Note- B.14a.1 (Nepali, Sanskrit Extended) Nepali contains both an IE-Sanskrit and a TB-based lexicon. It’s
phul- form of the root corresponds most closely to the Arabic- full and Sanskrit phul-. These in turn correspond
2
more closely to the Proto-Afro-Asiatic *pur- “flower, grass” than do the Tibetan büǜ and the Jingpho pu which
correspond more closely to the B.14a.2 Chadic/Cushitic forms. Hence the proximate root of the Sanskrit form is
most likely to be the Semitic-Arabic full.
175
114
Note- B.14c.2 (Tibetan) This is another case in which Classical (Written) Tibetan attests a change from the
initial ku- element found here in Hausa and Arabic to a Tibetan initial glottal stop or fricative. (See Note B.11a.1-2
above and Chapter 10 section 10.3.2.2). In this case the change is a reduction of a Khoisan lateral click to an
h- laryngeal fricative. See also sets A.7b.1 and A.20a.2 .
178
B.14.c.2 W. Chadic–Hausa kùmburii n. “swelling, swollen area (esp. from bite, sting)”
Newman , R. 1990 268
E. Cushitic-Rendille kábuúr n. “bigger than, greater than” Pillinger 172
Semitic-Hebrew kabeer n. “great, tremendous” Baltsan 159 “huge” Baltsan 613
NC-Bantu-Swahili kufura “to swell” Swahili-English dictionary
B.14c.3 E. Chadic–Dangaleat bòoyò “swell” Mukarovsky 102
E. Cushitic-Oromo borollé “ulcera, piaga” [ulcer, wound] Borello 62
B.14c.4
C. Chadic-Mandara (Wandala) mbur “boil” Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic-Etymology
E. Cushitic-Rendille fùur “state of boiling (of liquids)” “bloatedness (refers to bloating in animals
after eating certain types of grass)” Pillinger 118
C. Chadic-Bura mbwur nfwa “foaming of the sap in firewood”
mbwur shabul “soapsuds” Dict. of Bura.
NS-Anywa [Anuak] bʌ̀k vt. bʌכʌò detransitivized “to boil something” Reh 9, 89
bòoyó “foam” Reh 11
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) foora / fawra “a boiling”
fawwar “to boil furiously”
fawwam “to soap, suds, lather” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 362-363
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
B.14c.1
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian *bul- “swelling, lump” Starostin, Sergei Mongolian Etymology
-Mongolian-Khalka *bulū “swelling, lump” Starostin, Sergei Mongolian Etymology
-Mongolian-Kalmuck *bulə “swelling, lump” Starostin, Sergei Mongolian Etymology
IE-Bengali bɔro “big, large” bara “grow, increase, develop” Thompson 65-66, 87
B.14c.2 IE-Pashto ghumb’ah “a hard swelling, a protuberance , a tumour” Raverty 732
Altaic-Turkic-Turkish
kabarmak “to swell” kabarma “rising, swelling, puffing, bulging”
kabarcik “bubble” Tureng 700
B.14c.3 IE-Hindi phorā “boil” n. Scudiere 21
B.14c.4 IE-Hindi bulbulā n. “bubble” Scudiere 23
IE-Pashto bawra “a gal, a corn, a bunion” Raverty 121
B.14c.3-4 Proto-Indo-European *bherw- “to boil, to seethe” Nikolayev, Sergei IE Etymology
/
B.14d.1 W. Chadic- Gwandara
S. Chinese-Min hure
huê “flower” “flower”
Bodman hure bure
1987 v.2 141 “the flower opened”
1983 70, 165 115 Matsushita 1972 50
B.14d.2 Egyptian
N. Chinese -MSC uab “a plant, flower, blossom”
huā “flower, blossom, uaárekh “to blossom”
bloom” Wu, J. 286 Budge v.1 146
huār “flower, Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi)
flower bush” warraq “to leaf, put forth
Wang F. 210116 leaves”
115
Note- B.14d.1 (Chinese-Min, MSC-Gwandara/Hausa) The variant Hausa and Gwandara f / h initials represent
a dialectal alternation, so the B.14d.1 Gwandara hure does not contrast with the B.14a.1 Hausa/Gwandara fùrē.
See Notes B.10.2 (Hausa) and H.3a.2 (Hausa.)
180
huācóng waraq
“flowering shrubs, “foliage, leafage, leaves” ;
flowers in clusters” wuram / warram
Wu, J. 286 “to swell up, become swollen”
cóng warrad
“clump, thicket, grove” “to blossom,
(B.2b.4 ) be in bloom”
warid
“flower(s)”
Dict. of Iraqi Arabic
part 2 491-2
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.14d.2 N. Chinese-MSC huā “flower, blossom, bloom”
< Egyptian uaárekh “to blossom” Budge v.1 146 / Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) warraq “to leaf, put
forth leaves” warid “flower(s)”
Approximate Sinitic etymon war- “to bloom, to blossom” “flower”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.14d.1 S. Chinese-Min hue-khuán “a wreath of flowers” Bodman 1987 v.2 154
khuán “circle” (F.7a.3)
B.14d.2 S. Chinese-Min hoa1 “flower” Hakka Dict.
↓↓
In Afro-Asiatic and ST languages the following word families representing water and its states
contain a great many variant forms having the initial syllables khu / kho or su / chu / cho.
NC-Mande and especially Khoisan languages attest similar morphemes, so the ultimate source
probably lies outside of AA.
ST languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
B.15a-f Afro-Asiatic AA-Cush., Afro-Asiatic NS NC,
– Chadic Proto-AA -Semitic Khoisan
Swadesh W. Chadic– C. Cushitic- W. For [Fur] S. Khoisan-Nu‖en
“rain” Bachama Bilin (Ethiopic) kɔwí !kwe
B.15a.1 gùrɛכy kurā / kuri Semitic- “rain” “rain”
TB-Qiangic-Pumi “lake” “Fluss” Gurage Berta Starostin, G.
Dayang Mukarovsky [river] kure kɔ̃ì “rain, 2003 28117
gwí “rain” 299 Skinner 161 “pond, flood cloud” C. Khoisan-Tati
Matisoff of water” Nyimang xwere
2003 171 Leslau 1979 kwe water” “waterhole”
S. Chinese-Min v.3 348 Ruhlen Ruhlen 1994
khué “stream” 1994 327 #615 67
Bodman 1987
v.2 111, 155
116
Note- B.14d.2 (MSC) The Arabic and Egyptian forms with final -r give evidence that the MSC huār form is
probably derived from an AA root stem ending in -r, rather than being a case of erisation, i.e. the nominalizing
function of the Beijing -r “rhotacized” (ér-huà) finals. See Yip Po-Ching 2000 30, Norman 144-145,
notes D.3c.1, E.33.1 (MSC) gēr) and sets F.18b.1 (MSC), H.8a.2 (MSC).
117
Note- B.15a.1 (Khoisan) In this case the Khoisan form corresponds closely to all the AA subfamilies plus,
NC-Mande, and Nilo-Saharan and these show a close correspondence with the ST forms. Semantics are those of
“stream”, “rain”. “river” “water”. These multiple correspondences in four different AA languages suggest a
proximate origin in Cushitic or Semitic. Mande and NS are older than any of the AA languages but the ultimate
origin is probably Khoisan which, as well as corresponding closely in its B.15a.1,3 phonetic forms in the B.15a.1
morpheme attests the probably original meaning of all forms, i.e.”rain” or “water” as in TB.
181
NC-N. Mande-Bambara ko “ruisseau, marigot” [brook, side channel of river] Skinner 147
NC-N. Mande-Xassonke xo “(small) river” Mukarovsky 299
NC-Bantu-Swahili mkojo “urine” Swahili-English Dictionary
N. Khoisan-!O!Kung kau “water” Ruhlen 1994 327
Semitic-Arabic xawr “gulf, mouth of river” Skinner 161
C. Chadic-Yedina (Buduma) kwara “urine” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
B.15a.1
IE-Sanskrit kuhi- / kuha- ”fog, mist” Kuiper 1955 143
kuhedi / kuhedika / kuhelika ”fog, mist” Cologne Lexicon
IE-Hindi kuhāsā ”mist” Scudiere 100
See also Supplementary Table 2 B.15a.1-3 and B.34.1.
Proto-Altaic *k’oli “lake, basin”
Altaic-Proto-Tungus-Manchu *xule “lake, basin” Starostin. Sergei Altaic Etymology
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *ügüŕ “river, small river”
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho pu’kuri “pond” Kobayashi Table 1 #139 3
puku’ri “lake” Kobayashi Table 1 #139 Table 3 #10 3
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho‘kū:ɛ “well” Kobayashi Table 1 #115 3
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Santali kū:i “well” Kobayashi Table 3 #115 15
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Santali ’kuh’ra / ‘kuh’rǝ “fog”
Kobayashi Table 3 #154 16
B.15a.2
Proto-Altaic *kūre / *kūri “rain, storm” Starostin. Sergei Altaic Etymology
IE-Hindi kār̝ī n.f. “gulf, bay” Scudiere 18, 71, 225
IE-Sanskrit aGkura “water” aG “water” (B.34.1)
Kartvelian-Georgian tkor- “tide” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 54
Proto-Kartvelian tkor- “to flow, splash” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 54
IE-Pashto karrob “watered, irrigated, wetted with water” Raverty 415
IE-Bengali pukur “lake, pond” Thompson 108, 118
IE-Hindi pokhara “pond” Kobayashi Table 1 #139 3 Table 2 #139 9 Table 3 #139 16
IE-Hittite karitt “Flut, Ueberschwemmung” (Ger.) [flood, waters, high tide”
Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology
Proto-Altaic *k’ara “tide, ebb-tide, flood”
Altaic-Proto Turkic *k’ar- “tide, ebb-tide, flood”
Altaic-Turkic-Uyghur aqar su “running water” “stream, river” Uyghur Dictionary
Altaic-Proto Tunygus-Manchu *ügē(r)- “river, small river” /
*xarba- “tide, ebb-tide, flood” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian *k’argi- “tide, ebb-tide, flood” /
*kura “rain, storm” http://starling.rinet.ru./c
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho ‘gara / ga’ra “river” Kobayashi Table 1 #135 3
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Mundari ga’ra / gar’ha “river” Kobayashi Table 2 #135 9
B.15a.3
IE-Pashto khwarr “a watercourse, a ravine, the dry bed of a river”
khwarrah “the sandy bottom of a ravine or watercourse” Raverty 414-415
IE-Sanskrit kuha- ”fog” Cologne Lexicon
IE-Hindi kuhāsā “mist” m. Scudiere 100, 221
Kobayashi Tables 1-3 #154 4, 10, 16
IE-Bengali kuwasha ”fog, mist” Thompson 44, 100, 195
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Mundari kuă’si / kua’si / kuăsa “fog” Kobayashi Table 2
#154 10
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Santali ‘ku’wǝ:s “fog” Kobayashi Table 3 #154 16
184
/
Swadesh “water” W. Chadic -.N. Cushitic- Egyptian Kanuri Khoisan-
B.15b.1 Proto-TB Bauci- Diri Dembya, sáu kasuwa ǂHoan
*sywar ~ *śwar tsúwáru / súwárú Quara “pool, lake, n. current čoʔaŋ
”flow” “flow, pour” ”water” suwā drinking (of a river “rain”
Benedict 1972 W. Chadic - ”pluie” trough” etc.)” Starostin,
#241207 N. Bauci-Warji [rain] Budge v.2 súwú G. 2003
Matisoff 2003 suwára / tsuwárá / Jungraith- 642 “rainfall 28
66, 84, 394, 427 suwárá ”water” mayr 1994 with very
[Disyllabic corresp.] Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 176 little
Old Chinese v.2 340 Cushitic- clouding
śi̭wər ”water” Proto-W. Chadic Chamir over”
Karlgren GSR 576a-e *s̟wr “water” zōwā Cyffer
Matisoff 2003 37, 451 Jungraithmayr “pluie” 1990
TB-E. Kiranti- 1994 v.1 176 118 [rain] 83, 16
Waling tśəwa W. Chadic-Hausa Jungraith-
“water” zúbā “pour” vg.1 mayr
Benedict 1972 109 Newman, R. 1994
S. Chinese-Min 1990 205 v.1 176
suā “mountain stream, zúraàraa
brook” Bodman 1987 “pour in, draw
v.2 111, 417 water”
“river” 1983 74 Stolbova, Olga
W. Chadic-Etymology
B.15b.2 Proto-W. Chadic Proto-Afro- Semitic-
N. Chinese-MSC (Jungraithmayr) Asiatic Arabic
shào (WG) *s’awr- *-s’aw- saub
“driving rain, “water” “to flow” “to pour
to sprinkle, Ehret 1995 Ehret 1995 out, heavy
to dash water” #540 287 #540 287 shower”
Mathews #5681 785 Ehret 1995
“(of rain) slant in” 287, 515
“sprinkle”
Wu, J. 602
B.15b.3 Semitic-
S. Chinese-Min Arabic
chiao2 mijjahu
“lake, pond, pool, (IPA)
marsh, swamp” “water” n.
Hakka Dict. Merriam-
Webster
Arabic 176
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.15b.1 Old Chinese śi̭wər ”water” / TB-E. Kiranti-Waling tśəwa “water” / S. Chinese-Min
suā / cuā “mountain stream, brook” “a spring, a small stream” “river”
< W. Chadic -N. Bauci- Warji suwára / tsuwárá / suwárá ”water” / Cushitic-Dembya, Quara
suwā ”pluie” [rain]
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *suwára ~ suwā ”pluie” [rain]
118
Note- B.15b.1 (Proto-W. Chadic) The *swr “B grade” root is found only in W. Chadic. It is the root for 7 out
of 77 reflexes in Chadic languages reviewed by Jungraithmayr. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 176, v.2 340-341.
185
TB-Jingpho -!O!Kung
[Kachin] ‖gu
ku “water” “water”
Ruhlen 1994 327 Starostin, G.
2003 7
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.15d.1 TB-Tibetan chu “water, brook, river” / N. Chinese-MSC chù “water flowing”
< C. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖’e [Khoi] čū “flow”
B.15d.3 TB-Kiranti-Lulung ku “water, spring” / TB-Newari (Medieval) khu “river”
< N. Khoisan N. Khoisan -‖Au‖en ‖gu “water”, -!O!Kung ‖gu “water”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *chu “water” “stream, flow, pour” ~ ‖gu “water”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.15d.1
TB-Tibetan shüǜju “fast flowing stream” Goldstein 951 [compound of B.15d.1 and B.15d.2
variants of this root.] chu “water, the universal and common term in all senses” Das 413
mi-chu “urine of men” Jaschke 157 mi “man, person” cūmo “river” Goldstein 366
TB-Tibetan gūju “a standing pool of water” Goldstein 7
cārju “rain water” “rainfall, rain” Goldstein 358 [compound of this B.15d.1 root and that of
B.15d.2 S. Chinese-Min chù “to pour (liquid)” Amoy-English Dict. 167 Hakka Dict cû-lai ī –chui
“running water” Bodman 1987 v.2 129
N. Chinese-MSC chu (WG) “a pool or small lake” Mathews #1358 191
TB-Burmese ćəw “be wet, moist” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) syuh “seasonal rains, timely rain” “(plants etc.) saturated with rain
water” Chik / Ng Lam 274 chìuh “the tide” “damp, moist, wet” Chik / Ng Lam 272
TB-Tibetan mtsho-la-hbab “streams descending from mountains and flowing into a lake,
also rivers that flow into the sea” Das 1041
B.15d.2
Old Chinese giwo “rain” Karlgren GSR 100a-c
TB-Garo sol-aŋ “flow” sol-agip “current” Matisoff 2003 394
Extended African/AA word family:
B.15d.1 C. Chadic–Zime-Batna cubur “urine” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 335
Cushitic- Kambata shuma-t “urine” Hudson 161, 338
Cushitic- Hadiyya shume’ á-kko’ “urinate” Leslau 1979 v.3 579
C. Chadic-Gude cəlaʔ “to rain, dripping” Militarev / Stolbova
C. Chadic- Bura xula “water” Mukarovsky 290
B.15d.3
Khoisan-‖Ŋ!ke ku ”to pour” Greenberg 1966 80
NS-Kanuri kúu ideo. “emphasizes constant falling of rain” Cyffer 1990 105
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
B.15d.1 IE-Sanskrit
cyu “to come forth from, come out of, stream forth from” “to cause to stream forth”
ācyu “to cause to flow over, pour out”
cyut “to flow, trickle, ooze”
cyuti “coming forth” [Disyllabic correspondence]
Cologne Lexicon. See also Supplementary Table 2 B.15d.1
Kartvelian-Georgian ̣cuṛcul “to gurgle, flow”
Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 14
Altaic-Turkic-Tuvan suh “water”
Altaic-Turkic-Uyghur su / suu “water”
Altaic-Turkic-Azeri su / suu “water”
Altaic-Turkic-Kyrgyz su / suu “water” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology
188
/
B.15e.1 W. Chadic–Ron
S. Chinese-Kejia (Bokkos) shu
[Hakka] “giessen” [pour]
chu5 / tsu4 Jungraithmayr 1970
“pour (liquid)” 149
Hakka Dict. W. Chadic– Hausa
N. Chinese-MSC tsūgàa vt.
zhù “pour” “to pour out in great
Wu, J. 918 quantity”
Newman, P. 2007
209
B.15e.2 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-Hausa N. Cushitic- NS-Songhay (Koyra)
btso “to dye” tsōmàa vt. Beja soo
btso-wa “to dye” “dip into liquid” [Bedauye] “pour out (liquid),
Das 1005 Newman, 2007 209 shō drain (e.g. boiler, rice)
tsöö “to be steeped, “dip, dip into” “farben” Heath v.1 222
permeated with Newman, R. 1990 69 [to dye] (Djenne)
something” “dip into water” Skinner 246 sɔɔ
“dye, paint” Skinner 272 “pour (liquid) out, drain
Goldstein 891 (e.g. boiler, rice)”
Chinese-MSC Heath v.2 171
tzû (WG) (Gao) sóogó “décanter en
“to soak, passant dans un linge,
to steep” “sodden” fondre un métal”
Mathews #6960 1027 Ducroz 207
B.15e.3 W. Chadic – Hausa E. Cushitic- Semitic-Arabic
TB-Tibetan zubàa vg.1 vt. Somali saub
shó-ba / bsho-ba “pour into” shub “to pour out, heavy shower”
(Central Tibet) zubař vt. vg.5 “to pour” Ehret 1995 #913 515
“to pour out, to pour (efferential) Awde 1999 zubaġ “to slip out, slip
away” “pour out, spill out” 47, 71 away”
Jaschke 566, 568 119 Newman, P. 2000 655 Proto-Afro- Dict. of Iraqi Arabic
[Disyllabic corresp.] “pour out, away” Asiatic part 2 201 257
btso-ba “throw away quantity (Orel / Egyptian
“to dye, of something” Stolbova tchabagi
to colour” zùbèe vg.4 vt. 1995) “to dip,
Jaschke 435 (completive) *zub- / to immerse,
“pour away all” *dzub- to submerge”
“leak or flow out” “flow, pour” Budge v.2 89
Newman, P. 2007 Skinner 299
232-233
See also Chapter 10
section 10.2.1.2 on
completives
119
Note- B.15e.3 (Tibetan, Hausa) The Tibetan shó-ba appears to have the closest phonetic correspondence to
the Hausa grade 1 transitive verb form zubàa “pour into”. However the Tibetan semantics of “pour out” indicate
a closer correspondence with the Hausa grade 5 transitive zubař “pour out”. Newman calls the grade 5 of the
Hausa verb the “efferential” aspect. Hence the zubař “pour out” reverses the action “pour in or into” expressed
by the grade 1 basic form zubàa. See Newman, P. 2000 655 and Chapter 10 Section 10.2.1.2 efferentials.
189
C. Chadic–Bura dzubu “to empty out, dump out a receptacle” Dict. of Bura
E. Cushitic-Oromo c̟obu vi. “gocciolare, stillare, grondare, colare” [to drip, to ooze, to run off,
to filter] Borello 80-81, 83
Berber (Tuareg) zəbənzəbət “laisser couler par goutelettes” [let flow in droplets] Skinner 299
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) cabb “to pour out” “to spill” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 83
subuġ “paint, dye, coloring” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 257
West Chadic-Hausa zubìi vn. “casting in metal, preparing indigo infusion in a dye pit”
Newman, P. 2007 233
Semitic-Written Arabic sabaka “to pour, to pour out (a liquid)” Wehr 486
/
B.15f.1 W. Chadic- Hausa
TB-Tibetan dzishun shūnī “indigo dye”
“varnish, shellac, lacquer” “indigo colored”
Goldstein 859 dzi “thick liquid” “prepared indigo” Skinner 246
tshon “color, paint” Jaschke 453 shùunayyàa adj. “deep indigo blue”
“color, coloring matter” Das 1035-1036 Newman, P. 2007 187 120
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.15f.1 TB-Tibetan tshon “color, paint” “color, coloring matter”
< W. Chadic-Hausa shuni “prepared indigo”
Approximate Tibetan etymon *shuni “prepared indigo”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.15f.1 TB-Tibetan tshúr-mo / mtshúro-mo “colouring matter, pigment” Jaschke 449
tshur-mo “paint, pigment” Das 1028
Extended African/AA word family:
B.15f.1 W. Chadic-Hausa shūd’i “dyeing blue” Newman / Ma 1979 111 Skinner 246
↓↓
Sino-Tibetan African/AA languages-Close correspondences
languages
B.16a-c Afro-Asiatic AA-Cushitic, AA-Semitic NS Khoisan
– Chadic Proto-AA Egyptian
Swadesh “rain” W. Chadic -. Proto-Afro- Egyptian NS-Maba C. Khoisan-
B.16a.1 S. Bauci- Asiatic *-cār- sha Group- Hiešware
TB-Tibetan Wangday “to abound in ”lake, pool, Masalit tsaa “water”
chár / shar / shà water, be very cistern, sàa N. Khoisan-
char-pa ”water” wet” Ehret tank” “water, !Kung
“rain” Jungraith- 1995 #493 269 Budge rain” ša / ca “water”
Jaschke 156 mayr (Orel/Stolbova v.2 720 Edgar Greenberg
Das 410 1994 v.2 340 1995) Written 358 1966 83
cār / cārba *xar “river” Arabic N. Khoisan-
“rain” Skinner 161 jarā Proto-Non-
Goldstein 358 E. Cushitic- “to flow, Khoikhoi
Burji k’áraari stream” *châ “water”
“rainy season” Wehr 144-5 Starostin, G.
Sasse 1982 124 2003 36
120
Note- B.15f.1 (Chadic-Hausa) The preparation of indigo to dye fabrics was probably the first use of boiling
as a dying process in Africa. Blue dye processed from indigo was the main traditional coloring for clothes in some
parts of the African Sahel and is still widely used.
The Tibetan shun / tshon root variants are related to the B.15e.2 Chadic-Hausa tsōmàa vt. “dip into liquid”
or B.15e.3 Hausa zubìi vn. “casting in metal, preparing indigo infusion in a dye pit” or Arabic Semitic-Arabic
subaġ “to paint, dye, stain”. These latter two correspond to B.15e.3 TB-Tibetan btso-ba “to dye, to color”.
191
121 w
Note- B.16a.2 (Hausa) Skinner interprets this form as a compound < K -r + ma. The ma element is from
Proto-Afro-Asiatic *ma / *am “water”. Skinner 174
192
Egyptian qar ”hole, hollow” qarr “cellar” Budge v.2 763 khar-t “ravine, canal” Budge v.1 533
B.16b.2 C. Chadic-Hwona kwarà “hole” Stolbova, Olga C.Chadic Etymology
B.16b.3
W. Chadic–Hausa aukawa “valley” Bargery 2002
C.Khoisan-Nama Hottentot !kxowi “valley” Greenberg 1966 83
C. Chadic–Margi kaʔo “hole” Stolbova, Olga 2006 C. Chadic Etymology
B.16b.4
Semitic-Written Arabic kurba “hole, eye of a needle, anus” Wehr 269
E. Chadic-Dangaleat kurka “creux” [hollow] Skinner 147
B.16b.6 Semitic-Arabic (Yemeni) gabur “grave, tomb” gabar “to bury (a dead person)”
Qafisheh 481
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
B.16b.2
IE-Sanskrit kuhara “a cavity, hollow, hole” Cologne Lexicon
IE-Bengali guha “cave” “mountain cave” Thompson 47, 90
IE-Sanskrit kévata “cave, pit” RV (“hapax”)
B.16b.3 Kartvelian-Megrel xabo “ravine” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 43
Proto-Indo-European skur- “hole” Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-Europan Etymology 125
IE-Bengali gɔrto “hole, cavity, ditch” Thompson 46, 104
B.16b.5
IE-Hindi khulī “quarry” m. Scudiere 129, 226
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *kōl “valley” / Altaic-Turkic-Kyrgyz kol- “valley”
Altaic-Turkic-Tuvan xol- “valley” / Altaic-Turkic-Uyghur qol- “valley”
Altaic-Mongolian qol- “river”
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian *gola “valley” / gowl “valley” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
See also C.1b.3
B.16b.6
IE-Old Indian kūpa- m. “pit, hole” Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology
IE-Hindi qabr / kabr n. “grave” “tomb” Scudiere 70, 173 gufā m. “cave” Scudiere 26, 231
Altaic-Turkic-Turkish kabir “grave” Tureng 700
/
B.16c.1 TB-Mikir angkok “cavity, W. Chadic- E. NS-Anywa Khoisan-
opening, hole, crevice” Walker 5 Hausa Cushitic- kùgù Sandawe
TB-Tibetan khogbub “cavity (of kòogō Sidamo “decayed, goʔa
abdomen, mouth, tooth)” Das 152 “hole, gōggōla hollow trunk “valley”
S. Chinese-Min kok1 “valley, ravine, cavity, “hollow of a tree” Greenberg
waterway between two mountains” cave” in tree” Reh 38, 130 1966 83
Chinese-Hakka kok7 “a gully, a Skinner 147 Skinner NS-Nuer
channel for water, a narrow ravine” Newman, P. 147 kuk “hole,
Hakka Dict. 2007 115 as hole in
Old Chinese kok7 / giuk “valley” tree”
Karlgren GSR #1202a-c Huffman 25
Matisoff 2003 524
Middle Chinese kuwk “mountain
valley” Sagart 1999 98, 106-107
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.16c.1 Chinese- Hakka kok7 “a gully, a channel for water, a narrow ravine at the floor of a hill”
< Chadic- Hausa kògī “river” / Khoisan-Sandawe goʔa “valley”
B.16c.1 TB- Chin-Mikir angkok “cavity, opening, hole, crevice”
< W. Chadic- Hausa kogo “hole, cavity”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *kògī “river” ~ kogo “hole, cavity”
195
122
Note- B.17.1 (Proto-TB) Benedict considers the r- initial to be a prefix and reconstructs the Proto-TB root as
*r-wa. Matisoff does not annotate the initial *r of the proto-TB root as a prefix, apparently preferring *rwa as
the basic form, but he proposes *wa as an alternative proto-form.. Matisoff 2003 663. The B.17.1 set of this table
supports the integral *ruwa form as the TB-proto-form since it shows that the r- initial of the TB *rwa
morphemes is a contracted form of the initial ru- first radical of its AA correspondences.
123
Note- B.17.2-3 (NC) Mande shows parallel cognates between its lug-, lo-, lu- initials and the Chadic rux-,
lw-, ruw– variants. A Chadic variant is the probable proximate etymon and either an NS or NC variant the
probable ultimate one.
196
124
Note- B.18a.3-4 (Tibetan) The B.18a.4 Tibetan kūlaŋ / lāŋ exhibits a Nilo-Saharan *ke- optional “prefix”
which contrasts only in this respect with the B.18a.3 TB-Tibetan form. The contrast also exists within NS between
the NS-Kanuri and NS-Songhay sets (B.18a.4,6) both of which match a Tibetan form.
See also Greenberg 1966 132 note 36 “movable ” k-” and other examples in sets A.20a.1-2 and Chapter 10
section 10.3.2
This word family also exhibits the parallel ST ↔ AA final -m and -n contrast. See Note D.1-2, 3-4.
199
125
Note- B.18b.1 (N. Chinese (Beijing) Many scholars consider that final -m merged with final - n in northern
Chinese sometime after the composition of the Zhongyuan yinyun [Rhymes of the central plain] in the early
fourteenth century CE. Norman 49 Ramsey 142. However the lexeme *làn- “soggy (of food)” gives evidence of
being a variant of the PAA *làm- root in both Hausa and Beijing/Cantonese. The normal form in Cantonese would
be B.18a.2 lahm, with B.18a.3 làn- being a variant form. This could be interpreted as indicating that both Hausa
forms were inherited by Chinese languages and that the Beijing -làn form had also been inherited directly from
Hausa into a northern vernacular , but was not attested in the Zhongyuan yinyun. Given that both variants appear
in Cantonese (B.18a.1, B18b.1 both with Hausa correspondences ) the contrast need not necessarily be the result
of a regular sound change -m > n- found within northern Chinese. The sound change to làn- is the result of
regressive (anticipatory) assimilation: m to n before the velar in Hausa làngàb’ee and such a shift in Hausa
may have been inherited independently in Beijing while both forms were plausibly retained in Cantonese. Thus
the shift could have occurred independently in north Chinese without any inheritance from AA, but the parallel
with Hausa is noteworthy. See also Chapter 2D note D.1.3-4 where sets D.1.1.and D.1.4 similarly attest Chinese-
MSC and asin this case match Proto-Afro-Asiatic root – m and –n finals.
200
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (MacIver, Lau Chunfat) lan5 / lan3 / lan6 “overripe; rotten; spoiled;
decayed” “rot; fester” “cooked; soft; well cooked”. Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA word family:
B.18b.1
C. Chadic-Mofu-Gudur lab’ab’a “mou (comme de la bouillie)”
[soft like stewed food] Barreteau 388
NS-Kanuri lâmlâm n. “insufficent flavor or taste” Cyffer 1990 109
W. Chadic-Ngizim
dləmatu “become spoiled, become ruined”
dləmtú “ruin, spoil” Schuh 46
South-(Ethiopian) Semitic-Amharic lâmä “be pulverized, be powdery, be tender” Leslau 1976 7
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
B.19 Afro-Asiatic – Chadic AA –Cushitic, AA- Nilo- NC
Proto-AA Sem. Saharan
B.19.1 Proto-Afro-Asiatic
Chinese- Hakka *-yam-
(MacIver) “to submerge,
4 5
jam / jam go under water”
“drown, cover with Ehret 1995
liquid, submerge” . #1002 475
Hakka Dict. N. Cushitic-Beja
S. Chinese-Yue [Bedawi]
(Cantonese) yam “water”
jam “submerge, Reinisch 242
cover with water” Ehret 1995
Kwan 512, 150 126 #1002 475
B.19.2 W. Chadic- Ngizim
TB-Tibetan ’yamú vi.
h̟’byam-pa “to submerge,
“to flow over, go under water”
to be diffused” Schuh 178
Jaschke 396 Ehret 1995
Das 923 #1002 475
126
Note-B.19.1-3 (Chinese, Tibetan)
The initial j- of the Chinese forms and the initial h̟- of the Tibetan form both contrast minimally with the
Chadic-Ngizim initial ‘y- form. The Chinese notation incorporates the initial glottal/pharyngeal into the j-
notation. Phonetically the Tibetan h̟byam-pa corresponds most closely to the Chadic-Ngizim ’yamú and the
Tibetan h̟kyam-pa most closely to the Proto-E.Cushitic *cam-.
The B.19.1 TB-Burmese Extended) hijàm / hijàmh is probably an example of a different transcription of initial
glottals. See B.20a.3 where Old Chinese xiwən corresponds with the hi- of the B.20b.3 C.Chadic-Hurza hiyeŋ.
For Tibetan Das used an inital pharyngeal spirant h̟- symbol, while Jaschke used the symbol [o ] [subscript circle]
which is equivalent to the later /’/ and ʔ (IPA) notations to express the glottal initial. See also Note B.20a.2
following.
201
B.19.3 Proto-E.
TB-Tibetan Cushitic
chu h̟’kyam-pa *cam-
“inundation, flood” “to get wet”
Das 194 Ehret 1995
chu “water” #459 256
B.19.4 C. Chadic- Maba E. Nuer
N. Chinese-MSC jaŋ “faire courir, courir”Cushitic-Rendille nyaŋ
yān “s’ecouler, khuyyánahe “to be
“flood, submerge, se repandre “be wet (of many saturated,
inundate” (un liquide)” things or places)” soaked”
yānsî [to run, to flow (out), “be wet all over” Huffman
“drown ” to spill, to spread out Pillinger 196, 411 35
Wu, J. 792 (of a liquid)]
Caitucoli 92
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.19.1-2 Chinese- Hakka jam4 / jam5 “drown, cover with liquid, submerge”
< Proto-Afro-Asiatic *-yam- “to submerge, go under water”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon: *’yam- vi. “to submerge, go under water”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.19.1
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) jàm “pour (gently) Kwan 363 ; to fill a cup with (beverage)”
Chik / Ng Lam 199 “to dip, to immerse, to soak” Chik / Ng Lam 257
“soak (put in water)”
Kwan 489 jamsei “drown (drown in water)” sei “die”
TB-Burmese
hiàm “to run over, as water”
hijàmh “to be brimming full” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
B.19.4 N. Chinese-MSC zhān “moisten, soak” yàng “brim over, overflow” Wu, J. 80, 873
Extended African/AA word family:
B.19.1
C. Chadic- Sukur yiam “water” Greenberg 1966 63
C. Chadic- Mofu-Gudur yam “eau” Barreteau 321
Semitic- Hebrew yam “sea” Baltsan 449
Semitic -Arabic yamm “sea” Greenberg 1966 63
Proto-Semitic *ym (*yam) “sea” Ehret 1995 #1002 475
Egyptian ym “river, sea” Ehret 1995 #1002 475
E. Cushitic-Somali yumbo “to immerge” Ehret 1995 #1002 475
B.19.2 NS-Kanuri nyamnyam “very light rain or mist, drizzling rain” Cyffer 1990 143
nyamnyami “shower of rain” Skinner 289
B.19.4 W. Chadic-Hausa ’yan’kayi “swimming” Skinner 289
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
B.20a-b AA –Chadic AA –Cush. AA-Sem. NS NC
Swadesh “smoke” Proto-Chadic C. Khoisan- Non-
B.20a.1 (Jungraithmayr) Khoekhoe-Gana,
TB-Newar *ky ’-n “smoke” ǂHaba, Tsike,
kɨn “smoke” Ehret 1995 #419 Danisi,Tsua
Benedict 1972 159 236 cʔínì “smoke”
Matisoff 2003 451 Starostin, G.
2003 31
202
127 1
B.20a.2 (S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] jan ) Since the initial glottal stop is not presently phonemic in Beijing or Hakka
1
Chinese, it is not recorded in the current notation by lexicographers. The B.20a.2 Hakka jan morpheme contains it
implicitly in the j- initial, but this notation essentially masks it. The above B.20a.2 Khoisan cʔan root shows it
explicitly. See also Note C.5a.4.
203
128
Note- B.21.1 (TB-Tibetan, Kanuri, Hausa) In NS-Kanuri a ka- prefix has been used to form a noun from a
verb root. The alternative Kanuri verbal form dámjin lacks the initial ka-, so Hutchison considers the noun form
204
with the ka- to be nominalizing. See Chapter 10 section 10.3.2.3 The B.21.1 Tibetan and Hausa forms also give
evidence of a shift of the Kanuri initial ka- to an initial glottal or pharyngeal stop . However in sets A.20a.1-2
both the k- prefixed and non-prefixed forms are nouns, adjectives or verbs.. So the question seems to be more
complex both inside and outside of the NS family.
The match with Tibetan suggests that the Hausa ‘d- represents a pre-glotallized or laryngealized d-. This can be
ejective or implosive. See Newman, P. 2000 393. Here it has been represented as an ejective in Das’ notation of
Tibetan, i.e.initial h’d-. This could also be explained eymologically as derived from the NS ka- prefix. See also
note C.4.2 and sets B.28.1 and H.12.2 (Semitic-Amharic, Arabic)
129
Note- B.21.1-2 (Tibetan, Kanuri, Sanskrit Extended, ) The Kanuri kádám-form also partially matches both the
Tibetan B.21.2 Tibetan ka-dam-pa can “cloud” and Sanskrit Extended gaDAmbara “cloud” though its
semantics of “water from a spring, well”do not match those of ka-dam-pa “cloud” as closely. However, the table
as a whole contains semantics of “ground water” “damp ground”, “rainy, [cloudy] weather” and “moisture”. All
three of these denotations are present in Chadic-Hausa which therefore can be reasonably posited to be the
proximate source language of all three of the B.21.1-3 TB and Sinitic morphemes.
205
have only the semantics of “flat”. Also TB-Tibetan (B.22a.1, B.22b.3) attests only the meaning of
“rock” for the faa / paa morpheme and TB-Chin-Lushai pèer only the meaning of “flat”.
Cantonese and Modern Standard Chinese correspond for the most part with various morphemes meaning
“flat object” e.g.“tray, plate, plank”. The meaning “flat object” is the only one attested in NS-Kanuri and
“rock” is the only one in the Mande correspondence.
In B.22b the variant roots Sinitic pán and Chadic pán / fan exhibit the same dual semantics of
“rock” and “flat object”. The flat objects in this case are “level ground” in B.22b.1 and “grindstone” in
B.22b.2. This latter is an early African flat stone artefact (See Ehret 2002 36, 62) and may have
generated the names of various flat objects in the Chinese and TB forms of B.22a and B.22b.2.
The Sanskrit attestations of this root cited below in the Extended section consist of similar morphemes
meaning “stone” and “flat”.
ST Languages African/ME languages-Close correspondences
B.22a-b Afro-Asiatic – Chadic AA – AA-Semitic NS Niger-Congo
Cush.
Swadesh “stone” W. Chadic– E. South NC-S.W.
B.22a.1 TB-Tibetan Gwandara pà’ Cushitic- (Ethiopian) Mande–
pha-bong “rock mountain” Sidamo Semitic- Mende
“a large rock or “flat outcrop of rock” fâ Amharic fai / fa
block, above ground” Matsushita 1972 94 “to make amba “stone, rock”
Jaschke 339 W. Chadic – Hausa flat, “a flat- Mukarovsky
“a large boulder or fā m. fànnai pl. smooth, topped 1987 358
block of rock, “flat rock” even” mountain”
a boulder-like mass” Newman, P. 2007 56 Gasparini Leslau
Das 816 “rock (large and 93 1976 123
Jaschke 339 flat)” Skinner 62
B.22a.2 C. Chadic-Mofu- Kanuri NC-N.
TB-Chin-Lushai Gudur pərad fəlaifəlai Mande–
pèer “flat” “roche plat” (Fr.) “platelike, Malinke,
“flat and thin” [flat rock] traylike” Samo Kwi
Matisoff 2003 386, E. Chadic-Bidiya Skinner párá
400 pēra (Fr.) “roche 63 “stone, rock”
TB-Bodo/Garo- lisse, terrasse” fəlai Mukarovsky
Dimasa per “flat” [smooth rock; “flat 1987 358
Starostin, S. terrace], woven
TB Etymology Skinner [61] mat made
gephər “flat” W. Chadic- Hausa of grass”
Benedict 1972 97 fàlali / falami n. Cyffer
Starostin, S. ST m. “rock (large and 1990 46
Etymology flat)” fàřantìi /
bo(ŋ) palaŋ babban fàřantìi n.
“flat surface, plank” m. “plate” “big tray”
Matisoff 2003 292 Skinner [61]
B.22a.3 W. Chadic-Hausa
S. Chinese-Yue faai “small round
(Cantonese) mat used for covering
jinfai “a mat” vessels” [etc.]”
jin “mat” “phonograph record”
faai “piece of “any disc-like thing”
(land, bread etc.)” Newman / Ma
Chik / Ng Lam 8 1 1979 34
207
130
Note- B.22a.3 (Cantonese) faai is the classifier for the following terms for flat objects and their compounds:
áan “plank, board” Kwan 354, 43 (B.22b.1) ngàupá “steak” Kwan 504 tin “field (cultivated)” Kwan 187
Examples: yāt faai ngàupá “a steak” yāt faai mihnbāu “a slice of bread” gó faai bōlēi “that window pane”.
Matthews, S. 102.
208
IE-Pashto
par-śa’h “a rock, a ledge of rock” Raverty 1103.
pal “a millstone” Raverty 182
IE-Hindi pahāra “mountain” Kobayashi Table 1 #136 3, Table 2 #136 9, Table 3 #136 16.
IE-Bengali pahār “mountain, hill, rock” Thompson 62
See also Supplementary Table 2 B.22a.2.
Proto-Altaic *p’ālà “field, level ground”
Altaic-Proto-Tungus-Manchu *pāla-n “field, level ground” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
Proto-IE *bhAr- “log, board” Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology
/
Swadesh “stone” W. Chadic – Hausa Egyptian NC-N. Mande-
B.22b.1 N. Chinese-MSC fā m. pl. fànnai bnbn Susu
pán “large stone” “flat rock” “sacred fándie /
DeFrancis 672 Newman, P. stone” fanyie
p’án “a rock” (WG) 2007 56 Ehret 1995 “rock, large
Mathews #6648 679 Skinner [61] #32 89 stone”
pán meas. W. Chadic – Mukarovsky
“measure word for flat Gwandara 358
things” Boping 161 (Nimbia) NC-Benue-
mòpán “millstone” páŋ̀ “stone” Congo-
Wu, J. 507 Matsushita 1974 Proto-
mò “grind, mill” #197 61 Plateau
S. Chinese-Yue W. Chadic- N. *fan
(Cantonese) Bauci Gp.-Pa’a “stone”
pán “massive rock” vánk’a “mountain”
Chik / Ng Lam 327 “grinding stone” Williamson /
baan “a plank a slab” Jungraithmayr Shimizu
Chik / Ng Lam 216, 327 1994 v.2 356
B.22b.2 TB-Tibetan Proto-Chadic Proto-AA Egyptian
angbɛn “chopping board” (Newman) *bāayn- benuit
Goldstein 979 *bəna “grind- “corn grinder
TB–Burmese kyauk- “grinding stone” stone querns”
pyáng “flat level stone, Ehret 1995 Ehret Budge
plank” Benedict 1972 40 #32 89 1995 v.1 218
Chinese- Hakka W. Chadic- Ngizim #32 89132 bnwt
(MacIver, Meixian) və̀nyi “grinding
piang3 (Lau Chunfat) “grinding stone” stone”
biang3 / ben3 “anything Schuh 166 Ehret 1995
round and flat as a disc” Ehret 1995 #32 89
Hakka Dict. #32 89 131
131
Note B.22b.2 (Chadic)
Flat hand grinding stones have been found at many archaeological sites throughout northern China. They are
called “pan stones” i.e. a word closely corresponding to the B.22b.1 N. Bauci Group-Pa’a vánk’a and B.22b.2
Proto-Chadic *bəna “grinding stone” as well as the W. Chadic pan- / pyang- roots meaning “flat rock”
Hand grinding in the Peiligang culture (8000-7000 BP) of Henan province, NW China, was done using a large
flat and relatively thin stone as a base with a smaller rounded one to pound the grain. These stones show up in
other Chinese material cultures. (See illustrations in Liu / Chen Figures 5.6 #1, 5.9 #24, 5.12 #3 and 6.8 #16-17.
In the Beixin culture these artefacts are called “mopan-mobang grinding stones”. Fig. 6.8 #5 also shows a
“pan plate.” (Liu / Chen 184). Statistics on the number of grinding stones discovered at the major Peiligang
culture sites in Henan are in Liu/Chen Fig. 5.3 143. See also Chapter 6 Section 6.12.
209
132
Note- B.22b.2 (Proto-AA,) Archaeological data indicates that sometime before 11,000 BCE peoples living in
the area of the cataracts of the Nile began harvesting wild grains and making flour out of them using grindstones.
Ehret considers that these people spoke Afro-Asiatic languages. Ehret 2002 36. The Proto-Chadic *bəna “grinding
stone” indicates that speakers of Chadic were involved in this activity at or near its place of inception.
Ehret’s reconstruction of the Proto-AA root from the Chadic and Egyptian forms is relevant to this archaeological
data. He does not cite a Cushitic form, and no Cushitic match has thus far been discovered for this word family.
Ehret’s Omotic-Mocha má:no “upper stone of a mill” is not as closely related to the ST morphemes as are the
Chadic and Egyptian ones. See also Chapter 7 section 7.2.2.
210
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
B.23 Afro-Asiatic – AA- AA- Nilo- Niger-Congo
Chadic Cush. Sem. Saharan
Swadesh “warm” C. Chadic- Dinka NC-N. Mande-
B.23.1 Dghwede túc Bambara
TB-Tibetan dùgaya “heat” tùgú. “kindle”
dúgs-pa “to make warm, “kindle” Greenberg NC-N. Mande-
to warm” “ to light, to kindle” 1966 140 Jula
Jaschke 253 C. Chadic-Glavda tugu “kindle”
dúgs “gentle warmth” tùgkù “kindle” Mukarovsky 228
Das 627 C. Chadic-Guduf
TB-Kiranti-Limbu (Gava)
-tukt- ~ -tuk- ndùgànɔŋa
“light, ignite” “kindle”
van Driem 480 Mukarovsky 228
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.23.1 TB -Tibetan dúgs-pa “ to light, to kindle” / TB-Kiranti-Limbu -tuk- “light, ignite”
< C. Chadic-Dghwede dùgaya “kindle” / NK-N. Mande-Bambara tùgú “kindle”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etyma *dug- / *tug- “to light, to kindle”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.23.1
TB-Proto-Lolo-Burmese *ʔduk “light, ignite” Matisoff 2003 587, 315
TB-Proto-Kiranti *dukt- ~ *duk “light, ignite” Van Driem 480
Proto-TB *duk “burn, kindle” Matisoff 2003 587, 362
TB-C. Loloish-Lahu tòʔ “burn, be on fire” tú “set on fire” Matisoff 2003 90, 362
TB-Naga-Angami tū “be burning” pətū “set on fire” Matisoff 2003 132
Extended African/AA word family:
B.23.1
NS- Songhay (Gao)
dùŋu “être tiède” [be warm] dùŋéndi “chauffer, réchauffer” [to heat, heat up] Ducroz 77 ;
dùnga “warm” Greenberg 1966 140
NS-Barea tok / dok / dog “hot” Greenberg 1966 140
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
B.23.1 IE-Sanskrit dhukS “to kindle” dhu “to fan, kindle (a fire)” Cologne Lexicon.
See also Supplementary Table 2 B.23.1
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
B.24 Afro-Asiatic – Chadic AA – Sem. NS Niger-Congo
Cush.
B.24.1 W. Chadic–N. Bauci- NC- S.E. Mande-
TB-Tibetan Tsagu fiyè “flour” Gban
phye “flour, meal” W. Chadic – N. Bauci- viε “flour”
phye-ma Mburku Mukarovsky 175
“powder, dust” fíyí “flour” NS-S.E. Mande-
Jaschke 351 Jungraithmayr 1994 Tura bii “flour”
Das 839 v.2 144133 Mukarovsky 175
133
Note- B.24.1 (Chadic) *pt is the primary root defined by Jungraithmayr for the morpheme meaning “flour” in
Chadic languages. It is found in all branches of Chadic (31 of 77 languages attest it). However the Tibetan forms
211
lack the final -t and hence correspond most closely to the N. Bauci forms. “In most N. Bauci languages R2 -t has
been weakened to y, e.g. Tsagu fiyè, Kariya fíì = fiy” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 69. The 7 W. Chadic-N. Bauci
language morphemes almost exactly match the Tibetan form phye. As the table shows, they also correspond to an
NC-Mande form as is often the case in W. Chadic languages.
The B.24.2 (Extended) attestations of this root in Chadic and Cushitic meaning “fine ash” “fine sand” are also
found in Tibetan as phye-ma “powder, dust”. However neither the Tibetan phye “flour” nor phye-ma
“powder” contain the` -t- /-d- found in many Chadic and Cushitic forms. It is not possible to determine from this
table whether the phye form is inherited from a Chadic dialect or the phye / bî- forms in TB were directly
inherited from NC. However, the data of Note- B.22b.2 above may be relevant since the Chadic proto-root for
grindstone indicates that Chadic speakers were early involved in the grinding of flour.
212
S. Chinese-Yue
(Cantonese) jek / jīk
“to burn, to roast,
to broil, to heat”
Chik / Ng Lam 280 134
TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-
tsiì North Bauci
“to get burned” group- Kariya
“to burn” ʔsíí- “burn”
Goldstein 899 Jungraith-
N. Chinese-MSC mayr
zhì “broil, roast” 1994 v.2 54
Wu, J. 903 tsiy- “burn”
Skinner 259
B.25.3 C. Chadic- Proto-
Old Chinese Zəgvana Cushitic
tsyak mtsək- *ts’aʕ / *ts’iʕ
“burn, “roast” vi. “to burn”
brilliant, illuminate” C. Chadic- Ehret 1995
Sagart 93 Hildi #543 288,
mtsak- 520
“roast, cook” Proto-AA
Skinner 259 *jak vi.
“to burn”
Ehret 1995
#1019 525
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.25.1 TB-Tibetan tshig-pa “to burn” / S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) jīk “to burn, to roast”
< Proto-Cushitic *ts’iʕ- vi. “to burn ”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *ts’iʕ- vi. “to burn”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.25.1
TB-Tibetan h’tshig-pa “to burn, to destroy by fire” Das 1043 tsigro “be burnt, charred”
Goldstein 899 tsigmə “burnt (food)” Goldstein 879
Proto-TB *m-(t)sik “burn, angry” Matisoff 2003 344, 348
B.25.3 TB-Tibetan sēg “to burn” “to roast/grill/broil” sēgma “anything burnt/ roasted/broiled”
Goldstein 1143
Extended African/AA word family:
B.25.1 Semitic-Arabic sigaf “to roast (fish) over an open fire” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 220
B.25.2 W. Chadic-N. Bauci group- Miya ʔsiy- “burn” Jungraithmayr v.2 54
W. Chadic-S. Bauci group- Guruntum shi “burn” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 54
W. Chadic-S. Bauci group-Buli ci “burn” Jungraithmayr v.2 54
C. Chadic-Gude ətsə “burn” Skinner 259
134
Note- B.25.1-2 (Tibetan, Chinese, AA) In W.Tibetan the traditional root is tsig-. The AA correspondences give
evidence that the etymon is *tsig or *ts’iʕ-. This implies that the B.25.2 Central Tibetan form has through apocope
reduced the final -g / ʕ to *ø- in the basic form. The same change is regular between southern and northern
Chinese languages. See note A.14a.3 (MSC) and sets C.1a.1-2, C.8a.1-2, C.16.2-3 and C.40.1, 45 for examples of
this variance between AA roots. Hence the change is present between AA languages and constitutes a regular parallel
sound change. Loss of final sounds “is so frequent that linguists have given the phenomenon a name of its own,
apocope (chopping off)”. Antilla 72.
213
135
Note- B.27.1 (Tibetan) Chinese observers of Tibet under the T’ang dynasty around 756-757 CE reported that
the Tibetans cultivated oats, barley, wheat and buckwheat. Pelliot 2. Barley is the staple grain now consumed in
Tibet. Rice and millet were the earliest grains cultivated in China, and millet is still widely grown in northwest
China near Tibet. See also Notes B.9.1-4, B.33b.1-2, set B.35.1 and Chapter 7 Section 7.6.2.
215
136
Note- B.27.4-7 (Sanskrit) Much archaeolological evidence has been accumulated on the spread of sorghum,
pearl millet and finger millet out of sub-Saharan Africa into South Central Asia. Sorghum “Sorghum bicolor” was
imported into Pakistan at the latest by the early third millenium BCE. Millet dating from the second and third
millenia BCE has been identified at a number of northwest Indian and Pakistani sites. Under one hypothesis these
grains entered Asia through the maritime trade which the Indus civilization developed with Southern Arabia and
East Africa in the third millenium BCE Possehl 2002 218 (See further discussion in Chapter 7 Section 7.4 )
218
/
ST Languages African/AA languages – Close correspondences
B.28 Afro-Asiatic – AA –Cushitic AA –Sem. NS NC
Chadic
B.28.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Hausa E. Cushitic-
h’thig-pa / bthig-pa / ’dìgàa “to pour Rendille
gtigs-pa out in drops” í’dìicha
“to drop, fall in drops” “filter” v. “(to) drop
Das 522, 529, 606 ’diga “drip, something on
Jaschke 207, 244 be filtered” something else”
dīgbə “a drop” ’dìgō n. m. “drop, Pillinger 149
Goldstein 450 drip”
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) Newman, P. 2007
dihk “a drop of liquid” 54 Skinner 57
Kwan 150
“water drop” “to drip” 137
Chik / Ng Lam 269
B.28.2 Old Chinese W. Chadic-Tangale
tiek dẹkẹ “to drip
“a drop, to drop, drip” [any liquid] out of a
Benedict 1972 180 vessel through a
Matisoff 2003 327 hole”
Jungraithmayr
1991 78
B.28.3 N. Chinese-MSC E. Cushitic- Oromo E. Cushitic-
dī vi. “drip” “drop” ‘dim’uu n. Rendille vi.
Wu, J. 145 “leak” dibha ”drip”
meas. ”drop of liquid” ‘dim’-isa vi. “leak” dibih ”drip”
Wang, F. 103 Gragg 126 Pillinger 94
B.28.4 N. Cushitic-Beja S. Ethiopian)
TB-Tibetan [Bedauye] Semitic-
h’dzag-pa pf. (ɣ)zags t’akw Gurage
“to drop, drip, trickle” ”let fall drops” täk(k) n.
Jaschke 463 E. Cushitic- “leak”
Written Burmese Kembata Skinner 57
cak “drip, drop” täkki n. “leak”
Matisoff 2003 506 Skinner 57
TB- Qiangic-Pumi-Dayang-
rGyalrong
nthɐk “drip, drop”
Matisoff 2003 506
See also H.17c.1
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.28.1-2 TB-Tibetan ‘thig-pa “to drop, fall in drops, to drip from” / B.28.2 Old Chinese
tiek “a drop, to drop, drip”
< W. Chadic- Hausa ‘dìga “to pour out (by drops)” / ‘dìgō n. m. “drop, drip” [of liquid]
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *’dìg- “to pour out (by drops)”
137
Note- B.28.1 (Cantonese) dihk is also used as a measure (quantity) classifier in Cantonese and functions like
a collective noun in English.“dihk ‘drop’ applies to liquids”, e.g. yāt dihk hyut “a drop of blood” gei dihk yúh
‘a few drops of rain’” Matthews, S. 98. See also Chapter 10 Section 10.4.
219
B.30.2 S. Khoisan-‖Khegwi
TB-Bodo/Garo- klolo “moon”
Digaro Ruhlen 1994 #402 59
həla ~ hlo C. Khoisan-Batae
“moon” ʎolo “moon”
Benedict 1972 42 Starostin, G. 2003 25
B.30.3 W. Chadic- S. Khoisan-‖Ku‖e
TB- Chin-Lai Boto tʔɔlo
tlaa “moon” tlaàr “star” “moon”
Matisoff 2003 34 Mukarovsky Starostin, G.
TB-Chin-Lushai 351 2003 25
[Mizo] Proto-Chadic
thla / thlaa (Newman, P.)
“moon” *tǝra
Matisoff 2003 52, 75 “moon”
TB- C. Loloish-Nyi Skinner 255
(Sani) shlà-bà
“moon”
Benedict 1972 88
B.30.4 C. Chadic- C. Khoisan-Hietsho
TB-Bodo/Garo- Glavda ‖kala
Digaro kyíla “star”
həla ~ hlo “moon” “moon” Ehret 1982 [175]
TB- Burmese -Lolo Rapp / S. Khoisan-ǂKhomani
*hla “moon” Benzing 57 ǂʔɔrɔ
Benedict 1972 42 “moon”
Proto-Lolo-Burmese Starostin, G.
*la / *ʔ-la “moon” 2003 25
Matisoff 2003 28
Proto-Tibeto-
Burman *g-la
“moon” Matisoff
2003 165, 172
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.30.1 TB-W. Kiranti-Vayu tsholo < *tshala / N. Omotic- Gofa, Dache tsolinte “star”
< S. Khoisan-‖Ku‖e tʔɔlo “moon”
B.30.4 Proto-Lolo-Burmese *la / *ʔ-la “moon” / TB- Burmese –Lolo *hla “moon” /
TB-Bodo/Garo- Digaro həla ~ hlo “moon”
< C. Khoisan-Hietsho ‖kala “star”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etymon *sɔlɔ “star” ~ ‖kala “star”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.30.4 TB-Karen- Pwo lá ”moon” Benedict 1972 151
Extended African/AA language word family:
B.30.1
N. Omotic- Oyda, Malo s’olinto “star” Mukarovsky 351
N. Omotic-Chara ts’olin-ta “star” Mukarovsky 351
B.30.2 S. Khoisan-!Kwi-‖Ng!ke !kɔro “moon” Ruhlen 1994 59
B.30.3
C.Chadic-Tera təra “moon” Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic-Etymology
S. Khoisan-!Kwi-‖Ng!ke turro ~ !urru “moon” Bleek 1954 454
W. Chadic-Hausa taurāro “star” Skinner 255
222
138
Note- B.32.1 (Cantonese, Hausa) The widely-used adhesive, gum arabic, is a product of the sticky sap of the
acacia tree. The Hakka and Beijing semantics (B.32.1,3) show an explicit connection between the tree and the glue
made from it by maintaining the two meanings of “resin, sap” and the derived forms “glue, gum” “sticky, adhere”.
The Sanskrit correspondences refer to both the Acacia arabica and the widely used resin of another tree which
grows in southern Asia called the Sal. This resin is used as incense and for caulking boats. For further information
on the acacia and gum arabic see Chapter 6 section 6.10.
139
Note- B.32.1,3 (Chinese-Hausa-Khoisan) The B.32.1,3 sets show parallel correspondences between the South
and North Chinese morphemes and the variant Hausa and Khoisan sets. Of particular interest in this case are the
Hausa variants which attest both non-palatalized and palatalized initial velars each of which corresponds to a
Chinese form. See note A.33.1.
Palatalization of velars is a feature which distinguishes Southern and Northern Chinese dialects. A standard
theory holds that palatalization occurred in Chinese between the periods of Old and Middle Chinese, but the
Southern dialects Min and Kejia dialects preserved their original g- / k- velars. Norman 211. The migration from
Africa hypothesis is consistent with a position that this northern and southern Chinese morphological variance is
225
the result of different migrations of Chadic speakers into E. Asia during the Holocene, one possibly several millennia
earlier than the other. See also Notes A.18a.2, Chapter 9 Section 9.8 and Note C.10.2-3.
226
140
Note- B.33a.1 (Chinese) It is not clear that the rice grown in north China in the pre-historic period was called
dào. It may have been called suk or su, generic terms for “crops” or “food plants”. See Notes B.33b.2
following and F.12c.3. Note in this set that a variant form of the dao root means “buckwheat” in Qiangic
languages suggesting that the original referent of the term was not necessarily to rice. The following table shows
that the Hausa word for “bean” is also present in Chinese with the same morpheme. In English the word “grain”
does not apply to beans as such, although the usually-eaten part of the bean or pea plant is a seed as is the edible
part of the rice, wheat and barley etc. plants. For further discussion of rice agriculture in China see Chapter 7
section 7.5.3.
227
141
Note- B.33b.2 (N. Chinese (Beijing)) Beans, especially the soybean, were domesticated in early historical times (in
the late second millennium BCE) in northern China. (See Chang 67 map of locations of archaeological sites in northwest
China along the Wei and Yellow rivers near Xian the ancient capital of the Shang and Zhou dynasties. “A reliable clue
to the antiquity of the soybean can be drawn from the archaic character for it, shu, which appeared in both the odes of the
Shi-ching and on bronze inscriptions of the Western Chou. The shu pictograph can be traced back to approximately the
eleventh century B.C.” (Chang 80).
Dou4 “beans” has replaced shu2 to designate beans in all Chinese dialects. One of its earliest occurrences is in the Zhan
Guo Ce, a work compiled between 26 and 8 BCE [i.e. under the Western Han dynasty, 206 BCE to 24 CE]. “It’s
etymology is unclear” Sagart 1999 185. See also discussion in Chapter 7 section 7.7.
In Old Chinese the reduplicated form (shushu) meant sorghum. (Chang 79). In contemporary MSC/Beijing
Chinese the tone 3 form shŭ means “sorghum” or “common millet” The shū tone 1 variant means “vegetables”,
“broomcorn millet” and “a tree, a plant”. Wu, J. 635, Mathews #6926 1022. The tone 3 shû morpheme besides
5
meaning “millet”also means “potato, yam” DeFrancis 863. The Cantonese and Hakka sūk / sug “grains, millet”
morphemes correspond most closely to the Hausa root shūkàa n. “plant(s), “crop(s)”. These noun forms are
probably derived from verbs meaning “piercing, planting” (See Chapter 2F Sets F.12c.2.3-5) and Note F.12c.3
(Hausa)
Early Chinese agriculture included four crops, millet, soybeans, rice and potatoes, so it is plausible that the
generic term “plants, crops” was first used for all these and later the more specific Hausa root dao / dou4 was
introduced for “beans” “rice” and the type of millet designated by the B.33a.1 forms. It is significant that both dòu
1 2
and shù correspond closely to Hausa roots. There are more specific Chinese words for grains, i.e. tsi / chi
and he “millet”and mài “barley, wheat” which also correspond to Chadic forms.” See notes B.9.1-4. B.27.1and
B.35.6. “Millet and soybeans were cultivated in rotation beginning in the 4 tth century BCE ” (Sagart 1999 185).
It is probable that the B.33a.1 Cushitic-Afar daro “grain, sorghum” represents a very early African root for grains
since sorghum was the first grain cultivated in Africa. The corresponding B.33a.2 Mande root doro “millet
species” is probably also from the early African agricultural period i.e c.7000 BCE. As mentioned above, the similarity
between these roots and the Chadic-Hausa ‘dòorāwàa “locust bean” suggests that beans were considered to be a
type of grain since both they and sorghum/millet are seeds of their respective plants.
The evidence that daro / doro entered Chinese agricultural language later than the sūk-/shu root supports a
hypothesis that this root was introduced through a later migration. It is possible therefore that the name of the millet
species whose AA root is daro / doro also became the name of rice grain either directly through such a migration or
even later as northern Chinese forms for grains were brought to the south through the Han expansion. Under this scenario
the B.33a.1 morphemes meaning “rice” have derived semantics. See also Note B.35.2. With regard to this study the
important conclusion is that the names of the earliest grain crops in China all have close correspondences with Chadic
roots.
142
Note- B.33b.3 (S. Chinese) “The adzuki bean Phaseolus angalaris) has been called hsiaotou’ ever since the
Eastern Chou [770 BCE-207 BCE] mainly in South China” Chang 81 hsiao “small” (D.35.1).
229
143
Note- B.35.2 (Chinese-Kejia and Beijing Extended) In the Chou dynasty the god who originally gave grain to
the people (through the royal clan) was the god of millet. His name was Hou Chi, the god of millet. He was
believed to be the founder of the Chou clans, and associated with the supreme God on high. In China the early
emperors offered sacrifice in the name of the people. “The chief ministrant at the great sacrifices was the ruler
himself”. Smith 17, 21 Sagart 176.
144
Note- B.35.1 (Chadic-Hausa) hatsī “grain < *øatsi. For the rule by which the initial /h/ was added to Hausa
words, see Newman, P. 2000 228-229 “In old Hausa neither initial / ’ / nor /h/ existed as phonemes” “Externally
they represent borrowed phonemes that were introduced in initial and medial positions along with Arabic
loanwords”. Newman, however, considers that Hausa could have had an a- prefix. Hence the B. 35.1 W. Chadic-
N. Bauci-Pa’a acī and the B. 35.5 Hausa acca n. “Digitaria exilis” probably represent older roots denoting
sorghum and millet respectively before Arabic influenced Chadic languages. See also Note C.2a.1-2.
231
145
Note- B.35.6 (MSC) “He in ancient texts appears to have had both a narrow meaning (millet) and broad
meaning “(millet, type crops in general)” “From it’s old generic use as ‘cereal’ hé underwent semantic narrowing
to ‘rice plant’ replacing dao in that meaning in many Xiang, Gan, Hakka and Yue dialects.” Sagart 1999 78
“It is also probable that local groups gave different names to their own millets. Shu and he therefore may have
been adapted by Shang diviners as generic names for various millets, including S. italica and P.miliaceum. This is
all the more likely since it is hard to distinguish the threshed grain of S. italica from that of P.miliaceum. The
diviners,.moreover, were ritual technicians not farmers; their concerns were preumably with harvests as a
whole…rather than with particular crop varieties.” Keightley 200010 See also chapter 7 section 7.5.3.
233
Chapter 2C
Words representing the human body and body parts.
Semantic domain C word families
Introduction- Correspondences referring to the human body and its members are commonly
recognized to have probative force for positing a genetic relationship between languages. They are very
resistant to change in all languages and are rarely borrowed even between different language families
with longstanding close social contact. Beside the standard body words considered basic such as “mouth”
“tongue”, “foot” etc. the words “navel”, “kidney” “index finger”, “elbow”, “shoulder”, “hand” and “leg”
in the present study are considered basic vocabulary items since they are body parts, though they are not
flagged as such using “Swadesh” as an identifier.
Most of these words are found in large word families. This gives additional support to a position that
their variants represent reflexes of a root which existed in the African proto-language. Hence this section
is very important in the total research. Other words representing certain bodily states and positions, e.g.
“being tired”,“sitting”, “standing” are also included in this section. Some of these are found in the
Swadesh list, e.g. “to die”, “to sit”. Such verbs referring to bodily conditions/situations are typically
called stative verbs in African and Chinese languages. (See E.16b.1-2 Proto-E. Cushitic) and note
H.2b.1.)
2C Domain statistics
Tables and word Families
Tables = 53 numbered analytic tables which represent an individual or generic word family.
Individual word families = 91 The count is of individual word families including those within a
generic word family.
Domain C has two characteristics which constitute evidence that its vocabulary is unlikely to have been
borrowed. As compared to the other domains:
It has the greatest number of large word families
It has the highest number of basic language words.
Polysyllabic correspondences: 36
(Only one polysyllabic correspondence per word family is counted)
Etymologies
Sino-Tibetan etymologies 54
Tibeto-Burman etymologies 8
Sinitic etymologies 12
Tibetan etymologies 10
Cantonese etymologies 1
MSC etymologies 1
TB-Kiranti-Dumi
ghokta “throat”
Starostin, S.
Kiranti Etymology
Swadesh “mouth” W. Chadic– Proto-AA Semitic – S. Khoisan-
C.1a.2 Hausa (Orel/Stolbova Jibbali |Xam
TB-S. Loloish-Mpi k’ōfàa / 1995) xoh !khou
khowo k’ohwa *ko’af “mouth” “neck”
“throat, gullet” “doorway, “door, gate” Skinner Starostin, G.
Matisoff 2003 421 gate” Skinner 173 173 2003 26
[Disyllabic corresp.] Skinner 173 NC-
n4ko4 “door” mak’oshi Adamawa
Matisoff 2003 125 “throat” Eastern-
N. Chinese-MSC Newman, P. Sande
k’ôu (WG) 2007 148 goro
“an opening, a mouth, E. Hausa “neck”
an aperture” (Gudduri) Greenberg
Mathews 1966 #3434 ‘ofàa = 1966 21
511 Wu, J. 393 Standard
TB-Tibetan Hausa
go “door, entrance” k’ofàa
Goldstein 277 “doorway”
sgo “door” Newman P.
Jaschke 114 Das 323 2000 228
C.1a.3 TB- Bodo- E. Chadic - S. Khoisan-
Garo Kera Proto-Taa
*k(h)u “mouth” ku “mouth” *ǂû
Benedict / Matisoff C. Chadic - “mouth”
1972 184 Bacama C. Khoisan-
C. Chinese-Wu kwa- ‖Ng
khɤw5 “mouth, open “mouth, !u “neck”
end; opening” doorway” Starostin, G.
“entrance; gate” Skinner 173 2003
Hakka Dict. 25-26146
C.1a.4 Proto-E. Cushitic Semitic- S. Khoisan-
S. Chinese-Min �~w- Arabic Proto-Wi
khaù “entrance, “hole” xawka *ǂʔau
opening, mouth” Skinner 173 “mouth” “neck”
Bodman 1987 Skinner Starostin, G.
v.2 152 173 2003 26
C.1a.5 W. Chadic- E. Cushitic-Saho Egyptian
TB-Tibetan Hausa (Danakil) khakha
kha “mouth, opening, kafā anqár “palate, “neck,
orifice” “small hole, gorge, throat” throat”
Jaschke 33-34 opening” Militarev, A. Budge
TB-Chin-S. Khami Newman, P. Saho-Afar v.1 573
əm-kha “door” 2007 103 Etymology
Matisoff 2003 125
146
Note- C.1a.3 (Khoisan) Concerning correspondences of the sole Khoisan click velar phoneme with ST velar
root initials see note C.38a.2-3 (Khoisan) and its references, also Supplementary Tables 3 section 1.1..
241
147
Note- C.2a.1 (TB) Based on the comparison, the Tibetan lce / ltśe and TB-Limbu le-sot forms are cases in
which the initial / l- / is not a prefix but a contracted first radical. This latter has been reduced to *ø- in Modern
Tibetan (Central Tibetan) je “tongue” (Goldstein 446), and in Chinese languages, e.g. Beijing shé, Min chih ,
Cantonese siht . However the table gives evidence that this loss of the initial / l- / also occurred in Central
Chadic: e.g. C.2a.2 C. Chadic- Zime-Dari shilli “tongue” ; C. Chadic- Zime-Batna silé / sílī “tongue” ;
C.Chadic- Masa Group- Masa si / sínná “tongue” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 328.
148
Note- C.2a.1-2 (Chadic-Hausa, Arabic) With reference to the ha- or a- initial in Hausa and Arabic words
see also Notes B.35.1 (Chadic-Hausa) , E.1b.2, set C.2b.1 and Newman, P. 2000 228-229.
245
origin; this is consistent here with the presence of Omotic, Berber, Semitic and Proto-E. Cushitic correspondences.
However, the AA root may ultimately have been borrowed or inherited from NS .
250
150
Note- C.4.2 (S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka], Old Chinese ↔ Semitic-Amharic) The Amharic morphemes are
notated using the subscript dot for the glottalized t’. Hence the Amharic form contrasts minimally with the
palatalized Chinese and Chadic forms. As with the Semitic form, the Cushitic d’ indicates glottalization. See
Notes C.5a.4.2-3, E.16b.2 and sets C.31a.8 and H.12.2 (Semitic-Amharic) for more ST ↔ AA examples.
251
151
Note- C.5a.1 (Tibetan) Benedict treats the initial s- as a prefix whereas the comparative data indicates that it
is probably a contracted first radical sa- of a Cushitic or NS root. Central Tibetan has reduced the initial s- to *ø-
i.e. na. Tibetan C.5a.1. On this Das comments “sna the nose, but in the colloquial the usual term seems to be
na-ku”.Das 764. See also Note- A.1a.1 (Tibetan) and Chapter 10 section 10.3.3.
253
152
Note-C.5a.4 (Semitic-Amharic) The -t’- initial of the root for incense in Amharic represents a glotallized
dental t-, (Leslau 1976 xiii.) This phoneme, present also in Arabic, regularly corresponds to a glottalized then
palatalized t’i- or simple palatal ch- in Chinese or TB as in: F.13.1 Old Chinese ’i̭ək “weave” / S. Chinese-Min
chiaq “to knit” / Proto-Kiranti *ʔtək “weave” ↔ South –(Ethiopian) Semitic- Amharic t’äqqämä “darn, stitch
3 3
(make stitches in), mend, patch” ; C.4.2 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] t’iam / tiam “lick (with the tongue), taste” /
Old Chinese t’iam “lick, taste” ↔ South (Ethiopian) Semitic-Amharic t’ama“be tasty, taste pleasant, be of good
1 5
taste”. E.2a.1 ; Chinese- Hakka t’am “hope for, wish for, search for”, tiam “remember, bear in mind, miss, be
concerned about” ↔ Semitic- Arabic (Iraqi) t’ammal “to hope, to expect” t’ammaqqu“ عhope, expectation”,
(Yemeni) ta’ammal “to hope” ; H.12.2 TB-Tibetan ‘tham-pa ”to join together, enlock” ↔ South (Ethiopian)
Semitic-Amharic t’ämäda “yoke, join up (the oxen)” See also notes C.4.2-3 and sets E.2a.2, F.19.3.
In Chen’s Yale transcription the Chinese pinyin initial xi- is represented by a Latin alphabet syi- / sy-, as in
syīyan / syāng. So the correspondence is based on a sound change from the glottal initial t’- to a palatalized ty-
expressing a voiced or unvoiced spirant, i.e. sy- or palatalized chy- in Chinese languages (a case of assibilation.)
See Antilla 72. The Wade-Giles notation uses an initial hsy- as the equivalent of the Pinyin xi- initial as in C.5a.4
(Extended) N. Chinese (Beijing) hsiāng (WG) “fragrant” Mathews #2547 375 xiang “fragrant”.The Khoisan
correspondence also is palatalized.
The palatalization can also be voiced as an initial j-. In this form the morpheme also corresponds to the present
1
B.20a.2 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] jan smoke, fumes” and the proto-Chadic *‘jan / *k’an- “smoke”.
254
Other examples of a sound shift to a palatalized frontal between the Semitic t’- and Chinese or TB ch-initial are
found in:
E.16b.2 TB-Tibetan cam “quietly, without any noise” / S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) chàhmjing “quiet (of a
person) < Semitic-Written Arabic (Extended) t’amān “calm, quiet, repose, peace”, t’amāna “to calm, quiet,
pacify, appease, soothe”. The West Semitic form of this root is palatalized and corresponds even more closely
to the E.16b.2 TB and Chinese morphemes, i.e. West (Ethiopian) Semitic-Amharic č̟ammata “be calm,
tranquil”, č̟əmmət “quiet, taciturn, reserved” Hence: Arabic / t’ = t ʔ/ > ty > Tibetan / Cantonese tš <
č Amharic.
153
Note- C.5a.3 (Chadic-Gisiga) Extended ) Jungraithmayr reconstructs *ntn as the Proto-Chadic root primarily
from Chadic lexemes which do not have the shin- / tshin-/ sin- root stems cited in C.5a.3. Jungraithmayr 1994
255
v.1 129. However, the C.5a.1-3 Proto-Cushitic *san- “nose” and Chadic *zin- “smell” v. support a hypothesis
that the Chadic morphemes in these CC sets are reflexes of these proto-forms. These roots are found in both
northern and southern Sino-Tibetan languages. See also Note- E.1d.1 (Chadic, Arabic) and E.4d.1-2 which
further confrm the dual semantics of “hear, smell” in the related lexemes which denote sense perception.
256
154
Note- C.6c.3 (Chadic) “The C root *n-n “breast”] often has --- the connotation of ‘milk’. The only certain
area of its distribution is S.Bauci and Hausa.” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 20.
260
C.6c.6 S. Khoisan-Proto-
Written Burmese !Wi
nui’ *‖no(e)ŋ
“breast” “breast”
Norman 1988a 13 Starostin, G.
200311
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.6c.1 TB-Tibetan snún-pa “to suckle”
< Tubu [Teda] nuncú “to suckle”
C.6c.2 TB-Trung nuŋ1 “nipple, breast, milk”
< NS-Maba Group-Maba aŋun “breast” / S. Khoisan-Proto-!Wi *‖noŋ “breast”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *nun “to suckle” ~ *nėn “milk”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.6c.2 TB-Tibetan nu / numə “breasts” Goldstein 613 numu “breast” Norman 1988a 13
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.6c.1
E. Cushitic-Gedeo unún-s vt. “nurse” Hudson 106, 264
unún- “nurse” vi. Hudson 264
C. Chadic-Buduma, Logone num “melken” Skinner 209
N. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖’e [Khoe] |num “suck” Ruhlen 1994 #549 64
NC-Swahili nyonyo “nipple” Awde 2000 185
NS-Songhay (Gao)) náan “téter” [to suck (at) the breast] Ducroz 184 ;
nan “suckle” Heath v.3 253
NS-Zarma nānu “teter” [suck] Skinner 209
Proto-S. Cushitic *nûʔ- / *nûnuʔ- “to suck” Ehret 1995 #625 322
C.6c.2
W. Chadic–S. Bauci- Boghom noón / nò:n “breast, milk” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 46 ;
nun “milk” Mukarovsky 257
NC- N. Mande-Mandara, Bambara nono “milk” Skinner 209
Proto-Afro-Asiatic (Orel/Stolbova 1995) *canon- “breast” Skinner 209
E. Cushitic- Sidamo, Gedeo unuuná “breast” Hudson 31
E. Cushitic- Burji ununá “breast” Militarev / Stolbova
W. Chadic- Gwandara (Karshi, Cancara, Koro, Nimbia) nóno “woman’s breast” Matsushita 1974 #18 31
“breast of woman, milk, esp. fermented milk” Matsushita 1972 90
Proto-Central Chadic *anúm “milk” “breast” “Euter” [ udder]
Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic-Etymology 2006
W. Chadic-S. Bauci-Kir noòn “breast, milk” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 46
Cushitic- Alaba onoona “breast” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 20
C.6c.3 E. Cushitic- Oromo anani / anaan-i “milk” Mukarovsky 257
C.6c.4 W. Chadic-Dyarim ɲini “female breast” Blench 2007 48
C.6c.5
S. Khoisan-‖Ng ‖nwoeŋ “breast” Starostin, G. 2003 11
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
C.6c.2
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho nu’nu “breast” Kobayashi Table 1 #25 1
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian- Mundari nu’nu “breast” Kobayashi Table 2 #25 7
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Santali ‘nunu / nu’nu “breast” Kobayashi Table 3 #25 13
South Daic-Lao no:m3 n. “breast” Marcus 36
na:m3 no:m3 n. “milk” Marcus 136
↓↓
261
155
Note- C.8a.2 (Cantonese) The jek morpheme is widely used in Cantonese as a classifier for e.g:“animal: “pig”
“dog” etc., and human forms such as “ghost” “bogey (evil spirit)”. See Kwan under these terms.
Jek also has usages directly referring to the human body which suggest its origins as a noun used independently.
For example: bui-jek (bui,“back”) indicates an original literal meaning of “back of the body”. Stephen Matthews
refers to such usage in Cantonese: “The phrases sai lap and daai jek are used idiomatically to describe people’s
size or physique.” “Note the unusual use of these classifiers referring to people” “Ngoh gohgo hou daaih jek ge.
‘my brother very big classifier particle’. The regular English translation is ‘My [elder] brother’s pretty well-built’”.
Matthews, S.95 But the literal translation etymologically would be “my brother very big body” which indicates
that jek was originally used as an independent noun referring to humans. See also Chapter 2A Note A.1c.3.
Also in Cantonese “An important function of classifiers is to serve as a substitute for a noun like the English
pronoun ‘one’’”. Matthews, S 96. In this respect jek functions as a relative pronoun and can be considered cognate
to the Tibetan -jīg form described in C.8b.1 below.
156
Note- C.8a.2-3 (Proto-Chadic) The *zk root is found in all three branches (West, Central and East) of
Chadic. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 16. Presence in all three branches of Chadic ranks it as an A grade root in
Jungraithmayr’s classification, so he proposes it as the Proto-Chadic root. P. Newman considered the */-k / final
to be a suffix and reconstructed the Proto-Chadic root as *zi “body”. (C.8a.3). Orel and Stolbova consider this to
be an alternative AA proto-root (C.8a.2). Ehret proposes it as a the proto-source for the indefinite pronoun, i.e. *ji
or *dzi “one, someone, somebody” (C.8b.1 following . Hence the Chadic proto-root, following the AA proto-root,
appears also to be an alternative protoroot zi / zik. As the table shows, both forms are attested in Sino-Tibetan.
Beijing has also retained both forms in i.e.C.8a.1 N. Chinese (Beijing) jī “muscle, flesh” and C.8a.5
N. Chinese (MSC, Beijing) tîgé “physique, build”. This form with the t- initial may be of Nilo-Saharan origin..
The *ji / *dzi forms are also attested in Chadic and Sino-Tibetan lexemes as the reflexive “body, self”. See C.9a
below.
The C.8c.1-2 Tibetan variants suù / sug-“form, figure, body” attest the same presence/absence of the final
*/-k /.This also indicates loss of the final velar in Tibetan. In modern Tibetan (Lhasa dialect) the base form of a
large number of roots lack the final */-k / but attest it in compounds, e.g C.8c.1 Tibetan su̱ù and C.8c.3 Tibetan
sugjɛn, sugbuŋ Goldstein 970-971, 1091. At least in Jaschke’s and Das’ time (1870-1920) the West Tibetan
forms contained the –k final. See Jaschke’s phonetic tables which compare variations by Tibetan province. Jaschke
xvi-xxi. This root is also the source of a number of reflexes meaning “skin” (C.8a.3) and “skin bag”, “wineskin
etc. For these latter with a root stem of jik- see C.8d.1 below.
263
157
Note- C.8a.5 N. Chinese (Beijing) There are five W. Chadic variants of this root. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 16.
The three included in this set correspond to the N. Chinese (Beijing) tîgé on both syllables.
264
Proto-Chadic
*tk “body”
Jungraithmayr 1994
v.1 16
C.8a.6 W. Chadic-
N. Chinese -MSC N. Bauci- Karya
tî “body, tí “body”
part of the body” E. Chadic- Kera
Wu, J. 674 títí “body”
C. Chinese-Wu Jungraithmayr 1994
thi5 “body, shape, form” v.2 34
Hakka Dict.
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.8a.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) jì tái “body” / N. Chinese-MSC jī “muscle, flesh”
< W. Chadic- Bole-Tangale-Galembi jìi “body” / Proto-AA *dzi- “body, meat” / Semitic-Arabic
jisim “body”
C.8a.2 TB-Tibetan shig “a body”
< Proto-AA *dzik- “body, meat” /
W. Chadic- Hausa jìkíí n. “body (of person or animal)”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *ji / *jik- “body, flesh”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.8a.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) jì tái “body” Chik / Ng Lam 372
N. Chinese-MSC jîtî “the human body” Wu, J. 309
[compound of this root and that of C.8a.5]
beijî “the back of the body” Wu, J.27 bei “back” ;
jî “spine, backbone” Wu, J. 317 ;
chi / tsi (WG) “the spine” Mathews 1966 #489 64.
TB-Qiangic-Xixia [Tangut] tshi / tśhji “flesh, meat” Matisoff 2003 171-172
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (Meixian) tsi3 “meat” Hakka Dict.
W. Chadic- Bole-Tangale-Kirfi jì “body” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 34
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) táigaak “physique” Kwan 350, Chen 282
C.8a.6 N. Chinese-MSC jîtî “the human body” Wu, J. 309
[compound of this root and that of C.8a.1]
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) tái “body” “shape” Chik / Ng Lam 500 ji tái “body” Chik / Ng Lam 372
sāntái “body” Kwan 44
N. Chinese-MSC qūtî “body” Wu, J. 561
S. Chinese-Min sīn-thè “body, health, constitution” Bodman 1987 169
TB-Chin-Lushai tei “self” Benedict 1972 65
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.8a.1
E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] , Birgit zì “body” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 35
E. Chadic- Migama zí “body” Junraithmayr 1994 v.2 35
NS-Nubian-Kənzi (Kenuzi) ğitta “Körper, Leichnam” [body] Hoffman 85
W. Chadic- Gwandara (Karshi, Koro, Nimbia) ŋkyi “body”
Gwandara (Cancara) ŋci “body” Matsushita 1974 #40 35
C.8a.2
W. Chadic-Ron (Sha) zə̀k “Körper” [body] Jungraithmayr 1970 289 See also A.6c.2-3
W. Chadic-Ron (Kulere) zîgy / zígy “Körper” [body] Jungraithmayr 1970 356
W. Chadic- Hausa žeki / tšeki “body” Barth 264 sīgàa “form, structure” Newman, P. 2007 187
W. Chadic- Goemai sek “body” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 34
W. Chadic-Angas kishek “all, every” ki [every] shek [body] Skinner 146
265
158
Note- C.8b.1 (Tibetan) The usage of the word “body” as referring to something already mentioned and/or as a
reflexive occurs also in the usage of the C.8a.5 W. Chadic-Ngizim tə̀kà “body”. “a baren kuterci na taushi ii-ci
tluwai ii tə̀kà-w “Give me your tail and I’ll tie meat on it. (lit. ‘On the body of it’)” “áa kkəma tək-g əri ii təka
waka ‘he was hanging his body [i.e. himself] against the tree” Schuh 151 Schuh explains this function of tə̀kà as
serving “to render a concrete object into a location”. This is the generic function, but the examples indicate further
that when the location where the action terminates is the self (one’s own body) in Western language grammar it
would be called the reflexive pronoun. In these cases it functions grammatically like a pronoun but the noun itelf
meaning “body” is used to refer to something already mentioned, i.e. performs the reflexive reference function.
See also set and note C.9a.1 (Chadic, Cushitic) below.
266
Chadic–S. Bauci-Jimi zukko “skin” (Jungraithmayr 1994 v. 2 34) which Jungraithmayr determines to be a
reflex of the *zk “body” root.
The C.8d.1 lexemes correspond to the morphemes with *-i- meaning “body” and “skin” from the
C.8a.1-4 sets above The C.8d.2 lexemes correspond to the morphemes with medial *-a- meaning
“animal flesh, body” found in the A.6c.2 correspondence set.
The C.8d.3 morphemes correspond to the morphemes with medial *-u- / *-o- meaning “body” from
the C.8c.1-2 correspondence sets above. Hence it can be firmly posited that the following lexemes are
reflexes of these respectively corresponding roots meaning “body, skin”
159
Note- C.8d.1-2 ( Chadic-Hausa, Sanskrit Extended) Herders of the African Sahel use cattle scrota as bags to
carry smaller items. [Personal observation]
The jàk- / zak-root also means “skin” independently of its usage in this word family to denote bags made of
skin. Similarly to the usage of the ji root for body in C.8a.3 above which also means “skin“, the jàk- / zak- root
means skin and “skin bag” as a derived form to designate the artefact. The root in the sense of “skin” also appears
in Sanskrit as zakala “skin, bark” “the scales of a fish”. See entry in Sanskrit Supplementary table 2 C.8d.2.
268
160
Note- C.8d.2 (Hausa) The rock art of the central Sahara steppe dated from about 5000-3000 BCE depicts large
bags slung over the backs of pack cattle. Camps 576. People apparently used them to carry water with them as
they traveled while grazing their cattle..
269
161
Note- C.9a.1 (N. Chinese (Beijing), Middle Chinese , Chadic-Hausa, Cushitic) The ji / dzi root as a reflexive
pronoun referring to the self is found in both Sinitic and TB languages. In African languages it has been identified in
Chadic and NC:
Sinitic: In Beijing Chinese and Cantonese the C.9a.1 zi / jih variants of the C.8a.3 Proto-Chadic *zi root function as
both independent morphemes and as the reflexive pronoun. Both follow Middle Chinese in positioning it before the verb.
Examples in Bejing:
zìjìn lit. kill oneself “commit suicide, take one’s own life” jìn “kill”
zìdòng lit. self-moving “automatic” dòng “move” (H.9.1 Extended)
Examples in Cantonese:
jihsaaht lit. kill oneself “commit suicide” saaht “kill” (A.7b.2 Extended)
jihduhng lit. move self “automatic” duhng “move” (H.9.1) Yip, V. 2001 33
In some TB languages a similar form appears as a suffix with intransitive, reflexive, reciprocal or stative meanings.
Tibeto-Burman: In TB languages the si / śi reflexive is postpositioned to the verb:
TB-Kinauri, Nung, Bahing and Vayu contain a reflexive or “middle” function. “Suffixed -ś(i) ~ -so used to form a type
of ‘middle’ voice is found in several languages”. Examples are: -si
Kinauri tongśi ”strike oneself or one another” ; sarśi ”rise”, (sar ”raise”) , zaśi “be eaten”
Vayu sišto ”kill” siš(-tše) “kill thyself or for thyself” Benedict 1972 98
Nung itśi “laugh” khuŋśi “awaken” ŋimśi “stoop”
Bahing phi-so “dress oneself” ri-so “laugh” Matisoff 2003 472. [This corresponds phonetically more closely to the
C.8c.1-2 forms above.]
African languages:
Chadic and Proto-AA examples found in C.8b above show exact phonetic matching for the indefinite pronoun
referring to persons..
E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] uses the same morpheme to denote both “the body” and “the self”. Ng’áà déé zì -y
“il a tué son corps” (s’est suicidé)” [lit. “he killed his body” = he killed himself]
Nà átyá zi-r “je lave mon corps ( je me lave)” [lit. “I wash my body” = I wash myself”]
Ŋ’áà ityá zi-y “il porte son corps (se vante)” [lit. “he carries his body” = he is showing off some physical ability,
strength etc.] Examples are from Fédry 390.
In NC-Swahili ji “self” is not an independent morpheme. It functions as the reflexive pronoun or sometimes like a
middle voice of the verb, i.e.. the self as object of the verb’s action.
270
jiainishi “to classify oneself as” ainishi, “classify” jiamini “to be confident [lit. to believe in oneself]” amini “to believe
trust” jijengea “to build for oneself” jengea “build” (F.15a.2) Awde 2000 75
271
162
Note- C.10.2-3 (S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)) This is a case of retention of a Hausa initial g- in South Chinese
which is palatalized in N. Chinese, i.e Hausa /Cantonese gaw- / gauh → MSC jiù . For discussion see Notes-
A.18a.2 , A.33.1, B.32.1,3 and Chapter 9 Section 9.8.
The C.10.3 Cantonese semantics of gaw- “coffin with a corpse” may represent a convergence of the gaw-
“corpse” root with a related but apparently different Afro-Asiatic root, for example:
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic qäbər “burial, funeral” ; qäbbära “bury, entomb” Leslau 1976 76.
mäqabər “grave, tomb, sepulcher” Leslau 1976 26 Semitic-Aramaic qəbar “tomb, grave” Comprehensive
Aramaic Lexicon Another Chadic variant of the root may be C. Chadic- Buduma gau “bury” Skinner 81.
272
163
Note- C.11.1 (Chadic, Etymon) Jungraithmayr. states that the Chadic fun / vun forms are ultimately reflexes
of an NC-Benue-Congo root *bn. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 40. The W. Chadic reflexes are classified by
Jungraythmayr as belonging to his C root *bn. Jungraithmayr v.2 1994 86. These are the only Chadic reflexes of
this root. The W. Chadic Ron and N. Bauci languages may be the proximate source of this root, but since they share
a linguistic border with the Benue-Congo languages and have been extensively influenced by them (as documented
by Mukarovsky) an NC language may indeed be the ultimate source
273
164
Note- C.12.a.1-2 (Beijing-TB, Chadic) The TB and Chinese references closely correspond to reflexes of
Jungraithmayr’s Proto-Chadic C root *b-y. This “is restricted to West Chadic and some Central Chadic
languages”. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 3. All the C.12.a.1-2 ST forms of this table are proposed to be reflexes of this
Chadic root.
The C.12a.3 Cantonese variant closely matches only two of Jungraithmayr’s H root reflexes, the Chadic-Higi
and Angas roots cited. However the parallel correspondence of the C.12a.2 and C.12a.3 Chadic variants with
those of North and South Chinese forms gives solid evidence of a Chadic origin of these latter.
274
bāyā m. “back” “outside surface” bāya adv. “behind, backwards” daga bāya “afterwards, the
other day” Newman, P. 2007 19 baibaita “turn the back on” Bargery 2002;
(Gobir dial.) baibàitā / baibàyā “go round behind a house” Matsushita 1993 118
W. Chadic- Gwandara bay, babay “back, outside” Skinner 19
W. Chadic- Bole-Tangale-Karekare bái “back” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 6
N. Cushitic-Beja (Bedauye) biye “Seite, Seiten Knochen, Rippe” [side, side bones, ribs] Reinisch 54
C.12a.3
Proto-S. Cushitic *bu- “behind” Skinner 20
C. Chadic- “Fali” (Kiria) mbul “back” [body part] Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 6
E. .Chadic- Masa Group-Banana burwa “outside” Skinner 19-20
C. Chadic-“Fali”(Bwagira) bura “outside” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 6
/
C.12b.1 W. Chadic- Hausa West Semitic-Ethiopian-
N. Chinese-MSC wàjē m. “side, direction, Amharic wəĉ’ĉ’i / wəc̩c̩iw
wàijiè vicinity” “exterior, outside”
“the external world, wàje adv. “outside” Leslau 1976 178, 425
outside” Newman, P. 2000 206, Skinner 281
Wu, J. 706 165 2007 216 k’asàashen Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi)
[Disyllabic corresp.] wàje “abroad” waajiha “face, front” “outside”
k’asàashe “country” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic
Newman, R. 1990 1 part 2 489
C.12b.2 N. Chinese-MSC W. Chadic- Ron Egyptian
wài “outer, outward, (Scha, Kulere) uai
outside” Wu, J. 705 way “to be away from a person or
“outside, beyond, foreign” “back, outside” place, to go away, be remote,
Huang 433 W. Chadic-Bedde afar off”
-wài- “out, a morpheme vayan Budge v.1 144
typically used to indicate “outside” Skinner 19
location, e.g.
wairén lit. “outside person”
i.e. “outsider, stranger,
foreigner” Packard 75
“outsider” Merriam Webster
Chinese 135
C.12b.3 S. Chinese-Min Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi)
guā “out, outside, wara
outside of” “behind, in the rear of”
guā-bīn “outside” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic
Bodman 1987 part 2 492
v.2 122, 135
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.12b.1 N. Chinese-MSC wàijiè “the external world, outside”
< W. Chadic- Hausa wàje “side, place, direction” “outside” “foreign”
Approximate Sinitic etymon: *wàje “side, place, direction” “outside” “foreign”
165
Note- C.12b.1-2 N. Chinese (MSC) -wai- is classified as a bound root, because it can occur with either
independent words, other bound roots or with word-forming affixes. For example it can be used with verbs as in
waidiao “transfer (sb. / sth.) to another locality”. De Francis 968 [compound of this root and that of H.3b.2 Extended].
It is also used with nouns as in waibian “outside, exterior” De Francis 968 [compound of this root and the C.41c.1
bian which means “side”].
275
C. Chinese-Wu W. Chadic-
thE1 Bauci group-
“unborn child, embryo, Jimbin
fetus” təná “navel”
Hakka Dict. Jungr . 1994
v.2 250-251
C.13.3 N. Chinese-MSC W. Chadic –
tāiyii “(human) Hausa
afterbirth” d’an tàayī m.
tāi “foetus, embryo” “fetus, embryo”
“birth” Wu, J. 661 Newman, P.
t’āi (WG) “the pregnant 2007 201
womb” Mathews 1966 d’an
#6010 859 “son of,
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] product of”
dai ~ śədai “navel”
Benedict 1972 52, 65, 66
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.13.1 TB-Tibetan lté-ba “navel’
< C. Cushitic- Bilin etebā “navel”
C.13.3 N. Chinese -MSC tāi “foetus, embryo”
< C. Cushitic- Bilin. etebā “navel” / W. Chadic – Hausa tàayii
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *tăy- ~ *te- “navel, abdomen” “foetus”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.13.2
TB- Garo ste “abdomen” Benedict 1972 66
TB–Karenic-Pwo, Sgaw de “umbilicus” Benedict 1972 150 “navel” Matisoff 2003 217
TB-Tibetan deguŋ “navel” Goldstein 466 guŋ “belly” (C.18a.1-2)
dedaa “umbilical cord” Goldstein 466 dewa “middle, center, core, main, central” Goldstein 466
C.13.3
S. Chinese-Min thai1 “unborn, child, fetus, embryo” Hakka Dict.
N. Chinese-MSC huáitai “be pregnant” Wu, J. 291 tāi meas. for “births” DeFrancis 1362
niángtai “mother’s womb” Wu, J. 497 niáng “mother, young woman” (D.9a.7)
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
tòiyi “fetus” Kwan 186 ; tòi “a fetus, an embryo” Chik / Ng Lam 373
Chinese-Kejia [Hakka]
(MacIver) t’oi1
(Lau Chunfat) toi1 “unborn child, embryo, fetus” Hakka Dict.
TB–Naga tāy “navel” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
TB-Chin-Lushai tai “belt, waist” Matisoff 2003 210
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *s-tăy “navel, abdomen” Benedict 1972 65, 66, 207
*s-tăy ~ m-ta:y “belt, zone, waist” Matisoff 2003 615
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.13.1 Berber- Tuareg [Tamashaq] təbutət “navel” Edgar 208
C. Cushitic- Bilin itibā “navel” Skinner 35
West Semitic-Ethiopian *-təbt- “navel” Skinner 35
In sub-Saharan E. Africa if you are talking to a group of children and then address a particular boy, he may ask
whether you are talking to him individually. His accompanying gesture is to point at his stomach. (Personal observation).
In European cultures a person in this situation would usually point to his/her chest. The Tibeto-Burman association of the
self with the stomach or navel expresses a cultural association similar to that existing in East Africa.
277
168
Note- C.15.1 (Chadic) These fairly clear correspondences seem to be loans into Chadic. Jungraithmayr has
identified only three occurrences of this, a C root, which appear above as E. and C.Chadic forms. There seems to
be no W. Chadic form.
A variant form in C. Chadic-Zime-Batna is tāk (Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 293), also found in West Semitic-
w
Ethiopian-Amharic tāqq ämä “point at, point out, tip off, inform about” Leslau 1976 229.
tāk / tek/ dik also mean “one” in Chadic, Cushitic, Semitic and Nilo-Saharan. The meanings of “show, point”
and “one” may well be derived from a root variant meaning “index finger” as in Chadic-Dangaleat above.
However, no *dig- root meaning “index finger” or “point at” has yet been identified elsewhere in AA or in
another African/AA superfamily, although the root is very probably related to the G.17.1-2 AA, NS and NC tek /
dik “one”.
279
169
Note- C.16.2-3 (Chadic) The following disyllabic lexemes have semantics of “heart” but lack the final *-k in
the first radical, so this is not only a case of apocope between TB and Sinitic but also between Chadic and NS
languages. See Notes A.14a.3 and B.25.1-2..
280
C.16.3 TB-Tibetan ltó-ba / ltó-wa “belly, stomach” Jaschke 219 Das 545
N. Chinese (Beijing) dùpí “belly” Wu, J. 166
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) tóuh “belly” Kwan 37 Po-fei Huang 447
C. Chinese-Wu tuw6 “the belly, abdomen, bowels” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese Min tóu7 “the belly, abdomen, bowels” Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.16.1
E. Chadic- Masa Group *duk- “liver, heart” Skinner 35
C. Chadic- Lame voin- dùk “heart” Mukarovsky 205
C. Chadic- Lame -dùk “liver” Mukarovsky 205
W. Chadic- S. Bauci Group *tuk- “stomach” Skinner 35
Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 20
C.16.3
W. Chadic- Gera tùuşi / tùuzi “heart” Mukarovsky 205
E. Chadic- Sumrai dúsí “heart” Mukarovsky 205
NC- N. Mande – Malinke dùsu “heart” Mukarovsky 205
NC-N. Mande – Bambara dùsú “heart, soul, character” Mukarovsky 205
NS- Barea taua “belly” Greenberg 1966 96
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
C.17 AA – Chadic Afro-Asiatic - AA- Nilo- NC
Cushitic Semitic Saharan
C.17.1 E. Cushitic-
TB-Tibetan Harso
phug = phugs = fukko
sbugs, phug-pa “urinary bladder”
“the bladder in reference S. Branch of
to its capaciousness” Omotic-Ari
Jaschke 343 pug
“urinary bladder”
Ehret 1995
#70 102170
Swadesh “belly” W. Chadic- N.
C.17.2 Bauci- Siri
TB- Kabui, Meitei bukùlí
puk “belly” “belly”
TB-Chin-Sho W. Chadic- N.
pük “belly” Bauci- Warji
Benedict 1972 77 bugəiná
Matisoff 360 “belly”
S. Chinese-Kejia Jungraithmayr
[Hakka] 1994 v.2 20
(Meixian, MacIver)
puk7 “belly”
(Lau Chunfat)
bug5 “stomach, belly”
Hakka Dict.
170
Note- C.17.1 (Omotic) “probable loan < Dullay (E. Cushitic)” Ehret 1995 #70 102
281
171
Note- C.17.3 (Chadic) The Chadic root *bək “hole” also has reflexes meaning “mouth”.
Chadic correspondences meaning “mouth, opening” are:
W. Chadic- Bole/Tangale- Tangale pọk “mouth” Jungraithmayr v.2 244 ;
“mouth, door, language” Skinner 13
W. Chadic- Bole Tangale- Dera bwככk / bw כ/ bo “mouth” Jungraithmayr v.2 244
h h
W. Chadic- Yiwom bp ak “mouth” Jungraithmayr v.2 244
W. Chadic- Hausa baka “mouth” Jungraithmayr v.2 244
E. Chadic- Ndam, Tumak beg “mouth” Jungraithmayr v.2 245
S. Chinese-Min attests bâk “eye”. Bodman 1983 79, 146 ; 1987 120. This may be another reflex of the
Chadic *bk root. It coincides in meaning with the C.17.2 TB-Tibetan (Extended) bu-ga dgu “the nine orifices of
the body (eyes etc.)”.
282
C. Chinese-Wu phoʔ7 n. “the front part, inside; inner, stomach; belly; abdomen; under the chest”
Hakka Dict.
Old Chinese pi̭ôk “belly” Karlgren GSR 1034h Matisoff 2003 362
TB-Chin-Mikir pok “belly” Matisoff 2003 359
TB-Naga-Lotha o-pok “belly” Matisoff 2003 111
TB-Naga-Ao tepok “belly” Benedict 1972 115 Matisoff 2003141
S. Chinese-Min pak “stomach” Bodman 1987 v.2 163
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *pu.k ~ *buk “cave, belly”
Benedict 1972 #358 77, 182, 205 Matisoff 2003 359, 362
TB-Kham phu “belly, abdomen” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
TB-Naga-Mao o-pu “belly” Matisoff 2003 111
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *pwu “intestine” Matisoff 2003 198
Old Chinese b’i̭u “intestines” Karlgren GSR #136o Matisoff 2003198
C.17.3 N. Chinese-MSC fùbù “belly” Chen 18 ;
fù “belly, abdomen, stomach” Wu, J. 214
C.17.4 TB-Burmese pauk “be pierced, have a hole” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.17.1 E. Cushitic-Oromo afuffe “vescica” [bladder]” Borello 10
C.17.3
E. Chadic-Mokulu bùùgìmé “hole” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 189
W. Chadic-Hausa baki “mouth” Skinner 13 Bargery 2011 baka “mouth” Bargery 2002
E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] bûngà “trou pour semer fait avec une longe hou”
[hole for planting made with a long hoe] Fédry 99
W. Chadic-Tangale pok “mouth, door” Skinner 13
W. Chadic-Bade [Bedde] vək-ən “pit, hole” Newman, P. 1977 28
C. Chadic-Mandara Group f-k- “hole” Skinner 13
C.17.4
W. Chadic-Hausa b’ula / b’ulle “pierce, knock hole in” Skinner 32
Cushitic-Oromo fulla’a “break through, pierce through” Gragg 149
Songhay (Djenne) fû / fun “pierce, puncture” Heath v.2 69
Egyptian (Faulkner) pgʒ “entrance of building, mouth of valley” Skinner 14
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
C.17.3
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Mundari ‘buʔu “hole” Kobayashi Table 2 #133 9
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Santali bhu’gaʔ / bhu’’gǝ:(ʔ) / ‘phu’gǝk’ / / bhu’gǝk’ “hole”
Kobayashi Table 3 #133 16.
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
C.18a-b Afro-Asiatic – AA – AA- Nilo-Saharan NC
Chadic Cush. Semitic
Swadesh “belly” C. Chadic- Egyptian Songhay (Koyra) NC-N.
C.18a.1 Yedina khenu guŋgu “belly” Mande-
S. Chinese-Yue ŋun / “the inner- Heath Bambara,
(Cantonese) ngùn “belly” most part v.1 111, Jula
gún C. Chadic- of the v.2 81 kככnככ
“the inside of” Kotoko-Kuseri, body” (Djenne) “belly”
“stomach, Logone Budge “belly” Mukarovsky
the gastric ngun “belly” v.1 575 “inside, interior” 90
cavity” Jungraithmayr Heath v.2 81
Chik / Ng Lam 1994 v.2 21
375 Mukarovsky 90
283
C.18a.2 E.
TB-S. Loloish- Cushitic-
Sangkong Gedeo
aŋ-khoŋ k’onk’o
“throat” ”throat”
Matisoff Hudson
2003 109 251
C.18a.3 W. Chadic – Songhay (Koyra, NC-N.
TB-Tibetan Ngizim Djenne, Koroboro) Mande-
kuŋ kùnú kunn-aa “inside” Mandinka
“middle, center” “stomach” Heath v. 3 221 kóno
koŋ “inside “as locative kuna “in, at, on, “belly”
(the body)” word, ‘inside, about” Mukarovsky
Goldstein 128 into’ “within, Heath v. 2 134, 90
khong-pa among” v.3 177
“the interior of Schuh 98-99 “belly”
anything” kwùnú / kùnú Mukarovsky 90
Das 153 “belly” (Koroboro)
TB-Chin-Lushai Mukarovsky 90 kunε / kuna
khuŋ “in, inside” “inside, in the interior
Starostin, S. of”
ST Etymology Heath v.3 221
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.18a.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gún “the inside of stomach, the gastric cavity”
< C. Chadic- Yedina ŋun / ngùn “belly” / Songhay (Koyra) guŋgu “belly”
C.18a.2 TB-Tibetan *guŋ “the middle”
< W. Chadic–Ngizim kùnú “stomach” “as locative word, ‘inside, into’ ” “within, among”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon: *guŋ “stomach, belly” “inside, within”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.18a.1
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka]
(MacIver) kwon3 “the internal cavity of the stomach, the inside of the stomach, gastric cavity”
(Meixian) k’iong1 “chest and belly cavity” Hakka Dict.
TB-Kiranti-Thulung gonu “within”, Proto-Kiranti *go(ŋ)? “within” Starostin, S. Kiranti Etymology
C.18a.3
TB-Tibetan guŋ “the middle, central” Jaschke 69 Das 221 dguŋ “the middle” Jaschke 84
kuŋba “the one in the middle, the one in the center” Goldstein 183
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *koŋ “hole, hollow passage” Matisoff 2003 125 guŋ ~ kuŋ “hollow, hole,
empty” 2003 285 Das 221
C. Chinese-Wu khoŋ5 “opening; hole; orifice; great aperture” Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.18a.1
Maba Group-Masalit kunyo / kunyi “abdomen, bowels, belly” Edgar 269
W. Chadic–Bade kunu “belly / ventre/ Bauch” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 20
NS-Anywa gככŋŋ“ ככsternum” Reh 27
NS-Maba Group-Maba kunye “intestines” Edgar 269 aŋun “breast” Greenberg 1966 135
NS-Maba Group-Mimi akun “breast” Greenberg 1966 135
NS- Songhay (Koyra, Koroboro) gúndè “belly” Heath v.1 111, v.3 137
NS-Songhay (Dendi) kúnú “ventre” Zima 125 (Gao) gúndè “ventre, intérieur” Ducroz 107
C.18a.2 E. Cushitic-Oromo qonqo “gola, trachea, laringe” [gullet, trachea, larynx]
Borello 34
284
172
Note- C.19.1 (Chadic, NC)
This root is not common in Chadic languages. In W. Chadic it is present in the Ron languages which are on the
linguistic border with the Niger-Congo-Benue Congo languages. Jungraithmayr grades it as G indicating that it is
not widespread in Chadic, and reconstructs it as *pkt following the Chadic-Ron forms. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1
152 .However, the correspondences with Proto-AA and with NS and NC forms indicate that the root is *pak- and
probably from a non-Chadic language. It is not clear whether this root is related to the Sinitic pi / pei morphemes
meaning “skin” found in Chinese-Cantonese/ Chinese-Mandarin (Beijing). See Williamson / Shimizu v.2, 327a-
329b for additioonal reflexes of the pag- root in the NC-Ekoid Bantu subgroup.
286
173
Note- C.20a.1 (NC- Proto-Jukunoid) *kok “skin” “This root is apparently found in narrow Bantu and
perhaps in Plateau (Ura, Gure, Koro,)”. Williamson-Shimizu 1973 v.2 #82 326a-, 329b. See this reference for
additional Benue-Congo reflexes of the proto- root.
287
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
C.21a-b Afro-Asiatic – AA-Cush. AA-Semitic, NS NC
Chadic Proto-AA Berber
C.21a.1 E. Chadic- Sokoro Proto-AA Semitic- Nuer
Swadesh sugul *cuk̟ul- Akkadian cuk
“foot” “Oberschenkel” “leg, thigh, sạ̄ku “foot”
S. Chinese-Kejia [thigh] elbow” “Oberschenkel” Huffman 10
[Hakka] (Meixian) Skinner 228 Militarev / [thigh]
ziuk7 / zuk7 / C. Chadic- Stolbova Militarev, A.
(Bao’an, Lufeng) Dghwede AA Semitic
tsuk7 “the foot, leg” sùge Etymology Etymology
Hakka Dict. “foot, leg” N. Omotic- 2006 7
TB-Tibetan Mukarovsky 179 Kachama West (Ethiopian)
súg-gu Proto-Chadic sukule Semitic-Amharic
“the lower part of (Jungraithmayr) “foot, leg” säkwäna
the leg of animals” *skr Mukarovsky “animal’s foot”
[Disyllabic corresp.] “leg” 180 Leslau 1976 57
sugshi (stem + r noun
“four-legged animals” suffix)
shi “four” Ehret 1995
Jaschke 574 #213 157
C.21a.2 C. Chadic-
N. Chinese-MSC Buduma
zú “foot, leg” cu “Bein” [leg]
Wu, J. 938 Skinner 230
tsú (WG) “the foot”
Mathews 1966 #6824
1004 174
C.21a.3 Semitic- Hebrew E.Sudanic
C. Chinese-Wu šoq -Jur
7
tsoʔ “the foot, leg” “leg” čok “foot”
Hakka Dict. Greenberg -Nera
S. Chinese-Min 1966 57 šokna
chiôuq1 “foot, claw”
“foot, measure” Proto-Dinka-
Bodman 1987 Nuer tsok
v.1 226 “foot”
1
chiok “the foot, Ruhlen 1994
the leg” Hakka Dict. 325
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.21a.1 TB-Tibetan súg-gu “the lower part of the leg of animals” / S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka]
tsuk7 “the foot”
< Proto-AA *suk’ul- “foot, leg”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon: *suk’u- “foot, leg”
174
Note- C.21a.2 (N. Chinese -MSC)) “The classical word for “foot” zú is totally obsolete in the spoken
languages, but is still widely used in calques and other new lexical formations, zujī “footprint”, zùqiú “football,
soccer”, lizú “get a foothold” Norman 1988 109, 249. This illustrates Norman’s observation that while Modern
Standard Chinese is based on the spoken language of the capital, Beijing, it still employs a rather high proportion
of old literary vocabulary and grammatical constructions.
291
175
Note- C.21a.1 (TB-Tibetan Extended) In most TB-Tibetan compounds the súg- morpheme means
“foot/hoof” and the African/AA correspondences found thus far for the above súg form only have semantics of
“foot, leg”. However Jaschke mentions only the meaning of “the hand” for súg-pa and Goldstein gives “hands
and legs, limbs” for the sūgbə / sūgbu forms. Jaschke’s and Goldstein’s entries indicate that in Tibetan the root
denoted the equivalent of “limb” in English [either legs/feet or arms/hands or both]. The Sanskrit C.21a.1 zAkHa
explicitly denotes “limb (arm or leg)”.
The following C.21.b lexemes give evidence of an alternation between the meanings “foot” and “hand” which is
reflected in the Chinese lexemes of the table.
292
C.21b.5 W. Chadic-Hausa
N. Chinese-MSC sàu m.
zāo “multiplied by”
“time, turn” “times in
Wu, J. 866 multiplication”
S. Chinese-Kejia Newman / Ma
[Hakka] 1979 107
zau1 / zo1 W. Chadic-Hausa
“times of binding or sau d’aya
turning around with a “once”
rope” Newman, P. 2000
“time, turn” 387 d’aya
Hakka Dict. “one” (G.16.1)
sau / sāwu m.
footprint, trace”
“time”
Skinner 230-231
Bargery 2002 176
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.21b.1 N. Chinese-MSC jyâu “foot” / Old Chinese s̟i̭o “foot”
< W. Chadic-Bole-Tangale *ša’u “foot” / Semitic-Akkadian aš(a)ru “foot, sole, footprint”
C.21b.3 S. Chinese-Min jiau “claw, talon” “animal feet” / S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) jáau “claw”
< C. Khoisan-Proto-Non-Khoekhoe chàú -Ani, Buga, Cara, Danisi chàú -Deti, Tsika, Kua, Tsua
càú “hand” /
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *ša’u “foot” / *k’aw- “nail, claw” ~ *chàú m. “hand, claw”
Extended Sino-Tibetan language word family:
C.21b.2
C. Chinese-Wu sɤw5 “hand” Hakka Dict..
TB-Naga-Tangkhul a-sho “claw” Matisoff 2003110
C.21b.3
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] zau3 “claw, talon, animal feet” Hakka Dict.
TB-Bodo/Garo-Dimasa yau “hand, arm” Matisoff 2003 65
N. Chinese-MSC zhâoya “cat’s paw” Manser 568
C.21b.4
N. Chinese-MSC shŏu “have in one’s hand, hold” Wu, J. 628
shŏu “receive” Merriam-Webster Chinese 120
TB-Qiangic-Pumi-Dayang tɕhwí “handspan” Matisoff 2003 64
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.21b.1
Khoisan-ǂHoan !gaʔu “foot” Starostin, G. 2003 17.
C. Chadic-Gisiga sar “foot, times” Skinner 231
Proto-N. Khoisan *gáú “hand” Starostin, G.2003 19
C.21b.2 NS-Songhay [Koroboro] čew-ize lit. “foot-child” [i. e. “toe”] ize “child” Heath v.3 68
C.21b.3 C. Khoisan-Naro ‖k’ɔro “nail (finger-)” Ruhlen 1994 59177
176
Note- C.21b.5(Hausa) “The word sàu [“times”] is etymologically the same as the word sau / sāwu
‘footprint’ ” Newman, P. 2000 387. The “times” gloss suggests that its empirical origin is found in the pacing off
of fields etc. in which the length of sole of the foot is repeated as the measure of the dimensions. See Skinner 231 for
other AA morphemes with the dual meanings of “foot” “times”or “sole of foot used as measure”.
294
C.21b.4
N.Khoisan-Naro čou “finger, toe” Ruhlen 1994 53
N. Khoisan-!Kung ču “five” Ruhlen 1994 53
Khoisan-Sandawe !ʔo “find, meet, receive” Greenberg 1967 79 178
/
C.21c.1 C.. Chadic-Mbara NS-Songhay
Swadesh “foot” nʒé “leg” (Gao)
TB-Lisu tshi / Stolbova, Olga cè / cìò
TB-Nyi tshə “foot” C. Chadic Etymology “pied, jambe”
Benedict 1972 22 W. Chadic-Ron Group [foot, leg]
TB-Qiangic-Jinghua, Taoba *s-y- “foot” Ducroz 53
tşhə “foot” Skinner 230 NS-Kanuri
Matisoff 2003 22 W. Chadic- Angas shi
N. Chinese-MSC šī “foot, times” “foot, leg”
shí “time, times in a general sense” Skinner 231 Cyffer 1990 61
Wu, J. 619 shi NS-Songhay
chi (WG) “a time or occasion” “with the ordinals forms the cè “fois”
“while, at the time when” adverbial numbers, e.g. [instance, time]
Mathews #467 61 shi bap Ducroz 54
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) “twice”
chi time, occasion” Foulkes 280179
Po-fei Huang 366 Kwan 531
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.21c.1 N. Chinese-MSC shí “time, times” in a general sense”
chi “a time or occasion” “while, at the time when” / TB-Lisu tshi /
TB-Nyi tshə “foot”
< W. Chadic-Angas shi “with the ordinals forms the adverbial numbers” shi bap “twice”
šī “foot, times” / NS-Songhay cè / cìò “pied, jambe” [foot, leg] cè “fois” [instance, time]
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *šī “foot, times”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.21c.1 N. Chinese-MSC chí “a period, a date, a limit of time” Mathews 1966 #526 69
qī “a period of time, phase, stage” Wu, J. 531
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.21c.1 E. Cushitic-Oromo si’a adv. “time(s)” conj. “when, moment”
si’ana “this time” Gragg 356
C. Cushitic- Bilin šiba adv. “Mal” [(point of) time] Skinner 231
NS-Songhay (Koroboro, Djenne) ĉee “instance, time” Heath v.3 63, v.2 40
↓↓
177
Note- C.21b.3 Khoisan Extended C.Khoisan ‖k’ɔro is a variant form of the C.Khoisan *chàú and čeu
morphemes. This supports an interpretation of the lateral (‖) click as a regular source of a frontal palatal initial in
modern Chinese. See also Supplementary Tables 3 section 1.1.
178
Note- C.21b.4 Khoisan-Sandawe-Extended. The Khoisan semantics of “receive”constitute an additional
semantic link between the Khoisan and Chinese morphemes ; “meet” is plausibly derived from the process of
handing something over which includes meeting someone, and “find” from the process of acquiring an object, and
holding it with the hand. See set H.39a.3
179
Note- C.21c.1 (Chadic, NS-Songhay) The Chadic-Angas and NS-Songhay semantics of “foot, times” furnish an
explicit link to the “foot” semantics which are the origin of the shi “time, times”lexeme, i.e. the NS-Songhay cè /
cìò “foot””time” variant corresponds to the C.21b.2 Old Chinese s̟i̭o “foot”and thus indirectly shows the
connection between the “foot” semantics of the TB tşhə / shi morpheme and the Sinitic languages. The dual
meaning here is parallel to the C.21b.5 Hausa sàu “times” “foot” semantics.
295
180
Note- C.22a.1-2 (Niger-Congo) This table gives evidence that the root is very widespread; it is present in three
different African language superfamilies. Only the variants which include a p-k- or b-k- stem are included in this
table.
Jungraithmayr comments that the Chadic forms of this root “may be a Nigritic loan.” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 87
He cites NC-Proto-West Nigritic *Buak Mukarovsky 33. Note also Proto-Plateau of Benue-Congo *bwaak
“arm, hand”. Williamson / Shimizu v.1 9
Niger Congo/Kordofanian is probably about 15000 years old. (Ehret 2002 58) This permits an inference that the
Kordofanian and Niger-Congo forms of the present table are at least as old as the proto-AA form. Candidates for being
the oldest NC form would be both the following C.22b.1 Kordofanian-Otero (g)əbo “shoulder” which attests an
optional g- initial and the C.22a.4 Kordofanian-Dagari kpank(ne) “arm” of the present table. This latter
morpheme also attests the g / k initial but is more similar in the rhyme to the bak- / pak- forms.
296
181
Note- C.22b.1-2 (Nilo-Saharan, Niger-Congo) This is a clear case of presence and absence of an intial syllable
kכ- in parallel Kordofanian and Nilo-Saharan morphemes. Since Kordfanian and Nilo-Saharan are the older
languages this word family suggests there may have been an earlier and later inheritance of their lexemes by Sinitic
languages through different Afro-Asiatic intermediaries in different migrations. Under this hypothesis the Chadic
attestations would be from the later one. See also Chapter 10 sections 10.3.2.3-4.
298
The following C.22c.1 table contains lexemes which are probably related to those of the previous
C.22a.2 set. It contains clearly similar morphemic p-k- / b-k- variants with basic semantics of
‘striking’ which in ST includes the added qualification “with the hand”.
182
Note- C.23.1 (Chadic) Jungraithmayrs’ proposed Chadic root is *mr. (1994 v.1 6). The above Chadic entries
are the only reflexes of this root in the Chadic languages which he reviewed. All are in the West Chadic-N. Bauci
group or Ngizim. He considers the Chadic forms to be loans from Nilo-Saharan and cites the Masalit and Maba
forms above. Hence the TB-Tibetan morphemes are probably ultimately of Nilo-Saharan origin..
300
183
Note- C.24b.1,3 (Chadic-Hausa) The C.24b.1.3 Hausa k’ugiya variant was derived historically from its
C.24b.1 k’ugi base through a still active Rule [Rule 2] through which “If the suffix -a is added to a word ending
in a front vowel other than H(igh) tone –I, it appears as –(i)ya, that is, the suffix is added to the full masculine
stem including the vowel, rather than to the pre-affixal base minus the final vowel ). [This latter condition is the
case under which rule 1 operates]. Newman, P. 2000 210 Rule 2. See also Note F.5.1 and set F.18a.2 Extended.
In parallel fashion the Tibetan kyכggy ̀ככ/ kyogge “crooked” and gugyaà “to hook something” correspond to
the later derived Hausa ky’ūgìyā form. Hence Tibetan morphemes correspond in parallel fashion to both the
earlier and later forms of the root. This could imply separate migrations into the TB linguistic area, the earlier
form being inherited from a Cushitic or old Chadic form. See also Chapter 9 sections 9.4-6.
302
C.24c.2
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (Meixian) k’eu5 (Lau Chunfat) keu4 “hook” v. and n. Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Min ku3 “hook” n. and v. Hakka Dict.
TB-Lakher pǝkhu “angle, knee” Matisoff 2003 359 note a
C.24c.3 N. Chinese-MSC gōu vt. “to hook” Huang 139 Wu, J. 239 Wang, F. 171
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) ngàu “hook” Kwan 224 Chen 156 ngàu “to hook, to join, to connect”
“a hook” Chik / Ng Lam 467
N. Chinese-MSC kōu (WG) “a hook, a barb, a sickle” “to hook” Mathews #3408 508 #3417 509.
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.24c.1
Cushitic-Afar (Danakali) guub “be bent” Militarev, A. Saho-Afar Etymology 2005
E. Cushitic- Rendille gulguúbo “bending position” Pillinger 129
W. Chadic-Hausa (Gumel dial.) (Kano dial.) k’obare “be, become bent” Matsushita 1993 281
k’ōbōbō “being round-shouldered”; stoop (due to age, disease etc.)” Matsushita 1993 103
W. Semitic-Ethiopic-Amharic gwäbät’ä / gwäbbät’ä “curved, bent, hunched” ”hunch” mägwbät
“hunchback” gubbəta “hillock, mound, hill, bump (of road)” Leslau 1976 212, 373
E. Cushitic-Rendille khoodán “curved, arched” Pillinger 194
NS-Nuer ŋuɛt “fishhook and pole together” Huffman 37
C.24c.3 E.Cushitic-Somali guho “hump, curve of road, river, coast etc. Ehret 1995 #371 519
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
C.24c.1 IE-Sanskrit kubIra “a humped bull” Witzel 1999b [12] kubara “a hump-backed man”
kubhra “a hump-backed bull” kubja “hump-backed, crooked” “a curved sword” kubjita “crooked,
curved” kubjaka “hump-backed, crooked” kubjatA “the state of being humpbacked” Cologne Lexicon.
IE-Old Indian kubhrá “a hump-backed bull” Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 2012
See also Supplementary Table 2 C.24c.1
Proto-IE *ghūbh- “to bend” / *kūbh- “hill, hump ; curved, to bend”
Starostin, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 42
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian *köb- / *küb- “to bend, elevation, convexity”
Altaic-Proto-Tungus-Manchu *kupe- “to bend, elevation, convexity”
Proto-Altaic *kop’é / *göp’é(ne) “to bend, elevation, convexity” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
C.25 AA – Chadic AA-Cushitic AA- Nilo-Saharan NC
Sem.
C.25.1 W. Chadic- E. Anywa
N. Chinese-MSC Gwandara (Nimbia) Cushitic- gùúŋ “to stoop
gōng “bend forward, gun “bend” Burji deeply” Reh 28
bow” gông “hump up, Matsushita 1974 gungul’ Nuer
arch” Wu, J. 237 #616 13 “be bent guŋ “to stoop”
“bow, arch, arc, W. Chadic- (person)” Huffman 16
bend” Huang 135, 137 Gwandara Hudson Kanuri
S. Chinese-Yue (Gitata) 195 ngunggin
(Cantonese) gùngúyi bend” “bow down, bend
gùng “bow” “bent, Matsushita 1974 over, nod head
arching, arched” #616 13 forward”
Chen 22 W. Chadic- Karekare Cyffer 1990 139
“bow (weapon)” ŋgun bend” Songhay (Gao)
Chik / Ng Lam132 Stolbova, Olga guŋguma
TB-Tibetan koŋgoŋ W. Chadic Etymology “bend forward”
“round, arched” Heath v.3 137
Goldstein 188
305
184
The C.26a.1 The AA guì- root has been palatalized to gyi- in the C.26a.1 classical Tibetan morphemes, but
the C.26a.2-3 Chinese forms below have retained the AA labialized guì- form. Hence the Written (Classical)
Tibetan sgyid- form seems to have a different development from the gwí root found in Afro-Asiatic following.
The main difference is that C.26a.1 does not attest close Khoisan cognates, and C.26a.2-3 do.
306
185
Note- C.26a.2(Hausa)
The Beijing morpheme matches Khoisan ‖ùì “knee”since the Khoisan alveolar lateral click (‖) can be lost, but
then completed as a simple velar ejective which approximates an ejective (plosive) g. In many AA word families
there are morphemes which show presence of an initial velar without any vestige of an otherwise matching
Khoisan morpheme’s click initial influx. Since the present Beijing morpheme closely resembles the Hausa gwi-
root stem, it was probably inherited from Chadic rather than directly from Khoisan. (For a review of Khoisan
initial click phoneme correspondences see Supplementary Tables 3 section 1)
186
Note- C. 26a.2-3 (Khoisan) See note C.38a.2-3 (Khoisan) concerning correspondences of theKhoisan click
velar phoneme with TB velar root initials and prefixes.
307
187
Note- C.26b.2 (Chadic Extended))
“As concerns [root grade] A1 (g)warum, etc. limited to W. Chadic and C.Chadic, it is difficult to determine
whether the initial velar in some reflexes should be given R1 status, or considered to be a prefix. It would seem to
represent R1 in N. Bauci-Warji gwùrmùná and in N. Bauci- Siri yerma, but in the Sura Group-Sura kefurum
it is well-known to be a prefix. A detailed study of the morphological processes within each individual language has
to solve this problem.” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1.
Comment: The TB, Chadic, Cushitic, Semitic and Khoisan correspondences of this set all attest the initial g- .
These support its status as the onset of Radical 1 rather than as a prefix.
309
188
Note- C.27.1 (Chadic) Jungraithmayr includes all the Chadic forms in this table under his A root *gms2.
“laugh / rire / lachen”. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 108. Under this perspective the above forms would be a reduction of
a first radical *g- to *ø-. “The most conservative shapes have been preserved in the East [East Chadic] as Mubi
gemis perf. gàmàsé infin. and Birgit gèmsi, but are also attested in [W. Chadic] Ngizim gámse.” “In several
languages R1 has eventually gone to *ø-, so that the lexemes consist of R2, R3 only, e.g. [C. Chadic] Tera mə́sì,
Nzangi moshi, [C. Chadic] Daba mis.” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 218.
See Jungraithmayr for full evidence supporting his reconstruction. He also posits C.27.2 mùrmùshī “a smile,
smiling”as a reflex of the *gms2 proto-Chadic root. However the C.27.1-2 correspondence sets show that many
mesi- / mušik-based Chadic forms closely match Cushitic, Semitic and Nilo-Saharan forms and hence could be
directly inherited or borrowed from them. None attest the g- first syllable of the Chadic forms used to reconstruct
the *gms2. root. This might appear to be a case of the “moveable k-”, but initial k- is not found in any non-
Chadic correspondents. See Greenberg 1966 132 note 36, notes A.20a.1-2, B.18a.3-4 and Chapter 10 section
10..3.
An alternative explanation of the g- initial would posit a different AA root which has converged with the mesi- /
mušik- root which is the basis of the present word family. For example Skinner identified the morphemes gautsi
and gamtsi meaning “disrespectful speech” in Hausa, and lists a Proto-Chadic *hamts-“laugh” as a proposed
source. (Skinner 81). He also makes a reference to Hausa gatsa “bite” and gatse“ sarcasm” (Skinner 80) as
probable cognates. This gats- root is widely attested in AA languages. See Skinner 80-81 and sets C.30a.1 and
C.30b.1 below.
310
(Cantonese)
ngahn
“gums of teeth”
Chik / Ng Lam 511
C.28a.2 W. Chadic– Proto-AA Semitic
S. Chinese-Yue Hausa *h̟ank(-ar) Written
(Cantonese) hàn’dā “palate, uvula” Arabic
hán “gums of teeth” “velum, soft Militarev/ h̟anak
Chik / Ng Lam 51 palate” Stolbova 2007 “palate”
TB-Mikir Newman, P. 2007 S. Cushitic-Dahalo Wehr 245
ang-hám “palate” 85 Skinner 76 *h̟ank̟ara “palate” Ehret 1995
Matisoff 2003 110 C. Chadic – Militarev, A. #753 511
Bura hankal S. Cushitic
“hard palate” Etymology 2005
Dict. of Bura
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.28a.1 TB-Tibetan rkan “the palate” / S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) ngahn “the palate”
< W. Chadic–Hausa gàn’dā / gàn’dàa “the hard palate” / Semitic-Hebrew khanee- khayeem
“gums (of teeth)”
C.28a.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) hán “gums of teeth” < S. Cushitic-Dahalo h̟anak “palate”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *khan- “palate, gums of teeth” ~ *h̟an- “palate”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.28a.1 TB-Kiranti-Limbu n. kamdak “hard palate” van Driem 1987 441
TB-Proto-Kiranti *kam “mouth, palate” Starostin, S. Kiranti Etymology
TB-Tibetan gεn “palate (of mouth)” Goldstein 40
Extended African language word family:
C.28a.1
W. Chadic–Ngizim gənád “gums (in mouth)” Schuh 60
E. Cushitic-Hadiyya gaangera “molar, molar teeth” - Kambata Hudson 100
C.28a.2
Proto-Cushitic *h̟ank’- “palate” (stem + *k’ intensive extension of effect) Ehret 1995 #753 373
North Cushitic-Beja [Bedauye] hanāk “palate, gorge, throat” Militarev, A. Bedauye (Beja) Etymology
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Gurage ank̟a “inside of the mouth” Militarev / Stolbova
Berber anɣa “palais (de la bouche)” Militarev / Stolbova
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
C.28a.1 IE-Iranian-N.Persian kām “Gaumen” (Ger.) [palate] Starostin, S. Indo-European Etymology
/
C.28b.1 C. Chadic– Zime Proto-S. Egyptian Proto N.
TB-Jingpho Batna Cushitic kham’ráa Khoisan
[Kachin] gámdzēy “jaw” *gamíi “tooth” *!hàŋ
u-kam Jungraithmayr 1994 “chin” Budge “chin”
“molar tooth” v.2 209 Jungraithma v.2 789 Proto-
Benedict 25 W. Chadic – yr Semitic- Central-
S. Chinese-Kejia N. Bauci- Karya 1994 v.1 6 Arabic Khoisan
[Hakka] (MacIver) gâm “chin” E. Cushitic- (Yemeni) *!gàn(i)
gam3 / ham3 W. Chadic – N. Bauci- Haddiya h’anak “chin”
(Meixian, Lau Chunfat) Tsagu ŋg’àmʔcálen gangeera “jaw” Starostin, G.
ngam1 / “chin” “jaw” Qafisheh 2003 22
ngam3 “the chin, jaws” Jungraithmayr 1994 Hudson 85, 90
Hakka Dict. v.2 76 278
312
C.29a.2 W. Songhay
S. Chinese-Yue Chadic- (Gao)
(Cantonese) N. Bauci- gàgààba
ngàgàau Zaar “lower
“jaw” Kwan 256 ŋàkŋa jaw”
[Disyllabic corresp.] “jaw” Heath
Jungraith- v.3 119
mayr 1994
v.2 208
C.29a.3 E. E. Cushitic-
TB-Chin-Lushai Chadic- Sidamo
kha “lower jaw” Migama gacc’o “chin”
TB-Chin-Thado, gácímó Gasparini 107
TB-Karenic-Sgaw “chin Hudson 85,
kha “chin” (beard)” 278
Benedict 121, 134 Mukarovsky “chin, jaw”
126 Mukarovsky
126
C.29a.4 W. Chadic-
N. Chinese -MSC Hausa
(Beijing) hàb’a
xiàba “chin” “chin”
Manser pt. 2 483 Skinner 100
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.29a.1 TB-Tibetan maga “chin” / TB-Nung məkha “chin, jaw”
< Khoisan-‖Kh’au-|’e !gà “chin”
C.29a.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) ngàgàau “jaw”
< E. Cushitic- Burji mangáagaa “lower jaw” / NS-Songhay gàgààba “lower jaw”
C.29a.3 Proto-Tibeto Burman *(m)ka ~ *(s)ka “jaw, chin”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *mangà- “jaw, chin” / *ngagàa “lower jaw” ~ *|gà “chin”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.29a.1
TB-Nung məkha “chin, jaw” Benedict 118, 327, 121
TB-Qiangic-Pumi Dayang mə̀gɐ “chin” Matisoff 2003 170
Proto-Tibeto Burman *(m)ka ~ *(s)ka “jaw, chin”
C.29a.2 TB-Jingpho [Kachin] nkha ~ niŋkha “chin, jaw” Benedict 118, 327, 121 Matisoff 2003 486
Benedict and Matisoff consider the C.29a.1-2 Jingpho and Nung initials to be prefixes.“Kachin prefixed n- ~
num- ning- appears to be a phonetic variant of *m- as well as of *r-, although the conditioning factors involved
are not clear. Interchange between m- and n- is fairly common.” Benedict 118 Note 327, 121, Matisoff 2003 486
The analysis in this table supports Benedict/Matisoffs’ proposal of the *m- variant as a prefix, but suggests that
most of the *n- variants are probably retentions of the initial nasalized velar *ŋ- of an NS or Chadic morpheme.
If this interpretation is correct, then the C.29a. ma- would be an AA innovation, since the C.29a.2 NS-Songhay
gàgààba also has semantics of “lower” jaw, and attests the same reduplication of the root but lacks the
nasalization of its C.29a.2 correspondents. However Songhay rarely attests a nasalized initial velar, although it
occurs in other NS languages. Both the Extended Kanuri and Maba group lexemes attest it but there is little to
suggest that it implies the notion of “low” as such..
Based on the above interpretation , the proximate source of the C.29a.1 morpheme is a Cushitic root, and those of the
C.29a.2, 4 sets probably an NS one. The C.29a.3 form could be directly or indirectly derived from Khoisan. The
C.29a.3 Proto-TB (Extended) s- initial reflects its common correspondence in ST to a Khoisan dental or alveolar
click. See Supplementary tables 3 Khoisan section 1.1.
314
C.29a.3
TB-Bodo/Garo-Dimasa khu-sga “jaw, chin” Matisoff 2003 486
TB-Tibetan mgal / mgal-wa “jaw, jawbone” Jaschke 90 Das 282
Proto-AA *ʕal- “jaw” Ehret 1995 #680 347
Proto-Cushitic *ʕal- “cheek” Ehret 1995 #680 347
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.29a.1 E. Cushitic-Oromo mangaaga “jaw” Gragg 277 Leslau 1963108
E. Cushitic- Kambata, Tibaro māngāga “jaw” Leslau 1963 108
W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic mängaga “jawbone, molar teeth” Leslau 1976 31 Hudson 85, 100
W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Harari māngāga “jaw” Leslau 1963 108
W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Tigrinya mängāga, məngaga Leslau 1963 108
W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Argobba, Zway mängaga “jaw” Leslau 1963 108
C.29a.2
E. Cushitic- Sidamo ergègga “gum (anat.) Gasparini 92
NS-Songhay gàgàabè “machoire” [jaw] Ducroz 97
NS-Kanuri ngáido “jaw” Hutchison 198170 Cyffer 1990 133 Lukas 1937 232
NS-Maba Group-Masalit ngaiyo “cheek” Edgar 293
W. Chadic–N. Bauci-Tsagu ngàrmáʔtlé “jaw” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 208
C.29a.3
NS- Suk ŋacam “chin” Greenberg 1966 101
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic ag’äĉ “chin, jaw” Leslau 1976 152
E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] gadumo “joue” “cheek” Fédry 311
E. Cushitic- Burji gacc’o “jaw” “molars” Hudson 85, 191
C.29a.4 NS- Songhay (Gao) kàabè / kàabò “barbe” [beard] Ducroz 140 Heath v.3 106
kāba “barbe” [beard] Skinner 100
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
C.29a.3 IE-Hindi gāl “cheek” Scudiere 28, 230
IE-Bengali gāl “cheek” Thompson 46
/
Swadesh “tooth” “bite” W. Chadic- S. E. Cushitic- Burji S. Khoisan-!Xoo
C.29b.1 Bauci- Wangday gacc’o / gacoo ‖qhaŋ
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) nga:si “bite” /gagoo “tooth”
ngàh “teeth” “to bite” Jungraithmayr “molars, molar Starostin, G.
Chik / Ng Lam 291 1994 v.2 24 teeth” 2003 35
“teeth” “tooth” Kwan 525, 533 C. Chadic- Hudson 100, 191 Khoisan-Sandawe
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] Daba Skinner 81 !ʔakhaŋ
(MacIver, Lau Chunfat, ngac “bite off” gágg-oo “molar” “tooth”
Meixian) Stolbova, Olga Sasse 1982 75 Starostin, G. 2003
nga2 “teeth, tooth” “bite” C. Chadic E. Cushitic-Rendille 35
Hakka Dict. Etymology 2006 khaninna vt.
Middle Chinese ŋa “tusk” “to bite”
“ivory” Karlgren GSR #37a-b Pillinger 189, 313
Norman 19 “tooth” Norman
30190
190
Note- C.29b.1 (Middle Chinese, Karen, Vietnamese Extended) “The ngàh “ivory” or “tusk” lexeme is
potentially related to such Southeast Asian words as Proto-Tai ŋa, Vietnamese ngà, Bahnar ngəla all meaning
“tusk, ivory”. Norman 1988a 19. Norman considers that this word and a word meaning “elephant” were taken into
Chinese very early, probably in prehistoric times.
Given the African language correspondences in this table, these and other ST cognates found in southeast Asian
languages may simply be the result of a relatively early migration from East Africa into southeast Asia which
315
Chinese- Wu ngà2
“tooth” Ramsey 91
C.29b.2 C. Khoisan-
TB-Karen-Pao- Taungthu *Proto-Non-Khoe-
tǝŋa “tooth” Khoe,
Benedict 137 !nai “bite”
Proto-Tibeto-Burman -Zul’hoan
*d-ŋa “tooth” !náí “bite”
Matisoff 2003 175191 Khoisan-#Hoan
!gai “bite”
Starostin, G.
2003 10
C.29b.3 Egyptian C. Khoisan-
S. Chinese-Min uga “to eat, Hietsho
kà “to gnaw, to bite” to chew and ka “bite”
Amoy-English Dict. swallow” Ehret 1982 [174]
kā v. “to bite” Budge v.1 187
Bodman 1987 v.2 78, 144, 338
C.29b.4 W. Chadic-
N. Chinese -MSC Ngizim
yá “tooth” yàanáu “tooth”
Wu, J. 790 Schuh 175
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.29b.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) ngàh “teeth” “to bite”
< W. Chadic- S. Bauci- Wangday nga:si “bite” / Khoisan-Sandawe *!ʔakha “tooth”
Approximate Sinitic etymon: *nga- “to bite” “teeth”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.29b.1
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) daingà “molar (tooth)” Kwan 533 dai “big, large”
jeung ngàh “ivory, elephant tusk” Chik / Ng Lam 431 ngàyuhk “gum (of the mouth” Kwan 212
Old Chinese ngà “tooth” Karlgren GSR 37a-b Matisoff 2003 175
TB-Naga-Lotha eŋg-kak “bite” Matisoff 2003 111
C.29b.4 N. Chinese-MSC yáchî “tooth” Wu, J.790 [compound of this root and that of C.31d.3 below]
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.29b.3 NC-Fulfulde [Fulani] gaggirre “canine tooth” Taylor 61
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
C.29b.1 South Daic-Lao nga3 sang5 “tusk (elephant)” Marcus 239 sang “elephant“ (A.19b.2)
Proto-Tai nga “tusk, ivory” Norman 1988a 19
branched to the south and southeast in northeastern India. (The Khoisan correspondences are relevant here) On
this theory, in China the lexicon of the migrants waa dominant but in areas south of China the lexicon of African /
AA origin survived only partially. In other terms the African lexicon became a dominant superstratum in what is
now China, but in the areas to the south of China it looks like a substratum, but was originally a superstratum which
did not become dominant, hence was a simple convergence. The other South Daic-Lao correspondences cited
throughout the study equally support a hypothesis of direct inheritance from Africa , e.g. C.30a.1 South Daic-Lao
3
ga:t “bite” in the following word family. See also Chapter 9 Section 9.4.
191
Note- C.29b.1-2 (TB- Karen-Pao) “This root [*d-ŋa] is very rare in TB, attested so far only by Pao Karen
teŋa.” Matisoff 2003 175 note f. In the present comparison the tǝ- initial syllable could be the remnant of a
Khoisan alveolar click (as found in this set) which was prefixed on the Karen ŋa main syllable (the shape inherited
by the Sinitic and Chadic lexemes.) See also sets A.26.5, B.31.3, C.51.2, chapter 10 section 10.2 and Supplementary
Tables 3 Table 1.1.1 for other indicators supporting this hypothesis.
316
192
Note- C.30b.1-3 The dual meanings“bite”and “derisive laughing”occur in Arabic (C.30b.1), Hausa and
Fulfulde [Fulani]. (C30a.1, C.30.b.1). TB-Tibetan appears to have inherited mainly the sense of “derisive
laughing”.
318
C.30b.4 E. Cushitic-
S. Chinese-Yue Oromo
(Cantonese) ga’isa
geisiu “spoken “mock”
ridicule” Chen 335 Gragg 154
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.30b.1 TB-Tibetan kasha / ka sha “jeering, mocking, making fun of”
< E. Cushitic-Sidamo qaço “contempt, scorn” qacifata “to laugh at, to mock”
C.30b.2 TB-Tibetan katsa / ka tsābo “sharp-tongued”
< W. Chadic–Hausa gàtsē n.m. “irony, sarcasm”
Approximate Tibetan etyma: *qash- / *gats- “to laugh at, mock”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.30b.2 TB-Tibetan bgád pa “to laugh” Das 278 ; gád-mo “laughter, laughing” Das 212
gá-sha / gá-zha “jest, joke, humor, laughter” Jaschke 64 kaja “making fun of, humiliating”
Goldstein 101
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.30b.1 W. Chadic-Hausa gàtsìnē m. “sneering grimace, snigger” Newman, P. 2007 72
gautsì “disrespectful speech” Skinner 81
Semitic- Hebrew kashot “harshly adv. inf. levaker kashot “bitterly criticize” Baltsan 166
C.30b.2 Semitic- Amharic tankätäkkä “giggle, be convulsed with laughter” Leslau 1976 162
NS- Anywa [Anuak] geel vt. gèedò detransitivized “to backbite (person concerned is present)”
Reh 26 ŋεεth“ כto laugh” Reh 57
C.30b.3 E. Cushitic-Sidamo qaço “contempt, scorn” qacifata “to laugh at, to mock” Gasparini 2
Egyptian ātcha “to joke, to jest” Budge v.1 141
C.30b.4 E. Cushitic-Oromo gayisu “beffiggiare, deridere, mettere in ridicolo” [to ridicule]
gayisa “beffa, derisione, disprezzo, frizzo, burla” [mockery] Borello 172
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
C.30b.1 IE- Sanskrit ghaT / ghaTT “to hurt with words, speak of malignantly”
kAt “a prefix implying contempt” KATubhasita “sarcastic speech” Cologne Lexicon.
C.30b.3 IE-Bengali hasha v. “laugh, smile” Thompson 82, 108
See also Supplementary Table 2 C.30b.1
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
C.31a-e Afro-Asiatic – Chadic AA-Cushitic, AA-Semitic etc. NS NC
Proto-AA
Swadesh W. Chadic- Tangale Berber Bagirmi
“eat” saa “eat” ca “eat” sā
C.31a.1 Jungraithmayr 1991 185 Greenberg 1966 “eat”
TB-Tibetan E. Chadic –Musgu 56 Barth
sa “to eat” sa “drink” v.2 37
Goldstein 953 Greenberg 1966 55
C.31a.2 W. Chadic – Hausa Proto-S. Egyptian
TB- Bodo shā vt. “drink” “eat Cushitic ushā
za “eat” (juicy fruits or sweets)” *c’a “to gnaw, to
TB- Garo Newman, P. 2007 182 “drink” chew,
tśha “eating” “drink” Greenberg Ehret 1995 to bite, to eat”
Benedict 126 1966 5 193 #542 288 Budge
193
Note- C.31a.2 (Chadic) In many Chadic languages the root sa ~ ša is used to mean drinking but also the
consumption of soft things such as fruit, porridge etc. Skinner 240 The ci- / shi root (C.31d.1) below is used for
the eating of hard things and also for drinking.
319
v.1 185
C.31a.3 TB-Tibetan C. Chadic- Bura Semitic-Arabic
za-ba / bza-ba zaba saʔb̟
“to eat” Jaschke 485 “to eat” “to quench thirst”
bcha-ba “drinking” Dict. of Bura Ehret 1995
Jaschke 146 #542 288
[Disyllabic corresp.]
Swadesh drink” W. Chadic –Ngizim Proto-AA Egyptian
C.31a.4 S. Chinese- sáu “drink” (Orel / sáu “to drink”
Yue (Cantonese) sá vn. Stolbova Budge v.2 642
sàu “to eat” Schuh 144 1995) ta siáu
Chik / Ng Lam 495 *h’saw “to give to drink”
TB-N. Naga-Chang “drink” Budge v.2 866
śau “to eat” Skinner 240
Matisoff 2003 165
C.31a.5 W. Chadic–Hausa Proto-Afro-
N. Chinese-MSC shāwō “drink (for the Asiatic
hsiáo (WG) benefit of the speaker)” *-jaaw- or
“to eat” vg.6 ventive of < shā *-dzâaw-
Mathews #2586 383 “drink, eat, (juicy fruits “to sip”
TB-Tibetan or sweets”) Ehret 1995
bcah’-wa n. Newman, P. 2007 182 #478 263
“a drinking or drink” See also Chapter 10
Das 391 section 10.2 ventives
C.31a.6 S. Chinese- Egyptian
Yue (Cantonese) shaáu
jáu “alcoholic “wine, drink”
drink, wine, liquor” Budge v.2 723
Chik / Ng Lam 462
Swadesh “eat” C. Chadic-Higi Nkafa Proto-AA Semitic-Aramaic
C.31a.7 sekwi “drink” *-zaak’- šāqū, šāqūtā
S. Chinese-Min Stolbova, Olga “to eat up” “drink”
ciâk “eat, drink, C. Chadic Etymology Proto-Cushitic Comprehensive
consume” Bodman *zaak’- Aramaic Lexicon
1987 v.2 84, 126 “to eat up”
TB-Bodo/Garo- Ehret 1995
Garo caʔa “eat” #195 150
Matisoff 2003 480 *-s’aʔ-
TB-N. Naga-Nocte “to drink up”
tšaʔ “eat” “food” Ehret 1995
atisoff 2003 480 #542 288
C.31a.8 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-Hausa W. Semitic-
dzagdzà zàk’ā Ethiopian-
“full, saturated” “eat too much of” Amharic
Goldstein 913 Newman, P. t’äggaba
S. Chinese-Min 2007 229 “be satiated,
ciâk-pà “to have be full
eaten (to one’s fill), (from food)”
be full” Bodman Leslau 1976 235
1987 v.2 84, 126
320
C.31a.5
Proto-Berber *sw “drink” Skinner 240
Berber su drink” Greenberg 1966 55
Egyptian zwr “to drink” (stem + *l finitive) ; semantics originally “to drink up”
Ehret 1995 #478 263 Greenberg 1966 55
C.31a.7
S. Cushitic-Proto-Rift *ĉ’aʔ- “to snuff, suck up” Ehret 1995 #542 288
W. (Ethiopian) Semitic-Gurage (Selti, Wolane) säĉe / säĉi “drink” Leslau 1979 v.3 534
C.31a.8 Semitic-Arabic saʔima (IPA) “fed up” Merriam-Webster Arabic 55
W. (Ethiopian) Semitic-Amharic -šäkkärä “become drunk” Leslau 1976 57
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
C.31a.1
IE-Sanskrit car “to consume, eat, graze”
IE-Pashto tsar m. “pasture, forage, pasturing, grazing” tsarawal “to graze, feed or supply cattle with
grass etc.” Raverty 307 tsarr vi. to graze, browse, crop” Raverty 1114
C.31a.2
IE-Sanskrit
saraka “spirituous liquor” “drinking spirituous liquor, distribution of spirituous liquor”
zarkarasava “spirituous liquor, distilled from sugar, rum”
C.31a.5 IE- Bengali khaowa vb. ”eat” vb. Thompson 45, 96
See also Supplementary Table 2 C.31a.1,4
C.31a.7
Kartvelian-Georgian čox “to masticate” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 7
Kartvelian-Megrel čix “to eat greedily” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 7
Kartvelian-Svan čex(w) / čx(w) “to masticate” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 7
/
C.31b.1 E. Cushitic-Oromo Kanuri C.
N. Chinese-MSC chufada v. njuwo Khoisan-
jû “masticate, chew” “bite” “chewing of |Xaise,
Wu J. 370 chuchufada v. the cud” Deti, Cara,
chǚ / tsǚ (WG) “nibble” juwulangîn v. Danisi,
“to suck, to chew” Foot 11 “chew Kua, Tsua
Mathews 1966 #1573 225 cuf-accu v. thoroughly, ʔjŭŋ “eat”
jûjué “masticate, chew, “mordere, addentare” masticate” Starostin,
ruminate, chew the cud” [to bite, to seize with Cyffer G. 2003 15
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) the teeth” 1990 141
jiu “to chew, to eat” Borello 81
Chik / Ng Lam 70
C.31b.2 TB-Tibetan Tubu [Teda] S. Khoisan-
skyug-ldad cugu Proto-Taa
“rumination, chewing ”wiederkauen” |gxùʔrV
the cud” Jaschke 27 [to ruminate, to “to gnaw”
dzūgdzuù chew the cud] Starostin,
“the sound of chewing” Lukas 1953 G. 2003 19
Goldstein 846 205
322
C.31b.3 NS-Kanuri C.
N. Chinese-MSC kíyáukíyáu Khoisan-
jiáo “masticate, chew” ideo. Proto-Non-
Wu, J. 340 “describes Khoekhoe
xìjiáomànyàn crunching *!gxárú
“chew carefully and swallow sound of “to gnaw”
slowly” DeFrancis 1059 chewing” Starostin,
[Disyllabic corresp.] Cyffer 1990 96 G. 2003 19
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.31b.2 Tibetan dzūgdzuù “the sound of chewing”
< Tubu [Teda] cugu ”to ruminate, to chew the cud” / S. Khoisan-Proto-Taa |gxuʔrV “gnaw”
C.31b.3 N. Chinese-MSC jiáo “masticate, chew”
< C. Khoisan-Proto-Non-Khoekhoe *!gxaru “gnaw”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon: *cug- “chew the cud, chew thoroughly”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.31b.1 N. Chinese-MSC chüeh (WG) “to chew, to ruminate” Mathews 1966 #1180 169
C.31b.2 TB-Naga-Yimchungru dzɯʔ “eat” Matisoff 2003 480
C.31b.3 N. Chinese-MSC jiào “masticate, chew, munch” Wu, J. 349 “chew, eat” DeFrancis 424
Extended African language word family:
C.31b.1 C. Khoisan-Hiechware ŋjoo “eat” Starostin, G. 2003 15
Semitic-Arabic jam-dʕugu (IPA) “chew” Merriam-Webster Arabic 27
/
C.31c.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) W. Chadic – E. Cushitic- Afar
gau “to insult” “to shame” Hausa gaawise “mock”
“to berate, to abuse” Chik / Ng Lam 4 21 gautsī m. Parker / Hayward 106
jàausiu “ridicule, laugh at” “disrespectful also gawsise “make mock”
Chen 335 Kwan 267, 438 behavior or [“probably from gaw m.
jàau “to ridicule, to jeer, to sneer, to scoff, to speech” ‘imitation, mockery’]
mock, to deride” Chik / Ng Lam 70 Newman, P. Parker / Hayward 111
N. Chinese-MSC cháusyau (Y) / cháoxiào 2007 72 E. Cushitic-Oromo
“ridicule, laugh at” Chen 335 Skinner 81 ga’oo “mocking, joke”
“deride, jeer at, laugh at” Wu, J. 80 Gragg 154
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.31c.1 Cantonese jàau ridicule, laugh at” “to ridicule, to jeer, to sneer, to scoff, to mock, to deride
< E. Cushitic- Afar gaawise “to mock”
Approximate Sinitic etymon: *gaaw- “mock”
/
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
C.31d AA – Chadic AA-Cush. AA- Nilo-Sah. Khoisan
Sem.
Swadesh “to eat” “to drink” W. Chadic – N. Khoisan-
C.31d.1 N. Chinese-MSC Hausa ‖Au‖en
ch’īh (WG) “to eat, to cî vt. “eat, eat či “drink”
drink” away, consume” N. Khoisan-
Mathews 1966 #1047 144 “win, overcome” Žu|’hoan
shí “eat” “meal, food” Wu, Skinner 34 chì
J. 621 Manser 406 cî “eating” “drink”
TB-Qiangic-Pumi Dayang (vn. of ci) Starostin, G.
dzɨ́ “eat” -Xixia dzji “eat” Newman, P. 2003 14
Matisoff 2003 169, 172 2007 33
323
194
Note- C.31d.1 (Proto- Chadic Extended) *ti “to eat”. In Chadic-Hausa a regular palatalization occurs in which
/ t / > / c /. When followed by a front vowel, either i(i) or e(e), the alveolar -t palatalizes to c. At a historically
earlier period the palatalization was probably an automatic phonological rule.This still regularly happens in
contemporary Hausa although there are exceptions due to the heavy influx of loanwords from Arabic and English.
Newman, P. 2000 414 See also Notes A.4.1, B.5b.1 and E.16a.3-4.
325
195
Note- C.33.1 (Cushitic-Sidamo) The semantics of “vessel” do not necessarily mean that skulls were used as
vessels for drinking etc. It can simply denote a similarity in the shape. In Hausa k’ok’o or k’ok’uwa means
“small calabash”. Skinner includes the Sidamo and other morphemes denoting “skull” under this entry, e.g. Hausa
k’ok’wan kai “skull” [lit. “calabash of the head”] Cushitic- Sidamo qonqo “pumpkin, gourd, skull” Skinner 173
326
C.33.3 C. Khoisan-Naro
TB-C.Loloish- ǂu “head”
Lahu ʔú “head” Ehret 1982 [178]196
Matisoff Khoisan-Proto-non-
2003 147 Khoekhoe, Buga,
TB-Proto-Lolo- |Ganda
Burmese ǂú “head”
ʔu2 “head” Starostin, G. 2003 19
TB-Written NC-S.W. Mande-
Burmese Mende ngú “head”
ʔû “head” Mukarovsky 202
Matisoff 2003 477
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.33.1 TB-Tibetan go / mgo / sgo “head”
< E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] ùŋò “front, devant” [forehead, in front of] /
NC-S.W. Mande- Loko ngo-koko “head” /
C. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖’e ǀkhó, N. Khoisan-!Kung |khó “forehead”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etyma: *ngo “head , forehead” ~ |khó “forehead”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.33.1 TB-Tibetan ŋo “face, countenance, air, look” “self” Jaschke 128
C.33.2 TB-Nung əg“ כhead” Matisoff 2003 147
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.33.1 W. Chadic-Hausa k’ok’wan kai “skull” Skinner 173 gòoshī “forehead”Newman, R. 2007 76
NC-Fulfulde [Fulani] kō’e “head” Taylor 85
Semitic-Hebrew goolgolet “skull, head” Baltsan 113
C.33.3 C. Khoisan-Proto-Khoekhoe ǂú “head” Starostin, G. 2003 19
↓↓
This word family shows an exceptional pattern comparable to only 2 others in the study. The ST words
are all from TB languages. There are multiple Khoisan correspondences (6 of 7 sets ) 3 of which thus far
show no AA, NC or NS correspondent and there is no Semitic correspondence. Sets 4 and 7 show only a
TB ↔ Khoisan correspondence. This suggests a pre-Neothic Khoisan-dominated migration into East
Asia from E. Africa. A comparable pattern is found in word families A.10.a-b.
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
C.34 AA - Chadic AA-Cush. AA- NS NC, Kordofanian,
Sem. Khoisan
Swadesh “ear” W. Chadic- NS-Kunama NC-Mande-Atlantic-
C.34.1 Hausa uku(na) Bijogo
TB-Naga-Tanghul kûnnē “ear” “ear” kכnnכ
khəna “ear”197 Newman, P. Greenberg “ear,
[Disyllabic corresp.] 2007 118 1966 122 to hear”
Skinner 153
196
Note- C.33.3 (Khoisan C. Khoisan-Naro ǂu “head”) See note C. 38a.2-3 (Khoisan) and Supplementary
Tables 3 Table 1.1.1 for other correspondences of the sole Khoisan click velar phoneme with TB prefixes.
197
Note C.34.1-3, 5-7 (TB) Based on the TB evidence , the initial /g/ ~ /k/ in the C.34.1-3 Tibeto-Burman
morphemes are not prefixes, but are simply derived from a Khoisan palatal click or NC initial k- morpheme.
In the C.34.1-2 Kordofanian variants several are plausibly transitional forms where the k- has become optional or
dialectal in the process of reduction of the initial khə- radical to an initial glottal. This stage is represented in the
C.34.4-7 TB forms in which initial glottals are expressed as ʔ, ʔɑ̃, s or e. The C.34.6 set r- initial below appears
to be rare in relations to the Khoisan clicks, but there is another example in D.19a.2
.
327
S. Chinese-Min
khâ “foot, leg, bottom”
Bodman 1987 v.2 152
Norman 243
C.35c.2 W. Chadic-Hausa
TB-Written Burmese k’(w)afa “hoof”
khwa “hoof” Skinner 165
Matisoff 2003 170
C.35c.3 W. Chadic-Hausa Cushitic- C. Khoisan-Buga, Tsua
TB-Lolo-Burmese k’ori Arbore kárè “foot”
khre “foot” “shinbone” kerker C. Khoisan-Ganda, Kua
Matisoff 2003 189 Skinner 181 “shin” kárì “foot”
Proto-Tibeto-Burman Skinner 181 C. Khoisan- Hietšware
krǝy “foot” karee “foot”
Matisoff 2003 189, 200 Starostin, G. 2003 17.
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.35c.1 TB-Karenic-Pwo khâ “leg, foot” Matisoff 2003 293 / S. Chinese-Min khâ “foot, leg, bottom”
< W. Chadic- Hausa k’áfàa “foot” “leg”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon * k’áfàa “foot” “leg”
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.35c.1
W. Chadic- Gwandara (Karshi) kápa “foot, leg” Matsushita 1972 61 ; 1974 #38 35
Proto-Chadic (Newman) *k-p- “hoof” Ehret 1995 #327 199
W. Chadic-Angas ka:p “shoe” Greenberg 62
C. Chadic-Logone ka:be “hoof” Greenberg 62
C. Khoisan-Tati ‖kabo “shoe”
S. Khoisan-|’Auni ‖abo “shoe” Ruhlen 1994 #502 63
Egyptian kap / kapu “sole of foot” Budge v. 2 786
Semitic-Hebrew kaf regel, kapot regel pl. “sole of foot” regel “foot” Baltsan 161
W. Chadic-Hausa kòofatòo “hoof” Newman, P. 2007 115
C.35c.2 W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Diri akwala “calf of leg” Skinner 181
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
C.35c.1 South Daic-Lao ka4 n. “leg” Marcus 121.
/
C.35d.1 C. Chadic- Bura Berber- Songhay Fulfulde
TB- Tibetan gēèŋga “a drum that is gangga Tuareg (Gao) [Fulani]
tied to the waist when played” “drum (generic ganga gàngà gàngà
Goldstein 62 [Disyllabic corresp.] term for any “drum” “petit “cask,
gāŋ “a unit for something long and drum)” Skinner tam-tam” drum”
cylindrical, e.g. a cigarette, Dict. of Bura 77 Ducroz 9 Taylor
a match” Goldstein 36 W. Chadic- Hausa Kanuri 62
N. Chinese -MSC gàngā f. gangá Yoruba
gân / gēn “cylindrical “drum” gangan
meas. for a long and thin cylindrical double-membrane Cyffer 1990 “drum”
object, e.g. a gun or a spear. drum” 56 Skinner
meas. for something long and narrow, “barrel, container” 77
e.g. yī gēn zhēn “a needle” Newman, P.
Yip, Po Ching 2004 33-34 2007 69 198
198
Note- C.35d.1 (Hausa.) The existence of the gàŋg- root with meanings of “trunk of tree” and “a long
cylindrical object” in both Beijing and Hausa (C.35b. 1, C.35b.2 and C.35d.1) shows a parallel semantic link
333
between the two concepts in both language families. These tables suggest a very old association of “tree trunk”
and “leg” One of the early uses of the drum in African cultures was in West Africa by the Niger Congo-Benue
Congo peoples. Their drums were and are long and cylindrical. Ehret 2002 48-49 (with illustration of a tension
drum). This suggests that the earliest drums in Africa were made from hollowed tree trunks.
334
199
Note- C.37a.1 (Chadic) *mwt is the root for ‘die’ in all Chadic languages and “is the most fundamental
Hamito-Semitic key word in Chadic since it occurs in all families”. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 47
336
C.37a.2 Anywa
S. Chinese-Kejia [Anuak]
[Hakka] mùt vi.
(Meixian, Hailu) “to
mut8 “sink, drown”
submerge, die, Reh 50
dead” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Yue
(Cantonese)
mūht “to sink,
to drown, to be
submerged”
“to die, dead”
Chik Ng Lam 250
C.37a.3 W. Chadic- Ron E. Cushitic- Semitic-Ethiopian-
N. Chinese-MSC (Kulere) mot Rendille Geʔez
mò “die” “sterben” [to die] oomót “death mota
Wu, J. 480 Jungraithmayr (of humans or “to die”
1970 354 animals)” Greenberg 1966 55
Pillinger 240
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.37a.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) muht “to die, death”
< W. Chadic- Angas mūt “to die” / Egyptian mut “to die, death”
Approximate Sinitic etymon: *mut “to die, death”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.37a.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) mut “to obliterate, blot out” Chik Ng 169
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.37a.1
Semitic-Akkadian mūtu “morte” [death] Skinner 206
W. Chadic-Angas mūt “to die” Foulkes 248
E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] mùùtu “mort” [death] alè mùùtu “pleurer la mort” Fêdry 137
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Gurage (Zway) mūta “die” Leslau 1979 v.2 179
E. Chadic- Migama múutu “mort” [death] Jungraithmayr 1992 10
W. Chadic- Tangale mude “to die” Jungraithmayr 1991 121
Proto-Chadic *mətə (Newman) “die” Skinner 206
W. Chadic- Ngizim mə̀tú vi. “die” Schuh 106
Egyptian mwt, mt “to die” Ehret 1995 #600 312
Semitic-Arabic (Sabaean) mwt “die” Biella 269
Proto-Semitic *mawt “morte” [death] Skinner 206
C.37a.3 Semitic-Hebrew v. inf. lamoot past and pres. met fut. yamoot “(to) die”
Baltsan 544
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
C.37a.3
IE-Hindi murda “dead” mrtyū “death” Scudiere 41
IE-Bengali mɔra / mor jaowa / mara jaowa “die, pass away” Thompson 71, 73, 94
/
Swadesh “to die” W. Chadic- North Semitic-
C.37b.1 TB-Proto-Kiranti Bauci- Diri Arabic
mat “die, disappear” matu “die” (Iraqi)
Starostin, S. Skinner 190 maat
Kiranti Etymology “to die,
337
200
Note- C.38a.2-3 (Khoisan) The palatal click (ǂ) phoneme of the Khoisan-!Kung / Hatsa ǂo lexeme by itself
7
contains a velar consonant and as such corresponds to the velar initial of the C.38a.2 Chinese-Min go lexeme.
Thus in the C.38a.2 AA and NS morphemes with g- initial there is no closure of the frontal air flow, and absent the
click, only the velar ejective (plosive) of the palatal click phoneme is produced.
This contrasts with the pre-nasalized obstruent ng- of the C. 38a.3 Cantonese and Hakka forms in that the ǂo click
6
is injective (implosive) followed by a velar ejective (plosive) ;. hence in the ngo Kejia form where the click is absent as
in Chinese languages, the tip of the tongue remains in palatal contact thus closing off air flow from the mouth, then release
of the implosive alveolar lateral closure with ejection of air through the nose produces a nasalized ejective ng- sound .
For other cases of TB languages attesting only the Khoisan click as initial consonant see sets A.26.7, A.33.2
(Extended), B. 11b.3, C.1a.3, C.26a.3, C.33.3, G.11a.2 and Supplementary Tables 3 section 1.1
339
201
Note- C.38a.4 (Cushitic Extended ) kokke means “throat” in Cushitic-Sidamo and several other AA
languages. See set C.1a.1 Extended forms above. So the Semitic C.38a.2 morphemes meaning “hunger” and
having a final glottal stop are probably also derived f rom this root as the base.
The second morph -kawa of the Cushitic kokkawa lexeme corres ponds to the Arabic xawa “to be empty, to
be hungry”of the Extended section and also to the Cantonese, Khoisan and Hausa (Extended) forms of E.5a.5.
340
C.38c.3 Kanuri
TB-Tibetan kûnyé / kûné
gu ñee vi. “tiredness,
“to get tired, exhausted” exhaustion”
Goldstein 56 Cyffer
[Disyllabic corresp.] 1990 102
C. 38c.4 W. Chadic-Hausa Proto-AA
TB-Tibetan kùmama *xom-
gammi gummi m.f. “person of “be sick,
“decrepit weak physical be ill”
(usually used for an old constitution” Skinner 91
person unable Newman, Ma
to get up or walk)” 1979 69
N. Chinese– “feeble person ”
MSC / Beijing Awde 1996 89
kumu-xuizu kùmantà vi.
“senile, sick person” “become feeble”
“weak and powerless” Newman, P.
kǔmèn 2007 117
“depressed, dejected”
kumu-sihui
“living corpse”
(fixed expression)”
DeFrancis 521
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C. 38c.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) kwan ”tired, weary, fatigued”
< W. Chadic- Gwandara ji kwana “to feel sleepy” /
NS-Nuer ŋwaaŋ “worn out physically, tired”
C. 38c.2
N. Chinese-MSC kùn “tired, fatigued, sleepy”
< W. Chadic-Hausa gùnduràa “be tired”
C.38c.4
N. Chinese-MSC kumu-xuizu “senile, sick person” “weak and powerless”
< W. Chadic-Hausa kùmama n. m. or f. “person of weak physical constitution”
kùmantà vi. “become feeble” / W. Chadic-Dwot, Pelci *kum- “tire”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma.
*kwan- / gùn “to be tired” ~ *kum- “to become weak, to tire” “to be weakened with age”
342
202
C.39.3 Note- In the Min citation the first syllable ka- has been considered to be a prefix. However, the PAA,
Chadic and Semitic correspondences give evidence that etymologically it is the first radical of a disyllabic root. See
also Chapter 10 Section 10.2 for more examples.
343
203
Note-C.40.1,4-5 Tibeto-Burman languages attest both a final ending of –k and its absence. This has been
noted previously as occurring widely in AA families and ST. See notes A.14a.3 and B.25.2 . The C.40.1,3 and
C.40.5 of the above table also show the presence and absence of the –k final within the Niger-Congo group.
204
Note- C.40.1,3-5 A contrast in the Sino-Tibetan forms reviewed thus far is the absence of any root stems with
a final -f. This forms the final ending of the protoroots: Proto-Afro-Asiatic *-tuf-“to spit”, Proto-Cushitic *tuf- “to
spit” Proto-Chadic (Newman) *təfə “spit”and Proto-Semitic *tf(f) “to spit” Ehret 1995 #162 139. However two W.
Chadic forms and Cushitic-Sidamo do not contain the final –f ; so they or NC are the probable source of the ST
forms.
345
C.40.1
Proto-Afro-Asiatic (Orel Stolbova 1995) tuf- “spit” Skinner 258
NC-Fulfulde [Fulani] tūta “spit, vomit” tūde “spittle” Taylor 199
Proto-Chadic (Newman, P. ) *təfə / tufə “spit” Skinner 258
NS-Songhay (Gao) tufa “spit” Edgar 209 “cracher” Ducroz 226
C. Chadic- Logone tufa “spit” Greenberg 1966 62
E. Chadic-Mubi tuffa “spit” Greenberg 1966 62
Proto- Cushitic *tuf- “spit” Ehret 1995 #162 139
C.40.3 Nilo-Saharan-Kanuri təɬìn “mucus” Lukas 1937 245
C.40.4 NC-Benue-Congo-Niten (Plateau 3 group) tūk-ke “spit” Williamson / Shimizu 1973 v.2 349
NC-Benue-Congo-Banggangte (Mbam-Nkam (Bamileke) tɔg- “spit”
NC-Benue-Congo-Fe’ tək “spit” Williamson / Shimizu 1973 v.2 346
C.40.5 Semitic-Arabic jabsʕuku (IPA) “spit” v. Merriam-Webster Arabic 149
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
C.40.1 IE-Sanskrit Sthu “to spit out” thUthU “imitative sound of spitting” Cologne Lexicon
IE-Bengali thuthu “spittle, saliva” Thompson 56
See also Supplementary Table 2 C.40.1
C.40.1-2
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Santali thu: / tho: “spit”
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Mundari thu: dǝ’ʔa “spit” Kobayashi Table 3 #12 7, 13
C.40.4
IE-Hindi tūknā “spit” vt. / vi. Scudiere 259
Altaic-Turkic-Turkish tükür- “to spit” / Altaic-Turkic-Kyrgyz tükür- “to spit”
Altaic-Turkic-Uyghur tükür- “to spit” / Altaic-Turkic-Khakassian tükür- “to spit”
Altaic-Turkic-Oyrat tükür- “to spit” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology
IE-Pashto (Pushtu) ttukh “a cough, an expectoration” Raverty 287
346
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close
correspondences
C.41a-c AA – AA –Cushitic AA- NS NC
Chadic Sem.
C.41a.1 Cushitic- Rendille
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) miín
mìhn “face of a person” “surface, side” “forehead”
Chik / Ng Lam 487 miínsán
Kwan 179 “pointed towards”
mihn deui “face each other” Pillinger 224-225
“face to face” Kwan 179 miínsáda
S. Chinese-Min (Shàowû) “(to) head for a place”
5
min “face” miínicha “direct
(Meixian) mìen5 “face, side, direction” (something or
(Hailu) mìan5 “face” Norman 240 someone) towards,
point (someone or
something towards)”
Pillinger 224-225
Extended Sino-Tibetan language word family:
C.41a.1
S. Chinese-Min bīn “face” “surface, side, direction” Bodman 1987 v.2 122 ;
(Taiwanese) bīn “face” Bodman 1983 79, 147
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) -bihn / -mihn “side” Chik Ng Lam 458 Kwan 477-478
Extended African/AA language word family:
C.41a.1 E. Cushitic-Oromo mili-accu “voltarsi verso, voltar la faccia” [turn toward, turn the face]
Borello 304
/
C.41b.1 Proto-AA Semitic- Hebrew
S. Chinese-Yue *yamin- yameen “right hand” Baltsan 449
(Cantonese) “right side” Semitic-Judaic Aramaic
yauhmìhn [Orel / Stolbova] yammīnā m. “right side, right hand”
“right” Skinner 289 Militarev / Stolbova
Kwan 438 *yamin- Proto-Semitic
[Disyllabic corresp.] “right hand” *yamin- / *yaman- “right, right hand”
N. Chinese-MSC Militarev / Stolbova Militarev, A. Semitic Etymology 2006
yòuhmìan Afroasiatic Semitic- Arabic (Iraqi)
“the right side” Etymology yamiin m. “right, right side”
Wu, J. 844 205 2007 Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 1 151 part 2 508
ala al yameen (IPA) “right hand” adj.
Merriam Webster Arabic 131
205
Note- C.41b.1
The Chinese languages have inherited and preserved a compound of two Afro-Asiatic roots, min- “direction”
(C.41a) and *yam- “right hand” “west” (C.41b). The associated AA semantics of “evening, afternoon” and
”west” reflect an originsl derivation of the direction “west” from the position of the sun in that direction in the
later part of the day.
Hence the semantics of “right hand” and “right” imply that the speaker is using south as the base cardinal point
(facing south so that one’s right side is toward the west ). This is clearly the case in Egyptian, i.e. when sailing
south on the Nile the west bank is on the right side of the boat. For example the amen “right side, west” and
amen-t “the west bank of the Nile and the land westwards” Budge v.1 53 (Egyptian C.41b.2 Extended)
347
206
Note- C.46.1 (Chadic-Hausa) In Cantonese both the basic form nik and the disyllabic niksei mean “drown”.
Niksei, however, could be interpreted literally as “die by drowning” since the –sei syllable means “die” (as the -sî
352
syllable does in MSC). In Hausa the basic form is nitsáa which means “settle down” but also “sink, vanish under
water, drown” as also in the completive nitsèe vg.4. The completive aspect expresses totality, finality, i.e.
completion of an action, do something thoroughly” and often also the notion of loss or separation > “deprivative /
separative”. Newman, P. 2000 648-649. Both ideas are involved in the concept of drowning, Hence the proposed
Chinese cognates may have possibly retained the full disyllabic Hausa morpheme, but with the development of the
written character-based language, the character sei for “die” was used to stand for what was originally the tsèe final of
a disyllabic Hausa verb grade. See Chapter 10 section 10.2.1.2 verb grade 4 for examples of ST-Sinitic lexemes which
match both syllables of a Hausa grade 4 verb. Moreover Metthews / Yip point out that in Cantonese sei is used to
mark “extent”, e.g. douh “degree, to the extent that sei “literally ‘to death” , hence “yauh-chin dou sei” literally
means “have money till die”. This usage also matches the sei meanng of “used as an intensve or superlative” Chik
/ Ng/ Lam 241. See Newman, P. 2000 468-369. Nevertheless the interpretation of Cantonese niksei as primarily
cognate to Hausa nitsèe vg.4 appears tobe the more likely one.
353
The following tables are composed of morphemes denoting diseases, e.g. measles, smallpox, which
cause fever or skin rashes/pustules.
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
C.47a-b Afro-Asiatic – Chadic AA– AA- Nilo-Saharan NC
Cush. Sem.
C.47a.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Hausa Songhay
ɣyan-pa “a cutaneous (Kano dial.) gyante
eruption” Jaschke 517 k’yândā n.f. “sickness,
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) “the rash of chickenpox, be sick”
ján / chán “rashes, measles” Skinner 121
eruptions” Matsushita 1993 287
Chik / Ng Lam 309 zanzanā “smallpox
chán “rash (skin)” marks” Newman, R.1990
Kwan 401 40, 249
C.47a.2 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Hausa Songhay-(Gao)
tsanɛɛ“כillness due to heat tsankī m. “stomach spasm, záŋéy “être
or fever” “sunstroke” colic” malade” [be
207
Goldstein 870 jantè ailing, be sick]
[Disyllabic corresp.] “a cold with fever” Newman Ducroz 42
N. Chinese-MSC , P. Heath v.3 334
zhángli “communicable 2007 97, 205 (Dendi) zaŋŋay
subtropical diseases, such as Skinner 121 “maladie” (Fr.)
pernicious malaria etc.” [disease]
Wu, J. 879 Zima 266
207
Note C.47a.2 (Tibetan) The Tibetan and Hausa semantics of “heat, fever” suggest that this root is derived
from a similar root meaning “hot, heat” as in B.11f.1 TB-Tibetan tshan / san “hot, warm”.
Wang reports a related Beijing morpheme shang as in shang-huo “get indigestion, sore throat, headache or
some other discomfort from spice or very rich food” Wang, F. 405. This root refers to mustard in B.11f.1 Semitic-
Amharic and hot foods/ spices in several related B.11d.5 tsaw forms. Chinese traditional medicine also seems to
attribute the rashes and pock marks of some contagious diseases (measles, smallpox) to similar rashes produced by
food allergies both denoted by the jan / chán root.
354
208
Note- C.48.1 (Tibetan) Based on the comparison the Tibetan initial / m / is not a prefix but the result of a
contraction of a first radical, *ma-.
355
209
Note- C.48.1 (Chadic-Hausa) Ehret has constructed AA and Cushitic proto-forms from Cushitic/Omotic
reflexes which Skinner considers cognate to the Chadic forms, but these have semantics of “disturbance” or “to be
drunk’, i.e. E. Cushitic- Somali mashaqo “turbamento”, Proto- E. Cushitic *macc- “to be drunk”,
Omotic *maš “to be drunk”. See Ehret 1995 #573 301 and Skinner 198. The present table includes only the
forms which refer to disease rashes and/or body marks resulting from scarification.
210
Note- C.48.3 (N. Chinese (Beijing) shazi “measles” appears to be either the result of a reduction of this first radical
ma- to ø-, or inheritance of the variant Semitic, Chadic, or Cushitic (Extended) sha- /ca- forms which also lack the
ma- initial.
356
212
Note-C.51a.2 (Middle Chinese Extended) “This measure, literally meaning ‘head’, is mostly used to refer to
things having heads, especially animals”, e.g. “du shi- tóu” lit. “calf ten-head” i.e. ‘ten calves’”. As a measure
word it appears during the Nanbeichao period (420-589 CE). Today the term as measure is limited to livestock but
in the Nanbeichau period it could refer to wild animals, birds, and even insects and fish. Norman 115.
213
Note- C.51a.2 (S. Chinese-Yue Extended ) As a noun suffix tàuh “head” is applied in Cantonese to various
head-shaped items, e.g.sehk-tàuh “stone” (B.3a.1 Extended), gwat-tàu.h “bone” Matthews / Yip 38-39. It
corresponds to the -tóu“ head” suffix appearing in the similar Mandarin shi-tóu “stone” (B.3b.1 Extended) and
gù-tóu “bone” morphemes.
359
[Disyllabic
corresp.]
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
C.51b.2 TB-Tibetan s̀ככgs “ ככhairy”
< C. Chadic-Logone n-�əga “hair” / West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic s’ägur “hair”
Approximate Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon: *šəg- “hair, tuft of hair”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
C.51b.1 TB-Tibetan
dzūgd“ ככhair tied in a bundle on the top of the head” dzūggyii “cowlick”Goldstein 848
gtsug-tor “the swelling of flesh or top-knot of hair on a Buddha’s head” Hodge 190
dzùŋdru “comb of a rooster” Goldstein 848 dzugyεn “head ornament”
dzugbu “hair on the top of the head”
Middle Chinese syuX “head” Sagart 155
Extended African language word family:
C.51b.1 E. Chadic-Lame
dzukua “tout ce qui se portait sur la tête, en herbes tresées en general”
[anything worn on the head, generally braided weeds] Skinner 296
Proto-Omotic *šok’- “point, tip” Ehret1995 #466 259
C.51b.2
Proto-S. Cushitic *c’əg “hair” Militarev, A. South Cushitic Etymology 2005
Proto-AA c’ag(ar) “hair” Militarev / Stolbova. AA-Etymology 2007
C. Cushitic-Bilin šəgwər “hair” Militarev, A. Central Cushitic Etymology 2005
Proto-Low E. Cushitic *d’agur “hair” Militarev, A. Low E. Cushitic Etymology 2005
Semitic-Hebrew sa’ara “hair” Baltsan 601
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) šäعar colloquial “hair” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 242 l
ʃaʕr (IPA) “hair” n. Merriam-Webster Arabic 67
Semitic-Old Aramaic sa’ran “hairy” Comprehensive Aramaic Lexicon
W. Chadic-Hausa tsagiyā “long tail hairs of a horse or donkey” Newman, P. 2007 204
C.51b.3 West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic yä t’ägur assärar “hairdo” Leslau 1976 235, 363
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
C.51b.2 IE-Sanskrit saGgaja “having hair, together with hair, covered with hair” Cologne Lexicon.
śikhā “tuft on the crown of the head” Klostermeier 304 Kuiper 1955 151
viśikhá “having no tuft of hair, bald, unfeathered” Kuiper 1955 151
IE-Bengali tiki “tuft of hair, top knot” Kuiper 151 See also Supplementary Table 2 C.51b.1-2
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
C.52 Afro-Asiatic – AA- AA- Nilo- NC
Chadic Cushitic Semitic Saharan
C.52.1 E. Chadic- S. Cushitic- Semitic- Kanuri
N. Chinese-MSC Dangaleat Iraqw Arabic dângîn
dānge “stop over , stay” [Dangla] (Mbulu) (Iraqi) “stand, place
“delay” “put off” táŋkìlè “tarder” dam- daam oneself”
Wu J.133 [to delay, to be a “wait” “to last, “stop, wait”
Wang, F. 88-89 long time coming] Militarev continue” Cyffer 1990
dàng v. “delay” táŋkìlnàw A. madaam 31
DeFrancis 166 “retard” [lateness] S. Cushitic “as long “stop, stand”
S. Chinese-Yue Fédry 156 Etymology as” while” Hutchison
(Cantonese) Dict. of Iraqi 1981 142
dang “wait” Arabic pt. 2
Kwan 564 171
361
Chapter 2D
Words representing kinship relations, social classes, gender, age and other human groups.
Semantic domain D word families.
Introduction- As in the previous chapters, the lexemes of this semantic domain support the hypothesis of
a migration of peoples speaking languages of African origin into the present ST linguistic area. This
lexicon, however, has a particular importance for validating the hypothesis of a remote linguistic
connection with Africa. Anthropologists who compare two languages in the Sahel region of Africa cannot
assume that corresponding kinship or gender designation roots existing in two adjacent languages are the
sign of a genetic relationship. Borrowing between these language families is common, often due to
intermarriage. See, for example set D.37.1 where the AA-Hausa word is a loan from NC-Fulfulde; and a
large number of words in Ethiopian Semitic have been incorporated from previously dominant Cushitic
languages which have become a substratum in the now dominant Semitic. (Ehret 2002 211). However the
E. Asian populations of the present study who speak languages substantially based on AA are over two
thousand miles away from Northeast and East Africa. Hence when there is great geographic distance
between the compared language families, discovery of close correspondence between kinship terms has a
strong probative force for a hypothesis of a historical relationship not based on direct loaning.
For example previous to the discovery of the Indo-Iranian languages, European linguists had
recognized the similarity of the Celtic brathair, the English brother, the Russian brat, the Gothic
brothar and the Latin frater “brother”. Since these languages were geographically contiguous, the
linguists first hypothesized, not only that their ancestral language was solely found in Europe, but also
that borrowing could not be excluded as the source of many of their cognate words. However, in the late
18th century the Sanskrit bhrātra / bhrātrka and Avestan brātar meaning “brother” were found to
correspond closely to European forms.
When a large number of such close matches had been identified in this distant area, they led to a firm
proposition that Sanskrit and E. Iranian Avestan were derived along with European from a common
ancestral language which probably originated outside of Europe in W. Central Asia.
2D Domain statistics
Tables and word Families
Tables = 39 numbered tables which represent an individual or generic word family.
Individual word families = 59. Each of the individual word families within a generic word family is
counted as a separate unit.
Large single independent word families = 2
“man, male, son” D.1.1-6
“woman” D.9a.1-8
Generic word families = 13 These are :
“child, offspring, seed” D.3a-d
“husband, male” “uncle, older male relative” “strong, powerful man” D.4.a-c
“elder brother” “person with authority, monarch” D.5a-b
“aunt, mother, woman” D.9a-b
“family, relatives” “protect, stand up for” D.10a-b
“pawn” “loan” D.11a-b
“poor person” “lonely person” D.15a-b
“gray haired” “old, old man, old woman” D.18a-b
“old” “old man” D.19a-b
“be guilty, be bad (in character)” “be lazy, be weak” D.21a-d
“thief, steal” “be evil, wicked” “trouble, disaster, destruction” D.26a-c
“wizard, witch” “practice divination, magic” “astrologer, magician” D.27a-b
“dad” “father” “older relatives” “uncle, older brother” D.30a-b
The size of these generic word families indicates that most are old in the ST languages and not loans.
364
Basic vocabulary. In the D Domain 5 word families contain one or more sets of ST ↔ African/AA
language correspondences which match an English gloss of the 100 word Swadesh list.
3 of these correspondences are found in the generic word families listed above.
Polysyllabic correspondences: 26 (Only one polysyllabic correspondence per word family is counted)
Etymologies
Sino-Tibetan etymologies 25
Tibeto-Burman etymologies 7
Sinitic etymologies 16
Tibetan etymologies 4
Chinese-MSC etymologies 1
214
Note- D.1.3 (Cantonese, Hausa) The miji “husband, male, man” of D.2.1 following is relevant to the
etymology of Hausa namiji and Cantonese nàahmji. Skinner considers Hausa namiji to be derived from miji.
Skinner 307. The mi “man, human” root occurs in the Chadic and Niger-Congo African language families, and
also widely in Tibeto-Burman. The miji morpheme is attested in D.2.1 Hausa/Gwandara, Chadic-Bole-Tangale
*mídzi “male” and Chadic-S. Bauci- Guruntum mishi. Skinner 201. Hence the D.1.2 Hausa form probably
represents the nam- and mi- root stems plus the D.3c.1 AA or NS -ji / -ize morpheme used as a diminutive. See
Note D.3c.1-2. The Cantonese form has contracted this to nàahmji.
365
215
Note- D.1-2, 3-4 S Chinese-Yue, MSC (-m and -n finals) “Sometime after the14th century the ending -m
3
merged with –n, Middle Chinese nam “man, male > Peking [Beijing] nán. Ramsey 142 . The fact that the
same contrast exists between the Proto-AA forms of D.1.1.and D.1.4 is noteworthy, but this does not rule out
the possibility that the same change occurred historically within Sinitic.The contrast also exists between the D.1.1
and D.1.3 TB-Kiranti and the TB-Proto-Kiranti forms *nam “man, person”. The -m > -n shift might simply be a
result of result of regressive (anticipatory) assimilation: m to n before velars as in D.1.4 Cushitic-Afar nangalu
“male. See also the contrast between the B.18a.2-3 Chinese and Chadic forms.
366
↓↓
ST-Languages African languages- Close correspondences
D.1-2 Afro-Asiatic – Chadic AA – AA- NS Niger-Congo
Cush. Sem.
D.2.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Gwandara S.E. Mande-Yaure,
Swadesh “man” míjìi “male” Guro
“person” Matsushita 1972 81 mi “man, person”
mi “person, human, W. Chadic-Hausa S.E. Mande-Nwâ
man” “a man, the mijìi “husband”m. mī “man, person”
ordinary word” Newman, P. 2007 155 S.E. Mande-Mano
Jaschke 412 Das 956 W. Chadic-Kirfi mí / min “man,
TB-Proto-Kiranti mí:mí “person” person”
*mi “man, person” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 200 Mukarovsky 254
Starostin, S. W. Chadic-Tangale míye
ST Etymology “people” [plural of muu
TB-Chin-Lushai, ”male person, man]
TB-Kinauri Jungraithmayr 1991 22, 122
*mi “a person, E. Chadic-Jegu
a man” mito “person”
Matisoff 2003 449 Newman, P. 1977 #96 30
Starostin, S.
ST Etymology
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
D.2.1 Proto-Kiranti *mi “man, person” / TB-Tibetan mi “person, human, man”
< S.E. Mande-Yaure, Guro mi “man, person”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etymon *mi “man, person”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
D.2.1
TB-Naga-Moshang mi-va “person” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
TB-Bodo-Garo-Dimasa mî-ya “person” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *r-mi-(y) “man (homo)” Benedict #357 107, 203, 216 Matisoff 2003 449
Extended African/AA language word family:
D.2.1
E. Chadic-Migama miid’im, miid’i pl. “homme (mâle)” Jungraithmayr / Adams 107
E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] mítìkò “mâle, homme” míta “mari” [husband] Fédry129
W. Chadic-Bole-Tangale *mídzi “male” Skinner 201
W. Chadic-S. Bauci- Guruntum mishi “person” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 200
↓↓
ST-Languages African languages- Close correspondences
D.3a-d Afro-Asiatic – AA-Cushitic, AA- Nilo-Saharan Niger-
Chadic Proto-AA Semitic Congo
D.3a.1 Proto-TB, C. Chadic- Proto-AA Egyptian Songhay
Proto-Lolo-Burmese Fali Gili (Orel / sa (Djenne)
*za ~ *tsa ža Stolbova “son” ja- “initial form
“child, son” “daughter” 1995) Budge of ije meaning
Matisoff 2003 Skinner 121 *dza’- v.2 583 “child,
28, 154, 172, 621 Jungraithmayr “son” (juvenile)”
TB-Tibetan 1994 v.2 7 Skinner 121 “child
tsa-wo “nephew, (offspring)”
grandson, grandchild” Heath v.2 99
367
D.3a.2
E. Cushitic- Oromo ija / iji n. “rampollo, discendente, figlia”“frutto di albero, semi, chicco di grano”
[scion, descendent, daughter] [fruit of a tree, seeds, grain of cereal plant] Borello 247 ; ija “fruit”
Gragg 222. See also B.35.1, 4.
Semitic-Written Arabic jāriya “girl” Wehr 146
W.Chadic-Hausa jàarīrìi “infant” Newman, P. 2007 98
Nilo-Saharan-Ingassana aja:r “child” Greenberg 1966 97.
D.3a.3 Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi, Yemeni) jaahil “child, baby, youngster” Qafisheh 91
Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 35
Asian non-ST languages with close correspondences to the African/AA roots:
D.3a.1
IE-Sanskrit ja “born or descended from, born or produced in or at” “birth” “a daughter”
“a son of (in compounds)”
jA “offspring, pl., descendants” Cologne Lexicon.
IE-Hindi janam “birth” Scudiere 20 See also Supplementary Table 2 D.16.3-4
D.3a.3
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *uja “relation, blood relation”
Altaic-Middle Turkic uja “younger sister”, “ brother”, “blood relation”
Altaic-Turkic-Karakhanid uja “brother, kinsman”
Altaic-Turkic-Turkmen uja “sister”
Altaic-Turkic-Tatar oja “family” “kin”
Altaic-Turkic-Kyrgyz ujalaš “by one venter” [by one womb]
Altaic-Turkic-Karakalpak ujalas “by one venter” [by one womb] Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology
/
Swadesh W. Chadic- E.Cushitic- West Semitic-
“seed” Tangale Gedeo Ethiopian-
D.3b.1 TB- sálá zare Amharic
Tibetan “seed, kernel” “seed” zär “seed, descent
sá-bon “seed” Jungraith- Hudson 265 (origin),
“seed-corn, corn, mayr 1991 E.Cushitic- offspring, line,
grain” 140 Kambata lineage, issue
“propagation, W. Chadic- zaretta (descent)”
progeny, issue” Ngizim “seed” Leslau 1976 180
Jaschke 570 zádák Hudson Egyptian
btsa-ma / btsa “seeds” 130 sáa “a seed or
“fruit” “good quality fruit used in
Jaschke 434 millet” medicine”
TB-S. Qiang “kind” Budge v.2 641
zue / za “seed” Schuh 181 Semitic-Hebrew
Matisoff 2003 zaroo’a “sown,
238, 489 seeded”
zera’ “seed”
Baltsan 460, 463
D.3b.2 Semitic-Aramaic S. Khoisan-Proto-Taa
S. Chinese-Kejia zarʕā *sâʔŋ “seed”
tsak “seed” C. Khoisan-Proto-
“seed” Comprehensive Non-Khoekhoe
Aramaic Lexicon *‖âʔá /
-!Xóo saʔaŋ
“seed”
Starostin, G. 2003 30
369
216 3
Note- D.3c.1-2 (Chinese-MSC, NS-Songhay) The character representing modern Chinese zi [Old Chinese] >
*tsiʔ “child” > Middle Chinese tsiX “child” occurs frequently in the Shang and Zhou inscriptions. “The meaning
“child ”is clearly attested as early as the Shang inscriptions: questions regarding child-bearing were among those
frequently submitted to the oracle” Sagart 1999 164
Zî is also a common suffix indicating a diminutive, esp.for children, animals, e.g. hai / háizi “child” “son or
daughter” Wu, J. 262 Huang 153 nánzî “boy, son” Wu, J. 488 “The common noun suffixes zî, ér and tóu are
all-pervasive in many modern dialects. Zî and ér both mean “son” or “child” and they both clearly originated as
diminutive suffixes. Norman 113. Norman also considers the zīr “seed” -r final to be a noun formative which
carries a diminutive overtone. Norman 155. See also note D.25.2(2) on -r final as diminutive. However, the
D.3c.1 comparative data can alternatively suggest that it is a reduced form of the Hausa tsirit ideo. “tiny”. See
“erisation” and rhotacized finals in Notes B.14d.2, E.33.1, set F.18b.1 and Norman 144-145. The use of the
morpheme meaning “child” as a marker of the diminutive is still commonly found in some southern dialects; in the
370
3
Guangzhou dialect, for example, tsai “son, child” is used in this way”. Norman 113. Also S. Chinese-Yue
(Cantonese) -jai diminutive suffix.
3 3
Thus the Chinese-MSC/Beijing zī “and Hakka zi / tsii “son” lexemes are attested both as independent roots
and diminutive suffixes. This corresponds exactly with the role of closely corresponding morphemes in AA and
NS. The Proto-AA *jiʔ- or *dziʔ- “child” morphemes give evidence that in AA the root is originally independent.
However the D.3c.1-2 NS-Songhay -yze / yje “child” morpheme is both an independent form and combines with
other roots to serve as a diminutive. Heath treats it as the second element of certain Songhay compounds. He
explains the two forms as follows: “Ije / -yje ‘child, juvenile n.’ as the initial syllable of a compound the form is
/ija-/ or /ja-/ ; As the final syllable of a compound it has the form /-yje /.” Examples are:
a. m“ ככrice plant, rice (as crop in paddy) mככ-yje “uncooked, shelled rice (after chaff is removed by pounding)
[lit.“son of rice”or “rice-child”] (B.9.4 NS-Songhay Extended).
b. As the final syllable of a compound -yze may also denote a small object connected to or otherwise associated
with a large object such as “tree → fruit” or “door → key” Heath v.2 99. For example: in Songhay
(Gao/Koroboro) -yze “child” (Heath v. 3 173 ) occurs in kabi-ize “doigt” (de main fils)” [finger, lit. child/son of
the hand)] Ducroz 144. kabi “hand” [variant form of Songhay kamba “right hand”]. ( F.1.3). S. Chinese-Yue etc.
Similar examples in Songhay are čew-ize “toe” lit. child of’ the foot. Heath v.3, 68 čew “foot” (C.21b.6) and in the
semantic opposition between the Songhay gúllú / ó “grand canari” [big water pot] and gúllize “bol, petit calebasse “
lit. son of big water pot i.e. bowl, small calabash . Ducroz 106 (F.3.1 Songhay Extended)
In the above examples of AA languages the Proto-AA *jiʔ-or *dziʔ- “child” regularly appears as a noun or as an
adjective with meaning of “small”. These also have close phonetic correspondence to the ST –ji / -zhî suffixes.
Hence the Old Chinese forms are probably compounds of AA roots which denote human beings + the AA Proto-
root meaning child. *jiʔ- or *dziʔ- “child”.
In modern Chinese this morpheme has been grammaticalized into a nominaliziing suffix. But the Beijing
shôuzhî (Wu, J. 631) and Cantonese saují (Kwan 188) “finger” support a hypothesis that the proximate proto-
form meant “son of the hand” sau / shôu “hand”. (C.21b.4) as in NS- Songhay. Hence both this root and the
Cushitic *arʔ- “man, male, male child” free root of D.25.2 (functioning as a Chinese diminutive suffix) are the
result of grammaticalization of independent morphemes from African languages. See also Note D.25.2(1).
Ramsey states “The most common noun suffix [in Mandarin Chinese] is -zi. It is also the oldest recorded
suffix, appearing in some of the earliest historical writings. In these early works, however, -zi was only found
attached to nouns referring to humans- e.g., qizi ‘,wife’ ---Later, during the Tang period, the suffix began to spread
widely throughout the Chinese vocabulary”. Ramsey 63.
Hence the evidence of this table supports the position stated by Norman and Ramsey that the *-ji suffix in
Sinitic originally was a diminutive applied only to humans and had not yet become a generic particle used
especially to distinguish homonyms (a later function). Its use in Old Chinese qizi “wife” suggests that a derived
sense as a term of endearment had also developed very early, perhaps from its Khoisan and Chadic usage as
“little” since lexemes having this meaning are used in many world languages to express affection.
371
N. Chinese -MSC láng (WG) “a young gentleman, a term of respect” xīnláng “bridegroom” xīn ”new”
Mathews #3820 559 láng “[pet address by woman to her husband or lover] my darling” Manser part2 68
lángjūn “(used in addressing one’s husband) you” (old, [archaic term]) Hsiung 583
TB-Mikir arlang “man” Walker 335 ar “man” (D.25.1 TB-Mikir).
Chinese-Min láng “person, people, man” Bodman 1987 v.2 96, 156
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] long2 (Lau Chunfat) “man, gentleman” “young man, husband” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (MacIver, Meixian) ŋgoi5 ŋgoi4 “a term referring to one’s husband”
Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) ŋgoiji “husband” Kwan 227
TB-Tibetan láŋ-tsho “youth, youthful age” Jaschke 543 Das 1206 laŋ-dzo “youth, young adult”
Goldstein 1064
TB- Kiranti-Yamphu langam “friend, companion, mate, fellow” Starostin, S. Yamphu Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
D.4a .1
NS-Maba Group-Maba angar “male in-law” Edgar 281
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic angaffa “first-born son” Leslau 1976 141
E. Chadic-Bidiya ʔagármo “brother-in law” Stolbova, Olga E. Chadic Etymology 2006
W. Chadic-Sura ŋgo “husband” Skinner 7
W. Chadic Ngizim ngo “person” Skinner 7
Proto-Chadic *(n)gw-(-) “person, male, husband” Skinner 97
/
D.4b.1 W. Chadic–Hausa C. Cushitic- Semitic- Arabic
TB-Tibetan gàawurtàa / Bilin (Yemeni)
ŋar-wa gāwùřcē gär gawwa
“strength, vigor” “be(come) great and “stark, kräftig “to strengthen,
Goldstein 299 full of strength” sein” make strong”
Das 351 Newman, P. [to be strong, Qafisheh 505
[Disyllabic 2007 72 powerful]
corresp.] Skinner 180
D.4b.2 W. Chadic–Hausa Semitic-Aramaic Songhay
TB-Tibetan k’arfàfā gabbār (Gao, Djenne)
gár-ba “strong” “become strong or “strong man, hero, gáabì
Jaschke 67 encouraged” fighter” “power,
ŋar / ŋarbo k’arfii gbār, gabra, strength, force”
“aggressive, “strength, power” “man, husband Heath
vigorous, “fired Newman, P. Comprehensive v.2 71,
up” Goldstein 2007 127 Aramaic v.3 118
298-299 Lexicon
Chinese-Min â-pa “father, daddy” < C. Khoisan-Naro aba voc. “father” / E. Cushitic-Rendille áaba “father”
D.30b.1 TB-Tibetan apo “address for an elderly man” ābo “older relatives” < Khoisan-Proto-Khoe *ábó “father” /
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) ʔabu “followed by a conventional male name: a form of address to a man who is not
married and has no children” /
D.31.1 N. Chinese (Beijing) āyi “one’s mother’s sister, auntie” “a child’s form of address for any woman of its
mother’s generation” < Semitic-Arabic *akw- “brother”
The ā- prefix may go back to the Han dynasty, 206 BCE-220 C.E., but is well-attested from the Three Kingdoms
period, 220-265 C.E. Norman 113
Norman notes that the ā- form is a vocative particle no longer used in the Beijing dialect, but is widely employed
in many southern dialects as a prefix to kinship terms and personal names. An example of its use from an early date
as a personal pronoun prefix is ā-ni (G.34.1 Middle Chinese) Norman 113
This prefix is a rare case of an AA > TB ↔ Chinese affix cognate. See also Note- D.9a.1.
375
218
Note- D.4c.1 (TB-Tibetan / Khoisan) In Jaschke’s notation of this morpheme as ‘a-khu, he describes the
sound represented by the initial ‘a as “the audible re-opening of the air passage of the larynx”. See Introduction
376
section 1.4 above and Jaschke “Introduction” xiv. This is of course the glottal opening for which Benedict and
others use the current standard symbol ʔ.
219
Note- D.4c.1-2 (Khoisan) The contrast between the D.4c.1 Khoisan form containing the initial frontal click and
its ST counterpart reflects its reduction to a glottal opening). (See Supplementary tables 3 section 1.1) The shift of
the initial click to zero (*ø), a glottal opening or glottal stop occurs even within some Khoisan languages. For
example the D.4c.2 Khoisan Naron (Extended) forms k’au ~ ‖k’au show an alternation between the alveolar
lateral click and the glottal stop. In the same way in set D.4c.1 the Khoisan !’O-!Kung, !Kung !kǔ shifts to the
glottal opening in Semitic-Arabic ʔaxu and the TB-Tibetan ’akhú. See also Chapter 10 Section 3.2.2.
It is not clear whether the D.4c.2 Extended Naron k’au glottalized form represents an influx (ingressive,
injective, implosive) air flow) or efflux (egressive, explosive, ejective) air flow. If it is an influx, there is a close
correspondence between it and the click since the only difference between the k’au and the ‖k’au morphemes
would be the presence or absence of the click release. See also Introduction section 1.4.1.1 above and
Supplementary Tables 3 Section 1.1 frontal clicks).
377
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *kuw = *kəw “uncle (maternal), father-in law” Benedict #255 61, 202
TB-Tibetan khu-bo / khu-wo “uncle on the father’s side” Das 145
ku-gu / khu-gu “paternal uncle” Jaschke 40, Das 144, Goldstein 119
Chinese–Min kū “mother’s brother, uncle” Bodman 1987 v.2 151
D.4c.2 S. Chinese-Min koǔ “elder brother” Bodman 1987 v. 2 150
TB-Tibetan khyo “husband” khyeu “male child, infant boy” “youth, adolescent” Jaschke 48
Extended African/AA language word family:
D.4c.1
Semitic-Old Aramaic ʔah̝, ʔah̝ā “brother” Comprehensive Aramaic Lexicon
Semitic-Hebrew akhva “brotherhood” Baltsan 8
NS-Barea ku “person” Greenberg 1966103
Proto-Benue-Congo *gu “human singular class marker” Skinner 7
NS- Songhay kúrñè “mari, epoux” [husband, spouse (male)] Ducroz 164
D.4c.2
C. Khoisan-Naron k’au ~ ‖k’au “man (male)” Ruhlen 1994 #384 58
N. Khoisan-|’O-|Kung k’au “man (male)” Ruhlen 1994 #384 58
C. Khoisan-Proto-Non-Khoekhoe *kxao “man” Starostin, G. 2003 24
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to African/AA roots:
D.4c.1 IE-Pashto aka “an uncle, a paternal uncle” Raverty 41
Proto-Altaic *aka “elder brother” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology 4
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian *aka “elder brother” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology 4
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *(i)aka “elder brother” “elder uncle” “father” “grandfather” “respectful address”
Altaic-Turkic-Turkish,Tatar aga “elder brother” “elder uncle”
-Mongolian-Kalmuck aɣə “elder brother” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology 4
-Mongolian-Buriat, Ordos axa “elder brother”
-Mongolian-Dongxian aɣa “elder brother” Starostin, Sergei Mongolian Etymology
Altaic-Tungus-Manchu *ak- “man” “elder brother”
-Tungus-Ulcha aGa “elder brother” Starostin, Sergei Tungus Etymology
D.4c.2
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian–Ho ‘kʊwe / ‘kowǝ “man” Kobayashi Table 1 #224 5
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian–Ho kʊ’wa / kuwaʔ “husband” Kobayashi Table 1 #199 5
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian–Mundari, Santali ko’ra “man, husband” Kobayashi Table 2-3
#224 11, 18 ; Table 2 #199 11
↓↓
ST-Languages African languages- Close correspondences
D.5a-b AA – Chadic AA- AA-Sem. NS Khoisan
Cush.
Swadesh “man” Proto-Chadic *kən- / Songhay N.Khoisan-
D.5a.1 TB-Kiranti- C. Chadic – Musgu (Djenne) !O!Kung
Limbu kən “uncle, nephew” kune !uŋ
kuŋba Newman, P. 1977 “husband” “man”
“ego’s wife’s elder or #138 33 Heath Starostin,
younger brother” W. Chadic- v. 2 135 G.
“ego’s elder or younger Gwandara tàbà 2003 24
sister’s husband” kúnnī “great-
van Driem1987 439 grandparent ↔ great
grandchild” Matsushita
1972 111220
220
Note- D.5a.1 (Chadic-Gwandara) The Gwandara correspondence gives evidence that Chadic used the AA
tabar root to denote reciprocal older ↔ younger relationships, i.e. that this reciprocity originally was denoted
378
N. Chinese-MSC/Beijing
kūn / k’ūn (WG)
“elder brother”
Wu, J. 400
D.5a.2 S. Chinese-Yue West NS-Anywa N.
(Cantonese) Semitic- [Anuak] Khoisan-
kwàn / guàn Ethiopian- ówʌ́nnì n. ‖Au‖en
“an elder brother” Amharic ”her/his !waŋ
Chik / Ng Lam 203 wändəmm half- “man”
Old Chinese kuən “brother” brother” Proto-N.
“older brother” Leslau Reh 63, Khoisan;
Karlgren GSR #417a-b 1976 172 124 N.Khoisan
Matisoff 2003 450 Nuer Zhu|hoan
xi̭wăŋ “elder brother” guanlen *!hoaŋ
Karlgren GSR #7651e “uncle on “man”
Matisoff 2003 303 father’s Starostin,
TB-Kiranti-Yamphu side” G. 2003 24
kwaŋ “mother’s guan thu
younger brother” “father-in-
“uncle” law”
Starostin, S. Yamphu Huffman
Dict. 17
D.5a.3 S. Chinese-Yue W. Chadic- Hausa NS-Kanuri
(Cantonese) angwancìi Kanuri
gwànji “a perfect or “being a bridegroom” kwângâ
true gentleman; Kraft 334 “male
a man of virtuous--” person or
[conduct ?] animal”
[Disyllabic corresp.] kwan-
gungwàn gangin
“the champion in “be brave,
athletic games” be a man”
Chik / Ng Lam 53 gun Cyffer
“young man, male 1990 106
relative” (D.5a.1)
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
D.5a.1 Proto-TB *gəwn ~ *kəwn “older brother, senior male relative”
< Proto-Chadic *kən- “uncle, nephew” / N.Khoisan-!O!Kung !uŋ “man”
D.5a.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) kwan / guan “elder brother”
< NS- Nuer guanlen “uncle on father’s side” / N. Khoisan-‖Au‖en !waŋ “man”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *kən “uncle, nephew” ~ !waŋ “man”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
D.5a .1 Chinese-Hakka (Lau Chunfat) kun1 (Meixian) k’wun1 “elder brother” Hakka Dict. ;
Matisoff 2003 450
C. C. Chinese-Wu khuən1 n. “elder brother” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gùng “grandfather , father of one’s husband” “the male (of animals)”
Chik / Ng Lam 30 gùn “the groom” Chik / Ng Lam 19
explicitly by a lexeme which signified a mutual relationship. (See Note H.3b.1-3 Cushitic-Rendille tabar dow
“the opposite, contradictory” / tabar dowa “go in an opposite direction to someone” and Supplementary Table 2
H.3b.3.
379
221
Note- D.5b.1 (S. Chinese-Min) The Min verb nd Sinitic nouns match the form and semantics of the
other “kwan /gwan roots which signify not only “control, manage” but also “persons having autority or
proficiency in a certain area”. This root is derived from the aauthority/power which a father or older brother
possesses in an African patrilineal society.
D.5b.2,4 NS- morphemes related to the ST D.5b.2,4 roots denote power achieved through knowledge, skill, e.g
gwan thok “interpreter”, gwan wal “medicine man”, gwan dep “fisherman” dep “to fish”. Huffman 17.
380
Hence this word family may be related to that containing sets E.4b.1-2 which primarily denotes authority
gained through knowledge. Both word families include words denoting “king”, but in the case of E.4b.1-2 the
ruler is also a teacher in a religious context. This suggests that knowledge accompanied by virtue and religious
practice was an equally important concept in some African societies along with positions of authority based on
family hierarchy. This was clearly the case in in old N. Chinese culture. See Keightley 2000 11 note 8.. .
222
Note- D.5b.4 (Tibetan m- prefix) C.Chadic- Dghwede màgàná “chief, king” is cited in Mukarovsky 124 as a
variant of the Chadic / Mande mang- root which commonly means “chief, king”. See D.28.1. However the initial
m- of E.4b.1 Tibetan mkhán-po “a clerical teacher” probably represents the related Chadic form of the E.4b.2 kan-
root which means “one who knows”. The *ma- prefix is found in Chadic languages as a designator of human beings
having some type of authority or skill including those who practice a trade, profession , e.g. W. Chadic-Hausa magìni
“builder, potter” See F.15a.1 (Extended), Newman, P. 2000 51, 2007 144 and masùncī m. “fisherman” Newman,
P. 2007 153 sú “fishing”.
Also in Chadic the ma(i) morpheme is often attested as an independent particle denoting possession of an object
or a quality. W. Chadic-Tangale ma “belonging to, that of”, W. Chadic-Hausa mai “one with”, E. Chadic-Sokoro
mala “one with” Skinner 192. All these are plausibly related to the W. Chadic-Tangale mai “owner, chief, king,
head”.
381
N. Chinese-MSC “wife,
nii woman”
“woman, female” Foot 46
Wu, J. 502
D.9a.5 TB-Miri W. Chadic-Geji E. Cushitic- Semitic- NS-Songhay
a-na “mother” ana Afar Aramaic (Koroboro)
Starostin, S. “mother” anna “aunts, a(n)tā anna
ST Etymology Skinner 116 within both “woman, “appelation,
TB-Jingpho one’s paternal wife” vocatif”
[Kachin] and maternal Compre- voc.
ʔnā voc. clan” hensive “maman”
“older sister” Parker / Aramaic Skinner 116
Matisoff 2003 115 Hayward 299 Lexicon
D.9a.6 E. Cushitic- NS-Anywa
Old Chinese Oromo ɳìwʌnnì
ni̭ o “woman, lady, anniyó “half-sister
girl” Karlgren GSR voc. (same father,
#94a-e, “mamma, mia different
Matisoff 2003 173 madre” mothers”
N. Chinese-MSC / [mamma, ɳìwúuó
Beijing nyǔren my mother] “female cousin
“woman” Borello 23 (daughter of
Chen 460 paternal uncle)
Wang, F. 353 ”ɳìwaaɔ
niū “girl” “female cousin
Wu, J. 499 223 (daughter of
TB-Tibetan paternal aunt)”
nεεyɔɔכ Reh 55
“nurse”
Goldstein 1984 298
D.9a.7 E. Cushitic- NS-For (Fur) N.Mande-
Proto-TB Rendille nya Ligbi
*nya “woman” nyarnyàar “wife” nyâ “woman,
Matisoff 2003173 “newly Greenberg 1966 wife”
S. Chinese-Min married 147 S.W. Mande-
nia5 “mother” woman, Mende
“young girl, newly married nyàhâ
women, wife, wife, bride ” “woman,
girls” Hakka Dict. Pillinger 236 wife”
Mukarovsky
413
↓↓
223
Note- D.9a.6 (N. Chinese-Beijing, MSC) The root niu of this morpheme corresponds closely to another common
form nǔ “woman, female” (Wu, J. 502) meaning “woman” in Standard Chinese. These form many compounds, e.g.
nǔrén “woman, womenfolk”, nǔzȋ “woman, female”, nǔwang “queen”, nǔshēng “female voice” etc.
A similar Beijing (MSC) form with the rising (acute) tone nú “sons and daughters, children” (meaning “young person,
whether male and female)” (Wu, J. 502) belongs to a different word family reported in D.20.1. Attestations in TB-
Tibetan nú-mo “the younger sister of a female”, nú-bo “a man’s younger brother”, Middle Chinese ānú “younger
brother” etc. show it to be a different ST < African root.
386
D.9a.8 NS-Nuer
Chinese-MSC nyam “girl
niáng “a young (directly
woman” “ma, mum, addressed)”
mother” Huffman 35
niángzi “a form of “The prefixes
address for one’s nya- and
wife” Wu, J. 497 nyan-
niángrmen always
“woman” indicate
[occurs only in feminine
Beijing not in MSC gender”.
according to Huffman 55
Norman 249]
D.9a.9 E. Cushitic-
TB-Tibetan Somali
nag-mo naag- “wife,
“a woman in general” woman”
Jaschke 300 Mukarovsky
“a female” 414
Goldstein 603 Awde
1999 79
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
D.9a.1 TB-Tibetic-Tsangla ənye “aunt” / TB-Tibetan ʔa-ne “father’s sister, aunt, grand-aunt” /
S. Chinese-Min ân-nè “mother”
< C. Chadic- Hurza, Kotoko əny- “mother” / E. Cushitic- Oromo anniyó (vocative noun) “mamma, mia
madre” / NS- Zaghawa, For (Fur) anya “paternal aunt”
D.9a.4 N. Chinese-MSC, Beijing nii “woman, female” / Proto-Tibeto-Burman *ney ~*ni(y) “aunt,
mother-in-law”
< E. Cushitic- Oromo nitti “woman, wife” / NS-Nuer nyiti “girl (directly addressed)” / NS- Anywa
[Anuak] ɲìjɔɔ�= “old lady (when addressing)” / NC-N. Mande-Numu, Huela nien “woman, wife”
D.9a.7 Proto-TB *nya “woman” / S. Chinese-Min nia5 “mother” “young girl, women, wife, girls”
< NS-Songhay nyâ “mother” / N.Mande-Ligbi nyâ “woman, wife”.
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *əny- “aunt (father’s sister)” “mother”~ *ni- ~ *nyi- “woman,
wife, girl” ~ nyâ “mother” “woman, wife”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
D.9a.1 S. Chinese-Min ân- “a prefix in certain kinship terms” Bodman 1987 v. 2 119, 161224
224
Note- D.9a.1 (Chinese-Min) As in Note- D.4a.1 the ân- and a- initial prefixes in Min are identified as
prefixes “for kinship terms and names, direct address and familiar reference.” Bodman 1987 v.2 119. The initial
/an-/ has the same function in AA and other African languages for words denoting older female relatives and for
other kinship terms. In this set the D.9a.1 Oromo correspondence is vocative and familiar. The Semitic-Amharic
2d person feminine pronoun anĉi “you” is probably related. Leslau 1976 137.
Other attestations which explicitly identify the morpheme as vocative and/or used in addressing a woman are:
D.9a.4 TB-Proto-Kiranti ↔ NS-Nuer
D.9a.5 TB-Miri, TB-Jingpho ↔ NS- Songhay
D.9b.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) ↔ West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic
D.25.1 N. Chinese (Beijing) ↔ Cushitic-Rendille including Note D.25.2
D.30a.2 TB-Tibetan, S. Chinese-Min ↔ Khoisan, Cushititc-Rendille, Semitic-Hebrew/Amharic
Benedict considered the a- to be a pronominal prefix since it appears with kinship terms. He distinguishes it from
Tibetan prefixed / ‘ / = /a/ which appears before verb forms throughout TB. Benedict 122-123. See also Matisoff
387
TB-Tibetan ʔa-ne “father’s sister, aunt, grand-aunt” (W. Tibet) “wife, spouse” “a woman, a female”
Jaschke 603-604 ʔəne “aunt” Matisoff 2003 509
ə̄ne “paternal aunt, female relative of the first ascending generation patrilineally”“nun”
Goldstein 1188 ; a-ne “uncle’s wife” a-ne “an address to a Buddhist nun” Das 1343
TB- Gyarong, Nung əni “aunt, father’s sister” Benedict 69
D.9a.3 Proto-Tibeto-Burman *m-na “mother, older sister, daughter-in-law” Matisoff 2003 173
TB-Tibetan mná-ma “daughter-in-law” Jaschke 312
D.9a.4
TB-Chin-Lushai ni “a paternal aunt, any paternal female who belongs to the same generation as one’s
father” Starostin, S. Sino-Tibetan Etymology
Chinese-Wu ɲy “woman” Rose 161 ni2 / ni3 “woman, female” “daughter, girl, lady” Hakka Dict.
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *ney ~ *ni(y) “aunt, mother-in-law” Benedict #316 69, 204
TB-Kiranti-Limbu nεnε “elder sister, elder female cousin through paternal uncle or maternal aunt”
van Driem 1987 478
TB-Mikir ni “aunt” Matisoff 2003 218
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] nī “aunt” Matisoff 2003 218 “mother-in-law” Starostin, S. Kiranti Etymology
TB-Bodo/Garo-Garo ma- nī “aunt” Matisoff 2003 218
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) nèih “a nun” Chik / Ng Lam 112
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] ni2 / ni3 “maid, servant girl” “little girl, cute girl” Hakka Dict.
TB-Tibetan né-ne-mo “aunt, the father’s sister or wife of the mother’s brother” Jaschke 306
C. Chinese-Wu nE6 “wife” Hakka Dict.
D.9a.6 niūr “an ---affectionate way of referring to a young woman in northen China” Wang, F. 353
D.9a.7 TB-Kiranti Limbu nyaʔ “ego’s paternal aunt” van Driem 1987 483
TB-Tibetan nyá-ma “ mistress of the house, housewife”
Jaschke 184 Das 473
Extended African/AA language word family:
D.9a.1
NC-S.W. Mande-Kpelle neni “woman, wife” Mukarovsky 413
NC-Benue-Congo-Bendi-Bokyi (Abu) ò-nìnì “woman, wife” Williamson / Shimizu v.2 407
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) ʔunɵa ʔinaaɵ pl. “female, a female” ʔannaɵ “to make feminine” (grammar)
Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 18
Semitic-Socotri ‘enneh “sister” Skinner 116
Semitic-Arabic enjeya ‘aajooz (IPA) “auntie” Merriam-Webster-Arabic 10
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic anəst / ənəst “female” Leslau 1976 136
D.9a.2
E. Chadic-Lele, Somrai Ina “mother” Skinner 116
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic ənnat / ɨnnat “mother” Leslau 1976 137, 413 Hudson 102
South (Ethiopian) Semitic-Harari ināy “respectable lady, matron” Leslau 1963 29
D.9a.3
W. Chadic-Ron (Daffo) naâ “Mutter”[mother] Jungraithmayr 1970 219
E. Cushitic-Dobango nah̟ay- “wife” Mukarovsky 414
E. Cushitic-Oromo nadd-a “donna sposata, femmina” [married lady] Borello 315
D.9a.4
NS-Nuer nyiman “sister” man “woman” nyiti / nyiɛr “girl (directly addressed)” [voc.] Huffman 35
NC-N. Mande-Numu, Huela nien “woman, wife” Mukarovsky 413
S.W. Mande-Kpelle néni, n� nú “woman, wife” Mukarovsky 413
NS-Bagirmi ne “wife” Greenberg 1966 147
2003 114-115. The present study confirms this distinction since the Tibetan / ‘ / also represents initials of both
verbal and nominal ST morphemes whose corresponding African/AA k- or g- initials have been reduced to the
initial glottal. See Note B.11a.1-2 its references and Chapter 10 Section 10.3.2.2.
388
225
Note- D.10a.1 (Beijing, Tibetan, NS) Kiranti have retained only the dang / dangi “family relation,
relationship” semantics unlike N. Chinese (Beijing) which attests both the original NS meanings of “village <
“relatives/friends”
390
226
Note- D.10a.1 (Nilo-Saharan) This root occurs in other Nilo-Saharan languages of the Maba Group area with a
the single meaning of “house, hut”. The root also compounds with the word sing “wood “ to denote “door”.
Nilo-Saharan- Maba Group- Kodoi táŋ sing’ “door” ; - Mimi táŋ sinye “door” Edgar 225
Nilo-Saharan- Masalit táŋì / taaŋì “hut, roof” ; Nilo-Saharan Zaghawa daŋa “hut, house”
391
227
Note- D.11a.1 (Chinese, Chadic-Hausa) Hausa dangànàa means “pawn” but also “impose a responsibility
on” e.g. Sun dangànàa manà nauyin aiki. “They pushed the responsibility for the work on us” Newman, P.
2007 42. Beijing Chinese attests dānren “assume a position or responsibilities” Wang, F. 90. The context for
these semantics lies in the institution of pawning in Africa.
The pawn in traditional African society was most commonly a person. “A lineage in need of money, or forced to
pay compensation for a homicide or some other crime, or unable to feed its members in time of famine, might
transfer all its rights in a person to another lineage in return for goods or money. The individual, usually a child,
would now be totally at the disposal of the recipient lineage, to which he would “belong”, and could do with him as
it wished---. Alternatively the transfer of such rights could be temporary. This is usually called “pawning” in the
literature and was extremely widespread. In exchange for a loan, a kin group would transfer to its creditor a pawn---
who could be redeemed later” Dunbar 10 This practice is the basis for the ST words meaning “pawn, pledge”
“loan” as well as the D.11a.3 Tibetan Extended “hostage”.
393
228
Note- D.11a.2 Given the widespread influence of Arabic from the 9th century CE on all the African languages
cited above, it might be assumed that the original root is Semitic in origin. However, the Hausa and Sino-Tibetan
semantics express the exact original meaning of the root in African societies. The Arabic, Swahili and Cushitic
semantics attest a later more abstract development of the root in which it refers to more modern lending and
borrowing transactions using money. The Tibetan D.11a.3 TB-Tibetan (Extended) mi gta-ma “a hostage” shows
that the transaction at the time of the entry of the root into TB involved persons as well as money or goods. Both TB
and Chinese also contain the later derived meanings, perhaps under the influence of Arab trade with Central and
East Asia in the historic period after writing had become widespread. See also Chapter 9 section 9.9 and Chapter 4
Section 4.3.4
229
Note- D.11a.3 (Tibetan, Cantonese) The tam / dam- variants of this root in Cantonese and Tibetan have the
concrete meanings “contract, deed”. These suggest a relationship between this root and the D.11a.3
(Extended) E. Cushitic-Oromo dambi “agreement in writing”, a modern usage in Africa.
394
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
dáingaat “mortgage” “pawn” “pledge (things)” Kwan 303, 341, 355
dáingaatbáhn “hostage” Kwan 225 Chik Ng Lam 456
daih gàau “to hand over, to deliver” “to substitute” Po-fei Huang 371
dài “take the place of, be in place of” Wu, J.130
dàitì vt. “substitute for someone or something, be a substitute” Wang, F.87
D.11a.3 TB-Tibetan mi gta-ma “a hostage” Das 522
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) dàam / daam “to take upon oneself” “a load, a burden”
Chik / Ng Lam 172 uhdaam n. “responsibility (debt)” Kwan 430 ; “simple documentary proof,
receipt, invoice etc.” Wang, F. 90
Extended African/AA language word family:
D.11a.1
W. Chadic- Hausa dangànàa vt. “lean, prop, put against” Newman, P. 2007 42
Nilo-Saharan-Kanuri kadarngin v. “pay back (a debt) in kind” Cyffer 1990 73
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic adanä “save (rescue), cure, heal” “redeem (save) ”danä “be saved,
be spared” Leslau 1976 196, 467
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) deen “credit” “debt” “a loan, outstanding, money owed one” “creditor”
Dict. of Iraqi Arabic 47, 173 See also D.11b.1 below.
D.11a.2 W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic mädən “immunity, bail, security” Leslau 1976 37
D.11a.3 E. Cushitic-Oromo dam-u v. “affidare un incarico, delegare” [to entrust a responsibility
(to someone) Borello 97 dambi “agreement in writing, contract, deed” Foot 13
NC-Swahili dhamini “to guarantee” “to stand bail” “to be sponsored by somebody” Awde 2000 41
/
D.11b.1 N. Chinese-MSC Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi, Yemeni)
dài “loan” dàifāng daayan “to lend, loan” dayyaan “creditor”
“credit side, credit” Wu, J. 131 Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 173
xīndài “credit” tdaayan / tidaayan “to borrow money”
xīn v. “trust” (D.13.1) Qafisheh 220-221
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
D.11b.1 N. Chinese-MSC dài “loan”
< Semitic-Arabic daayan “to lend, loan”
Approximate Sinitic etymon *daay- “to lend, loan”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
D.11b.1 N. Chinese-MSC nóngdai “agricultural loans” Wu, J.. 500
↓↓
ST-Languages African languages- Close correspondences
D.12 A-A– Chadic AA-Cushitic AA-Semitic NS NC
D.12.1 N. Chinese- W. Chadic- Hausa E. Cushitic-
MSC fàng fànsā vt. “redeem someone Sidamo
“let go, set free, from slavery” “ransom a fâ’na
release” Wu, J. 192 person”230 Newman, P. 2007 “to become a free
Wang, F. 135 59 Skinner 64 man”
230
Note- D.12.1 (Chadic-Hausa) Dunbar reports the practice of liberating slaves in 19th century Damagaram, the
area of Niger where Hausa was and is the dominant language. “Two customs that were related to the procurement of
slaves and kidnapping should be mentioned: ransoming and pawning. Normally agreements were made among
kingdoms to the effect that princes or other royal personages would not be captured. There is an account of one
nineteenth century source, however, which suggests that such capture was not unknown and that ransom -fanshe-
could exceed by two or three times the market price of a slave. Dunbar 161. The same account states that other
individuals pawned themselves, -jingine kānsu, in order to rescue relatives from slavery. kānsù “themselves”
Newman, R 1990 315. See the following Chinese root jing / chíng / xin in table D.13.1-2 which also has a Hausa
395
close correspondence and alternatively means “pledge” “guaranty” “indemnity” as well as “to save, to deliver, to rescue”
“let free”.
231
Note- D.12.1(Cushitic-Sidamo)
Sidamo traditional culture includes a rite of purification from leprosy or freeing of a slave. The full semantics of the E.
Cushitic-Sidamo fâ’n- root are: fâ’na “to become pure, to become a free man” fânsa “to purify”,
to declare someone a free man, to redeem” Gasparini 95
396
D.15b.2 W. Chadic-Hausa kēwā “long for” yana kēwār iyalinsa , gida “he is longing for his
family, home”Newman, R. 1990 157 See also E.5a.4
The following D.16 word family is related to the E.12 “name” word family. Both families denote
personal characteristics, i.e. in D.16 “race” “gender”, in E.12 “personal and family names”. Hence the
concept underlying both word families seems to be “an identifying characteristic”as in D.16.2-3
Chinese/Tibetan “property, quality, attribute”. The lexemes meaning “race” “clan” have been included
here in the D domain along with their related meanings of “family relationship”, “class, type, kind”,
“alike, similar”. Of course, one’s gender is also outwardly identifiable through sexual characteristics.
Note also E.12.5 Tibetan tsɛnmeè “without signs, asexual” Goldstein 893. meè “not” (G.25.2 TB-
Tibetan Extended) Lexemes meaning “name” or “mark” are also included in the E.12 word family.
Lexemes meaning “sign” appear in both families since the term designates both general personal
characteristics and names.
ST-Languages African languages- Close correspondences
D.16 AA – Chadic AA- Cush. AA-Semitic NS NC
D.16.1 N. Chinese-MSC / W. Chadic- Semitic-Arabic Nuer
Beijing hsìng / sìng (WG) Hausa (Iraqi, Written) ciìŋ-tha
“a clan, a people” jinsìi jinis “family-
Mathews #2770-1 414 “kind, race, “kind, sort, in-law”
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) species” variety, Huffman
sing (WG) “a clan, a family” Newman, P. species, class, 9
“one’s family name” 2007 100 category,
Chik / Ng Lam 94, 144 jiniì “species, race, nation”
See also Note- E.12.4 race” e.g. jinsiyat
C. Chinese-Wu sìŋ5 jinin Sin nationality,
“clan, people, family” “the Chinese citizenship”
Hakka Dict. race”” Dict. of Iraqi
TB-Chin-Lai tsiŋ-la Newman, R. Arabic
“line of ancestors” 1990 10, part 2 78, 271
Matisoff 2003 31, 529 215, 155 Wehr 167233
D.16.2 N. Chinese-MSC W. Chadic- Semitic- Arabic
xìngzhì “quality, nature, Hausa jinsi “generic,
character” “sex, gender” jinsìi racial”
De Francis 1062 Wu, J. 775 “sex“ “sexual”
[Disyllabic corresp.] “gender” Semitic-Written
hsìng / sìng (WG) Newman, P. Arabic
“a property or quality” 2007 100 jinsiya
“nature, disposition” “sexuality”
“sex” Mathews #2770 234 Wehr 167
233
Note- D.16.1 (Arabic, Hausa, Swahili,)
Since Arabic is very probably the source of the NC-Swahili(Extended) morpheme, the matching Hausa form
might also be inferred to be a loan from Arabic.This would point to an Arabic origin of the ST forms. This is
possible, but the Phase 2 correspondences of Hausa with Arabic show a relationship which is more extensive than
that based on simple loaning of cultural language. The statistics in Chapter 4 Tables 4.3 show a more massive
influence of Chadic on the ST lexicon. Hence any hypothesis concerning the proximate source of the above root
in ST remains tentative, though the above evidence firmly supports an AA not an NS proximate origin.
234
Note- D.16.2-3 (MSC Etymology) The D.16.2 MSC xìng root would seem to be related also to the Note-
E.1b.4 (MSC) xīn / syin n. “heart, mind, feeling” since both designate personal characteristics. However, the tones
are different in MSC. Also the present D.16.2 xìng root mostly designates personal characteristics which are
outwardly visible. The glosses “nature, character, disposition” “property, quality” run parallel with glosses referring
402
D.16.3 E. Cushitic-
TB-Tibetan tsε̄nñiì Oromo
“essential or natural senyi
characteristics” “specie, stirpe,
tsεnňiibə “having all the razza”
characteristics of sth. or sb.” [species,
Goldstein 892- 893 race” ]
[Disyllabic corresp.] Borello 371
tsε̄nma “sex”
Goldstein 2001 893
D.16.4 E. Cushitic- Semitic-
TB-Tibetan Oromo Hebrew
shaňe “kinsman, descendent, sanyi zan
blood relative” Goldstein 1090 “razza, cabila, “breed,
gnyen-tshan “kindred, tribu” [“race, species”
relations” tribe, caste”] Baltsan 460
Matisoff 2003 450235 Borello 368 Semitic-Written
N. Chinese-MSC Arabic
zhŏng mutajanis
“species, race, seed” meas. “akin, related,
“kind, type” of the same
Wu, J. 910 kind or nature”
zhāngxìng “caste (India)” Wehr 167
Wu, J. 910
D.16.5 E. Cushitic-
TB-Tibetan Oromo
mtshaň-nyid “attribute, sanyi
characteristic” “qualita,
Hodge 78, 191 genere”
[Disyllabic corresp.] [“quality,
mtshan-pa type”]
“property, quality, symptom, Borello 368
indication”
Das 1036
“marked”
Jaschke 454
to the external identifiers “race, family” and “gender”. In contrast to this emphasis on externality the E.1b.4
Chinese morphemes xīng / sīn refer to interior entities “the heart, the moral nature, the mind, the affections”
“intention” “character, mental nature”. Xìng is also used a ssuffix to form an abstract noun , e.g. kenengxing
“possibiliy” Manser 510 (keneng) “possible” Manser 275
Given the E.1b.4 association of “heart” and “mind, affections”, i.e. internally experienced thoughts and
sentiments, the etymology of that word family is plausibly based on words referring to internal organs as the locus
of mental experience. Although the D.16 and E.1b word families may be ultimately related, the differences are
sufficient to treat them as having separate proximate proto-forms.
235
Note- D.16.4 (Tibetan). The following are “collective kinterms” khu-tshan “uncle and nephew”, pha-tshan
“cousins on the father’s side” Matisoff 2003 447, 450 N. Chinese (Beijing) attests a similar reciprocal kinship
relation in zēng “relationship between great-grandchildren and great-grandparents” Wu. J 869.
403
236 2 2
The D.16.5 S. Daic-Lao la:k sa3:na n. “characteristic” is an exact match with Sanskrit (Extended)
laksaNa “characteristic, attribute, quality”. Although the evidence indicates that both of these lexemes have an
ultimate origin in D.16.5 E.African Oromo, the Daic one is very probably a loan from Sanskrit through
Buddhist influence. See also Supplementary Table 2 the Sanskrit substratum D.16.5.
237
Note D.17.1 (West Semitic) Both Leslau and Cyffer consider the diya morpheme to be a loan from Arabic into
West Semitic and NS-Kanuri respectively. So with reference to Chinese it might also be considered a recent (post-
500 BCE) loan resulting from Arab trade. However, any such conjecture is weakened by the fact that the closest
Iraqi/Yemeni Arabic morphemes deen / dayn “debt” (D.11a.2), though perhaps related, do not correspond as
closely to the two D.17.1-2 Chinese morphemes as do the Chadic, Cushitic, and S.Semitic ones.
Hence the Chadic or Cushitic forms are the more plausible sources. The root is attested in three subfamilies of
Afro-Asiatic without the Chinese semantics of “mortgage”, but containing the concept of “ liability for payment”.
This supports a hypothesis that it is pre-historic and much more likely to have been inherited by Chinese languages
from a West Semitic, Cushitic or Chadic rather than a modern Arabic source.
405
/
D.19b.1 W. Chadic – Proto-Highland E. Kanuri NC-
TB-Tibetan Hausa Cushitic kaká / kaa Fulfulde
kakmo kàakā *akako “grandfather, [Fulani]
“elderly” m. or f. “grandparent” grandmother” kākirāwo
kakma “grandfather, E. Cushitic-Oromo Cyffer 1990 74 “great-
“elderly woman” grandmother” akaakayu Tubu [Teda] grand-
Starostin, S. Newman, P. “grandfather, kagá “grandfather, parent”
Sino-Tibetan 2007 104 ancestors” grandmother” Taylor107
Etymology W. Chadic – Hudson 72 Barth 206
kāgεε Ngizim Foot 2 Songhay (Gao)
“to become old kàká E. Cushitic- Konso kaga “grandparent”
(for animals)” “grandparent” akaak-a Heath v.2 114
Goldstein 91 Schuh 91 “old man, kàagè “ancetre” (Fr.)
ancestor” [ancestor]
Sasse1982 24 Ducroz 140
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
D.19b.1 TB-Tibetan kak- / kag- “elderly, old”
< W. Chadic kaakaa “grandparent, ancestor”
Approxmate Tibeto-Burman etymon *kaakaa- “grandparent, ancestor”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
D.19b.1
TB-Tibetan
kagεn / ka g�bo “old, elderly (for animals)” kag� “to become old” (for animals)” Goldstein 91
ga-gá “the old gentleman, the old squire (title of honor)” Jaschke 63
Extended African/AA language word family:
D.19b.1
C. Chadic–Bura kaka “grandparent, forefather” Dict. of Bura
E. Cushitic-Sidamo akaak-o “old man” Sasse 1982 24
akâko “great-grandfather” Gasparini 18
E. Cushitic-Afar kaxxabba “grandfathers within one’s paternal and maternal clans”
Parker / Hayward 299
West-Ethiopian- Semitic-Amharic ğağğä “be senile” Leslau 1976 202
↓↓
ST-Languages African languages- Close correspondences
D.20 AA- AA-Cushitic AA- NS NC
Chadic Egyptian
D.20.1 N. Chinese-MSC E. Cushitic-Rendille Egyptian
nú “sons and daughters, núgul n. “youngsters (who nu “child,
children” Wu, J. 502 play together in the village), son, babe”
Middle Chinese ānú “refers primarily to children “children”
“younger brother” older than toddlers unnu
Norman 113 but younger than teenagers” “child,
TB-Tibetan nú-bo “small, young” infant”
“a man’s younger brother” nuccúl “small, little” Budge v.1
nú-mo “the younger sister of a Pillinger 234-235 165, 349
female” Jaschke 305 See also G.8a.2 (Somali)
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
D.20.1 N. Chinese-MSC nú “sons and daughters, children”
< E. Cushitic-Rendille nú- n. “youngsters” / Egyptian nu “child, son, babe” “children”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *nú- n. “youngsters, children”
409
238
Note- D.21a.1 (Beijing) This set presents evidence that the etymon of the disyllabic N. Chinese (Beijing)
form is the disyllabic lâifī and that this has been reduced to a monosyllable in the E.21a.2 lâi variants which
represent only the first radical of the original Chadic disyllabic root. All of the D.21a-dAfrican/AA correspondences
identified to date are disyllabic roots. (See also Note A.22.1 and Chapter 10 section 10.1.2).
410
239
Note- D.21a.3 (TB-Tibetan Extended, Sanskrit Extended) The semantically closest correspondence to
Sanskrit in ST is the Tibetan lexeme ló-li-ma “prostitute, harlot” found in the Tibetan spoken in Ladak province
of Western Tibet. Jaschke seems to consider this form to be a loan into Tibetan from Urdu, a daughter language of
Sanskrit. However, given the presence of a Sanskrit substratum in Northern Pakistan (Supplementary table 2
D.21a.3), it can equally as well be viewed as inherited from AA by both West Tibetan and the African/AA
languages which became a substratum of Sanskrit. (On Sanskrit see Chapter 8 and Supplementary Table 2)
411
Altaic-Turkic-Bashkir, Tatar alama “bad” “old, worn out” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology 2
Altaic- Turkic-Kyrghyz alâŋ “absent-minded, unattentive” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology 2
Altaic- Turkic-Uyghur alâŋ “crazy” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology 2
D.21d.2
Altaic-Turkic-Turkish lök “awkward, clumsy, sluggish” Tureng 739
Altaic- Turkic-Kyrghyz alâɣ-di “absent-minded, unattentive” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology 2
Altaic-Turkic-Turkishalik, alu “weak, inferior” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology 2
Proto-IE *slūg- “weak, languid, small” Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 2012 126
Altaic-Turkic-Karakhanid alig “bad” aliq “to be vile (of a man)” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology 2
Altaic- Turkic-Uyghur alâq “crazy” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology 2
↓↓
ST-Languages African languages- Close correspondences
D.22 Afro-Asiatic – Afro-Asiatic - Afro-Asiatic- Nilo- Niger-
Chadic Cushitic Semitic Sah. Congo
D.22.1 N. E. Chadic- E. Cushitic- Oromo, West Semitic-
Chinese -MSC Dangaleat [Dangla] Kambata Ethiopian-Harari,
dí “enemy, foe” ádinè diina m. “enemy” Amharic
“oppose, fight” “ce qui est contre, Hudson 57, 314 diina “enemy”
díduì “hostile, ennemi” E. Cushitic- Sidamo “from Galla”
antagonistic” àdinàw “hostilité” diina n. “enemy” [Oromo]
Wu, J. 145 Fédry 8 Gasparini 75 Leslau 1963 57
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
D.22 .1 N. Chinese-MSC dí “enemy, foe”
< E. Cushitic- Oromo, Kambata diina m. “enemy”
Approximate Sinitic etymon *dii- “enemy”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
D.22.1
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) dihk “enemy, foe” “to oppose, to resist” Chik / Ng Lam 198 ;
dihkyàhn, sàuhdihk “enemy” Kwan 163
C. Chinese-Wu-Shanghai diq8 “enemy” Ramsey 96
N. Chinese-MSC díyi “hostility, animosity” díkài “hatred towards the enemy” Manser 98
Extended African/AA language word family:
D.22.1
Nilo-Saharan-Tubu [Teda] erdí / irdí “Feind” (Ger.) [enemy] Lukas 1953189
E. Cushitic-Oromo diina “nemico publico, avversario, ostile, rivale”
[public enemy, adversary, hostile, rival”] Borello 114
E. Cushitic-Rendille díha “attack someone (of people only)” dího “(an) attack, battle, war”
dii’da “to refuse, reject (someone or something)” dii’ddo “refusal, dislike, hatred” Pillinger 95, 102
↓↓
ST-Languages African languages- Close correspondences
D.23 AA – Chadic AA-Cush. AA- NS NC
Sem.
D.23.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-Hausa Proto-AA
dágbo “owner, master, proprietor” dagacìi *daʔ
bdág-po “village head” Newman, “chief, lord”
“proprietor, master, lord” P. 2007 39 Skinner 39 Militarev /
Jaschke 268-9 Das 665 Hodge 25 W. Chadic-Ngizim Stolbova
mi-bdág dəכgə̀m AA-
“the king” Das 958 “chief, emir” Etymology
mi “man, person” (D.2.1 above) Schuh 34, 193
415
241
Note D.25.1-2 (NS-Songhay) In Khoisan and Songhay the meaning is “man, male”. In Songhay the first syllable
àr- is used either as an independent morpheme, or the first word of a compound . Cushitic languages attest semantics of
both “male” and “male child”. Beijing incorporates these dual Cushitic semantics of “male” and “male child”’ but thus
far no TB corresspondence with the “male child” variant has been found.
242
Note- D.25.2 (Chinese-Cushitic) In E. Cushitic-Rendille the word for male child ersím also means “shepherd,
herdsman”. “Customary description of a male child at birth- Ersime Waakho siiche ‘God gave them a male child‘”
[a shepherd] Pillinger 110 . The er- initial syllable is similar to the Semitic-Amharic ərraňňa which also means
“shepherd, cowherd, herdsman”) Leslau 1976 127, and this in turn is probably related to Amharic awra “male
(of animals), head (of family), chief” Leslau 1976 143. See also A.21a.1 (Extended) Proto-E. Cushitic *ʔawr- “bull”.
But both the Rendille and Amharic er- appear to be derived from an AA, NS, and Khoisan root ar- whose primary
meaning is “male”; hence the Rendille expression éra “Men! Friends! Comrades (call name)” (D.25.1 Extended)
represents the primary semantics and “shepherd” is derived from it, this being almost the only traditional occupation
among Rendille men. This word is “used among men to address a group. It is not used as a form of address by or to
women” Pillinger 110. This may also be the origin of the use of this morpheme as second person pronoun in Beijing
Chinese. (See êr “you” Wu, J. 177 G.35.1). It seems to function also in Beijing primarily as a vocative, e.g. êrcao
“you people, you and your kind” Wu, J. 177. The same association of ər “you” as a term of address and “shepherd” is
again found in South-Semitic-Amharic as ərsäwo / ərsəwo “You (respectful)” and ərräňňa “shepherd, herdsman”. The
possessive form of “you” is yärsəwo “Your, Yours (respectful)”. All these latter citations are from Leslau 1976 127.
417
243
Note- D.25.2(1) (MSC / Beijing Extended)
Norman used the occurrence of the word erzi “son” as one of the means for classifying Chinese dialects into
northern and southern groups. Erzi is found in the Northern group in Beijing, Xian, and Kunming dialects (the
traditional Mandarin (Bĕifānghuà) group). It does not occur in the Southern group which includes the Meixian,
Guǎngzhōu, Fúzhōu and Jiànōu dialects of the Kejia, Yuè and Min languages.Norman 181-182.The variety of forms
of this root found in many Altaic languages as well as the Khoisan correspondence suggest that the root is very old
in Central, Northeast and East Asia.
244
Note- D.25.2(2) (MSC/Beijing Extended). Packard considers -er to be a true suffix in Beijing Chinese, not a
bound form. Packard 173-174. As such this function is historically the result of grammaticalization of an
independent root, since all of the African-AA correspondences are free roots. In this respect it is similar to the
*-ji / *-zhi suffix of Note- D.3c.1. DeFrancis lists ér as a bound form. DeFrancis 230. However he points out that
the alternate -r form existing only in MSC / Beijing Mandarin is a suffix and functions there as a diminutive.
DeFrancis 762 Yip Po-Ching 2000 30. See also Notes D.3c.1-2, E.33.1 and B.14d.2 on “erisation”.
418
gâoguî “play tricks, be up to some mischief” Wu, J. 289 guī “dirty trick”
Merriam-Webster Chinese 53
Chinese–Wu kuE5 “cunning, crafty, wily, deceitful” “dirty trick, dirty work” Hakka Dict.
Chinese–Min huì “outlaw, bandit” Bodman 1987 v.2 141 ui5 “evil, fault” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] wui “evil, fault” Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
D.26a.1
C.. Chadic-Gava ɣulùwa “steal” Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic Etymology
E. Chadic- Bidiya kurd’us “homme méchant” [evil man] Skinner 180
Semitic-Written Arabic xulsatan “by stealth, stealthily” [from] xalasa “to steal” Wehr 294
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) muqurbaaz “cheater, swindler, crook” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 370
Egyptian kher “evil, wickedness” Skinner 180
W. Chadic–Ngizim kə̀rú “to steal” Schuh 88 àkə̀r “thief” Schuh 7
Proto-Chadic *xərə “to steal” Newman, P. 1977 #124 32 Ehret 1995 #403 231
Proto-Berber *akər, *akwər, *ukər “steal” Skinner 180
W. Chadic –N. Bauci-Pa’a kèra “to steal” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 308
D.26a.2
Proto- AA, Proto- Cushitic *xwar- / *gwar- “to attack” Ehret 1995 #403 231
NS-Nuer kwal “to steal” Huffman 25 ŋwale “bad” Huffman 37
Proto-S. Cushitic *kwalar “doctor diviner” Skinner 180
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic t’änäqqwälä “be a soothsayer, foretell the future, engage in sorcery”
Leslau 1976 232 Skinner 180 qaləĉĉa “magician” Leslau 1976 68
Proto-Berber *akər, *akwər, *ukər “steal” Skinner 180
C. Chadic-Glavda gwardáxa “robber” ghwád(a) “bad, evil” Rapp / Benzing 45-46
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
D.26a.1 Altaic-Turkic-Uyghur oghurlumaq / oghurlimaq “steal, rob” Uyghur Dictionary
IE-Pashto ghulati “cheating or tricking at play” ”a cheat at play” Raverty 729
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian *kula-gai “to steal, deceive”
Altaic-Proto-Tungus-Manchu *kola- “to steal, deceive”
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *K(i)al- “to steal, deceive” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
IE-Sanskrit cur “to steal” curaNya “to steal” cor / coraka “a thief” Cologne Lexicon
IE-Bengali, Hindi cor “thief, robber” n. Thompson 130 Scudiere 170, 240
IE-Bengali curi “theft, stealing” Thompson 49 curi kɔra v. “steal” 127
IE-Sanskrit kuh “to surprise or cheat by trickery or jugglery” Akhu “a thief”
D.26a.2 IE-Sanskrit kuha “a rogue, a cheat” kuhaka “a cheat, rogue” “an imposter” “deception,
trickery” kuhana “hypocrisy, assumed and false sanctity” kuhanika “jugglery, hypocrisy”
D.26a.3 IE-Sanskrit kuj / khuj “to steal”245 Cologne Lexicon.
/
D.26b.1 Chinese-MSC W. Chadic- Hausa West Semitic-
wāi “devious, underhanded, wàayō m. Ethiopian-
crooked” Wu, J. 705 “cleverness, Amharic
huài “bad” huàishi “evilly” cunning” t’änqway
Manser pt. 1 149 pt. 2 184 Newman, P. “magician,
kuāi (WG) “cunning, 2007 220 wizard, witch
crafty, perverse” mài wàayō adj. doctor”
kuâi (WG) “to kidnap, “crafty (shrewd)” t’änqwäl
to decoy, to swindle” Newman, R. 1990 “mischief”
Mathews 522 #3533 43, 55 Leslau 1976 409
245
Note- D.26a.1-3 (Sanskrit) In this word family Sanskrit exhibits parallel correspondences with three Afro-
Asiatic proto- forms.
421
246
Note- D.26b.2 (Chinese) The earliest notion of the kuei was of a soul which after death was associated with a
tomb, and was finally absorbed into the earth from which it had come. By the time of the Shang dynasty, the
aristocracy at least held a belief that the ancestor spirits became powerful divine beings dwelling on high. The two
ideas that the kuei lived on in the tombs, but also lived in heaven “was undoubtedly an important factor in the
development later of the peculiar Chinese belief that man produced two soul elements, the hun which on death
became a shen and partook of the nature of heaven, and the p’o [ which] became a kuei, earthy by nature”.
Smith 5. On the shen root see H.23d.1-2.
Keightley states that the Shang dynasty diviners referred to the “high ancestors”who controlled the crops as kui or
nao. He prefers a reading of nao for the character in question, but the data from Modern Chinese reported above
indicates that kui was the correct term for these ancestors who were closst to Di, the high god. (Keightly 2000 14,
100,116. In modern standard Chinese nao refers to the brain or head (Wu, J. 491). The related Cantonese terms are
gwai which means “spirtits, ghosts” (the phrase gwai wahn means “ghosts, spirits of the dead”).and nouh
which also means “brain” or “head”. (Chik / Ng Lam 502)., Kwan 47).
422
247
Note- D.27a.1 Note Jaschke’s description of Tibetan soothsaying: “mo-debs-pa “to cast the lot”; is always a
religious ceremony performed by lamas ---which does not preclude the possibility of an imposture”;
mo-pa “one dealing with these practices, a soothsayer” ; mo-mkhan, mo-mrtsis-pa “the latter expression in the
respective passage =court-astrologer” Jaschke 419
Chinese observers during the Tang dynasty reported the Tibetan belief in wizards and soothsayers. “[Ils] croient
aux sorciers et aux devins” Pelliot 3
425
D.27a.2 Kanuri
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) moworú
mòuh “gifted,
“man of talent” talented”
Chik / Ng Lam 500248 Cyffer 1990
125
D.27a.3 W. Chadic- E. Cushitic-Burji Kanuri
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) Dyarim mó(o)r joo mowóma
mòuh seun mככ rככ “thief” “cheat, liar,
“treacherous, sly, cunning” “thief” Sasse 1982 147 perpetrator of
Chik / Ng Lam 427 Blench fraud” Cyffer
2007 49 1990 125
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
D.27a.1 Chinese-Wu mo6 “wizard, witch, demon power” / TB-Tibetan mo-pa
< E. Cushitic-Rendille móro “soothsayer, star-gazer”
D.27a.3 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) mòuh seun “treacherous, sly, cunning”
< NS-Kanuri mowóma “cheat, liar”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *mór- “soothsayer, star-gazer” “wizard” ~ mow- “cheat, liar”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
D.27a.1 Chinese-Wu mo6 “wizard, witch, demon power” Hakka Dict.
TB-Tibetan dmód-pa “to curse, accuse, execrate” “to pronounce a prayer or conjuration”
“imprecation, execration, malediction” Jaschke 423 ; möòdzi “words of a curse” Goldstein 833
C. Chinese-Wu mo6 “call names, swear, curse, scold, revile”Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
mòuhsi “sorcerer (witch) Kwan 493
mòseuht / mòuhseuht “magic” Kwan 281
naahmmòuh “wizard” Kwan 573
mògwai “devil” Kwan 133
mòlihk “magic charm” Kwan 281
mah “to swear, to curse” Chik / Ng Lam 364
Old Chinese må “curse, revile” Karlgren GSR #40h Matisoff 2003 462
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (MacIver) mu “wizard, sorcerer, witch” Hakka Dict.
D.27a.3 N. Chinese-MSC émó “demon, devil, evil spirit” Wu, J. 176 “evil, vice, wickedness”
moguî “devil, demon, monster” Wu, J. 479 mófâ “magic” Merriam-Webster Chinese 93
Chinese-Wu móshù “magic, conjuring, sleight of hand” Hakka Dict
Extended African/AA language word family:
D.27a.1 E. Cushitic-Burji murúmi “wizard, sorcerer” Sasse 1982 149
E. Cushitic-Oromo móru “predire, leggere il peritoneo della vittima sacrificata, consultare il
peritoneo” [predict, read the entrails of a sacrificed victim] Borello 309
NS-Songhay (Gao) mòorù “passer la main sur un animal pour le consacrer en vue d’un sacrifice
rituel” [pass the hand over an animal to ‘consecrate’ it for a ritual sacrifice] Ducroz 179
W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Siri marā “sorcerer” Skinner 199
E. Chadic-Dangaleat [Dangla] mélmò “sorcier” [wizard] Fédry 129
248
Note- D.27a.2-3 (Cantonese, Nilo-Saharan,, Cushitic) The sorcerer is viewed alternatively as a malevolent or
benign person in African cultures as evidenced in the D.27a.1-3 and D.27.2 sets. The good ones are healers, experts
in medicine and metallurgy; therefore treated as wise men; the evil ones are thieves, extorsionists and poisoners.
These contrary views are reflected in the contrasting Cantonese and NS-Kanuri semantics (D.27a.2-3).
See also F.24.1-2 mɛ̄n “medicine” semantically contrasting with F.24.2 (Extended) mən- “poison”and F.24.3
“medicine, good or bad). See also the Skinner 192 citations. These also illustrate this ambivalence toward the
magician / wizard / healer. See also Ehret 2002 50-51
426
249
Note- D.27b.1 (Tibetan, AA and NS-Tubu) The morphemes of this table appear to be variants of the root which
is the source of the E.4b.2Tibetan mkhan. In Tibetan it is a suffix to substantives and verbal roots denoting “one
5
who knows a thing thoroughly making a trade or profession of it”. Also Hakka ngan “man of ability and virtue”.
(See the close Cushitic, Semitic and Chadic correspondences to these in E.4b.1-2 including the note). Also the
Tibetan association of the two roots in mó-mkhan “a soothsayer” in Note D.27a.1. mkhan as “one who knows”
suggests that these are reflexes of the E.4a.1 Extended , Proto-Cushitic *ɣaa’hn “know, understand” Skinner 77.
427
250
D.27b.1 (Chadic-Hausa Extended) P. Newman’s gloss of the word māguzanci“ rites of the Maguzawa”
“obscene language” reflects the more recent strong Islamic condemnation of the magical practices of traditional
African religion.The Maguzawa are a Hausa group who retain the rites of the traditional pre-Islamic culture. Given
that the name is used to designate their religious rituals, it is plausible to consider the word māguzanci as derived
from the similar roots for magic / sorcery above. P. Newman glosses the group’s name Maguzawa as “Non-
Islamic Hausa group” Newman, P. 2007 145. R. Newman’s Hausa equivalent to the English word “pagan” i.e.
(non-Muslim Hausa)” is bamaguje Newman, R. 1990 193 See also F.24.3 (Hausa Extended) màgirō “pagan
Hausa fetish”.
251
Note- D.27b.3 (Sanskrit) According to several Upanishads, at times all that is outside of the inner self is
created by “a sort of mystic, quasi magic power sometimes called maya, that is, artifice”. It is a word sometimes
applied to sorcery, and to tricks and stratagems of various kinds”. The Bhagavat Gita, translated and interpreted
by Franklin Edgerton. Cambridge : Harvard University Press, ©1972..
428
252
Note- D.28.1 (Chadic) The root man / mai means “old” “big” in Chadic and NS-Maba. This is the plausible
source of the derived forms referring to various authorities, the chief etc. The D.28.2 Hausa form is the plural of the
Hausa D.29.1 bàbba “big, large”. The root is probably originally from Nilo-Saharan or NC-Mande and has been
inherited or borrowed by the other African families.
429
253
Note- D.32.4 (Chadic-Hausa) Skinner considers this root to be related to the Hausa goma “ten” and
game, gamo “together”, gamo ”encounter”, the Gwandara gwama “herd of cattle” gunwu, genwu
“come together, meet”, Proto-Chadic (Newman) *g-ma “meet”, E.Chadic-Jegu ŋam “(zusammen) treffen”
[meet together] and E. Chadic-Bidiya gamaŋ “troupeau” [flock] Skinner 75
These are considered to be reflexes of Proto-AA (Orel / Stolbova 1993) *goma “gather, meet” and *qom-
“gather, join” (See Skinner 75, 176, 87). These lexemes give evidence of being part of the same word family but
are less closely related to the Chinese forms than those cited above. See also note G.23.1.
436
↓↓
ST-Languages African languages- Close correspondences
D.33 AA Chadic AA – AA- Nilo-Saharan NC
Cush. Sem.
D.33.1 TB-Tibetan h̟búd-pa W. Chadic- Bole-
“to let out of (a cage), Tangale *bəd-
to set free, to set at liberty” “untie”
“to put off, pull off, take off” W. Chadic-
Jaschke 393 Gwandara
“to put off, take off butu “take off
(hat, coat, ring etc.)” (clothes)”
Das 920 Skinner 25
D.33.2 TB-Tibetan C. Chadic-Gude NS-Anywa
bud-pa perf. mbəd’ (Anuak)
phud-pa “thrown out, cast “leave behind” bɔ̀th
out, turned out, Skinner 18 “divorce (one’s
dismissed wife)”
servants etc).” Das 825 Reh 97
[Disyllabic corresp.]
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
D.33.1 TB-Tibetan búd-pa “to put off, take off (hat, coat, ring etc.)” “to let out of (a cage), to set
free, to set at liberty”
< W. Chadic- Gwandara butu “take off (clothes)” /
W. Chadic- Bole-Tangale *bəd- “untie”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *bəd- “untie” “set free” “dismiss”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
D.33.2
TB-Tibetan ‘búd-pa “to fall from, drop, fall down” “to go away, to leave, to escape, to disappear”
Das 919 bud “turned out, expelled” Das 872 yul-phud “an exile” Jaschke 393
Extended African language word family:
D.33.1
W. Chadic-Hausa būd’èe vt. “open” Newman / Ma 1979 14 ina būde “I loosen, open”
Barth v.2 104
W. Chadic- Seya mbut-, b’lt- “untie” Skinner 25
Proto-W. Chadic *b-(w)t- “loosen, untie” Skinner 25
C. Chadic- Kilba mbud- “open” Skinner 25
W. Chadic- Hausa būd’-ee “to open, uncover” Skinner 25
C. Cushitic-Afar botoc “split open” Skinner 25
Proto-Cushitic *b-t’- “separate” Skinner 25
D.33.2 West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic fätta “release, untangle, untie, unfasten, free, repudiate
(one’s wife), divorce” Leslau 1976 248
↓↓
D.34.1 Proto-TB W. Chadic- E. Cushitic- Semitic-Written
*bwar ~ hwar / Hausa ‘barī Oromo abararu Arabic
TB-Mikir vt. “abandon “mandar via, bari’a
var “throw, throw (leave, cast scacciare, “rid oneself of”
away, divorce aside)” fugare” [to send “to free oneself
(a spouse)” “leave behind” away, to drive from”
Matisoff 2003 Newman, R. out, to chase
394, 585 1990 1, 150 away] Borello 1
438
NC- Fulfulde [Fulani] barra “be clear of, be acquitted” barrina “acquit” Taylor 13
W. Chadic-Hausa bari vt. “leave, leave off” “let, allow” Newman / Ma 1979 11
bari / bar / bura “leave, let, allow” Skinner 18 bāra-gurbi m. “unhatched egg(s) ignored by the
hen” Newman, P. 2007 17
D.34.3
Nilo-Saharan-Songhay(Gao) fúrú “jeter, rejeter” [throw, reject] Ducroz 93
E. Cushitic-Rendille furda vi. “ come undone, become relaxed” vt. “open, untie, undo something
(for oneself)” Pillinger 116-117
W. Chadic-Gwandara buro “leave, let, allow” Skinner 18
C. Chadic-Mada, Muyang *mbər- “leave, let” Skinner 18
D.34.2 Egyptian fh̬ “to loose, release, cast off, get rid of” Ehret 1995 #72 102
D.34.3 NS-Songhay (Gao) fur-a vi. “be dropped, be thrown away” fúrú “jeter, rejeter”
[throw away, reject] Ducroz 93 Songhay (Koyra)
fur-baa “rejected or abandoned thing” “outcast, loner” Heath v.1 94
fur-a-yan n. “being abandoned, loneliness” Heath v.3 116
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to African/AA roots:
D.34.1 IE-Sanskrit, Avestan
parAs “to throw away or down, cast aside, expose (as a newborn child), abandon, reject”
parAda “to give up or over, deliver, throw away” RV AV
parAdiz “to order off, remove” AV Cologne Lexicon
See also Supplementary Table 2 D.34.1.
IE-Pashto bahar yastal “to put or cast out or away. Raverty 126.
See also C.12b.1 Extended Pashto
D.34.3 Altaic-Proto Tungus Manchu *burī- “to abandon, lose” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology 9
Proto-Altaic *biura “to abandon, lose” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology 9
↓↓
ST-Languages African languages-Close correspondences
D.35 Afro-Asiatic – AA – AA– NS NC
Chadic Cush. Sem.
D.35.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] W. Chadic – Hausa
(Meixian, Kwangtung) sau5 / shau3 sauràyī
(Bao’an, Dongguan) sau5 pl. sàmàarī
“young, youthful, junior, juvenile” Hakka Dict. “youth
Old Chinese sau “small” Branner 137 (young person)”
N. Chinese-MSC syăuhàidz (Y) “youngster “young man”
(child)” Newman, R. 1990
shàunyán (Y) “youngster, (youth)” 311, 312
Chen 465 shào “young” Wu, J. 602 “young man, youth”
Mathews #5675 784 Newman / Ma 1979
shàonián n “youngster, (youth)” 108
“youth, young person” “youth, young man
”period of growth, one’s youth” (aged 12
Wang, F. 407 Chen 465 through 40)”
S. Chinese-Min siàu-lián Skinner 231
“young, youngster”
siâu “small”
Bodman 1987 v.2 118, 171
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
D.35.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] sau5 “young, youthful, junior, juvenile”
< W. Chadic – Hausa sauràyī “youth (young person)” “young man”
Approximate Sinitic etymon *sau- “youth (young person)” “young man”
440
254
Note- D.36.1 (Hausa) This root provides a linguistic indicator to Tibetan origins. The original Tibetans were
nomadic cattle keepers. The Hausa and other Chadic groups now are settled farmers, but in the period after 8500-
7500 BCE speakers of Afro-Asiatic in the northeastern Sudan lived both from cattle-keeping and gathering of wild
grains. (Ehret 2002 228). Later in the Central Sahel they combined livestock-raising and crop cultivation. (Ehret
2003 67.) They had settlements, but as the Sahara dried up, they practiced transhumence, i.e seasonal movement
from the home area to other areas to seek pasture for their flocks. (See also Note H.18.1and Chapter 9 section
9.4.1.5)
Many Fulani with whom the Hausa are presently in contact are cattle-keeping nomads. But the fact that in Tibetan
and Hausa the term refers both to nomadic groups and to groups in general indicates that the term is prehistoric in
both languages. The Cantonese luhk forms show that the term is a Sino-Tibetan root. Also the Cantonese forms
are sufficiently different to indicate that they probably are not loans from Tibetan. As usual N. Chinese (Beijing)
D.36.3 has lost the final /k ~ g/ of the root stem.
255
Note- D.36.2 (Tibetan, Hausa) In Tibetan the ru morpheme means “horn” as well as “part, division”
“brigade” of an army.“ Jaschke 531, Goldstein 1042. In Hausa the two roots appear to have separate etymologies.
441
(See also A.32.1). But some historians and Tibetan lexicographers consider that the meaning of ”horn” as
“brigade”implies that the horns represent the right and left salients of a Tibetan army in battle formation. (See Das
118 gyas-ru “right wing or district, or banner”.) However, the analogy with a left and right horn of an animal
breaks down in the term dwu-ru “central division”
Note also the Hausa D.36.2 řukùnin sōjà “Army unit”and D.36.2 (Extended) rùndunā “crowd, multitude,
army”. There may well have been contamination between the rug / rùn “group” root and the ru “horn” root in
Tibetan history, b ut the Hausa military semantics of rug in Tibetan and \Chinese are well-attested in the above
table. Historically these seem originally to have been groups armed for conflict over grazing territory or cattle raids
both of which which still exist among the warrior societies of cattle-keeping nomads along the northern edge of
the African Sahel.
442
Chapter 2E
Human communication: cognitive, volitional, evaluative.
Semantic Domain E word families.
Introduction- Few of this domain’s terms are found in the Swadesh basic language list. However, words
for the specific actions expressing a human intention to communicate (or not), e.g. “calling”, “scolding”,
“lying”, “hiding” are observable in all human cultures. This vocabulary seems not to have been identified
as being more stable or less so in the historical evolution of languages. Hence it is not clear whether these
words are commonly loaned between the traditional languages of an area when the language of a different
religious tradition or a dominant invading class is superimposed on it.
In Tibetan many Sanskrit words of this kind were introduced into the language with the arrival of
Buddhism, although most of the religious terms were translated as calques.
In English at least, the old Germanic roots preserved in the words “thinking”, “willing”, “saying”,
“seeing”, “fearing” “lovable” and “good” were all retained as the basic vernacular terms, in contrast to
their later imported Latin or Norman-French counterparts such as “reflecting/reflection, pensive”,
“desiring”, “diction”, “vision”, “timorous”, “benevolent, amiable” and “bonus”.
The E section is characterized by a relatively narrow semantic domain and a large number of variant
morphemes corresponding to the basic cognitive/volitional/affective concepts.
The cognitive/volitional lexicon is of particular interest for research on prehistory since it does not
represent concrete observable objects but rather mental activity, and hence the non-material culture
which, in the absence of a decipherable written language of the period, cannot be directly correlated with
archaeological or other historical research. The hypotheses of sciences such as archaeology, proto-
climatology and geology are necessarily derived from the study of surviving physically observable
objects; the indicators of mental states and cultural values are found only through the surviving words
which represent them.
2E Domain statistics
Tables and word Families:
Tables = 34 numbered tables which represent an individual or generic family.
Individual word families = 65. (Each of the individual word families within a generic word family is
counted as a separate unit).
Single independent large word families = 7
“know” E.4a.1-8
“quarrel, rebuke, scold” E.10.1-4
“sign, name” E.12.1-5
“to cry, to weep, to shout” E.14.1-7
“to grunt, to murmur, to growl” E.15.1-7
“strict, severe” ”injure, harm” “grieved” E.17.1-5
“to examine, search” “try” E.31.1 -4 “
“to sing, a song” E.33.1-4
Generic word families = 13
“the mind” “to think, know” “to wish, to hope for” E.1a-d
“to wish, for, to covet” “to hope, to expect” E.2a-b
“to understand, to know” “to wish, to desire” “meaning, purpose” E.3a-d
“see, look at, sight” “teacher, expert, astrologer” E.4a-d
“desire, love” E.5a-c
“good, beautiful, better” E.7a-e
“say, announce, publish, judgment” “law” “predict, divination” E.8a-e
“to talk, chat” “speak, say, state that” E.9a-b
“state, report, tell, say” E.11a-c
“speak, cry out, call, greet” E.13a-f
“silent, calm down” E16a-b
445
“fear” E.23a-b
“to hide, to conceal” E.24a-b
Basic vocabulary
In the whole section 16 word families contain one or more sets of ST ↔ African language
correspondences which match an English gloss of the 100 word Swadesh list.
8 of these correspondences are found in one of the generically related word families listed above.
Polysyllabic correspondences: 24 (Only one polysyllabic correspondence per word family is counted)
Etymologies
Sino-Tibetan etymologies 37
Tibeto-Burman etymologies 5
Sinitic etymologies 18
Tibetan etymologies 2
In the following E.1 and E.2 tables the variant morphemes show evidence of being attestations of
an Afro-Asiatic root meaning “think, remember” and /or “wish, desire, hope, expect”. The tables also
include evidence that these mental acts have been associated with the interior body organs especially the
heart and/or liver (E.1b.1-3).
ST-Languages African/Afroasiatic languages- Close correspondences
E.1a-d Afro-Asiatic – Chadic AA-Cush., AA- NS Khoisan
Proto-AA Sem.
Swadesh #59 “know” W. Chadic –
E.1a.1 TB-Tibetan Gwandara
sēm “the mind” (Nimbia)
“to think, to conceive” yi sə̀máni
Goldstein 1127 “think”
sems-pa / sems ~ Matsushita 1974
bsams perf. #531 118
“to think, ponder”
Das 1278
Jaschke 577
E.1a.2 Proto- Chadic
N. Chinese-MSC *sənə “know”
shên W. Chadic- Nancere
“know, sen “know”
be aware of” Newman, P. 1977 28
Wu, J. 609 C. Chadic- Logone
Middle Chinese sən “know”
źjen- “recognize” Greenberg 1966 58
Norman 230 W Chadic- Ron (Sha)
TB-Tibetan syen “kennen,
gshen wissen” [be
“the act of remembering acquainted with,
or reminding” know]
Das 1082 Jungraithmayr
1970 288
446
TB-Jingpho
(Hkauri dialect)
tšêŋ
“know”
Matisoff 2003 291
Swadesh W. Chadic-Hausa Proto-AA Proto- N.Khoisan-
“to know” shinàa (Orel / Berber !O!Kung
E.1a.3 “to know” Stolbova *sin- siŋ / sŋ
TB-Tani-Apatani Newman, P. 2007 186 1995) “know” “to see”
čin “know” Greenberg 1966 58 *siniH- Militarev, Proto-
Matisoff 2003 291 Skinner 228 “know” A. N.Khoisan-
N. Chinese -MSC tsinkaya Skinner 228 Berber *sŋ̃
xĭng “see in the distance, Etymology “to see”
“become conscious, foresight” 2006 Starostin, G.
be aware” Skinner 273 2003 29
Wu, J. 774 C. Chadic-Bura C.Khoisan-
tixĭng sinda Hiechware
“remind” “to know” njin
Merriam-Webster Dict. of Bura “to think”
Chinese 148 Starostin, G.
2003 22
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.1a.3 N. Chinese-MSC xīng “become conscious, be aware, see the truth” xìn “believe, profess faith in”
< W. Chadic–Hausa shinà “to know” / Proto-AA *siniH- “know” / N.Khoisan- !O!Kung siŋ / sŋ
“to see” / Proto-N.Khoisan- *sŋ “to see”.
E.1a.4 TB-Tani-Apatani čin “know”
< C. Khoisan-Hiechware njin “to think”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *siniH- “know” ~ * siŋ “to see”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
E.1a.3
S. Chinese-Min chìn-khuâ “to consider, ponder over” Bodman 1987 v.2 133
N. Chinese-MSC xīnsi “thought, idea” Wu, J. 767
xìnxīn “confidence, faith” Wu, J. 770
Extended African/Afroasiatic language word family:
E.1a.1 Omotic-Majoid (Nao) sem- “to see” Ehret 1995 #219 159
E.1a.2
C. Chadic–Gaanda, Wamdiu sÌni “know” Stolbova, Olga C.Chadic Etymology
C. Chadic–Kotoko seŋ “know” Newman, P. 1977 28
N. Cushitic-Bedauye [Bedawi] shə’(a) “remember, think of” Skinner 228
E.1a.3
W. Chadic –Hausa sanì / shinà “knowledge” Newman, P. 2007 178, 186
“know something, become acquainted with, know someone” Newman / Ma 1979 106, 110
Skinner 228 Greenberg 1966 58
Proto-AA *-c’iin- “to observe” Ehret 1995 #559 294
Omotic- Gonga *č’i:n- “to observe” Ehret 1995 #559 294
C. Chadic-Mafa-Mada Group *tsin- v. “hear” Skinner 123
See also C.5a.3
C. Chadic-Gude, Njanye *zin “smell, perceive” Skinner 123
C. Chadic-Mandara Group *TsinaTsina “smell, hear” Skinner 228.
C. Chadic-Malywa čina “hear, smell” Militarev / Stolbova
NS- Kanuri shin “say, think, intend” v. Cyffer 1990 137 See also Notes E.28.2 and H.12.4.
447
256
Note- E.1b.2 (Beijing, Proto-AA) The Chinese root hsīn / tsin and its closely corresponding variants mean
“heart’ in Chinese and “liver” in Tibeto-Burman. The corresponding proto-Afro-Asiatic root E.1b.2 *hadzin
“heart, intestines” attests the initial h- of the Beijing form and the same semantics of “heart”. On an h- prefix for
body parts in Afro-Asiatic see Leslau, Wolf “A prefix h̟ in Egyptian, modern South Arabian and Hausa” Africa
v.32: 65-68. and Newman, P. 2000 228-229.
ŋ
The ultimate root is probably the Khoisan E.1b.1 *čhכí “liver”, but the proximate root for Chinese is more likely
to be the variant E.1b.2 Proto-AA *hadzin-.
448
257
Note- E.1b.4 (Beijing)
The Beijing xīn / syīn functions as a regular final syllable of cognitive/intentional compounds similar to the
following Cantonese saam of E.1c.1 (Cantonese, Tibetan.) The first morpheme of the compound is a noun, verb
or adjective which by itself does not necessarily have a cognitive / intentional denotation and the xīn element
converts it into a cognitive term. Although as a a noun xīn functions as an independent root meaning “heart, mind,
affections”, in these composite forms it is a bound root. Packard gives evidence to show that such bound roots
retain their original syntactic class, in this case that of noun. (Packard 50-53.) These can often be more directly
understood through the literal translation of the two morphemes rather than the English gloss which gives a more
standard English synonym. Hence the literal meanings of the following examples are:
zhōngxīn lit. center-heart, i.e. “core” DeFrancis 1060 Wu, J. 770 zhong “center, middle, interior”
nàixīn lit.enduring/bearing mind/heart, i.e.“patient” nai “be able to bear or endure” Wu, J. 493
pingxīn lit. heart leans on, i.e.“trust, believe” ping lean on, lean against” Wu, J. 525
pianxīn lit heart slanted or inclined to one side, i.e. “partiality, bias” pian “inclined to one side, slanting, leaning”
Wu, J. 517-518
sixīn lit. heart toward self, i.e.“selfish motives” si “personal, private” Wu, J. 648
Thus the bound form creates a semantic field in N. Chinese (Beijing) unified under the concept of mental
activity, though the governing root basically means “heart”.
449
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (MacIver) sim1 “heart” “mind” “conscience” ”moral nature, intention”
“idea, ambition, design” (Lau Chunfat) xim1 “intention, idea” “ambition, design”
tsim / sim1 “heart, mind, conscience, moral nature” Hakka Dict.
Old Chinese si̭əm “heart” Karlgren GSR 663a Benedict 184 Matisoff 2003 311
S. Chinese-Min sîm “heart, mind” Bodman 1987 v.2 90, 172 (Taiwanese) sîm “heart, mind”
Bodman 1983 13, 191 sín “spirit”
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.1b.1 NS-Kanuri cimrám “bile, gallbladder” Cyffer 1990 27
W. Chadic-S. Bauci group *njim “heart” Skinner 105
E.1b.2 NS-Songhay (Gao) jèŋgáà “rognon, rein, hanche” [kidney, lower back, hip] Ducroz 134
E. Cushitic-Kembata azi “inside” Skinner 105
E.1b.3 NS-Anywa [Anyuak] tɛɛk cwɪ̄ɲ “to be fearless” “courage” tɛɛk “strong” [lit. “strong liver”]
Reh 73, 94
E.1b.4 West Semitic-Ethiopian-Gurage (Endegen, Masqan) hin “heart” Leslau 1979 v.2 302-3
/
Swadesh #59 “know” W. Chadic - Proto-AA West Semitic-
E.1c.1 TB-Tibetan Hausa (Orel / Ethiopian-
bsammnó tsàmmààni Stolbova Gurage (Caha,
“thinking, wishing” “thinking” 1995) Ennemor,
sāmba “thoughts, ideas” Skinner 268 *c̟amon Gyeto)
Jaschke 592 Das 1317258 “thought, “think, ĉ’ämätä
TB-Proto-Kiranti thinking” know” / “reflect, think,
*sam “heart, soul, think” “expectation” *dzam- remember things
Starostin, S. Kiranti Newman, P. “think, of the past”
Etymology 2007 205 remember” Leslau 1979
S. Chinese-Yue C. Chadic- Skinner 268 v.3 182
(Cantonese) sám Dghwede West Semitic-
“to think of, to know” čama “know” Ethiopian-
Chik / Ng Lam 424, 429 Stolbova, Olga Gurage
“the mind, the conscience” C. Chadic c̟äm(m)äta
“intention, idea, ambition” Etymology “think, suppose,
sàm “the heart, the expect”
core” Chik / Ng Lam 140 Skinner 298
Kwan 218
E.1c.2 W. Chadic- Ron Proto-AA Semitic-Written C. Khoisan-
N. Chinese-MSC (Bokkos) (Orel/ Arabic |Kaise, Deti,
syâŋ (Y) “think” shánggî Stolbova z’anna Danisi
syâŋdàu “think of” “wissen, 1995) “to think, ʔjà�
syâŋsyàŋ erkennen” *saniH- believe” “[to] know”
“conceive” [to know, “know” Wehr 681 Starostin, G.
Chen 45, 411 to recognize] Skinner 228 W. Semitic- 2003 22
xiâng Jungraithmayr Ethiopian-
“think” “suppose, 1970 146 Gurage
consider” Wu, J. 755 ašyänä
“recognize”
Skinner 228
258
Note- E.1c.1 (Chadic, Tibetan) The Tibetan samm- can be explained as first radical + m- of the geminated
m- of the Hausa tsàmmààni morpheme. “All consonants can be geminates in Hausa, but only when in medial
position”. Newman, P. 2000 397). Note also the gemination of the medial -m- in the Semitic attestations of the
root in E.1d.1 below.
450
259
Note- E.1c.3 (TB-Burmese) Benedict. and Matisoff consider the Burmese ʔəsâñ “liver” to be a reflex of
Proto-TB m-sin “liver” Benedict 55, Matisoff 2003 296-7. The African evidence of the E.1b.1 (including
Extended) forms confirms the dominance of the čiŋ / cin / cim root variant.
260
Note- E.1d.1 (Chadic, Arabic) Phonetically the root indicates a relationship to the preceding E.1c.1 root sám
“to think, to know, to be aware”, and the E.1c.3 Proto-AA Extended (Orel/Stolbova) *saniH- “know”.
This table, however, gives evidence of an early development of a separate root meaning “ear” as attested in the
Extended Chadic, Berber and Nilo-Saharan forms sam / sem / sə́m “ear” “hear”. These link this form also to the
C.5a-b forms for “nose” and “smell”; thus it also has close correspondence to these two word families whose
primary reference is to perception through the sense organs. Chadic languages do not always use different
morphemes for the different senses. (See C.5a.3 Extended, e.g. Chasdic “hear, smell”. Also the senses of hearing,
451
E.1d.2 C. Chadic-Matakam
N. Chinese –MSC atsəna
ts’ung (WG) “to hear”
“the hearing” C. Chadic-Kilba
“to listen” ci’ūn
Mathews “smell”
#6916 1019 C. Chadic-Fali
TB-Tibetan zun-
suŋsu ru̱ŋwa “smell”
“objects that can Skinner 123
be seen, touched,
smelled, heard and
tasted”
Goldstein 971
See also C.5b.2
Extended African/AA language word family:
E1d.1
W. (Ethiopian) Semitic-Amharic sammä “hear, listen, take heed, understand (a language)”
Leslau 1976 49
C. Chadic--Matakam sam “ear” Greenberg 1966 55
E. Chadic-Kabalai sàmí “ear” Stolbova, Olga E. Chadic Etymology 2006
Proto-Chadic (Newman) *s̟əmi “ear” Ehret 1995 #219 159
Semitic-Arabic sami ʕa “to hear” Greenberg 1966 55
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) tsamma “to listen in, eavesdrop” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 225
Semitic- Hebrew shama’ v. “heard” Baltsan 385
Egyptian smt “hear, listen” Skinner 231
Berber-Ghadamsi isem “ear” Skinner 231
E1d.2
C. Chadic-Mulwi šúm “ear” Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic Etymology
Nilo-Saharan-Kanuri səכmobangin “pay attention, listen” sə́mo “ear” Cyffer 1990 158
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
E.1d.1
IE-Sanskrit samAkarN “to give ear to, listen to, hear” karN “ear” [compound of this root and that of
C.34.1] samAkarNitaka “any gesture which expresses the act of listening”
samupazru “to listen to anything, hear, hear or perceive anyone” Cologne Lexicon. See also
Supplementary Table 2 E.1d.1
Kartvelian-Georgian sem- “to hear” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology
Kartvelian-Svan səm- / sim- “to hear” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology
IE-Pashto sāmi “a hearer” sāmiɶān “the sense of hearing, the power to hear” Raverty 573
IE-E. Iranian-Avestan gaoshem “ear” Peterson, J. 1995
E.1d.2 I
E-Hindi sunnā “hear” vt. sunanā “hear” vt. Scudiere 74, 339
Bengali shona “hear, listen” Thompson 77
↓↓
smell and touch are included in the semantics of E.4d.1 W. Chadic-Hausa ji vt. “hear” “understand” “listen”
“feel, taste, smell”
Therefore the san / sam attestations in this table with semantics of “hear” can be considered to be additional
reflexes of the C.5a.4 Proto-AA *san “smell”. A more accurate English gloss could be “perceive” or “sense” v.
which is a meaning of the C.5a.2 (Extended) C. Chadic-Gude-Njanye.
452
TB-Kiranti-Limbu tεmma “agree, concur, believe, consent” van Driem 1987 522
E.2a.2
TB-Ao Naga təmaŋ < teamaŋ “faith” Benedict 114
TB-Tibetan tuùmöö “wish, desire” Goldstein 496
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.2a.1
NC- Fulfulde [Fulani] tamma “think, suppose; used sometimes to express the future” Taylor 188
NS-Songhay (Gao) tàmàháà “croire que…, esperer que…, penser que… ” [believe that, hope that,
think that] Ducroz 217
E. Chadic-Lele tam “supposer, imaginer” Skinner 268
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) tعämàd “to intend, to do on purpose” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 322
W. Chadic-Gwandara (Cancara) tabata “think” Matsushita 1974 #531 118
NS- Kanuri tanggîn “remember, recall, think about” Cyffer 1990 170
Semitic-Arabic (Yemeni) ta’ammal “to hope” ‘amal “hope” Qafisheh 17
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi)
tmanna “to wish” “root = m-n-n” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 446
t’ammaqqu“ عhope, expectation” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 1 65
E.2a.2
Semitic-Written Arabic t’ami’a “to covet, desire, wish, crave, strive” Wehr 666
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Gurage
(Ennemor) tämeňaat “desire”
(Endegen) tämannaad,
(Eža) tämwennat,
(Muher) (tä)männam, /
(Soddo) (tä)minna-m, (Gyeto) tämänat ,
(Selti) tämenat,
(Čaha) tämäňňat “desire”.Leslau 1979 v.2 176
NC-Swahili tùumâini “hope, trust” “to expect, to trust” Awde 2000 237
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic tämäňňä “desire, wish, be desirous of, covet, aspire to”
Leslau 1976 32
NS- Kanuri ideo. dám “emphasizes knowledge, awareness” Cyffer 1990 30
támà “penser” Zima 161 [probably a loan from Arabic] “expectation”
W. Chadic–Hausa tammani “thought, thinking” Newman, P. 2007 196
NC- Swahili tamani “yearn, desire, strive” < Arabic? Rechenbach 507
NS- Kanuri támtam “appeal, attractiveness, interest” támtamma “appealing, attractive, interesting,
enjoyable” Cyffer 1990 169
təmâŋin “think, hope, expect” Lukas 1937 245
təmângin “hope, think, believe” < Arabic Cyffer 1990 173
West (Ethiopian) Semitic–Tigre təmänna “wish”261 Leslau 1963 108
W. Chadic–Ngizim tùumân “thought, hope, expectation” Schuh 164
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic tammaňň “loyal, honest, faithful, trustworthy, dependable,
devoted, reliable” Leslau 1976 101 amännä “have faith” Leslau 1967 342
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
E.2a.1
IE-Sanskrit tam “to desire” tama “most desired”
tamata “desirous of” Cologne Lexicon. See also Supplementary Table 2 E.2a.1-3
↓↓
261
Note E.2a.1-2 The contrast between the E.2a.1-2 tamman- / tammun- sets and the maŋ / məň- of
E.2b.1-2 appears to be due to derivation from different sources, i.e. NC for E.2a.1-2 and Khoisan or Kordofanian
for E.2b.1.
454
262
Note- E.3d.1 (Tibetan, Hausa) “domin / don ‘in order that,’ ‘so that’ plus a clause in the subjunctive.”
“Instead of using a subjunctive clause, it is possible to express ‘purpose’ by means of a phrase consisting of don
plus a dynamic noun (which includes verbal nouns). Note that one usually uses don rather than the full form
domin.” Newman, P. 2000 506-507
Hausa examples are: Sun shiga don màganàa.“They entered in order to talk”.
Yaa hau bishiya don hàngen neesa. “He climbed the tree to look in the distance. (lit. he climbed the tree in
order to look afar”. Newman, P. 2000 506-507
Tibetan examples of usage to express purpose are: zas nór-gyi dón-du ‘tshoŋ-ba.“to sell food for money”.
nór “money”, ‘tshoŋ –ba “sell” ;
‘gro(-bai) don byed-pa “to work for the welfare of all beings”. ‘gro “a being, a living creature”
byed-pa “to work, to do” Jaschke 259
459
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
E.4a-d AA – Chadic AA –Cush. AA—Sem. NS Khoisan
Swadesh “to see” W. Chadic- E. Cushitic- C. Khoisan-
Swadesh “to know” Hausa Somali Nama
E.4a.1 ganī “see” -qiin / - ǂan
TB-E. Kiranti-Rodong “look at, watch” qaan- “know”
khan “see, look, know” “(in continuous) “know” Starostin,
Starostin, S. Sino- see that, Sasse 25 G. 2003 22
Tibetan Etymology recognize” N. Cushitic-
N. Chinese-MSC ganèe vg.4 Beja
kàn “see, look at, (completive) [Bedauye]
watch, read” [lit.see kān
“think, consider” completely] “kennen,
kàntòu “understand “understand wissen”
thoroughly”, realize” [know]
Wu, J. 383, 384 Newman, P. Reinisch 142
2000 69
E.4a.2 Old Chinese Semitic- C. Khoisan-
kian “see” Ge’ez, !Khora
Karlgren GSR Arabic (!Ora)
#241a-d h’anaka ǂ’á�
Matisoff 2003 311 “understand, “know”
N. Chinese-MSC perceive” Ehret 1982
k’àn (WG) “see” Skinner 105 [174]
Mathews #3255 489 Starostin, G
“to spy, to watch” 2003 22
Mathews #3260 489
E.4a.3 N. Khoisan-
N. Chinese-MSC ǂHaba
xiang ǂkʔâŋ
“think” “[to] know”
Wu, J. 755 Starostin,
G. 2003 22
E.4a.4 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- E. Cushitic- C. Khoisan-
mkhyen-pa kyēn Gwandara Gedeo Proto-!Wi
“to know, geni ege’n *ǂʔεn
also knowledge” “to see, seeing” “know” “[to]
“understand” “to think” ege’na know”
Das 184 Goldstein 156 Matsushita #4 “knowledge” Starostin,
Old Chinese 1972 43 Hudson 239 G. 2003 22
kien “see”
Karlgren GSR #78
van Driem 1977 475
E.4a.5 S.Khoisan-
TB-Tani-Padam |Kham
ken “know” *ǂen
Matisoff 2003 291 “know”
Ruhlen 1994
#347 56
460
E.4a.6 W. Chadic-
S. Chinese-Min Hausa
gan2 n. “eye” ganī m.
v. “look, glance” “sight”
Hakka Dict. Newman, R.
gán-bók 1990 245
“eyes” “seeing,
Amoy-English looking”
Dict. 189 Newman, P.
2007 69
E.4a.7 W. Chadic - Sungor
S. Chinese-Kejia Angas go:n
[Hakka] kon5 goŋ “to see”
“see, look at, observe, “look ” Green
watch, read” “examine, Skinner 77 -berg
consider” 1966
Hakka Dict. 104
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.4a.1 N. Chinese-MSC kàn “see, look at, watch, read” “think, consider” “observe”
< W. Chadic-Hausa ganī “see”, ganèe v4 “see (understand)” / W. Chadic–Lele ganri “look”
E.4a.4 TB-Tibetan *m-kyen “know” / Old Chinese kien “see”
< E. Cushitic-Gedeo ege’n “know” / C. Khoisan-Proto-!Wi *ǂʔεn “[to] know”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *gan- ~ *ǂʔεn “to see, to know, to understand”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
E.4a.1
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] kan5 / kan1 “see, look at, observe, watch, read” examine, consider” “think”
Hakka Dict.
N. Chinese-MSC ganzhī “perception” Packard 61 [lit. “feeling-knowledge”]
[compound of this root and that of E.4d.1 ]
TB-Kiranti-Yamphu kaŋma “see, look, know” Starostin, S. Yamphu Dict.
TB- Dimasa khana “hear” Benedict 113
S. Chinese-Min gan-lek “eyesight, vision” Amoy English Dict.189
E.4a.4 Proto-TB *m-kyen “know” Matisoff 2003 311
Middle Chinese kenH “to see” Sagart 1999 75
E.4a.6 S. Chinese-Min ngaahngwōhng “vision (power of seeing” Kwan 561
“foresight” Po-fei Huang 426
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) ngaahn “the eye” Chik / Ng Lam 319
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (MacIver, Lau Chunfat ) ngan3 “the eye” “look, glance” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gám “to feel, to perceive” “feeling, sensation, emotion”
Chik / Ng Lam 153
E. 4a.7 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gùn / gun “to see, to observe, to view” Chik / Ng Lam 416
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.4a.1 W. Chadic-Bole gān “understand” Skinner 77
W. Chadi–Gwandara gani “to see” Matsushita 1972 42
E. Chadic-Lele gangri “regarder” [look at] Skinner 77
Proto-Cushitic (Ehret) *ɣaa’hn “know, understand” Skinner 77
Semitic- Amharic tägänäzzäbä “remember, recall, realize, perceive, be aware, note (make an
observation), conclude” Leslau 1976 214.
W. Chadic- Hausa (dà) ganīn cêwā “(on) seeing (that)” Newman, R. 1990 238
E.4a.2 W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic qaňňä v. “glance about, reconnoiter” Leslau 1976 79
q = glottalized velar Leslau 1976 xiii
461
263
Note-E.4b.1 (E. Cushitic-Burji) Sasse states that the institution of a High-priest-cum-King in the Burji culture is
apparently borrowed from Omotic-speaking peoples. The institution of the sacred chiefship emerged clearly during
the first millenium BCE, but there were clearly many centuries of prior evolution of this kind of institution. “In the
old Omotic henotheism, the hereditary clan head was a priestly figure, responsible for making the annual livestock
sacrifices to the society’s or clan’s deity, and at the same time an especially sacred person because of these duties.”
By 1000 BCE this priestly role among Omotic peoples had evolved into a chiefship able to make political as well as
spiritual claims to the community’s allegiance. The new ideology soon spread to several of the Highland East
Cushitic communities” (Ehret 2002 216-217, 296, 298). Ehret calls this structure “Sudanic sacral kingship”. (Ehret
2001 240-241). The above evidence indicates that the origins of institutional religious kingship lie in the oldest
branches of the Afro-Asiatic language families, i.e.Cushitic and Omotic. It also points to its existence in the
Semitic and Egyptian civilizations.
Under the Shang dynasty in China the king was not only a supreme political ruler, but also the highest priest,
commanding the religious power of all sacrifices and rituals” Yun-yi, Ho 296. See also notes B.35.2.and E.4c.2-3
following. The existence of the root in Altaic-Mongolian does not seem to indicate any more than a secular role of
leadership for the khan in Northeast Asian Altaic-speaking cutltures.
Under this root entry Sasse also cites Burji mugáanga as a loan from Swahili.The meaning of the root in many
Niger-Congo-Bantu languages is also “magician, wizard”, but as in Swahili the function of “doctor, healer” is
more prominent. On the social role of the mugáanga in much of sub-Saharan Africa see Herbert 33+.
See also note D.27b .1 (Tibetan, AA and NS-Tubu)
264
Note E.4b.1 (E.Cushitic) The base form is gan / khan “to know” (E.4a.1 Proto-Cushitic (Ehret).
462
In Burji the stem is ak’an-. In the middle voice this becomes ak’an-d’- ~ ak’an- ’- “learn”, and the causative
form is ak’an-s- “teach” Sasse 1982 25. Hence since -s is a postposed causative affix, the literal meaning is
“cause to know” On m- of mkan see note D.5b.4 (Tibetan m- prefix) and Chapter 10 section 10.3.4.
265
E.4b.1 (Hebrew). In contemporatry Judaism any Jewish man with a surname such as Kohen, Kohn, Cohen,
Cohn, Kahan, Kahane, Kogan or Kagan is considered to be a decendent of “the ancient biblical caste of priests of
the Temple in Jerusalem”. Baltsan 185 As can be seen in the E.4b.1 Amharic and Aramaic citations the root also
refers to priests among Christians who speak a Semitic language. In Arabic the root refers to Jewish or Christian
priests but not Islamic religious leaders since Mohammed explicitly declared that “there shall be no monks in
Islam” (Information from Said Hamdun, professor of Islamic studies, Makerere University, Uganda). .
463
E.4b.1
Altaic-TurkicTurkish kǎhin “soothsayer, seer, oracle” kaqan “Khan, ruler” Tureng 702
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *K(i) aŋ “head of clan” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
IE-Sanskrit SKandha “a sage, a teacher” “a king, a prince”
gaNadIkSin “one who officiates for a number of persons or for a corporation (as a priest)”266
kaNDa “teaching, learning” gaNin “a teacher” gaNacArya “teacher common to all”
gaNaka “a calculator of nativities, astrologer” Cologne Lexicon.
See also Supplementary Table 2 E.4b.3
/
Swadesh C. Chadic- E. Cushitic- Semitic- NS-
“to know” Dghwede Somali Arabic Longarim
E.4c.1 ngínè “see” -qiin / -qaan- (Yemeni) gini
S. Chinese-Kejia W. Chadic- Tambas “know” ginic “to see”
[Hakka] (MacIver) ngin5 à gììní “you see” Sasse 25 “to be or Greenberg
3
(Meixian) ngin Jungraithmayr 1994 N. Cushitic-Beja become 1966104
(Lau Chunfat) ngin6 v. 2 285 [Bedawi] convinced,
“recognize, know, W. Chadic- gin’i persuaded”
understand” Gwandara “verständig” Qafisheh
Hakka Dict. gin “to see, seeing” [intelligent, 501
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) “to think” sensible,
gin “to see, to understand” Matsushita #4 prudent]
Chik / Ng Lam 415 1972 43 Skinner 77
Old Chinese
*kinh “to see”
*ginh “to be seen”
Norman 85
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.4c.1
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gin “to see, to perceive, to understand” “see (meet and talk)” /
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] ngin5 “recognize, know, understand”
< C. Chadic- Dghwede ngínè “see”
Approximate Sinitic etymon *gini “to see”
266
Note- E.4b.1-2 (Sanskrit Extended) The close phonetic and semantic Sanskrit correspondences with the
Cushitic / Semitic root meaning “king, teacher” suggest a possible relationship of the Indus civilization with that
of Mesopotamia and East Africa. One of the main interpreters of the Indus civilization’s culture was Mortimer
Wheeler. He considered the main building of Harappa to be a temple. From this he inferred that the Indus
culture’s social organization was much like that of Sumeria. “In Sumer the wealth and discipline of the city
state were vested in the chief deity, i.e. in the priesthood or a Priest-King.The civic focus was the exalted temple,
centre of an elaborate and carefully ordered secular administration under divine sanction”. “It can no longer be
doubted that, whatever the source of their authority---and a dominant religious element may be fairly assumed---
the lords of Harappa administered their city in a fashion not remote from that of the priest kings of Sumer and
Akkad. In other words, the social structure conformed in principle with that of the other great riverine
civilizations of the day.” Wheeler, M. “Harappa, 1946.The defenses and cemetery”. Ancient India v. 3:76. Cited
by Possehl 18.
Wheeler may or may not have had knowledge of the Sanskrit kaN “priest, king and teacher” root and its
Cushitic, Semitic,Tibetan and Sanskrit attestations. His proposal of a sacral kingship in Harappa appears to
have been based on archaeology alone.
Possehl comments that it is not known what kind of architecture was on the summit of the AB mound at Harappa,
but “the Mound of the Great Bath at Mohenjo-Daro seems to have been a place of ritual”. Possehl 19. (See also
the ST Language for aristocracy and kingship found in Note D.5b.1 gwàn and set D.28.1.)
464
E.5a.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) hóu / hou “to love, to like to, to be fond of” “to be addicted to”
“what one likes or prefers” Chik / Ng Lam 91
E.5a.3 N. Chinese-MSC chyóu “pray (beg) Chen 295 chiâo (WG) “to desire” “to pray for
blessings” Mathews #686b 93
Chinese-Cantonese yáuh “a friend, friendly relationship” “to befriend” Chik / Ng Lam 49
Chinese-MSC ch’iú (WG) “to implore, to beseech, to seek after” Mathews #1217 175
qiú “beg, request, entreat, beseech” Wu, J.558
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (Meixian, Dongguan etc.) k’iu2 “solicit, ask for” “seek” “demand, request,
beseech” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Min kiu5 “solicit, ask for” “seek” “demand, request, beseech” Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.5a.1
C. Khoisan-Nama ǂgao “want” Ruhlen 1994 #608 67
Anywa [Anuak] kwac kwʌכò detransitivized “to ask for, to beg for something” Reh 40
W. Chadic-Hausa k’àwàncē “camaraderie” Newman, R. 1990 34 k’àwa f. “a girl’s female friend”
“ally (political)” Newman, P. 2007 129
NS-Kanuri kəráwó “love” Hutchison 78 Cyffer 1990 93
C. Khoisan- ‖kh’au-‖’e , N. Khoisan-!Kung k’aru “seek” Ruhlen 1994 #488 62
Semitic- Hebrew khaver “friend, pal, comrade” “boyfriend, girl friend” Baltsan 202
Egyptian khebar “to be associated with, to be a friend, neighbor or ally” Budge v.1 539
E. Cushitic-Oromo kaddu “questuare, chiedere, pregare, supplicare, mendicare”[to beg, to ask for,
to request, to pray, to beg for alms] Borello 222
E.5a.2 E. Cushitic- Oromo hawa “covet” Foot 27
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Harari h’arara “craving” Leslau 1983 86
E.5a.3 Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) šawwaq “to fill with longing, desire” Dict. Of Iraqi Arabic
part 2 253
Semitic- Aramaic sawwi “desiring” Comprehensive Aramaic Lexicon
Written Arabic jawan “ardent love, passion” jawiyya “to be passionately stirred by love or grief”
Wehr 177
Semitic-Akkadian hašahu “desire, like” Leslau 1963 173 part 2 253
E.5a.4 Semitic-Written Arabic xawa “to be empty, to be hungry” Wehr 307
ʒawʕa:nun (IPA) “hungry”Merriam—Webster Arabic 72
C. Chadic-Mada ŋgov “like” Skinner 169
W. Chadic- Hausa kwàd’àyi “yearning, craving, greed” Newman, P. 2007 120 “keen desire, greed”
Kraft 352
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic gwaggwa “desire, be anxious, be eager, wish strongly, long, yearn,
crave affection, hunger (for love)” Leslau 1976 220 gwàmmà “rather, it would be better if”
gwàmmàca “be preferable” vi. Newman / Ma 1979 47 “it behooves one” Newman, P. 2007 79
NS- Anywa kwàc vt. “to ask for something, to beg for something” kwʌכò detransitivized”
gwε̌l a̅-kwáa-� “She asked for money” Reh 40
E.5a.5
Semitic-Harsusi gewē c / goc “hunger, famine” Skinner 292
W. Chadic-Hausa k’àwà-zuci “greed” Newman, R. 2000 112 yi k’āwàa / k’waawàa “crave”
(pejorative) Newman, R. 1990 55
Semitic-Hebrew gava’ “starved, was dying of hunger” Baltsan 114
See also C.38a.1 (Cushitic-Sidamo).
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
E.5a.1 Hmong-Mien-White Hmong khav “to covet, to seek after” Heimbach 93
E.5a.3 IE-Bengali caowa “want, desire, look at” vb. Thompson 48, 133
E.5a.4 Kartvelian-Georgian qvar- “to love” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 46
Proto-Kartvelian *qwar- “to love” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 46
468
/
E.5b.1 TB-Tibetan C. Chadic- Semitic- NS-Songhay S. Khoisan-
rŋáb-pa Gude Arabic (Gao) ngáaréy |Khakhea
“to desire earnestly, nga’a jarɣabu “demander, ‖k’aba
to crave” “want, “desire” supplier, “to be hungry”
Jaschke 134 desire, like” v. mendier, prier, C. Khoisan- Naron
“to be hungry” Skinner 169 Merriam- implorer” ‖kαba
“to have a craving appetite” Webster [ask for, “hunger, to be
Das 368 [Disyllabic Arabic 42 supplicate, beg hungry”
corresp.] for, implore] C. Khoisan- Tati
Proto-Lolo-Burmese “prière, demande, ‖kaba
m-ga “want, think, love” supplication” “hunger”
Matisoff 2003 163 Ducroz 190 Ruhlen #327 55
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.5b.1 TB-Tibetan rŋáb-pa “to desire earnestly, to crave” / Proto-Lolo-Burmese m-ga “want,
think, love” < W. C. Chadic- Gude nga’a “want, desire, like” / Khoisan-ǀKhakhea ‖k’aba
“to be hungry”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etyma *nga’a “want, desire, like” ~ *k’aba / ngaba “to be
hungry”
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.5b.1
Semitic-Written Arabic xawa “to be empty, to be hungry” Wehr 307
C. Chadic-Padoko; E. Chadic-Lele ngwá “aimer, vouloir” Skinner 169
Egyptian ukha “to seek, to enquire for” Budge v.1 179
Semitic- Arabic (Iraqi) gadda “to beg” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 385
/
E.5c.1 TB-Kiranti-Limbu C. Chadic- Logone Semitic- Hebrew
kamma “develop an attachment (u)gəm kama̱h v. past
“to be or become dependent on” “wollen, lieben” “longed”
van Driem 1987 252 [to want, desire, Baltsan 163
[Disyllabic corresp.] wish, love] khamo̱o̱d
TB-Tibetan skam-pa / rkam-pa C. Chadic- Daba “coveted,
“long for” Jaschke 20 ngəm desirable”
ŋam “to desire, to want, “friend” khamdanoot n.
to hunger, to thirst for” Skinner 169 “greed,
Goldstein 318 lustfulness”
gamöö “liking” Goldstein 218 Baltsan 196, 598
E.5c.2 W. Chadic-Hausa E. Cushitic-
N. Chinese-MSC / Beijing k’ànwa n. Oromo
qiân “(of love between man and “desire, love” qanani
woman) deeply attached to each Skinner 169 vn. and adj.
other” Wu, J. 544 k’àuna “love” “amato,
xiângsi “yearning between lovers” Awde 1996 98 diletto,
Wu, J 753 [pronunciation prediletto”
xiângnian vt. “long for, think of, k’yàuna / [beloved,
miss” Wang, F. 497 k’yanwa] darling,
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) See Note A.33.1] dearest]
chàungoi “love and cherish” W. Chadic-N. Borello 335
Chen 208 Bauci-Kariya, Miya
chàn / chan “to love” gyam “friend”
“intimate” Chik / Ng Lam 415 Skinner 169.
469
Proto-Lolo-Burmese
kyâŋ “intimate friend”
Matisoff 2003 265
See also E.1c.2
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.5c.2 N. Chinese-MSC qiân “(of love between man and woman) deeply attached to each other”
< W. Chadic – Hausa k’yànwa n. “desire, love”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *k’an- “to desire, to love”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
E.5c.1 TB-Tibetan rŋam-pa “to pant for, to desire ardently” Jaschke 134 Das 368
gam-pa “to desire, want, lust for” gamjaa “desire, lust” “stinginess” Goldstein 40 rkam-pa “of
passionate desire” Das 75 gamgεn “greedy, avaricious, gluttonous” Goldstein 237
Chinese-MSC gân “affection, attachment, love” Wu, J. 220 kànshang “take a fancy to”
Wu, J. 384 “favor” DeFrancis 501
E.5c.2 Written Burmese ʔəkyâŋ “one who is connected with another” Matisoff 2003 265
S. Chinese-Min (Taiwanese) khiām “to need, to lack” Bodman 1983172
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.5c.1
NS-Anywa [Anuak] kāammā “fifth sequence (long) in a dancing event (love dance): women ask men
for a dance [unmarried women often ask a relative of their secret love]” Reh 61
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic gwämäğğä “desire eagerly, crave, have an appetite for”
Leslau 1976 206
E. Cushitic-Oromo hamilu “bramare, desiderare” [to desire, to long for] Borello 199
E. Chadic-Lele kuma “désirer” [desire] Skinner 169
Middle Chinese khomX “to covet” Sagart 1999 14
E.5c.2
Semitic-Arabic (Yemeni) h’ann “to long, to yearn, be anxious for”
h’annaan “affection, sympathy, tenderness” Qafisheh 146
Written Arabic h’anna “to long, yearn” “crave” “to feel tenderness, affection” Wehr 244 ;
(Iraqi) ’حann “to long, to yearn, be anxious” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 121
NS-Songhay (Gao) káàn “être agréable aux sens et au coeur, être doux, être aiguise” [be pleasing to
the senses and the heart, be sweet, be stimulating to the appetite] Ducroz 141
W. Chadic-Hausa k’àunā f. “affection, love” yi k’àuna v. “cherish” k’àunatàa vt. “love”
Newman, R. 1990 40, 159 k’àunatàa “beg, plead” vt. Newman / Ma 1979 75
NS-Anywa [Anuak] cóoŋ “longing (for something)” Reh 16
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
E.5c.1
South Daic-Lao kwam3 hak2 v. “love (feeling)” Marcus 56
IE-Sanskrit kam “to love, be in love with” “wish, desire, long for”
kama “wish, desire, longing” kamavat “being in love, enamoured, wanton” kamana “lustful,
sensual, lascivious” Cologne Lexicon
IE-E. Iranian-Avestan kam “to love, to be in love with” Peterson, J. 1995
E. 5c.2 IE-Sanskrit kan “to strive after, seek, wish” kanta “desired, loved, dear, pleasing, agreeable,
lovely, beautiful” m. “anyone beloved, lover, husband” “wish, desire, long for” kantu “love, the god
of love” Cologne Lexicon
South Daic-Lao ngaan5 v. “crave” Marcus 56
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian kan / Mongolian-Kalka xa� / -Mongolian-Buriat xani “friend, mate”
-Mongolian-Kalmuck xa�i, xa� “friend, mate” / -Mongolian-Ordos xani “friend, mate”
-Mongolian-Dagur x�” , xani “friend, mate” Starostin, Sergei Mongolian Etymology
IE-Hindi cāhanā “want” “desire” vt. Scudiere 44, 237
IE-E. Iranian-Avestan kan “to desire, prefer, select” cakana “to love” Peterson, J. 1995
470
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
E.6 AA– Chadic AA –Cushitic AA-Semitic NS NC
E.6.1 W. Chadic-Sura N. Cushitic- Semitic-Arabic Daza
TB- Burmese šār “Freund, Bedauye (Iraqi) sardo
tsa Genosse” [Bedawi] ts’adaq “ami”
“have tender [friend, sharik “to be or become [friend]
regard for one companion] “freund, mutual friends” Jourdan 32
another” Skinner 269 Kamerad” Dict. of Iraqi
Benedict 28, C. Chadic- Bura Reinisch 217 Arabic
200, 216 sha / tsha part 2 261
“love, affection”
Dict. of Bura
E.6.2 W. Chadic- C. Cushitic- Semitic- Kanuri
TB-Tibetan Hausa Bilin Ethiopian- sáwàngin
mdsah’-wa sha’awa c’arā Amharic “become a
“to love” “liking, “Genosse, sha’awa friend
mdsa-wo wanting” “desire Kamerad, “liking” (Arabic)”
“love, husband, for women” Nebenmann” Semitic-Arabic Cyffer
friend” Newman, P. [companion, (Yemeni) 1990 155
Das 1049 2007 182 comrade, ] s’aah’ab sáwà
[Disyllabic (Kano) sawō Skinner 269 “to be or become “friend”
corresp.] Matsushita 1993 a friend of Hutchison
300 someone” 1981109
Qafisheh 362
E.6.3 C. Chadic- Egyptian NC-
TB-Tibetan Bura shagig Fulfulde
cāgshen dzakwabta “to delight in, (Fulani)
“attachment, “to disturb, to desire” sago
desire” excite in the Budge v.2 729 “desire”
Goldstein 353 sense of extreme Taylor 163
desire”
Dict. of Bura
E.6.4 TB- C. Cushitic- West Semitic-
Tibetan Bilin Ethiopian-Gurage
camba “love, šām (Čaha, Eža, Gogot)
compassion” “Liebe, šä-m “desire”
camden Zuneigung” Leslau v.2
“dear, beloved” [love, liking, 176-177267
Goldstein 733 affection]
Skinner 234
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.6.1 Proto-Tibeto-Burman *m-dza “to love”
< W. Semitic-Arabic ts’aadaq “to be or become mutual friends”
E.6.2 TB-Tibetan mdsah’-wa “to be amicable, to love”
< W. Chadic-Hausa sha’awa “liking, wanting” “desire for women”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etyma *tșaa- “to love (as friends do), to be a friend to (someone)”
~ sha’awa “liking, wanting” “desire for women”
267
Note- E.6.4 (Semitic) In these Čaha, Eža, Gogot, Soddo dialects of Semitic-Gurage this is an alternative form
along with the tam- root also meaning “desire” found in E.2a.2 above.
471
E.7b.4 E. NC-
S. Chinese-Yue Cushitic- Fulfulde
(Cantonese) Oromo [Fulani]
gáau garawu wauna
“handsome, adj. gaunidum
attractive, “buono, “be
charming” benigno,” beautiful,
Chik / Ng Lam 15 [good, handsome”
benign] Taylor 210
Borello
170
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.7b.1-2 S. Chinese-Min kiau1 / S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] giau1 “tender, delicate, beautiful,
lovely” / N. Chinese-MSC ch’iào / ts’iào “handsome, beautiful”
< E.7b.2 W. Chadic – Gwandara kyawu / cawu “good, kind, handsome” “goodness, beauty”
Approximate Sinitic etyma *kyawu / cawu “good, kind, handsome” “goodness, beauty”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
E.7b.2
N. Chinese-MSC jjiāo / jiăo “handsome, beautiful-looking” Wu, J. 339, 340 “tender, lovely
charming” ; jiâomei “coquettish, sweet and charming” Wu, J. 339 ;
ch’iāo “beautiful, graceful” Mathews 93 #690 chiâo “handsome” Mathews #703 96
qiâo “pretty, smart, handsome” Wu, J. 548
E.7b.3
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (Kuangdong, Meixian, Donguan etc.) ziau1 “tender, delicate, beautiful,
lovely” Hakka Dict.
E.7b.4 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gáau “handsome, pretty, good-looking” Chik / Ng Lam 95 ;
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.7b.1
W. Chadic- Hausa dà kyâu “all right, fine, very well” Newman, P. 2007 124
kyâuta “gift, do a kindness” Skinner 164 ;
kyàkyāwā adj. kyāwàawā pl. “beautiful, handsome” Newman, P. 2007 123 Kraft 352
mài kyâu “beautiful” “good (of quality, beauty)” Newman, R.1990 21,110
W. Chadic–Gwandara
kyawu / cawu “good, kind, handsome” “goodness, beauty” Skinner 164
Proto-Afro-Asiatic *ɧywar- / / *ɧ-yar- “be good” Militarev, A. Afro-Asiatic Etymology 2007
E. Cushitic- Borana kayoma “grazia, fortuna, dono” Skinner 164
E.7b.2
W. Chadic – Hausa k’āyatar / k’āwatar (dà) “make something look good” “please”
Newman, R. 1990 110, 201
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic t’əru “good, nice, fine (weather), clear (water), perfect (condition)
t’ərunnat “virtue, (good quality), excellence, goodness” Leslau 1976 226
E.7b.3 E. Cushitic-Oromo cawu “essere urbano” [be polite] c’owu vi. “essere urbano, garbato,
gentile, nobile, dabbene” [to be polite, graceful, gentle, noble, upright” Borello 81 /c’/ = /ʧ’/
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic ĉ’awa “person of good breeding” “urbane, well-bred” “behaved,
well-mannered, gallant, gentleman” Leslau 1976 240-241 ĉ’awannat “politeness, civility, decency,
good-breeding” Leslau 1976 240-241 čar / čər “good, generous” čārənat “bounty, kindness”
čərota “charity, philanthropy, beneficence” Leslau 1976 109
NS-Kanuri sháuwà “beautiful” Lukas 1937 29, 241
E.7b.4 E. Cushitic-Oromo garrumma n. “bontà, cortesia, amabilità, gentilezza, benignità”.
[goodness, kindness, gentleness, mildness”] gari “buono, virtuoso” [good, virtuous] Borello 169-170
W. Chadic- Hausa kārama f. “generosity, kindly disposition” “generous” Newman, P. 2007 108-109
475
268
Note- E.7c.1 (Chadic-Hausa) The E.7c.1 Hausa morpheme gyàaru “be repaired” is a grade 7 verb.
“Grade 7 which is strictly an intransitive (or sociative) grade, denotes that the subject of the verb has sustained or is
capable of sustaining some action. In many cases it thus corresponds to the English passive. There is usually an
accompanying connotation that the action was done thoroughly” Newman, P. 2000 665. It is also called a
sustentative. Newman’s example for gyàaru is “motar ta gyaru”. He translates this as “The car was well
repaired”, an emphasis on the quality of the repairs. Hence the Hausa grade 7 syntax generates the semantics of
“being better than (before)”, which are found in the Chinese morphemes. See also E.13e.4, H.39a.3 and Chapter
10 section 10.2.0 on the grade 7 sustentative, passive..
476
S. Chinese-Min kàu “compare, to correct, proofread, revise (books etc.) Amoy-English Dict.360
E.7c.2 TB-Tibetan 0 gyarjöö “altering, modifying again, remodeling, revision” Goldstein 86
N. Chinese-MSC chāo “exceed, surpass, overtake” Wu, J. 78
E.7c.3 N. Chinese-MSC bîjyâu “compare” chāoguò “surpass, exceed” Wang, F. 60
bi gao-di “to compare so as to see who is better” De Francis 49 E.7c.5
Chen 43 [Disyllabic corresp.]
S. Chinese-Min pî-kaǔ “compare, comparatively” Bodman 1987 v.2. 82 1983 186
N. Chinese-MSC Middle Chinese sjuw “to arrange, repair, well attend to” Sagart 1999 70
N. Chinese-MSC jiâo “rectify, straighten out, correct” chiâo (WG) “to bend straight, to reform”
Mathews #692b 94 jiào “check, proofread” Wu, J. 341-2
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] jàu5 “must, should, ought to” Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.7c.1 W. Chadic-Hausa gāra adv. “rather, it would be better (followed by a nominal or by a
complement cause)” Newman, P. 2007 70 (Gobir dialect.) k’ārā “rather” gāra “it would be better,
preferable” Matsushita 1993 137, 151 See also H.25c.1
E. Cushitic-Oromo gar-omu “farsi buono, migliorarsi” [make oneself good, improve]
E. Cushitic-Rendille ikároón “good for, beneficial for (someone)” Pillinger 151
NS-Kanuri kartə “well-done, good, nice, pretty” Cyffer 1990 82 ngálwo “state of being improved or
having recuperated” Cyffer 1990 134
Egyptian garbu, garpu “to hammer, to rework” Budge v.2 803
E.7c.2
W. Chadic-Hausa (Gumel)
gyarta m. “the trade of calabash mending” Matsushita 1993 99
gyarawa vn. of gyara “repair” yana gyarawa “He is repairing” Newman, P. 2000 703
C. Chadic-Fali-Kiria ŋgyar- “exceed” Skinner 74
E.7c.3
W. Chadic-Hausa k’àaru vi. “improve, become better” Newman, R.1990 132
“increase, benefit” Newman, P. 2007 127 [pronounced k’yàaru. See Note A.33.1]
gyārā m. “repairs” “modification or amendment to a document” Newman, P. 2007 80
W. Chadic-Ngizim d’ə̀kau (vn. d’ə̀kaya) “exceed, surpass, be more than (or if context makes
compared quality clear, could mean “be bigger than”, “taller than”, “better than” Schuh 51-52, 190
Semitic-Arabic-Iraqi
’حawwar “to change, alter, amend, modify” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 123
zarwaq ”to decorate, adorn, embellish” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic Part 2 203
E. Cushitic-Rendille káwéen “bigger than, superior to” Pillinger183
NC- Fulfulde [Fulani] yauta “excel, surpass” Taylor 229
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
E.7c.1 IE-Sanskrit karka “good, excellent” “beauty” Cologne Lexicon
/
269
Note- E.7c.1 (Cantonese Extended ) beigaau also functions as an adverb in Cantonese. “To make a
comparative meaning explicit, [an adjective ] may be reinforced by the adverb beigaau ‘rather’ ”Gamyaht
.beigaau yiht di.” lit. “today rather hot a bit” Matthews, S.166 yiht “hot”
477
/
E.7e.1 N. Chinese-MSC / Beijing E. Chadic- Masa NS-Kanuri
gâiliáng “improve, ameliorate” Group ngəlangin
“reform” Wu, J. 216 kileŋ “become good, get better,
“change to/for the better” “improve” “fin, joli” improve” Cyffer 1990 136
Wang, F. 159 Boping 40 [nice, pretty] NS-Bari kεlan “beauty”
[Disyllabic corresp.] Skinner 145 Greenberg 1966 118
E.7e.2 Old Chinese liáŋ “good” NS-Nuer
Karlgren GSR #735a-d lan lan
Proto-TB *l(y)ak ~ *l(i)áng “good, “very good”
beautiful” Matisoff 2003 327, 601 Huffman 27
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.7e.1 N. Chinese-MSC gâiliáng “improve, ameliorate”
< NS-Kanuri ngəlangin “become good, get better”
E.7e.2 Old Chinese liáŋ “good” / Proto-TB *l(i)áng “good, beautiful”
< NS-Nuer lan lan “very good”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *ngəlang- “become good” ~ lang “good”270
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
E.7e.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) góilèung “improve, ameliorate” Wu, J. 216
TB-Tibetan glan-pa / “patch, mend” lhan-pa / glan-pa “sew on a patch” Jaschke 80, 648
Proto- TB glan “repair, mend” Matisoff 2003 590-591
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.7e.1
NS-Kanuri ngə̀la adj. “good, beautiful” Cyffer 1990 136
NC-Fulfulde [Fulani] ngala “begin to get better after a serious illness” Taylor 61
E. Chadic- Peve kəlieŋ “clean” Skinner 145
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
E.7e.1 Altaic-Uzbek o’nglamog “make better” English-Uzbek Dictionary
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
E.8a-e AA– Chadic AA –Cushitic AA-Semitic Nilo- NC,
Saharan Khoisan
Swadesh E. Cushitic- Egyptian Nuer N.
“to say” Sidamo uaua ɛwa Khoisan-
E.8a.1 waar- “to take “they say” ǂKhomani
N. Chinese –MSC- “gossip, tell counsel, Huffman kwa
Beijing (news), talk, to discuss, to 15 “say”
huà “word, talk” speak” deliberate, to Kanuri Starostin,
“speak about ” Hudson 72, 399 talk things hawar G. 2003 29
Wu, J. 289 Proto-Cushitic over” “story,
“words, saying, talk” *war- Budge news”
Mathews #2215 330 “to call out, v.1 145 “informa-
S. Chinese-Yue news, report” tion”
(Cantonese) Ehret 1995 Cyffer 65
wah “say” Kwan 456 #972 462
“a talk, a speech, words,
language”
Chik / Ng Lam 421
270
Note E.7e.1-2. This is a case of “disappearing k- initial. See discussion in Chapter 10 section 10.3.2.1.
479
wawur-ngin “announce, publicize, proclaim or herald public news” Cyffer 1990 183
W. Chadic-Ngizim wàařáw “the person previously mentioned” Schuh 172
W. Chadic- Angas gwá “oratio obliqua” [indirect discourse], that” Foulkes 113
gwar “this is used only when a person is repeating another’s words. It precedes the words being
quoted.” Foulkes 193
Berber–Tuareg [Tamasheq] awal “parole, langue (idiome)” Skinner 290
NS- Nuer rwac “word, to speak, speech, to talk” Huffman 43
E.8a.2 W. Chadic- Hausa wai “hearsay ” “one says, it is said that (after verbs of saying, hearing etc.)
‘that’” Newman, P. 2007 216
E. Cushitic-Burji waari- / waar-iy- “tell” Hudson 225
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic täwäyäyyä “converse, discuss with one another”
w’äre “news, tidings, information, gossip, rumor, conversation” Leslau 1976 168, 173
C. Cushitic- Bilin ware “news” Leslau 1963 161
E.8a.3
N. Khoisan-!Kung kwe “say” Starostin, G. 2003 29
NS-Nuer wε “to say” “to exclaim” “to call out” 50-51
NC-Fulfulde [Fulani] wi’ “say” Skinner 280
N. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖’e k’wi “language” Ruhlen 1994 56 #351
NS-Zagawa, Nuer oi “to speak” Greenberg 1966 144
E.8a. 4 E. Cushitic-Rendille waanicha “advise” waansí “advice, guidance” Pillinger 289
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
E.8a.1 IE-Sanskrit vyahr “to utter or pronounce a sound, speak, say to (acc.), converse with, to call
by name” Cologne Lexicon. See also Supplementary Table 2 E.8a.1
E.8a.2 IE-Pashto (Pushtu) waina “to say, to preach” Raverty 1049
/
E.8b.1 S. Chinese- W. Chadic- Omotic – Semitic-Arabic NS-Tubu
Kejia [Hakka] Hausa Janjero (Yemeni) [Teda]
(MacIver) fat7 fàd’ā fadu fatan “to tell on fat
(Lau Chunfat) fad5 “tell, say” “prophesy” someone” “sagen”
“issue, publish, reveal, fàd’àa vt. Skinner 62 fard [say]
disclose, uncover” “tell to” “to predict, announce, Lukas 1953
“utter, express, speak” Newman, P. divine commandment” 198
Hakka Dict. 2007 56 Qafisheh 459 NS-Daza
S. Chinese-Yue Skinner 61 (Iraqi) fader / fado
(Cantonese) fad’akar fattan “to be in the “dire”
faat “to issue, give vt. “teach, tell, habit of tattling, Jourdan 35
forth” faat bíu cause to informing, fader
“to make known, realize” to bear tales” “parler”
to make public” Newman / Ma Dict. of Iraqi Arabic Jourdan 40
Chik / Ng Lam 314 1979 33 part 2 345
E.8b.2 E. Chadic- Proto-AA West Semitic-
S. Chinese-Min Krio (Orel / Ethiopian-Amharic
huât wāte Stolbova awät’t’a “make go
“to issue, send out” “sagen” 1995) *wat- out, issue (a coin,
Bodman 1987 [to say] “call, speak” a magazine),
v.2 140 Skinner 61 Skinner [61] publish”
Leslau 1976 177
E.8b.3 W. Chadic- Semitic-Arabic
S. Chinese-Kejia Gwandara (Iraqi)
[Hakka] (Gitata) faawwaɗ̟
(MacIver) fa5 / va5 páà “tell” “to negotiate with”
481
/
E.8e.1 N. Chinese - Proto-AA fa’l- Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi, Yemeni)
MSC (Orel / Stolbova 1995) “foretell, faal “to tell fortunes,
fâ “magic arts” magic word, omen” Skinner [61] predict the future”
fâli “supernatural E. Cushitic-Afar faal / faala “omen, auspice, sign”
power” Wu, J.183 “divination, forecast, omen” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic
C. Chinese-Wu Parker / Hayward 98, 101 part 2 342, 344 Qafisheh 479
faʔ7 “tricks, magic faale “indict through sorcery, West Semitic-Ethiopian-Harari
arts” Hakka Dict. name a culprit” fālaňňa “fortune teller”
S. Chinese-Yue Parker / Hayward 98 fāl “omen” fäla “divination”
(Cantonese) E. Cushitic-Burji Leslau 1963 62
mōfat “witchery” falfal “(to) bewitch” Sasse 69 Semitic- Arabic (Iraqi)
Kwan 572 E. Cushitic–Rendille fattaa ح/ fattaa حil-faal
faatseut “magic” fala “to curse (a person)” “fortune teller”
Kwan 281 Pillinger 113 Sasse 69 Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 343
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.8e.1 N. Chinese-MSC fâ “magic arts”, fâli “supernatural power”
< E. Cushitic-Afar faal / faala “divination, forecast, omen” / Semitic-Arabic faal “to tell fortunes,
predict the future”
Approximate Sinitic etymon *faal / *faala “divination, forecast, omen”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
E.8e.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (Meixian, MacIver) fap7 Hakka Dict. Ramsey114
(Lau Chunfat) fab5 “tricks, magic arts” “penalty, punishment” Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.8e.1 E. Cushitic–Oromo fala “specie de divinazione” [a type of divination] “rapimento, trance,
predizione, profezia” [being entranced, a trance, prediction, prophecy] “una specie di getto di dadi
religioso” [a type of religious dice throwing] fagu “divinare, profetizare, predire” [devine, prophesy,
predict” Borello 140-141
Proto-C. Cushitic-Agaw *fal- “omen” Militarev, A. C. Cushittc-Etymology
Proto-AA *faʔVl- “foretell” Militarev / Stolbova Afroasiatic Etymology 2007
Semititc-Arabic (Iraqi, Yemeni) fawwaal “fortune teller” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 342-344
Qafisheh 479
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
E.8e.1 IE-Old Indian vāghát “the institutor of a sacrifice” Nicolayev, Sergei IE Etymology 2012 36
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
E.9a Afro-Asiatic – Chadic AA –Cush. AA-Sem. NS NC
E.9a.1 TB-C. Loloish- W. Chadic- Hausa Egyptian - Tubu
Lahu cê “say, tell” vg.1 Coptic [Teda]
cê “quotative particle” Newman, R. 1990 235, 648 ce “intro- ce
TB-S. Loloish-Akha Newman, P. 2007 32 duces a “say”
dje “quotative particle” C. Chadic- Buduma quotation” Skinner
Matisoff 2003 477 ce “say” Skinner 34 Skinner 34 34
E.9a.2 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic–Ron (Fyer) Proto-AA
se “direct discourse sé “Rede” [talk, discourse, (Orel /
speech particle, speech] Stolbova
(said)” Goldstein 962 Jungraithmayr 1995)
sεε “according to, 1970 89 *tse-
as said/written” “speak”
Goldstein 1155 Skinner 34
484
E.9a.3 W. Chadic-Hausa
TB-Tibetan cêwā
sewa “saying, quote, that”
“direct discourse Kraft 337
speech particle, (said)” “saying”
Goldstein 962 (vn. of cê above)
[Disyllabic corresp.] “that (complementary clause
introducer, usually with verbs
of thinking, saying hearing ”
“that is”
Newman, P. 2007 33271
271
Note E.9a.3 In spoken Tibetan as recorded by Jaschke and Goldstein the nominalizing suffix is most
commonly found as -ba or -wa (depending on the Tibetan dialect, as these are allomorphs between western and
eastern Tibet). See Jaschke Phonetic table xvii, xix-xx. and Goldstein 641. For examples of Hausa ↔ Tibetan
–ba / –wa suffix correspondences see sets C.36a.1, F.9b.1, E.6.2, E.14.1and H.42.1.
1. Verbal noun quotative function in both Chadic-Hausa and Tibetan
1a. Verbal noun function in Hausa- The E.9a.3.1a-b Hausa an gaya mana cêwā za ka means “We were
told that you would come” but is translated literally as “They told us saying you would come”. Thus the direct
discourse (quotative particle) in Tibetan corresponds to the continuous action gerund form in Hausa which governs
the complementary clause stating exactly what has been said.
Paul Newman in his grammar of Hausa (2000) deals with the verbal noun function extensively in chapter 77.
The cêwā example is included in section 3.1 704-5 ‘‘Weak verbal nouns with -wā.’’In this case the E.9a.1 cê
“say” morpheme is an irregular Grade 4 verb. All Grade 4 verbs form weak verbal nouns with -wā e.g. cê+wa =
cewā “saying”. Newman, P. 2000 648. See also Kraft 1973 98-103. In Hausa the verbal noun -wa suffix is used
with verb stems in grades 1, 4 ,5 and 6.
1b. Verbal noun function in Tibetan- In Tibetan also the -ba / -wa suffix converts the present tense stem of the
verb into a verbal noun. (Hodge 14.) Hodge uses the E.3b.2 Tibetan “mthong “see” “mthong-ba “seeing” as an
example.
In the present table it is noteworthy that E.9a.1 TB-C. Loloish-Lahu cê “quotative particle” matches the
Hausa verb grade 1 root, and the present Tibetan E.9a.3 form matches the Hausa cêwā “saying, quote” the
verbal noun form of this same Hausa grade 1 verb root. See also note E.9b.1 below and Chapter 10 Section 10.6.4.
2. Function of denoting ethnicity or geographic origin
Hodge’s explanation of the generation of verbal adjectives/participles from the basic verb states that “being
something” [an existential type of the present participle] is the basis for personal attributes such as
ethnicity/nationality or occupation. Hence Tibetan –ba is “a particle indicating a person from a country”
bod-pa “a Tibetan” Hodge 14. This matches the W. Chadic-Hausa bà prefix also indicating ethnic or geographical
origin” “In the plural the prefix is dropped and a suffix āwā is added.” e.g. Bahaushe singular masc. “Hausa
man” → Hausawa plural “Hausa men / women/people”. The Tibtan and Hausa usage of –ba / –wa as an
ethnonym is reviewed also in Chapter 10 section 10.2.2.1 .
3. Occupation/trade. The ba- / -wa affix to denote a peron’s occupation. As with ethnic designations one’s
occupation is expressed through a ba- prefix or in the plural form, a -wa suffix, both denoting a person’s
occupation, e.g. baduku sing. dukawa pl. “leather worker”, f rom dukanci “leather working”.
Other examples are” bafada sing. fadawa pl. “courtier” from fada “palace”, baaskari sing. askarawa pl.
“soldier” .See also Chapter 10 Section 10.2.2.1.
The NS- Kanuri -ma suffix also designates ethnicity, occupation or origin for nouns.
In TB-Meithei a similar suffix -pə also gives evidence of verbal noun functions: i.e. as “nominalizer, relativizer,
and citation form of verbs”. Matisoff 2003 439. In TB-Limbu the -b suffix functions as an active participle and a
nominalizer of verbs and adverbs. van Driem 1987 193, 199.
485
273
Note- E.11a.1 (Sanskrit Extended)
Both E.9b.1 Sanskrit iti and E.11a.1 cen are independent morphemes which denote speech acts in African
languages. Iticen appears to be a compound of this cen root and the E.9b.1 TB-C. Loloish-Lahu tὲʔ “quotative
particle” which is reported also as iti in the E.9b.1 Sanskrit set.
491
/
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
E.11c Afro-Asiatic – AA – AA-- NS NC
Chadic Cush. Semitic
E.11c.1 N. Chinese -MSC E. Chadic- Bidiya
sù “tell, relate, inform” susunna “conte,
chénsù “state, recite” formule
Wu, J. 83 chén introductive du
“make a statement” (E.11a.2) conte” [tale,
TB-Tibetan shǜǜ introductory
“something that follows is an formula for a tale]
exact transcription or E. Chadic-
verbatim account” Dangaleat
Goldstein 1111 [Dangla]
S. Chinese-Min kò-sū susinay (formula)
“story, narrative” “story, tale” “je vais vous poser
Bodman 1987 v.2 149, 174 un conte”
[I’ll tell you a
story] Skinner 254
E.11c.2 TB-Tibetan E. Chadic- NS-Maba
suŋ “to say, to tell, Migama sūsūna Group-
to speak” Goldstein 1156 “conte, histoire” Maba
ɣsuŋ-ba / ɣsuŋ-wa Skinner 254 suŋ
“to speak, talk, say” W. Chadic- Hausa “say”
Jaschke 589 Das 1306 tatsuniya Edgar 375
gurdu suŋ “to say / “tale, riddle”
sing a gur” Goldstein 229 Skinner 254
gur “classical / religious song” “folktale, fable”
(E.33.4) Newman, P. 2007
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) 200
sèung “to discuss,
to exchange views, to confer”
Chik / Ng Lam 63
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.11c.1 N. Chinese-MSC sù “tell, relate, inform”
< E. Chadic-Bidiya susunna “conte, formule introductive du conte” [tale, introductory formula for a
tale] / E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] susinay (formula) “je vais vous poser un conte” [I’ll tell you
a story]
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *su- “tell a story” ~ suŋ “to say”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
E.11c.1
N. Chinese -MSC sùshuō “tell, relate, recount” Wu, J. 654 shù (WG) “to narrate, to tell the details,
to state” “to transmit, to hand down” Mathews #5800 833
S. Chinese-Min ciù-cuā “swear, take an oath” “sworn declaration” ciù-cuā-zī “sworn declaration in
writing” Bodman 1987 v.2 128
E.11c.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sèungyih “counsel” Kwan 107 Chen 66
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.11c.1 NS-Kanuri kasùwá “gossip” Hutchison 78 Cyffer 1990 83
E.11c.2 Egyptian sunsun “to entreat, to petition, to converse” Budge v.2 650
↓↓
493
The following E.12 variants show a link between this word family based on “name” and “sign with
the D.16 word family based on the social group designations “race, clan, family” and “sex”. Clan and
family names of course identify a person’s origins and his/her primary social relationships based on
kinship and gender.
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
E.12 AA-Chadic AA–Cush. AA-Semitic NS Niger-Congo
E.12.1 Swadesh “name” W. Chadic – NC-Benue-
C. Chinese-Wu S. Bauci- Tule Congo-
tshəŋ1 “call, name” shè:n Kahugu
“name, appellation” “name” (Plateau
Hakka Dict. Jungraithmayr 1B Group)
N. Chinese-MSC chēng v.2 248 ri-dzεne ;
“call” “name” Wu, J. 84 W. Chadic– -Benue-
S. Chinese-Min Gwandara Congo- Gure
siêng “surname” šéŋyi “name” (Plateau 1B
Bodman1987 v.2 172 Matsushita Group)
seN3 “one’s family 1972 107 ri-zene
name” “surname” “clan, Jungraithmayr “name”
people, family” v.2 248 Williamson-
Hakka Dict. W. Chadic– Shimizu 1973
See also D.16.1 N. Bauci- Pa’a v.2 253
TB-Tibetan səŋ “name” S. Khoisan-
tsεn “name” Jungraithmayr ǀAuni
Goldstein 892 1994 v.2 248 ǀen “name”
E.12.2 N. Chinese-MSC E. Chadic – NC-Proto-
hsìng / sing Dangaleat Benue-Congo
“a surname” [Dangla] *zina
Mathews sîŋ “nom . “name”
#2770-#2771 414 (individuel, i.e. Williamson-
S. Chinese-Yue de personne)” Shimizu1973
(Cantonese) Fédry 374 v.2 252
sing (WG) “name” note 1
“one’s family name” Jungraithmayr
Chik / Ng Lam 94 1994 v.2 249
S. Chinese-Kejia W. Chadic- S.
[Hakka] (Meixian) cin5 Bauci- Geji
(Lau Chunfat) shin / shîn
1
cin “call, name” “name”
Hakka Dict. Jungraithmayr
1994 v.2.248
E.12.3 S. Chinese-Min C. Chadic- N. Cushitic- Semitic- Hebrew
(Taiwanese) Logone šémi Beja šem
sè:-mia “full name” “name” [Bedawi] “name”
Bodman 1983 169 C. Chadic –Daba síma Greenberg
sì:-mia “name” žīmi “name” “benennung” 1966 #52 6
Bodman 1987 v.1 248 Stolbova, Olga [name] seeman heker
[Disyllabic corresp.] C. Chadic- Reinisch 201 “recognition
TB-Tibetan Etymology “name” mark”
tsεmbe 200 Greenberg Baltsan 372
“marks, signs” 1966 #52 60
Goldstein 893
494
274
Note- E.12.3-4 (Tibetan, Hebrew) In Africa tribal scars/marks have commonly been a visible identifier of
one’s ethnicity. This is a case of an empirical link between the semantics of “clan, people, family” found in
D.16.1 with the semantics of “mark, sign” of this table.
As in many other cultures (e.g. mc- and mac- prefixes to many names of Celtic origin) the form of the African
family name still identifies a person as descended from a certain ethnic group. In E. Africa, for example, the NC-
Bantu speaking groups recognize persons of Nilo-Saharan origin by the widespread initial O- of their surnames, as
this does not occur in Bantu names. (Personal observation).
Tibetan encompasses all the semantics found in the African languages cited in this table and D.16. (See
especially D.16.3)
The full semantics of Jaschke’s E.12.4 mtshan entry are “sign, mark, token, badge” “shape and peculiar
characteristic of separate parts of the body” “favorable sign, some special (good) quality” “genitals” “the sign, the
essential characteristic”, “property, quality, symptom, indication”, “marked” Jaschke 454-455. Hence the Tibetan
forms give evidence of having preserved the multiple meanings across several AA language families which are
derived from the basic notion of “sign”.
495
275
Note- E.12.3 (Hebrew Extended) The use of the “sign” morphemes in the sense of “good omen” “good
fortune” appears to have been developed mainly within Sanskrit and Sino-Tibetan, although this meaning is
present in the E.12.5 Semitic-Hebrew seeman “sign (indication)” seeman tov “Good omen!, and the E.12.4
(Extended) NS-Songhay sìlmàŋ “sign” below. See also Chapter 6 section 6.7.
The Tibetan and Hebrew morphemes meaning “omen” attest to its use in morphemes denoting astrological
divination. The star had this important cultural function in Middle Eastern and Egyptian society. The extended
Beijing, Cantonese and Tibetan variants also use the morpheme to mean “star” or “planet”. Hence the star in these
languages is etymologically identified as a sign or good omen. However, other Afro-Asiatic / African languages
have not thus far yielded linguistic pointers to this belief.
496
E. Cushitic- Rendille sumát “a brand, mark (to distinguish livestock)” Pillinger 269
E. Cushitic- Somali summad “name, mark, symbol” Awde 1999 48
W. Chadic-Angas səm “name” Greenberg 1966 #52 60
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Gurage (Čaha, Eža, Gyeto etc.) šem / sem “name, reputation”
Leslau 1979 v.3 545, 579, v.2 424-425
Proto- Chadic (Newman) *s̟əm “name” Ehret 1995 #220 160
C. Chadic–Masa sémná “name” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 249 ; sēm “le nom” Caitucoli 134
Semitic-Syrian Aramaic, Socotri šem “name” Militarev / Stolbova
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Ge’ez,Tigre səm “name” Militarev / Stolbova
Proto- Cushitic *sîm- / *sûm- “name” Ehret 1995 #220 160
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) ʔisim “name” samma “to name, designate, call” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 226-227
E.12.3 Proto-AA *sûm- / *sîm- “name” Ehret 1995 #220 160
E.12.4 C. Chadic–Masa sámnaa “name” Jungraithmayr v.2 249
NS-Songhay (Koroboro) zammu “family name” Heath v.3 334
Semitic-Written Arabic asamin “name, appelation, reputation” Wehr 498
C. Chadic–Masa sámnaa “name” Jungraithmayr v.2 249
Semitic- Arabic (Iraqi) samma “to name, designate, call” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 226
NC-Fulfulde (Fulani) jamma “have or adopt a name, other than the real name” Taylor 96
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
E.12.4 IE-Sanskrit sannimita “a good omen” lakSaNika “knowing marks, acquainted with signs, an
interpreter of marks or signs” “diviner” jatilAkSaNa “mark of a tribe or caste” Cologne Lexicon..
IE-Hindi sanket “sign” Scudiere 150
IE-Sanskrit samvid “a name or appelation” “a sign, signal” samabhida “a name, appelation”
samlaks “to distinguish by a mark, characterize, mark distinctly” samajJa “appelation, name,
reputation, fame” samjJa “a sign, token, signal, gesture“ ”to give a signal” samudra “an impression or
mark on the body” Cologne Lexicon. See also Supplementary Table 2 E.12.3-5
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
E.13a-f Afro-Asiatic – AA -Cushitic AA-- NS Niger-Congo.,
Chadic Semitic Khoisan
Swadesh “to say” W. Chadic – Proto-South Semitic- N. Mande- Malinke
E.13a.1 Tangale ka / ga / Cushitic Arabic káa
TB-Tibetan nga “to say, *xah- (Iraqi) “language, speech”
ka “mouth” to speak” “to speak” kalima NC-Proto-W. Sudanic
“word, speech” Jungraithmayr Proto-AA “word” *ka-
Goldstein 87 1991 93 *-xâh- “speech, “say”
TB-Jingpho Skinner 82 “to utter” address” Williamson / Shimizu
[Kachin] C. Chadic-Cibak Proto-Omotic kallam #86 v.2 1973 344
gà ~ əgà “word, ɣa “to say, speak” *x2a- or “to talk to, N. Khoisan- !O!Kung
speech” Skinner 82 *x2ah- speak with” ka “to say”
Benedict 18 E. Chadic – “to utter” Dict. of Greenberg 1966 81
TB- Kiranti- Migama Ehret 1995 Iraqi Arabic Starostin, G.
Yamphu gáa “il dit” #386 224 part 2 410 2003 29
kha “speech” [he says] Cushitic- W. Semitic- S. Khoisan-
Starostin, S. Jungraithmayr / Afar kaala Ethiopian- |Xam, ǂKhomani ;
Kiranti Etymology, Adams 85 “voice, the Amharic ka “to say”
Yamphu Dict. E. Chadic – Tera spoken qal “word, Starostin, G. 2012 41
TB- Nung ga “speak” word” sound” Khoisan-Sandawe
kha “speech, Stolbova, Olga Parker / qalat pl. ga “to say”
language” C. Chadic Hayward 140 Leslau Greenberg 1966 81
Benedict 18 Etymology 2006 1976 66
497
E.13c.3 S. Khoisan-
Chinese-MSC |Nu‖’e ‖kai
(Beijing) “call”
āi ‘“used informally Ruhlen 1994
to get someone’s #193 49
attention” S. Khoisan-
āi āi āi! shuō-nĭ-ne Khakhea
‘“Hey! You! ‖kaī
Wang, F. 2 Greenberg
“to cry”
1966 76
Extended Sino-Tibetan language word family:
E.13c.1 TB-Tibetan nga-ra-ra “an expression of deep pain or suffering” Das 346
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.13c.1
C. Chadic- Fali-Gili xar “call” Skinner 144, 167
W. Chadic-Burma ngare “call” Skinner 167
E. Chadic Masa Group-Lame ka’a “crier fort” Skinner144
W. Chadic–Hausa k’alà “(usually in negative) “not a word“ [i.e. say nothing, don’t say a word]
Newman 2007 126 “words, speech” Newman / Ma 1979 74 Skinner166
kalmàa “word” kàalāmii “words, speech” Newman / Ma 1979 61
E. Cushitic-Burji
‘k’aal-ee f. “word” Sasse 1982 121
k’áale “word” Hudson 206
Semitic-Arabi kallam “to talk to, to speak to” Qafiisheh 520
E.13c.2
W. Chadic-Hausa kâi d’ibgì “Wow! How rotund” “self contained utterance, does not take a subject or
object” Newman, P. 2000 177
E. Cushitic-Sidamo qâle “word, voice” Gasparini 255
S. Khoisan-‖Khegwi ‖kài “cry” Ruhlen 1994 #193 49
Khoisan-!Kung k”ai “roaring of animals” Greenberg 1966 75
Khoisan-Sandawe k’e “to cry” Greenberg 1966 76
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
E.13c.1
Proto-IE *garə “to shout” Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 2012 39
IE-Hindi karāhnā vi. “groan” karā f. “moan, groan” Scudiere 216
/
Swadesh W. Chadic – Hausa Proto-AA Egyptian N. Khoisan-
“say” gáyàa vt. (Orel/ kay ‖Au‖en
E.13d.1 “tell” Stolbova “to speak, ‖kai “speak,
S. Chinese-Min Newman, P. 1995) to say” pray”
kai1 “state, explain” 2007 72 *gay- “say” Budge v.2 782 Greenberg
Hakka Dict. Skinner 82, 144 Skinner 82 W. Semitic- 1966 75
S. Chinese-Yue W. Chadic- Bura Omotic-S. Ethiopian- N. Khoisan-
(Cantonese) gaya Branch Gurage ‖Kh’au-‖’e
gái “to chat” “to converse, gay- qay ‖káiä Central
gáai “to explain” conversation, story” “to say” “word, voice” Khoisan-
Chik / Ng Lam Dict. of Bura Ehret 1995 Skinner 82 Naro
21, 416 #385 224 ‖kái “meet”
Po-fei Huang 382
500
276
Note- E.13e.3 (Hausa) The basic form for both the Hausa E.13e.3 grade 6 kirāwō and the E.13e.4 grade 7
kiràawu is the grade 0 Hausa kirā v. “call” “invite” Newman, P. 2007 113 2000 663, and Newman, R. 1990
34, 140. The syntactic differences carry semantic shifts as explained by Kraft and later in more detail by P.
Newman. Grade 6 is called the ventive or -o form verb in Hausa: The -o form verb typically has a basic form to
which the -o suffix is added. Kraft explains this grade as follows: “The meaning of the -o form of a given verb
indicates that the action performed had reference to, or was completed in, the vicinity of the scene of the
conversation or (in a story) the center of interest at the time.” Kraft 152. So in this case the basic form is kirā
501
meaning “call” “invite” and the grade 6 kirāwō means “call to come here”. Hence kirā “call” connotes
movement away from the scene of the conversation or center of interest , and kirāwō “call” “summon” means
calling toward the place of the conversation or center of interest, i.e.“call here”.
Newman further explains the insertion of the –w element. “Monosyllabic verbs ending in –ā
Insert /w/ between the stem-final vowel and the /ō/, e.g. jāwō “pull here” (< jā) and in this case kirāwo
“call here” (< kirā).” “The gr[ade] 6 form corresponding to kai “take”, is a clipped verb derived from */kay-/
which becomes kāwō ‘bring’.” Newman, P. 2000 662, 2007 104. These Hausa examples of the grade 6
form have close correspondences in Sinitic languages. For example see:
H.1.2 Cantonese chàu “to draw out” “to pull out or open” / Beijing shào “drive (a cart ) backwards”
< Hausa jāwō (grade 6 verb) “pull (here)”, “drag (toward speaker)”
3 1 1 2 4
H.2.1 S. Chinese-Min kau v. “to arrive, reach, direction, to, up to, until” / Hakka kau / gau / gau / gau
“submit, hand in or over” “come close to, join”
< Hausa kāwō (grade 6 verb) “bring”, “reach here, reach, arrive” “approach, get close to”.
Hence the E.13e.1 and E.13e.3 correspondence sets give evidence that S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka], Min and
Beijing have retained the Grade 6 (ventive) -o form of the Hausa verb. See also Notes H.1.2, H.2.1 (Hausa),
Newman, P. 2000 627, 663 and chapter 10 section 10.2.1.2 (ventives) for other examples.
277 5 5
Note- E.13e.4 (Hausa) Note that in the E.13e.4-5 sets the Hakka kiau / giau forms designate an active
and passive function of the verb, i.e. “to call” and “to be called, named”. In W. Chadic-Hausa the two functions
are distinguished grammatically by using the verb grade 6 for the active form and verb grade7 for the passive.
“Grade 7 which is strictly an intransitive grade indicates that the subject of the verb has sustained or is capable of
sustaining some action. In many cases, it thus corresponds to the English passive”. Newman, P. 2000 664-5. See
also Notes E.7c.1 and H.39a.4.
P. Newman includes the above-cited grade 7 form kiràawu ”be called” as an example. It is derived from the
grade 0 kira “call, name” Since Sinitic languages have been reduced to monosyllabic forms, the grade 6 active
form kirāwo and the grade 7 passive form kiràawu have lost the final -o of the grade 6 and the final -u of the
5 5
grade 7 form. They have been contracted into the Hakka morpheme kiau or kiau (< kiràaw- or giràaw-) The
S. Chinese-Yuè Cantonese) and Min E.13e.2 extended forms also have passive semantics. They contrast
minimally with the Hakka form, but are also plausibly derived from the Hausa Grade 7 kiràawu.
5 5 “
The E.13e.3 set Hakka kiau / giau call, summon” ↔ Hausa kirāwō grade 6 “summon”
represent palatalization of the initial velar, whereas the Sinitic forms of the E.13e.5 set are the result of fronting of
the Chadic palatalized k’ velar.
502
278
Note- E.15.2 (Cantonese Extended) ) The Cantonese ngihngīngōngòh “grumble”can be explained as a
compound of the two Chadic variants nggyinggya (E.15.2) and ngungguni (E.15.1 Extended)
508
E.15.3 E. Cushitic-
N. Chinese -MSC Rendille
yuànyán nyunyuwa
“complaint, “to grumble”
grumble” Pillinger 236
Wu, J. 856
E.15.4 C. Chadic- E. Cushitic- West Kanuri N. Khoisan-
TB-Tibetan Mafa Oromo Semitic- ngurngur- !Kung
ŋur-ba “to grunt (Matakan) gururi’a v. Ethiopian ngin ‖gǘ v.
(of yaks and pigs)” gurgur “growl” -Amharic “roar (e.g. of “bark”
Jaschke 127 “snore” Gragg 189 əngur- a lion), Ruhlen 1994
Das 352 Stolbova, Olga C. Cushitic- gurro grumble, #146 48
sŋur-wa “snore” C. Chadic Bilin “muttering, pout (of NC-Swahili
Das 374 Eymology gurəmrəm murmuring” people)” nguruma
TB-Chin-Lushai “murren” Leslau 1976 Cyffer 1990 “rumble,
ŋur “to growl, [to murmur, 209, 414 139 thunder,
to snarl, grumble” grumble] Lukas1937 growl, roar”
Starostin, S. Skinner 93 235 Rechen-
ST Etymology bach 404
E.15.5 TB-Tibetan E. Chadic - W. Chadic– W. NC-Fulfulde
ŋurg� Mokulu Hausa Semitic- [Fulani]
“a grunting sound gurgire gurgutu Ethiopian ngūra
(like a pig or yak) “grogner” “growling, -Amharic “purr,
ŋerg� “growling” Skinner 93 purring” kurfiya n. growl”
Goldstein 302 Skinner 93 “snore” ngūrāngo
[Disyllabic corresp.] Leslau 1976 “purring”
159 Taylor 68
E.15.6 C.Chadic– Anywa
TB-Tibetan Logone ŋʌכr�=
ŋer “to growl” ŋer “bellen” “to growl”
Goldstein 302 [to bark] Reh 56
Skinner 93
E.15.7 E. Chadic–
TB-Sherpa Lele
ngor-pa “snore” ngorngili
TB-Sunwar “ronfler
ngor “snore” [purr, snore]”
Matisoff 2003 400 Skinner 93
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.15.1 TB-Tibetan khun-pa “the uttering of any articulate sound; cooing, moaning, to grunt,
to groan”
< W. Chadic–Hausa gunàagunii “groaning” n. gunji m. “growling by animal”.
E.15.4 TB-Tibetan ŋur-ba “to grunt (of yaks and pigs)”, sŋur - wa “snore” / TB-Chin-Lushai
ŋur “to growl, to snarl, grumble”
< E. Cushitic-Oromo gururi’a “growl” v. / C. Cushitic- Bilin gurəmrəm “to murmur, grumble” /
Khoisan-!Kung ‖gǘ v. “bark”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *gun- / *ngur- ~ *ngǘ “utter an inarticulate sound”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
E.15.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) hunggou “complain” Kwan 85
TB-Tibetan kün vi. “to groan, to moan” küng� “sound of groaning, moaning” Goldstein 158
khun-pa “to grunt” Jaschke 41
509
279
Note- E.16a.3-4 In Hausa “when followed by a front vowel, either i(i) or e(e), the alveolars s,z and t
palatalize to sh, j and c respectively.” [c before i in Hausa is pronounce like ch in English] “Palatalization is
significant both as an active process and as a historical result of the process.” (Newman, P. 2000 414).
In this table the AA forms except for Arabic, Chadic-Hausa sík’ and Chadic-Bura show palatalization s > sh.
Neither of the NS forms show palatalization. All the ST morpehemes match a Chadic form but only the E.16a.2-3
correspondences are exact matches since E.16a.1 Hausa is not palatalized and E.16a.4 does not show a Hausa
correspondence.. This suggests ultimate ST inheritance from Proto-AA for E.16.2-4 and that E.16a.1 Hausa and
Bura are results of late loaning from Arabic. Newman noted the exceptions to the rule in Hausa due to the influence
of Arabic as in E.16a.1 (See also Notes A.4.1, B.5b.1 and C.31d.1.) An interesting feature of this word family is
the C. Chadic Bura doublet with E.16a.2 tsid- related to one Hausa form based on Proto-AA and E.16a.3 siri
related to a different Hausa form, Cushitic and NS. This may be the result of migration and loaning in Africa
before the migration(s) into Asia.
511
280
Note- E.17.1 (Tibetan) Jaschke reports as a variant noun/adjective form of this root btsaŋ-po “title of
sovereigns, alleged to be Khams dialect for btsan-po” Jaschke 434. The E.17.3-4 Beijing / Hausa shang /
tsang- attest a verbal form of this root.
The original kings of Tibet were thought to be from the Khams region in Eastern Tibet and from there they
conquered the rest of the country. “It is said that while Tibet was under the early monarchy, the laws were enforced
with the greatest severity and rigor, and because the kings administered them so well, they were called btsaŋ-po.
Das 1004
The severity of the Tibetan kings can be measured by the punishments which the Chinese observers during the
T’ang dynasty reported. “As punishments, even for a small fault, they take out the eyes, or cut off the feet or the
nose. They give floggings with leather whips just as they see fit and without any regulated number (of lashes).
For prisons they dig down into the earth several dozens of feet, and they keep their prisoners there for two or three
years.” Snellgrove 30.
514
281
E.17.2 S. Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) chàahnyán“cruel” chàahnyánge “cruel” / N. Chinese (Beijing) cân
“cruel, savage” ↔ South (Ethiopian) Semitic-Amharic t’änäkärrä “be hard, be strong, be powerful, be vigorous, be
tough” A similar variance exists within Iraqi Arabic which has a doublet involving the initial palatal spirant š-
(šaqq-) “to split off, break away, separate” and the initial palatalized t’- (t’agg-) “to crack, split, break”
(H.30a.2 Extended). The initial t’- (glottal) phoneme and the initial š- (voiceless palatal spirant) show minimal
contrast. See also notes C.5a.4, C.31d.1 and E.16a.3-4 on palatalization of t- in Semitic.
Amharic is today spoken only in Ethiopia, but around 800 BCE it was probably a dialect of south or southwestern
Arabic, the major Semitic dialects of the southern Arabian peninsula at that time involved in trade and settlement in
Easterrn Africa.
516
282
Note- E.18.1 (Beijing, Chadic-Hausa) Reduplication occurs in both Chinese and Chadic languages. In both
languages this is a case of full reduplication, i.e. “the underlying stem is repeated exactly as in: sànnu “slowly” >
sànnu-sànnu“very slowly and carefully” Newman, P. 2000 509 See also set A.7b.1 in Chapter 10 section 10.5.
517
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
làlàdeui “cheer[ing] squad”
Chik / Ng Lam 63283
E.21.2 S. Chinese-Yue Kanuri
(Cantonese) lailaingin
laih “to incite, “flatter,
to encourage, praise”
to rouse to action” (usu. of a
“to persuade, praise singer)”
to encourage” Cyffer 1990
Chik / Ng Lam 42,48 107
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
E.21.1 N. Chinese –MSC lālāchêchê “exchange flattery and favors”
< W. Chadic–Hausa lallàb’a “soothe, flatter” / E. Cushitic- Sidamo lallawa “to praise”
Approximate Sinitic etymon *lalla- “flatter, praise”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
E.21.1 N. Chinese-MSC lalong vt. “try to gain someone’s favor by social means” Wang, F.294
E.21.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gīklaìh / gúlaìh “cheer somebody on” Kwan 68
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.21.1 W. Chadic-Hausa làllàsā vt. “persuade, coax” Newman / Ma 1979 80 Skinner 185
lallāshī vn. “coaxing” Newman / Ma 1979 804 Newman, P. 2000 712
lallàmàa f. “lobbying” vg. 2 vt. “to lobby” Awde 1996 105
Semitic-Hebrew heelel / heelela v. past “praised, lauded” halel “a special God-praising prayer for
holidays” halelooyaah “Praise the Lord, (Psalm)” / aleloyah “praise be to God” Baltsan 11, 129-130
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic läzza “speak in a captivating fashion” Leslau 1976 11
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic ələll alä “ululate” “utter cries of joy” Leslau 1976 120, 511 284
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Ge’ez lawlawa “move the tongue” Skinner 156
E.21.2
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Tigre läh’sa “schmeicheln” [flatter] Skinner 185
NS-Nuer liak “to praise, to commend” “praise” Huffman 28
E. Cushitic-Oromo lellisu “inneggiare, acclamare, lodare, rendere omaggio” [to praise, to acclaim,
to laud, to render homage] Borello 278
283
Note- E.21.1 (Beijing, Cantonese, AA, Sanskrit) The Beijing / Cantonese semantics “cheering squad, rooters” here
indicate that the lālā- / laih- forms have been inherited from an African/AA root referring to a cultural practice found
across Africa and institutionalized in the Hausa and Kanuri societies.. The Kanuri king’s court had a group of musicians
called “praise singers” who praised him and gained favors through their flattery. This feature of African/AA culture is
still very much in evidence in Northern Nigeria among the Kanuri and the Hausa. “In the more hierarchical societies of the
north and southwest – proficient and well-rewarded individuals perform vocal and instrumental music and play an
important role in the validation of social structures through praise-singing.” Blench 2004..
Praise singers also perform at private ceremonies such as the naming of a child and are used by politicians in their
campaigns for office.
The ultimate origin of this root appears to be Cushitic. This indicates that public proclamations of praise have been
widespread in African/AA tradition, although it is not clear that this practice has been institutionalized in eastern Africa
to the degree that it is in the Central African Sahel.
284
Note-E.21.1 (West Semitic Extended ) Ululation is a high trilling sound (almost always by women) used, for
example, to praise the leaders of a victorious army after a battle and in other social contexts of celebration. The
lalla- root represents the praise sound, so is clearly onomatopoeic. The practice is not known in European societies,
hence the English term “ululation” repeats the lalla- root and is thus an imitative loan based on borrowing by
anthropologists. Sanskit attests both the meanings of “praise singing, i.e. “a king’s jester” and “ululate” “to loll
the tongue”. See also Chapter 6 Section 6.8.
522
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) chauh chyu “to falter, to hesitate” Chik / Ng Lam 444
N. Chinese- (MSC) chóu chú “hesitate” Wu, J. 97
E.22.3 TB-Tibetan
tser-tser byed-pa “to shake, quake, tremble” Das 999 tseena / tseebo “shy , bashful” “embarrassed”
Goldstein 900 tser “to be shy” Goldstein 895
Extended African/AA language word family:
E.22.1 E. Cushitic-Sidamo šoll- “be shy” Skinner 241
W. Chadic-Tangale sọọ n. “fear” sọọde fear” v. Skinner 275
W. Chadic–Dera šōr- v. “fear” Skinner 275
NS-Kənzi [Kənuzi] saw “sich verwundern, erschrecken” [to be in awe at (sthg.), be frightened”]
Hofmann 150
E.22.3 NS- Kənzi (Kenuzi) sarki v. “furchten, sich furchten” [to fear, to be afraid of”] Hofmann 150
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
E.23a-b AA- Chadic AA- AA-Semitic NS NC
Cushitic
E.23a.1 W. Chadic- Hausa E. West Semitic-Ethiopian-
TB- Nung fařgàbā f. Cushitic Gurage
phərε “to fear, “dread, fear, Konso färe
be afraid” anxiety” fūr “fear,
TB-Mikir phere Newman, P. 2007 “fear” be afraid”
“fear, doubt, dread” 60 Skinner 65 Militarev, Leslau 1979
Benedict 112 “fright” A. v.3 240
“fear” “horror” Newman, R. E. Cushitic
Walker 304 1990 103 Etymology
[Disyllabic
corresp.]
E.23a.2 S. West Semitic-Ethiopian-
Chinese-Yue Amharic
(Cantonese) babba
pa “afraid” “be afraid”
“fear” Leslau 1976 93
Kwan 9, 184
“to fear, afraid,
scared”
Chik / Ng Lam 143
E.23a.3 E. West Semitic-Ethiopian- NS- Nuer
TB-Tibetan Cushitic- Harari bäräga v. parika
phár-ba Sidamo “bolt, be startled” “to jump
“to leap, baragi v. Leslau 1963 45 because
to bound” “bolt, W. Semitic-Ethiopian- frightened”
“to throb be Amharic Huffman
(of the veins)” startled” bäräggägä v. 38
sá-la phár-ba Leslau “be startled” See also
“ to jump from 1963 45 Leslau 1976 91 A.5b.2
fear”
Jaschke 356
Das 848285
285
Note- E.23a.3 (Tibetan) ‘phár-ba / ‘phár-wa is the verbal noun of spór-ba / spar-wa “to elevate, raise”
“lift up” Das 803 Jaschke 332. However as a verbal noun it means “to leap up, to fly up, to bound” as well as “to
524
fidget, to be restless, to jump from fear” Note that Ehret’s Proto-Cushitic root *pâr- means both “fly” and “jump”.
See A.5b.2. Hence these roots with semantics of “fear” and “to jump from fear” give evidence of being
correspondences to and/or reflexes of the same A.5b.2.Proto-Cushitic root.
Note also that the Semitic root farr- means “fear, be fearful” in Amharic (E.23a.1 above) and means
“to flee, run off, run away” in Arabic. See farr “to flee, run off” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 348 and A.5b.2 Arabic
Extended.
525
286
Note- E.24b.1 (Hausa) “In Chadic and Cushitic ‘bury’ is often synonymous with ‘cover, close’ ”
Skinner 22
528
287
Note- E.26.2 (Chadic) Jungraithmayr does not propose an etymon for this root. There are 7 variants of it, 2 in
the W. Chadic Ron group and these show the closest correspondence to the Tibetan form.
288
Note- E.27.1-2 (Tibetan) The initial d- in Tibetan could appear to be the result of a contraction of the dà
preposition in Hausa which means “with, having”. However Kraft comments that the kyar lexeme is used only
with the dà preposition in Hausa. Kraft 352. However the proximate source of the Tibetan dkah form could be
Semitic.The existence of parallel Chadic and Semitic correspondences with Tibetan and the variant Hebrew
morphemes with and without the d(a/o)- initial suggests that the Tibetan morphemes could be a doublet inherited
531
from Semitic or Chadic or both. However Cushitic Sidamo variants with and without the initial glottal are another
possible candidate . This is a case of clear African origin without a clearly identifiable proto-form. See Note 1.6.1.
289
Note- E.28.2 (Cantonese) làahn yìhn gives evidence of being a disyllabic correspondence with the NS-
Kanuri lânngin or lânjîn. The Kanuri -ngin is used as a bound morpheme through which verbs can be
generated from adjectives. See Hutchison 1981 101-105. It also is an independent morpheme meaning “say,
intend” Kanuri ngin / shin “say, think, intend” Cyffer 1990 137. See E.1a.3 Extended.
2 2
In Tibetan gyin functions as a “present (continuing) tense particle” Goldstein 10. The Hakka gien / ngen /
3
gian is glossed as “used as a particle, adverb etc. in various expressions” “language, dialect” “speak, say, talk,
532
mean, express” “word, speech” Hakka Dict.. Cantonese forms appear as yin / yìhn “a final particle indicating
numerous senses” or yìhn “speech, words” “to say, to talk, to mean”. Chik / Ng 282, 417. See also Note H.12.4
(Tibetan).
533
290
Note- E.30.1 (Chadic)
“In Hausa fi ‘be more than’ ‘exceed, surpass’ --- stands alone and is used to form adjectives of comparison, e.g.
hular nan ta fi taka tsada ‘This hat is more expensive than yours’ ; ya fi dukansu tsawo ‘He is the tallest one of
them’ [lit. ‘He surpasses them in height’].” Newman / Ma 1992 37. See also E.7.3.
In Hausa and other Chadic languages the fi root variants often refer to passing someone by or going ahead in a
physical sense, e.g. Hausa ficèe “pass by” Skinner 70, “go out and away” Newman, P. 2007 62, 63 ; C. Chadic-
Gude pitə“go past” Skinner 68
In Hausa there is no contrast between an initial f- and an initial p-. “The phoneme indicated as /f/ is
pronounced variably as [ɸ] (the norm), [f], [p], or [h], depending on dialect / ideolect and phonological
environment.] Newman, P. 2000 393. See also Notes B.10.2 ( Hausa), B.14d.1 and H.3a.2 (Hausa.)
534
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
E.31 Afro-Asiatic–Chadic AA – AA- Nilo-Saharan Niger-
Cush. Semitic Congo
E.31.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Hausa Semitic-
gzhig-pa cigìita vn. Arabic
“to examine, search, “search for” siʔal
try” Jaschke 480 Newman, P. “to ask,
gshig-pa / 2007 33 inquire”
gshigs- pa C. Chadic-Buduma Dict. of
“to make minute (Yedina) *čegá Iraqi
inquiry of every point, “ask” Stolbova, Olga Arabic
to investigate, C. Chadic Etymology part 2 210
to examine” C. Chadic- Glavda
Das 1080 shiga “to try,
to tempt, to test”
Rapp / Benzing 88
E.31.2 W. Chadic- Hausa Kanuri
N. Chinese-MSC shishigī m. shíshíngin
shìh (WG) “meddlesomeness, “inquire about,
“to look at, to regard, inquisitiveness” snoop into,
to inspect” Newman, 2007 186 pry into”
Mathews #5789 808 shishinó
chī (WG) “research,
“to inspect, to investigation”
examine” Cyffer 1990
Mathews #415a 55 162
“to examine into”
Mathews #427 56
E.31.3 S. Chinese- Songhay NC-
Yue (Cantonese) (Koyra) Fulfulde
si “try, attempt” síì [Fulani]
Kwan 540 “try, test” sīsa /
sih “to look at” Heath sīsīni
”to observe” v.1 219 “inquire
Chik / Ng 415, 171 into, look
S. Chinese-Kejia over,
[Hakka] investigate,
(MacIver) ch’i5 report on”
(Lau Chunfat) Taylor 176
s’i5 “test, try,
experiment”
Hakka Dict..
N. Chinese-MSC
shì “try, test”
Wu, J. 624
E.31.4 TB-Tibetan Songhay
jεεjeè “to examine, (Koyra)
to research, čeèče “seek,
to analyze” go looking for”
[Disyllabic corresp.] Heath v.1 56
535
291
Note- E.33.1 (N. Chinese (MSC) gēr) In the phonemic analysis of standard Chinese, the gēr “song, sing”
variant could be considered to have undergone “erisation” i.e. the addition of an unstressed -r at the end of the final.
See Yip Po-Ching 2000 30. In this case the MSC/Beijing gēr most closely corresponds to the Cushitic, Semitic and
Niger-Congo gēra- forms, so it can plausibly be considered to be an inheritance from one of these. This example
does not necessarily negate the principle of erisation as specific to Beijing Chinese, but there are other instances of
similar retention of the final –r of an African / AA root in Beijing/MSC morphemes. See also Notes D.3c.1 and sets
B.14d.2, F.18b.1 MSC sī(r) and H.8a.2 dàor.
537
Chapter 2F
Words for Human artifacts. Semantic Domain F word families.
This cultural vocabulary is of interest to both the pre-historian and the archaeologist, since it facilitates
comparison of African material culture with that of the ST linguistic area. There are only two Swadesh
list terms in this group. (See F.7a.1 / F.8a.1 and F.25.2 ) . The domain includes not only tools and other
instruments, but also practices within the material culture involving, e.g. land measurement and words for
human living quarters. Verbal or adjectival morphemes which are phonetically and semantically related to
the names of the artefacts are also included. The verbs are mainly transitive.
2F Domain Statistics
Tables and word Families:
Tables = 28 numbered analytic tables which represent an individual or generic word family.
Individual word families = 43 Each of the individual word families within a generic word family is
counted as a separate unit.
Single large word familie = 5
“hold” “tongs” F.1-8
“surround, encircle” “enclosure for animals” F.7a.1-7
“tie up” “bundle, roll” F.10.1-4
“fold” repeat” “crease” F.19.1-4
“road” F.25.1-4
Generic word families = 12
“gourd, container” F.2.a-b
“gourd, container” F.4a-c
“to turn” “circle, round” “a ball” F.6a-b
“a ring, to encircle, to surround” “to turn round, go around” “surrounding wall” “area, neighborhood”
“a boundary, suburbs” “enclosure for animals” F.7a-b
“surrounding area, vicinity” “enclosed, walled town” “an area, country with certain dimensions” F.8a-c
“to spin, go around” “to pen up, to surround with a fence, wall” “to enclose, obstruct” F.9a-b
“to pierce, to sew” F.12a-c
“to build, dwelling(s)” F.15a-b
“to stop up, to plug” “to block, to seal” F.17.a-c
“yarn, thread, twine” F.18.a-b
“wood (used as tool, weapon, fuel etc.)” “staff, stick” “firewood, stick, club” F.21a-b
TB ↔ Chinese cognates 26
Polysyllabic correspondences: 22 (Only one polysyllabic correspondence per word family is counted)
Etymologies
Sino-Tibetan etymologies 19
Tibeto-Burman etymologies 8
540
Sinitic etymologies 9
Tibetan etymologies. 5
The following table presents evidence that variant Sino-Tibetan forms are reflexes of three different related
Proto-Afro-Asiatic roots. The basic meaning is verbal, i.e. “grasp, seize, hold” as in the Proto-AA roots.
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
F.1 Afro-Asiatic – AA-Cushitic, AA- Nilo- Niger-Congo
Chadic Proto-AA Semitic Saharan
F.1.1 Chinese- W. Chadic- Proto-S. Semitic- Songhay NC-N.
Yue (Cantonese) Hausa Cushitic Arabic (Iraqi, (Djenne) Mande- Bozo
kàhm kāmàa *kam- Yemeni) kamba kàme
“to capture, vg.1 vt. “catch, “to hold” kammas “hold onto, “seize, take”
to catch” seize, Proto-AA “to catch, control” Mukarovsky
“to arrest” take hold of” *-kam- collect ” (Koyra) 315
Chik / Ng Lam “capture, arrest “to hold” Dict. of Iraqi “hand, (entire)
332, 190 someone” Ehret 1995 Arabic arm” “hold
“to hold in the Newman, P. #321198 part 2 410 onto”
mouth, 2007 106 Heath
to hold back” Skinner 134 v.2 115
Chik Ng Lam 71
F.1.2 Proto-AA N. Khoisan-
Old Chinese *ʔam- !Kung ‖kʌm
*ʔiam- “catch, seize” / C. Khoisan-
“grasp” Militarev / Nama
Karlgren GSR Stolbova ‖kam
616g AA- “hold up”
Matisoff 2003 525 Etymology Ruhlen 1994
55
F.1.3 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Semitic-
bkam-pa Hausa Written
“pincers” makāmā f. Arabic
“to hold with “handle” kammaša
pincers” Newman, P. “a pair of
Das 60 2007 146 pliers”
TB-Kiranti- Skinner 193 Wehr 984
Yamphu makāmi
kamba “tool”
“wooden tongs” Newman, P.
Starostin, S. 2000 59293
292
Yamphu Dict.
292
Note- F.1.3 (TB-Tibetan etc.) The F.1.3 Tibetan / Kiranti bkam-pa / kamba variant meaning “pincers /
tongs” also matches an NS- Songhay (Djerma) morpheme kambe meaning “arm, hand” (Greenberg 1966 133).
Other matching NS attestations meaning “arm, hand” are:
NS- Songhay (Koroboro) kamba bory-o “right hand” Heath v.3 190
NS-Kanuri musko kəmburám “right hand” Cyffer 90
NS- Anywa [Anuak] càam “right hand” Reh 14, 40
The same root is also attested in all reflexes of the W. Chadic-North Bauci Group proto-root *’kam “hand,
arm” and W. Chadic-Hausa kamu “measure of forearm and hand” Skinner 135.
Various AA languages also attest a minimally contrasting root *’kan- / *kan- / ngaan meaning “hand,
forearm” to which the F.1.4 ST variant corresponds phonetically:
541
294
Note- F.1.4 (Etyma) The fact that four different Afro-Asiatic proto-roots have been proposed suggests that
AA inherited the forms from an older African language superfamily. This was probably either Niger-Congo or
Khoisan and hence the proposed ultimate root is *-kam- “to hold” “to seize”. Ruhlen has identified 15
superfamilies of the world’s languages which attest it. (Ruhlen 1994 297).
295
Note- F.1.4 (Middle Chinese Extended ) Norman reports that a pretransitive preposition jiāng was a marker of
instrumentality from the early Tang dynasty until the Qing dynasty, [618 to 1644 CE]..It is derived from a verb
meaning “to hold in the hand”. When this verb was first used as a preposition, it denoted an instrument. (Norman
543
Tables F.2-F.5 are grouped semantically under their common referent “gourd/calabash”. The gourd
has been a very important part of African material culture both as a food source and in its use as a
container. In Afro-Asiatic languages the various morphemes which mean “gourd” in most cases also
signify some type of container artefact such as a jar, cup, bowl or basket. The same parallel exists
between the gourd /vessel lexemes in Sino-Tibetan and Sanskrit languages. These match closely on
African variants, providing evidence that various kinds of gourds used in Africa generated the etyma of
the ST “gourd / container” lexemes in Central and E.Asian languages
.
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
F.2a-b Afro-Asiatic AA-Cush. AA- Nilo- NC
– Chadic Proto-AA Sem. Saharan
F.2a.1 TB-Tibetan C. Chadic – Proto-AA Kanuri
ku-wa “gourd, the bottle gourd” Das Glavda *gwâb- “calabash guwá
17 [Disyllabic corresp.] kúwà (used as container, “bowl-
N. Chinese-MSC “calabash, utensil)” shaped
-guā bf. “fruit or plant of the gourd cup” Ehret 1995 gourd”
family, including melon, cucumber, Rapp / #375 219 Cyffer 64
pumpkin etc.” Wang, F. 172 Benzing 56
131.) Note the closely similar Beijing morphemes F.1.4 chyâng (Y) “snatch (seize)”and F.1.5 Beijing qián
“pincers, pliers, tongs” “grip (with pincers), clamp”. This latter functions both as a verb and the name of an
instrument for grasping/holding things. In general the table shows that both TB and Chinese attestations of this root
parallel the AA and NS meanings of “grasp, hold” and “instruments for grasping /holding”.
544
296
Note F.2a.1 (Chadic) The earliest African pottery was shaped like a calabash. Camps 567. The examples
observed by Camps at sites in southern Algeria in the Ahaggar, and Tassili N’Ajjer areas were all “round-based”.
They date from the seventh millenium BCE. Camps 564-565. The various roots for gourds phonetically match
words which denote containers and other round objects which appear below in this note and in tables F.6a-F.8a
545
F.2a.1 (Chadic Extended) *kwar- “gourd” = F.7a.2 (Chadic ) kwàř “round, spiral” kwararo ideo. “describes
round thing”
F.2a.1 (Chadic Extended) kwal- “bottle, jar” “calabash” = F.7b.1 kwal- “ball” *gwal- “round”
F.3.1 (Chadic) k’ululu “gourd” (PAA) gulul “vessel”=F.8a.2 (Chadic Extended) gululu “ball”
(NS) kòoli “encircle”
F.4c.2 (NC, Chadic) kwankwan “calabash” / guan “pot, pitcher” = F.7a.6 (Chadic) kawan- surrounding a
place, making a circuit” “metal ring”
F.5.1 (Semitic, Chadic) kur- “gourd” “mug” = F.8a.1 (Extended) kurah / kura “ball, globe, sphere”
F.5.2 (Cushitic, NS, Khoisan) koote r- “gourd” = F.8a.1 (Chadic, PAA) *kor- (PAA) “round”
297
Note- F.2b.1 (Nilo-Saharan) The following note F.3.2 (Nilo-Saharan) reports Ehret’s conclusion that
pottery was invented by spekars of a Nilo-Saharan language. Both the F.2b.1-2 NS-Kanuri sets above and the
F.3.1 NS-Anywa / Songhay set below are consistent with this since the present study indicates a historically close
association between Chadic and NS languages
546
W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic, Harari qaba “kind of gourd for milk” Leslau 1979 v.3 468
Egyptian qab “pot, vessel” Budge v.2 763 qeb “pot, jar, vase” Budge v.2 767
E. Cushitic-Somali xabxab “watermelon” Awde 1999 110
W. Chadic–Bedde-Ngizim kāBiyau “pumpkin” Skinner 149
gàabíyău “pumpkin (Cucurbita pepo)” Schuh 63
F.2b.2
W. Chadic–Hausa kābo “calabash species” Skinner 129 kobewa (Cucurbita pepo)” Barth 176
kàbēwa / kubēwa “pumpkin (vegetable) ” Newman, R. 1990 211 Skinner 129
W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic kubbaya “cup, mug (of metal)” “calabash” “bowl-shaped gourd”
Leslau 1976 161
NS-Kanuri kawéto “calabash gourd” Cyffer 73, 85
Proto-Western Chadic *habi- “gourd watter botle” “cooking pot” “pumpkin”
Stolbova, Olga W. Chadic Etymology 2006
C. Chadic–Bura kwatam ”wooden platter or bowl”
kwatsela “small basket” Dict.of Bura
C. Chadic – Guduf kwáthà “calabash” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 56
W. Chadic – S. Bauci- Zaar kwatr “calabash” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 56
W. Chadic–Hausa ukwatoo “Cucurbita maxima” “bitter gourd” kwartowa “Citrillus colocynthis”
“bitter gourd” Blench Hausa names for plants 2011 print 2, 41
E. Chadic–Masa group -Banana gwətə “calabash, generic” Skinner 159
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
F.2b.1 Altaic-Turkic-Uzbek / Uyghur qapaq “gourd” English-Uzbek Dictionary, Uyghur Dictionary
Altaic-Turkic-Turkish kap “container” kabak “pumpkin” kabak “pumpkin” su kabagi “gourd”
Tureng 700
IE-Iranian-Middle Persian kapārak “Gefass” (Ger.) [vessel, jar]
IE-Old Indian kapāla- “cup, jar, dish” “ oil vessel; flask, bottle”
Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 2012
F.2b.2
IE-Pashto kupa’i / kuprra’i “a small leathern bottle, a flask” Raverty 778-779
Proto-Tungus-Manch *kiab- “a kind of vessel”
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *Kobga “a kind of vessel”
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian *kob- “a kind of vessel” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
Altaic-Turkic-Uzbek qovun “melon” English-Uzbek Dictionary
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
F.3 AA – Chadic AA –Cushitic, Afro-Asiatic- Nilo-Saharan NC
Proto-AA Semitic
F.3.1 W. Chadic- Proto-AA W. (Ethiopian) Anywa
N. Chinese-MSC Hausa *gulul- “vessel” Semitic-Harari [Anuak]
xìhúlu n. k’ūlūlu Militarev / qulu’ “gourd” āgūlū “pot
“pumpkin, “big gourd Stolbova Leslau without neck
summer squash” water pot” AA Etymology 2007 1979 v.3 474 (for storing beer
DeFrancis 1059 Skinner 176 E. Cushitic-Oromo West Semitic- and water)”
húlu “bottle kullu / qulu “gourd” Ethiopian- ókɔכllú
gourd, calabash” kullumi Skinner 176 Gurage (Selti) “pumpkin”
Wu, J. 284 “jug” qullu / qilla qula “gourd, Reh 3, 61
“Chinese bottle Skinner 181 “gourd” bowl made from a
gourd” Leslau 1979 gourd”
Wang, F. 216 v.3 474 Leslau 1979
v.3 474
547
298
Note- F.3.2 (Nilo-Saharan)
Based on archaeological and linguistic data Ehret considers that pottery making was invented in Africa by
speakers of Nilo-Saharan languages before 9000 BCE (Ehret 2002 64), Given the proto-AA roots and the great
number of Chadic reflexes of these, speakers of AA languages also appear to have also been very early users of
pottery. Pottery first appeared in China as early as 18,300 -14,000 BP . This could imply that pottery was invented
independently in China, but it is not completely clear that all the current vocabulary for containers existed in that
period. Ceramic technology became more advanced and widespread in China during the ealy Holocene, so many of
the current words for pots etc. may have entered East Asia at that time given their close similarity to African roots.
See Liu / Chen 64-68.including Fig.3.865 which lists sites where early pottery has been found in East Asia.
By the third millenium BCE pottery from the Indus Civilization was the main item being imported into the
Arabian peninsula. This area was a trading hub with the Indus Civilization from about 2500 BCE till 2000 BCE
Large amounts of Indus pottery existed in ancient Oman by 2400 BCE It is considered by experts on Indus remains
to have been technically and aesthetically superior to that of ancient Arabia. (Lawler 1096-1097). Potsherds
containing the Indus script have also been found at the third millenium site of Saar on the island of Bahrain
(Dilmun) along with other Indus artefacts. (Possehl 225). See Note F.3.1 (Sanskrit Extended) below. Also “It
appears that some sort of potter’s wheel was present in period II at Meghar [i.e.about 5500 BCE] in the Indus
Civilization, now SW Pakistan. Possehl 90.
548
299
Note- F.3.1 (Old Chinese Extended)
Sagart and other researchers recognized the contrast between two Chinese morphemes with and without the initial
k(V)- and reconstructed two Old Chinese proto-forms. The table shows only a contrast between Sinitic initial k-
and initial w- which is also present in Cushitic-Oromo, W.Semitic and several Nilo-Saharan families. Sanskrit
gives evidence of having preserved the k- initial which is probably older. See chapter 10 section 10.2.
300
Note- F.3.1 (N. Chinese (Beijing Extended). Round pots with necks are called “hu jars” in Beijing Chinese.
They are found in several different early Chinese material cultures. (See illustrations in Liu / Chen Figures 6.9-
10 #10-12, 17-18; also Figures 5.9 #20; 7.3 #10 and 7.10C). In Afro-Asiatic languages the root hulu ( a Sinitic
variant form) refers to gourds, or more specifically bottle gourds. Like guan jars they are pot-bellied but with the
neck they more resemble bottle gourds. The Chinese “guan jars” generally do not have a neck. The word family
containing guan jar is in section F.4c.2..
549
301
Note- F.3.1 (Sanskrit Extended) The disyllabi Sanskrit and other IE lexemes of this table closely match the
Chadic, Cushitic and South Semitic forms of words meaning both “gourd” and “pot”.
The Sanskrit / IE correspondences with the Afroasiatic languages of six of the F.2a-F5 tables i.e (F.3.2 , F.4a.2,
F.4b.5, F.4c.2 and F.5.1-2 Extended sections) provide linguistic evidence which supplements the archaeological
data. They provide important evidence that the Sanskrit words meaning “gourd, earthenware container” (which
match Chinese, AA and NS morphemes) existed in the language of a northwest Indian society during the period
of the Harappan civilization. Their closest African correspondent is the F.3.1 Chadic-Tangale kúluk / kulak
“gourd species”.
550
NC-Fulfulde (Fulani) gumbal “whole calabash with a small hand-hole in the top” Taylor 68
Maba Group-Masalit góňj-a / goňj-o “cucumber” Edgar 249
F.4a.2
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Gurage (Endegen) quňňa (Selti) quňňe ; (Gogot) quňňu “jar of clay, cup
of clay used for milking” Leslau 1979 v.3 491
E. Chadic- Masa Group- Lame gənāi “poterie” Skinner 84
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) maaعuun “plate, dish” Dict. of Iraqi Arabi pt.2 432
F.4a.3
W. Chadi–Hausa kumbòo pl. kumbuna “flat tray-like calabash used as eating bowl”
Newman / Ma 1979 69 “calabash species (long, narrow)” Skinner 152 “calabash basin made by
cutting a large round gourd in two halves” Newman P. 2007 117 kōmō “misshapen calabash”
Newman, P. 2007 115
E. Cushitic- Gedeo ‘koon-jo “calabash” Hudson 251
NS- Songhay (Gao) gùmbúlù n. “petit calebasse placée dans une autre pleine d’eau” [small calabash
placed within another full of water] Ducroz 106
NS-Nuer gum “big gourd with small opening in top” Huffman 6
W. Chadic–Gwandara (Newman) kəmbyoŋo “pumpkin (vegetable)” Skinner 149
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots
F.4a.2 IE-Pashto kunda “a wooden cup or bowl” Raverty 811
kunjai “a small earthen vessel for water” Raverty 809
IE- Sanskrit kuNDa “a bowl-shaped vessel, basin, bowl, pitcher, pot” kuNDin “a kind of vessel”
guNDaka “an oil vessel” Cologne Lexicon kundá “pot, vessel” Kuiper 149
Altaic-Proto-Mongolan *kundaga “a kind of vessel”
Altaic- Proto-Turkic *Kenduk “large earthenware jar” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology
Altaic-Middle Turkic kűnduk “jug” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology
F.4a.3 IE-Pashto kumra’ī “a small earthen brass narrow mouth vessel for drinking out of,
a drinking cup” Raverty 427
IE- Sanskrit kumbha “a jar, a pitcher, a waterpot, ewer” “a measure for grain”
kumbHANDa “a pumpkin gourd” kumbhatumbI “a kind of large, round gourd”
kumbhazAlA “a pottery” kumbhakara “a potter” Cologne Lexicon.
IE-Hindi kumhārī “pottery” f. kumharā “squash” m. Scudieri 220
IE-Bengali kumrā “pumpkin”n. Thompson 44,170
IE-Avestan xumba “Topf” (Ger.) [pot]
IE- N.Persian xumb, xum “Topf, Krug” (Ger.) [pot, jar] Nicolayev, Sergei IE Etymology 2012
Altaic-Turkic-Uyghur xǔmbash ”jar” Uyghur Dictionary
Proto-Altaic *kǔmbaka ”a kind of vessel” [Disyllabic correpondence.]
Altaic-Proto-Turkic*kǔmgan ”a kind of vessel”
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian*kombuga ”a kind of vessel” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
F.4a.4 Altaic-Proto-Tungus-Manchu *kondi “a kind of vessel”
Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology http.//starling.rinet.ru./c
/
F.4b.1 TB-Tibetan C. Chadic – E. Cushitic-Burji West Semitic-Ethiopian-
(Ladakhi) Bura gundó “winnowing Gurage (Caha, Ennemor,
guŋ-dúm / gun- kundi basket” Hudson 195 Gyeto) gundo
dúm “basket” E. Cushitic-Oromo “food container made of
“a bottle shaped or Dict. of Bura gundoo “flat basket for grass, basket serving as a
cylindrical basket” bread, winnowing measure”
Jaschke 69 Das 222 instrument” Gragg 187 Leslau 1979 v.3 283
kündum “cesto, paniere largo”
“round basket” [wide basket, hamper]
Goldstein 184 Borello 189
552
302
Note- F.4c.2 N. Chinese (Beijing). As mentioned in Note F.3.1 above illustrations of a Chinese guan “jar”
are found in in Liu / Chen 2012 Fig. 6.10 #10-12, 17 and 18. The typical guan jar is round (pot-bellied) and has
a wide round opening on the top. It resembles a pumpkin or gourd with a hole cut in the top. The African cognates
designate gourds, calabashes. For other references to archaeological sites relevant to ancient pottery in China see
Chapter 6 section 6.1.1..
553
303
Note- F.5.1 (TB-Nepalese, Kiranti, Chadic) S. Starostin considers the trisyllabic form *khoriyā to be derived
from a disyllabic root *khorī (*khoriyā < *khorī ). The African language evidence supports this hypothesis since
the F.5.2 disyllabic form is attested in the older African language families including Khoisan. Historically in Hausa
F.5.1-2 the Hausa/Gwandara form was developed through a “feminative” suffix –iya which converted disyllabic
morphemes into trisyllabic ones, e.g. *k’ugì > k’ugìya “hook” Newman, P. 2000 210, 214 Rule 2. See also Note
C.24b.1,3. Also F.18a.1 *zarE > zariya “trouser string”, and set F.18a.3 Extended. *tsarak > tsarkiya. Thus
the k’ôree > koriya development probably occurred in Africa before the migrations which brought them to East
Asia. Under this hypothesis there was an earlier migration of Khoisan and NS speakers which carried the disyllabic
form into the TB current linguistic area and a later one into the same general region. Also note that the F.5.1 TB-
Kiranti/Nepalese and Arabic trisyllabc forms refer to a metal container, thus indicating a migration after the
invention of metallurgy.
304
Note- F.5.2 (Tibetan, Cushitic) The Tibetan and Cushitic semantics present the possibility of a convergence of
two phonetically close but different roots through the association of morphemes meaning “gourd/drinking vessel”
and “wooden drinking vessel”. The proximate root for the Tibetan ko-ré is found in the E. Cushitic
forms which include the meaning of “wooden”. The word for wood in Cushititc-Somali is qori. (See F.21a.1
Extended). However there are similar morphemes meaning “gourd” or “pottery jar” attested in Cushitic– Sidamo
kure “large pottery jar” Gasparini 200, F.6.1 Hausa/Gwandara kor- / gòora and Ngizim kur- “gourd, calabash
(used as container)”.
555
These forms indicate that there was an original Afro-Asiatic root kure / kor- meaning “gourd /container” which
did not include semantics of “wooden, made of wood”. Apparently some E. Cushitic languages employed this
form of the word for “gourd” preferentially for wooden containers since the same morpheme also meant “wood”.
See F.21a.1 (Extended) Proto-S. Cushitic *’kor- “stick, tree, wood”. The association of “drinking vessel” and
“wooden” in the F.5.2 Tibetan ko-ré indicates its Cushitic origin.
556
F.5.2
IE-Bengali kɔrai [Disyllabic corresp.] “large cooking utensil, pan” Thompson 41, 116
IE-Pashto kara’h “a large wooden vessel used for covering meat or as dish cover” Raverty 772
See also Supplementary Table 2 F.5.1-2 and Note- F.3.1 (Sanskrit Extended) above.
Proto-Altaic *kòrke “a kind of vessel
Proto-Altaic *k’ure / *kor- “basket” Starostin, S. Altaic Etymology
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *Körke “a kind of vessel
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian n. *korgu “a kind of vessel” Starostin, S. Altaic Etymology
Altaic-Proto-Tungus-Manchu *kurke “a kind of vessel” http.//starling.rinet.ru
↓↓
The following word family F.6a.1-4 shows a phonetic continuum of lexemes plausibly derived from a
Chadic root kəway (k’awy) / gəway basically meaning “go/turn around, surround”. These give
evidence of having generated the similar noun or adjectival forms meaning” “surroundings, enclosure,
circular” The word family is also of interest since there are multiple ST correspondences with the Hausa
verb grades:
F.6a.1-2 vg. 1 (basic non-suffixed form, intransitive) matches basic non-suffixed form in Yue, MSC
and Jingpho)
F.6a.3 vg.4 ( completive, total action) suffixed -ee ) matches the ST waih- roots which designate
completed actions “encircle , surround, enclose”. In Hausa these are transitive verbs.
F.6a.3 vg.6 (ventive- suffixed -o) matches the ST -yiu / yiuh suffixes which designate movement
back toward the speaker. This is typical of verbs denoting circular motion or shape as in the Chinese-Yue
wàaihyiuh vt. “to encircle, surround” < Hausa kēwayō vg.6 vi. (ventive) “come around again”
See also the introduction to Chapter 2H, set F.1.7 and Chapter 10 Section 10.2.1.
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close Corrspondences
F.6a-b AA-Chadic AA- AA- NS NC
Cush. Sem.
F.6a.1 S. Chinese-Yue C. Chadic-Glavda
(Cantonese) gwaya “to turn round”
gwáai “to turn” “to go about” Rapp / Benzing 46
Chik / Ng Lam 218 W. Chadic-Hausa
N. Chinese-MSC / Beijing gēwaya vi. “go round”
kuâi “to turn” Newman, P. 2007 73
Mathews #3532a 522 kēwaya / gēwaya vg.2 vi.
guâi “turn” Wu, J. 247 “go round” Skinner 143
“revolve” Newman, R. 1990 226 vg.1 vi.
F.6a.2 W. Chadic- Hausa
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] wàiwàyā “turn, return” Skinner 280
wai “whirl as a whirlpool, waiwayā vg.1 vi. “turn one’s head
stir, as with a ladle” around to look behind” Newman, P. 2007
Benedict 32 216 Newman, R. 1990 286
F.6a.3 S. Chinese-Yue W. Chadic- Hausa kèewàyèe vg.4 vt.
(Cantonese) wài completive “surround, enclose” “circle,
“to surround, to enclose, enclosure” Newman, P. 2007 73,112
to encircle’ Newman, R. 1990 268 “corral”
“surrounding environment” “circumference”
‘the circumference of a “environs”
circle” Chik Ng Lam 75 Newman, R.1990 41, 53, 81, 83305
305
Note F.6a.1-4 (Hausa) P. Newman establishes k’awy- as the base root for the F.6a.2-3 Chadic variants.
The F.6b.2 k’auwayya “country, rural area morpheme is a dialectal variant of the plural of this morpheme and
represents the normal development of this type of plural ā-ā. Newman, P. 2000 442-43.
557
The phonetics of the F.6b word family’s lexemesshow a link between it and those of F.6a though the
semantics at first seem different. The lexemes meaning “suburb”, “boundary” and “neighborhood’ are
semantically related to the F.6a words meaning “surroundings”, “environment” and “nearby”.
F.6b.1 S. Chinese-Yue Cushitic- West Semitic- Anywa
(Cantonese) Oromo Ethiopian- [Anuak]
gàau “suburbs of a city” gau Amharic k�� ʊ
ngàu “a district, an area, “essere qäbäle “boundary,
a zone” “a border” vicino a” “district, area, border,
Chik / Ng Lam 44, 460 [to be precinct, frontier”
S.Chinese–Min neighboring section of city Reh 36, 89
(Taiwanese) on, to be or country,
kaû “border, frontier, close by] region”
boundary” Borello 172 Leslau 1976 76
Bodman 1983 52,170
F.6b.2 W. Chadic- Hausa Written
N. Chinese -MSC k’auyèe “country (Iraqi, Yemeni)
jiāo “suburbs, outskirts” (as opposed to town)” jaawar
jiāowài “the countryside Newman, P. 2007 129 “to be neighbor
around a city, outskirts” “village, rural area” of, to live next
Wu, J. 339 Wang, F. 236 Kraft 353 door”
chiāo “open spaces “village, edge of “border on”
beyond a city” anything, Dict. of Iraqi
“frontiers” neighborhood” Arabic
Mathews #714 97 Skinner 169 part 2 80
jiào “border” [pronounced Qafisheh 92
DeFrancis 424 k’yauyèe]
jiāojiè “(of two or more See A33.1]
places) have a common k’auwayya
boundary” Wu, J. 338 dialectal variant
“meet, come together at a “rural area”
border:” Newman, P. 2000 443
Wang, F. 236
jiāo “(of places or
periods of time}
”meet, join” Wu, J. 337
See also H.39b.1
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
F.6b.1
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) ngàu “a district, an area, a zone” “a border”, gàau “suburbs of a city”
< E. Cushitic- Oromo ga-u “to be neighboring on” / Semitic g-wr “be in vicinity”
F.6b.2 N. Chinese-MSC jiāo “suburbs, outskirts”, chiāo “open spaces beyond a city” “frontiers”
< Semitic-Arabic *jāw- “to be neighbor of, to live next door” “to border, border on” /
Approximate Sinitic etyma *ga-u “to be neighboring on” “be in the vicinity of” ~ *jāw- “to be
neighbor of, to live next door”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
F.6b.1
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gàau-ngoi “outskirts of a city, suburbs” Po-fei Huang 384
gàaugaai “boundary, border region, adjoining” Po-fei Huang 383
S. Chinese-Min kau-kai “border, frontier, boundary” Bodman 1987 v.2 78, 145
[compound of this root and kai “boundary, world” F. 11.1 below]
F.6b.2 N. Chinese-MSC chiāo “to join, to intertwine” “adjoining” Mathews #702c 96
559
306
Note- F.7a.2 TB-Karenic Many TB correspondences to this set mean “village” e.g. [Burmish] Samong kewa
and [Chin] Lushai kewa from which Benedict reconstructs Proto-TB *gwa “village”. Matisoff 2003 127, 134;
Benedict 113-114 See also notes F.6a.2-4, note F.8b.1 and sets F.8b.3-4.
307
Note- F.7a.2-4 (TB-Lushai, Jingpho, Old Chinese). The TB-Lushai and Chinese-Beijing morphemes of these
sets show an explicit phonetic and semantic connection between an ST variant meaning “encircle, fence” and a
Fulani / Khoisan root meaning “fence made of thorns”. See also the variant Chadic-Hausa kēway- form of this
root meaning “corral, enclosure” in set F.6a.3, and the khor- “round” root in sets F.8a.1-2.
561
308
Note- F.7a.4 (S. Chinese-Kejia) Rings from the Zhukaigou culture of China’s central southern Inner Mongolia
culture (2000-1400 BC) and the Qijia culture of the Upper Yellow River valley are shown in illustrations (Liu /
Chen 315, 324, 329). The Zhukaigou rings are earrings and finger rings made of bronze. (Fig. 9.9 #A3-5 315). The
Qijia sites show a bronze bracelet, a bronze earring (Fig. 9.13 #19-20 324 ), a round jade ring called huan and a
curved jade pendant called huang (Fig. 9.16 #2, 5 329).
562
“turn (change of
direction)
Kwan 541
“curve”
Kwan 119
TB-Nung
waŋ
“surround”
Benedict 50
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
F.7a.6 TB-Jingpho [Kachin] śəwan “shut in, fence in” / N. Chinese-MSC quān “circle, ring”
“circle, encircle” “corral” “pen in, shut in a place” chywān (Y) n. “ring, a circle,
< Khoisan-ǂHoan ‖xáùŋ “fence” ~ !kãǔnu “earring”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *k’awan- [kyawan-] “ “circle, encircle” “corral, pen “ ~
*!kãǔn “a circular object” e.g. “earring´ *‖ɣáùŋ “to make a bush fence with hookthorns”.
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
F.7a.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) káuying ge “round” Kwan 445
S. Chinese-Min kiú “a ball” Bodman 1987 v.2 149
F.7a.2 Semitic- Arabic (Yemeni) h̟awwaṭ “surround, encircle” Qafisheh 149
TB-Proto-Kiranti *khòr “enclosure, fence” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
TB-Tibetan h̟khor-gyi h̟kyams “courtyard, an open space near a temple or residential house—also the
passage round a temple or monastery---“ Das 188 h̟kyams [variant of F.7a.3
*kwam “enclosure” or F. 7a.6 kyawanya “surrounding a place”?]
F.7a.4
N. Chinese-MSC xuán “revolve, circle, spin” Wu, J.782 kuang “frame, circle” Wu, J. 398
S. Chinese–Min khuán “a circle, a tour around” hue-khuán “a wreath of flowers” Bodman 1987
v.2 81, 154 khoan1 / khoan5 n. “circle, ring” “with a return to the starting point, round” “bracelet,
ring” v. “surround, surrounding” “enclosure for keeping livestock, corral” Hakka Dict. Bodman 1987
v.2 154 (Fuzhou) khuáŋ “to turn around” Sagart 1999 119
S. Chnese Kejia (Meixian) k’wan2 / k’wan1 “jade ring or bracelet” “earrings for women”
“around, round” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gwán “to turn round and round” “to roll, to rotate” Chik / Ng Lam 268
gwàn “a potter’s wheel” Chik / Ng Lam 77 gwán “roll (as a ball)” Chen 338
N. Chinese-MSC xuàn “whirl” “turn something on a lathe” Wu, J. 784
S. Chinese-Min hue-khuán “a wreath of flowers” Bodman 1987 v. 2 154
F.7a.6 Old Chinese g’wan “ring, encircle” “turn around, return” Karlgren GSR 256n Matisoff 2003
424 gi̭wan “circle, circumference” Karlgren GSR 227c Matisoff 2003 424309 “enclosure for pigs”
“wall around courtyard” Karlgren GSR 226k, 257u g’iwan “tie around, encircle” Karlgren GSR 256q
Matisoff 2003 424
N. Chinese-MSC quān “circle, encircle” “corral” “pen in, shut in a place” “circle, ring”
Wu, J. 563 DeFrancis 750 jwân (Y) “turn (revolve)” Chen 426 juân “roll up” Wu, J. 373
chüan “to roll up, to gather” “rolled up, curly” Mathews #1642 233 ;
chüan “a roll of paper, a book” Mathews #1640 233 See also F.10a.2-3
309
Note- F.7a.6 Chinese-MSC, Old Chinese) Karlgren posits two Old Chinese forms g’wan “ring, encircle” “turn
around, return” / gi̭ wan “circle,circumference, round, return” which correspond to a Hausa glotallized initial k’and
a palatalized initial k’y-. The standard written notation of glottalized k’ initial is ƙ. For Newman this ‘hooked
(ƙ)’ notation does not adequately represent this and other cases in which the initial glottalized velar is palatalized.
Both the F.7a.6 N.-Chinese-MSC chywan and Old Chnese g’iwan can be considered to be correspondences to a
Hausa glotallized kəyawanyaa or palatalized k’yawanyaa form. Newman, P. 2000 416. See also Note A.33.1
(Chadic-Hausa).
563
xuwánzhuán (IPA) “turn, rotate (object, wheel)” Merriam-Webster Chinese 145, 198, 375
zhuân / zhuàn “turn or revolve in a circle” Wang, F. 608 See also F.10.2 Extended.
Middle Chinese tjwân “turn” Norman 231
S. Chinese–Min cuān “to turn or twist, as a key” “winding, crooked” Bodman 1987 v.1 235, v.2 199
F.7a.7 N. Chinese-MSC huán “to revolve, to encircle, a circle” Mathews #2255 336
jyāuwan (Y) vt. “exchange” Chen 100 jyāu “exchange” (H.39a.1-2)
wān “bend, flex “e.g. “bend a bow” “turn, curve, bend” “go round curves ; turn a corner”
“a bend in a stream” wân “coil up” “wind, meander, zigzag” Wu, J. 707 ;
“to bend, bent, curved” Mathews #7028 1041 “a wriggling movement” “to bend, a curve” Huang 434
guâiwan(r) “turn a corner, turn” “turn round, pursue a new course” Wu, J. 247
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
chèunwàahn “to move in a circle” “circulation, rotation” Chik / Ng Lam 139 chèun “roll up”
(F.10.5 Extended) ; wàahn “to come back, to return” Chik / Ng Lam 458 ; wàahn “return
(articles)” Kwan 434
TB-Written Burmese wàŋ “swing around, spin” waŋ-rui “spindle” rui “handle” Benedict 25, 50
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) wahn “to move, to revolve” Chik / Ng Lam 455
F.7a.8
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] wâŋ “surround, encircle, circle, enclosure” Benedict 50
“encircle, fence” Matisoff 2003 269
wan “round, circular” Matisoff 2003 406
TB Burmese wàn “round, circular” Benedict 32 Matisoff 2003 406
TB Written Burmese wàŋ “fence made of wrought materials forming an enclosure” Benedict 50
TB-Kiranti wang-wang “circular” Benedict 50
S. Chinese-Min uân “bending, crooked”
aû-uân “to bend, crooked” Bodman 1987v.2 187, 199 uân “bending”
‘huánrào vt. “circumscribe, go around” Wang, F. 209 174
N. Chinese-MSC huán “a ring, a bracelet, to encircle”, Mathews #2258 336 “a metal ring”
Mathews #2262 337
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) wàanyíuh “ring” Kwan 439 “encircle” Kwan 162
[compound of this root and that of H.41.1]
Extended African/AA language word family:
F.7a.2
NC-Fulfulde [Fulani] howa “put a fence around” Taylor 86
E. Cushitic-Somali kuwareeg-san “surrounded by” wareeg “go around” Awde 1999 76, 62, 73.
W. Chadic Hausa kwarkwaro “spindle for thread” “sewing machine” Newman, P. 2007 122
kwararo ideo. “describes round thing being too large” Newman / Ma 1979 72
C. Chadic–Bura kwarakwara “bobbin of a native loom” Dict. of Bura.
W. Chadic-Angas gwar “round, spiral patterns” Foulkes 193
Semitic-Arabic-Iraqi xawwar “to run around, roam” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 148
Written Arabic h̟awiya “convolution, coil, curl, roll” Wehr 254
NS- Maba Group-Aiki wàrrndi / wárándi “round, circular” Edgar 389
F.7a.3
Egyptian kerker “to circle, to mark out a circle with a stick” Budge v.2 796
W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic guränno “enclosure for sheep” Leslau 1976 208
NS-Songhay (Koroboro) guri “enclos pour le betail” [enclosure for cattle”] Ducroz 109
NS- Kanuri korkomó “round area set up for temporary living” Cyffer 99
Proto-AA k’ur- “go round” Skinner 143
E. Cushitic-Sidam qoqowwo “a surrounded and defended place” Gasparini 268
F.7a.4 N. Khoisan- !‘O-! Kung !kãnu “bracelet” Ruhlen 1994 #176 49
F.7a.7 NS-Anywa wɛכɲ vt. “to twist sth. (thread, rope) together, (two strings; by rolling them on one’s
thigh” āriet thɔɔl ā-wɛכɲ-ɛ כvt. “Ariet twisted the rope together” Reh 81
564
ball” may have existed earlier and the semantics of F.8a.2 “wheel” were introduced along with an earlier artefact,
the potter's wheel, which was widely used in the Middle East by the beginning of the third phase of the Early
Bronze Age about 2400 BCE, and is depicted in Egyptian paintings of that period. This antedates the invention of
the wheeled vehicle by more than a millennium.
566
IE-Old Indian gargara “whirlpool, churn” Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 2012
Altaic-Proto-Tungus-Manchu *kur- “to roll, churn” *xol- / *xul- “to roll, turn”
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian *kor- / *kör “to roll, churn” / *kol-ki “to roll, turn”
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *Kul- “to roll, turn”
Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
IE-Sanskrit kharb “to go round” Cologne Lexicon
Proto-Altaic *k’úlo “to roll, turn” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
IE-Pashto gola “a ball” Raverty 2d ed. 853
/
F.8b.1 W. Chadic- Ron E. Cushitic- Semitic-Arabic NS- Kanuri
TB-Tibetan (Bokkos) gara’ “etwas Oromo qura:ba kə́rgə
khóra / khórsa umgehen, herumgehen” qarqarā (IPA) “state,
“circumference, [to go around “confine, bordo, “proximity” region,
circumjacent space” (something)] contorno” Merriam- area”
Jaschke 43 Jungraithmayr [boundary, Webster Arabic Cyffer
1970 140 border, 122 81, 94
W. Chadic –Hausa surroundings]
kàrkàrā “inhabited Borello 337
area near city” E. Cushitic-Afar
Newman, P. 2000 514 gari “adjacent
“cultivated region area, environs”
around town” Skinner 78
Skinner 138
F.8b.2 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-Tangale South Cushitic Egyptian
than-kór / la+korok (West Rift) khar / ákháar
tan-skór “town, village” *xoro “village, a
“surrounding Skinner 493 “land, district, quarter of a
country” country” town or city”
Jaschke 229 Budge v.1
Das 570 77, 532
F.8b.3 W. Chadic- Hausa NS-Kanuri
N. Chinese-MSC (ù)ngūwā, angūwā ngúro
guō bf. “outer wall, pl. (u)ngūwoyi “quarter of
or surrounding area ”village, ward a town ,
of a city” (of town)” “quarter of a ward”
De Francis 334 town, town ward” Lukas 1937
Wu, J. 257 Newman, P. 2007 235
214, 8 Skinner 278
F.8b.4 W. Chadic- Gwandara . Songhay
TB-Chin-Lushai, angwa (Koroboro)
General Kuki “quarter of town” kura /
khua “village” Skinner 278 kuraa
Benedict 109 “quarter
TB-Burmish- (of town)”
Samong [Phöng] Heath
kəwa “village” v.3 221
Benedict 109
[Disyllabic corresp.]
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
F.8b.1 TB-Tibetan khóra / khórsa “circumference, circumjacent space” ḡ�כ
r “area, region”
“vicinity, proximity”
567
< E. Cushitic- Oromo koro / qoró “land, district, country” “district of divided into villages”
F.8b.4 TB-Chin-Lushai, General Kuki. khua “village” / Proto- Tibeto-Burman *g-wa “village”
< W. Chadic- Hausa (ù)ngūwā, (a)ngūwā “quarter of a town, town ward” “neighborhood” /
NC-Mumuye kwa “enclosed compound”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *(a)ngūwā “quarter of a town, town ward” “neighborhood”
“the outer circumference of an area” ~ * koro / *qoró “district having a defined area,
surrounding area”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
F.8b.2 TB-Tibetan ḡ�כ r “area, region” “vicinity, proximity” “nearby, around” Goldstein 63
yul-h̟khór “country, province” Das 1140 Jaschke 513 yul “place”
F.8b.3 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) guok- “the outer part of anything” Chik / Ng Lam 460
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] guo1 “the outer wall, outer part (of a city)” Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
F.8b.1 E. Cushitic-Oromo qoro “territory owned by the landlord, village headman”
Leslau 1979 v.3 494 koro / qoró “distretto di un paese diviso in Ganda” Borello 226, 238, 346
[the word Ganda means “village”] See F.15b.1 Semitic
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Ge’ez gor “neighbor, neighborhood, vicinity” Skinner 93
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic gurbətəna “neighborhood” Leslau 1976 208
NS- Songhay (Gao) kòyré / kòyrà “village” Ducroz 159 ;
kòyrà “quarter of town, (variant of kura)” (F.8c.1) Heath v.3 221
F.8b.2 Proto-AA *xoor- “ground” Ehret 1995 #393 226
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharica gär “country, nation, territory (region, land), district”
Leslau 1976 150
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Ge’ez hagar “town, country, inhabited region” Skinner 79
NS-Kanuri ngúromáskí “neighboring quarter of a town” Cyffer 1990 139 Hutchison 80
F.8b.3 Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) qarya / qura “village” qurawi pl. “rural, village”
Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 372311
Semitic-Aramaic qirya / qurya f. “city, town” Comprehensive Aramaic Lexicon
E. Chadic- Mokulu kuwa “étendue de terre, plaine, éspace” [stretch of land, plain, space] Skinner 89
NC-Mumuye kwa “enclosed compound” Skinner 278
NC-Fulfulde (Fulani) gure “towns” Taylor 68
F.8b.4 Proto-Tibeto-Burman *r-wa ~ *g-wa “village” Benedict 109, 209 Matisoff 2003127
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
F.8b.1 Hindi gherā “enclosure”gherā paridi m. “circumference” Scudiere 29, 234
/
F.8c.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-Hausa Proto-AA NS-Kənzi
kǖǖ “region, area” gû (Orel/Stolbova 1995) gū
Goldstein 122 “place” *gur- “house, place” “Stelle, Feld,
khul “district, Newman, 1977 76 Skinner 93 Teil, Acker,
province, domain” Skinner 89 E. Cushitic- Somali etc.” [place,
Jaschke 42 C. Chadic-Buduma guri “hut, house, field, part,
gur “a tent, also a ŋgu large enclosure in area]
house made of hay, “Ort, Haus, Stelle” which huts are built” Skinner 89
straw or grass” [place, house, Skinner 93
Das 222 location] “ house, home”
Jaschke 69 Skinner 278 Awde 1999 33
311
Note- F.8b.1 (Semitic-Arabic) In Yemeni Arabic the F.7a.3 morpheme kurawi means “to surround, encircle”
(Qafisheh 514).This contrasts minimally with the present F.8b.3 Extended Arabic morpheme qura / qurawi
“village” “but further indicates that “circularity” is the semantic basis for the F.8b morphemes meaning “living
area, village, surrounding area.” See also notes F.6a.2-4 and F.7a.2. (TB-Karenic)
568
↓↓
ST African/AA languages- Close correspondences
Languages
F.9a-b AA – AA-Cushitic, AA-Semitic Nilo-Sah. Khoisan
Chadic Proto-AA
F.9a.1 C. Chadic- Proto-AA Semitic- Kanuri N. Khoisan-
TB-Tibetan Mofu- *-kal- Hebrew kálángin !’O-!Kung
h’khál-wa Gudur “to turn round” sgalgal “turn over, galə
“to spin” ŋalŋal- Proto-Cushitic adj. return” C. Khoisan-Nama
Das 186 “mettre en *kal- “to go “oval, rotund” Hutchison gari
’kál-ba boule” round” Ehret Baltsan 377 142 “roll”
(Central and [roll up, 1995 #316 197 E. Cushitic- “turn Ruhlen 1994 61
Western Tibet) lit. make E. Cushitic- Sidamo around” NC- Fulfulde
’kál-ce into a ball] Oromo qale Cyffer [Fulani]
“to spin” Skinner kalka n. “a wheel, 1990 75 kalasal
Jaschke 55 179 “volta, turno” what turns “spindle, shaft,
[a turn, a twist] around” distaff”
Borello 225 Gasparini 254 Taylor 107
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
F.9a.1 TB-Tibetan h’khál-wa “to spin”
< PAA Proto-Cushitic *kal- “to go round, turn around” / N. Khoisan-!’O-!Kung galə ”
Approximate Tibetan etyma *kal- “to go round, turn round” ~ *gal- “roll”
Extended African/AA language word family:
F.9a.1
W. Chadic-Ngizim kàlàktú “to go back, return” Schuh 92 Ehret 1995 #316 197
Proto-Cushitic *kar- “to turn around” Ehret 1995 #328 200
Proto-AA *-kar- “to turn round, go round” Ehret 1995 #328 200
W. Chadic-Hausa gařàa “roll circular object along ground” Newman, P. 2007 70
E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] kààre “faire le tour” Fédry 273
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic täškäräkkär’ä “rotate, turn, revolve, pivot, whirl round”
Leslau 1976 65
Egyptian pekhar “to revolve, to go roundabout, to encircle” Budge v.1 246
Omotic, North Branch –Bencho kar’ “to be round” Ehret1995 #328 200
E. Cushitic–Oromo konkol-accu “rotolare, capitombolare, voltolarsi, rotarsi” [to roll,
to fall head over heels, to turn over, to rotate” Borello 237
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
F.9a.1 IE-Hindi calla “hoop”m. Scudiere 241
/
The following F.9b lexemes provide clues to the probable empirical origins of many of the kar / gar /
kal forms meaning “enclosure, fence, wall”, and some of those already described which mean
“surround”, “district, area, village, suburbs” or “turn around”
The F.9a word famly continues the pattern of lexemes which mean “round, turn around” “circular” and
“circular wall” recorded in the preceding F.7a-b-F and F8ba-b word families. The F.9b.1 E. Cushitic–
Sidamo gargara presents a related semantic dimension of roots which reflect origins of the gar root
based on “surrounding an animal in order to catch it, to guard animals, keep the animals together to
protect them and in this process ‘to hold (them) back, to restrain’”. (See text introducing word families
F.7a-b above ). So the basic implied meaning is “to encircle animals in order to control them”. This
occurred very early in hunting, and then is applied to the corralling of domesticated animals. See also
Note F.7a.6. Blocking and restraining are present in both activities. As mentioned above, cattle keepers
of the African Sahel still surround their animals with a circular fence, most commonly made of thorn
bushes. (See F.7a.4) From an anthropological point of view the exact semantic matching of the Tibetan
570
morphemes with those of multiple AA families, reinforces the usual view of early Tibetans as nomadic
cattle keepers. It is apparently used in Chinese languages, F.9b.3 Hakka, Cantonese only in the derived
abstract meanings of “blocking, separating, dividing, using a partition”
F.9b.1 TB- W. Chadic – E. Cushitic – West Semitic- NS-Nuer
Tibetan dgár-wa Hausa Sidamo Ethiopian- kʌrakɔn
“to separate, kārèe vg.4 gargara Amharic “prison”
confine, place (completive) “to surround an gärrädä Huffman
apart (men, cattle, “to screen animal in order “conceal, make a 23
goods)” Das 266 (temporarily)” to catch it” “to shelter, shield,
skár-wa “a “guard guard animals, screen,
penning of cattle, (shield off)” to restrain” obstruct”
separation, “protect” Gasparini 116 aggärä
to fold” Das 86 Newman, R. gargar- “impede, stop”
Jaschke 20 1990 “corral Leslau 1976
gar “to corner” 14, 210, 236 animals” 150, 208
Goldsten, 60, 108 Skinner 79
F.9b.2 TB- W. Chadic – C. Cushitic- W. Semitic- Kanuri NC-Tiv
Tibetan Hausa garka Bilin Ethiopian- garú gar
kārgyaŋ “wall “fenced in gargara Amharic “surround- “village,
around a fort, garden” “Ringzaun um magär ing wall or fence”
castle” Newman, P. 2000 ein Gehöfte” “wall of poles fence” Skinner
dgar byahi 450 [circular fence fastened in the Cyffer 78
phugs gàařu around a ground” 1990 57
“cattle to be “town wall” farm]” Leslau gargará
penned in a fold” Newman, P. 2007 Skinner 79 1976 38 “fenced
phugs “cattle” 71 place”
Das 266 Skinner 79
F.9b.3 W. Chadic-Hausa West Semitic-
TB-Tibetan gag gak’èe vt. Ethiopian-
“to block, to “hem in, Amharic
obstruct” prevent maggäğa
Goldstein 227 movement from a “embargo,
S. Chinese-Kejia place” barrier,
[Hakka] Newman, P. interdiction”
(Lau Chunfat) 2007 67 Leslau 1976 39
gag5 “to separate, W. Chadic– Egyptian
divide, partition” Angas kak “ward ga “to be
“blocked” off, protect” obstructed, shut
Hakka Dict. Skinner 79 in, blockaded,”
Budge v.2 800
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
F. 9b.1 TB-Tibetan dgár-wa “to separate, confine, place apart, (men, cattle, goods)”, skár-wa
“a penning of cattle”
< W. Chadic-Hausa kārèe vt. “to screen (temporarily)” “guard (shield off)”
kārèewa vn. “a screening, guarding” / E. Cushitic–Sidamo gargara “to surround an animal in order
to catch it, to guard animals, keep them together, to hold back, to restrain”, gargar- “corral animals”
F.9b.2 TB-Tibetan kārgyaŋ “wall around a fort/castle”
< W. Chadic – Ngizim gàarú “any mud wall, esp. a wall around a town” / Kanuri garú
“surrounding wall or fence” / E. Cushitic-Oromo gararo n. “corral, sheepfold”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etymon *gar- “to surround with a fence, wall” “to surround and/or pen
animals” “a wall, a fence, a corral”
571
F.10.3 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gón mihn “to roll dough” gón mihn jeuhng “a rolling pin”
Chik / Ng Lam 192
TB-Tibetan goŋ “to knead dough into balls” Goldstein 280
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) kwan “to bind, to tie up” “a bundle” Chik / Ng Lam 175
S. Chinese–Min khuàn “to pack” Bodman 1987 v.1 227
F.10.4 TB-Tibetan chun-pa “to bunch or bundle together” Das 423, chumbu “bunch, bundle,
bouquet” Goldstein 370
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gyún “to roll up” “a roll, as egg rolls” “to curl (hair etc.)”
gyún hei “to roll up (sleeves, screen etc.)” Chik / Ng Lam 177 “roll (shape a flat thing into a spiral)”
Kwan 442 gyún kūk “to curl up, to roll up” Chik / Ng Lam 47 ; kyùhn “to be coiled, to be curled up”
jyun v. “spin” Kwan 498
S. Chinese-Kejia Hakka] (MacIver) ‘kwun3 vn. “roll, bundle” v. “tie up, bundle up” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) chèun wàahn “to move in a circle” “to come round in order, circulation,
rotation” Chik / Ng Lam 139 wàahn “to move, to revolve” (F.7a.4)
See also F.7a.5 Extended N. Chinese-MSCquan.
Extended African/AA language word family:
F.10.1 NS-Kanuri kə́ndəkin vn. “bind, wrap, or tie (a child) on one’s back”
kəndo vn. Cyffer 1990 91
NS- Songhay kunsum “tie up something in garment” Heath v.3 221
F.10.2 NS- Songhay (Dendi) kùŋkùŋ “envelloper, enrouler, emballer” Zima 127
(Gao) kùngkùnì “enrouler, envelopper, ourler, mettre en rouleau” [roll up, put in a rolled up bundle]
Ducroz 163
F.10.4 E. Cushitic-Somali gucunso “ball, any round body” Skinner 179
E. Cushitic- Sidamo gongo’m-ish- vt. “roll” Hudson 125
W. Chadic–Hausa k’ùnshìi vn. of k’unsàa “package, parcel” Newman, P. 2007 133
F.10.5 NS-Songhay-(Gao) kúmsì “replier une étoffe ou la main sur quelque chose” [wrap up a fabric
or wrap the hand around somthing] Ducroz 161
NS-Barea gomme, gumme “to cover” Greenberg 1966 98
NS-Nuer kwom “to cover” Greenberg 1966 98
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
F.10.2 IE-Sanskrit gunth “to enclose or envelop, surround, cover” gunthita “enveloped, covered
with” gunthana / guNDana n. “concealing, covering” guND “to cover, conceal”
F.10.5 IE-Sanskrit kumb “to cover” Cologne Lexicon. See also Supplementary Table 2 F.10.1-2,5
IE-Bengali kka:m n. “envelope” Thompson 45
Proto-Altaic*kǔmu “to wrap up, cover” / Proto-Turkic *kǔm- “to wrap up, cover”
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian*kǔmi “to wrap up, cover” / Proto Tungus-Manchu *kǔm- “to wrap up,
cover” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology http://starling.rinet.ru./c
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
F.11 AA – Chadic AA – AA-Semitic NS NC
Cush.
F. 11.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] W. Chadic- West Semitic- Songhay
(MacIver, Lau Chunfat) Hausa Ethiopian- (Gao)
kai5 n. “boundary” v. limit” k’ayyàdē Amharic kéỳ
“demarcate, define, delimit” “restrict qäyyäsä “frontière,
Hakka Dict. (put a limit on)” “measure fin”
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) “specify” land, make a [border, end]
gaai “territory, world” “to limit” Newman, R. survey of land, Ducroz 150
gaaisin / gèunggaai 1990 225, 254 outline”
“boundary” Leslau
Chik / Ng Lam 306, 308 Kwan 46 1976 80
575
The Sino-Tibetan morphemes in the following F.12 tables signify various actions of piercing,
penetrating. They can plausibly be proposed as reflexes of Ehret’s Proto-AA / Proto-Cushitic
*-dzaaɣ- “to shoot, stab, spear”(F.12a.1) or Orel and Stolbova’s *suk- “spear, slaughter” ~
*s-‘k-r “strike, pierce” (F.12b.1).
576
Ehret reconstructs *-saɣ- or *sa’ɣ- as a proto-root which means “to weave” (F.12a.1). From a
historical / anthropological perspective the piercing actions in war and hunting using spears probably
came first, and hence the verbal forms, “stabbing, piercing”. Very early these roots also came to mean
“piercing with a needle”, i.e. “sewing” “weaving”.
The specialized meanings of “sew, weave” occur only in the F.12a.2 AA, NS, NC *-saɣ - or *sak’-
“to plait, weave” set, and apparently not among the F.12b forms which contain a main back vowel
*-u- / *-o-. This suggests that the F.12b *cuk- / súk- / *cok- variants are the older and ultimate forms.
The other specialized meanings “planting” and “plants”developed with the advent of agriculture, but
they are also derived from the F.12b.1 Proto-AA *cuk- “pierce, stab” as found in the Tibeto-Burman
F.12c.1 ‘dzugs-pa / zug-pa “to prick or stick into” “to set a plant into the ground, to plant”.
The F.12b.1 Proto-AA *cuk- “pierce, stab” is also the plausible basis of Orel and Stolbova’s F.12c.1
Proto-Afro-Asiatic*suk-“sow”.This verbal form appears also in the F.12c.1-2 W. Chadic-ausa/Gwandara
attestations along with noun forms meaning “plants, crops, grain”. Both are found in the matching
F.12c.1 and F.12c.3 TB and Chinese lexemes meaning “to plant” and “grains”.
chā “stick in, insert” ; “to insert, to mix in” Huang 42 Wu, J. 68 chāyu “spear fish” Wu, J. 68
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) chà “to thrust, to pierce, to stab” “a prong, a fork, used in catching fish
etc.”, chā “a harpoon” Chik / Ng Lam 49 ; chaak “a whip for goading horses”
Chik / Ng Lam 343
F.12a.2
TB-Tibetan sagsaa “loosely woven cloth” Goldstein 1121 ”string, twine” Jaschke 226
N. Chinese–MSC zhā “prick, run or stick (a needle etc.) into” Wu, J. 870 chā “insert”
Merriam-Webster Chinese 14
Extended African/AA language word family:
F.12a.1
W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic ch’äkk’älä “drive a peg into the ground, plant (posts)” Leslau 1976 110
C. Chadic-Fali Gili tsaxw- “pierce” Skinner 33
W. Chadic-Hausa macakī “a piercing tool” Newman, P. 2007 142 ma = Agential prefix
masak’a n.m. “weaving place” ma = Locative prefix Newman / Ma 1992 88
W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Ge’ez saqwana “push” Skinner 274
W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Gurage (Muher) säkkäkä “force the iron part of the knife or the sickle into the
hole of the wooden handle” Leslau 1979 v.3 540
Egyptian sāq “to make to enter, to introduce” Budge v.2 646
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) ĉakk “to prick, stick” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 1 139, 168 part 2 86
C. Chadic–Bura ncakwi “to implant a stake” ncakwibila “to pierce” Dict. of Bura
Semitic-Akkadian *shakaku “be pointed” Militarev / Stolbova
C. Chadic–Hildi, Wamdiu, Margi *dzəg- “pierce” Skinner 33
NC- Fulfulde [Fulani] sakkina “throw, throw a spear” Taylor 164
E. Cushitic-Somali shakad “fork” Awde 1999 47 62
C. Chadic-Bura caki “needle of the witch doctor” Dict. of Bura
Semitic-Syrian Aramaic sakkīn “knife” Militarev, A. Semitic Etymology #352 18
Semitic-Hebrew sakeen “knife” Baltsan 365, 633
Semitic-Arabic sakina (IPA) “knife”n. Merriam-Webster Arabic 83 jaɣruzu (IPA) “stick” v.
Merriam-Webster Arabic 151 (Iraqi) t’aعna “stab, thrust,” “stitch” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 290
Egyptian tekas “to pierce, to cut into” teks “to pierce, to penetrate” Budge v.2 846
t’ag “to plant” Budge v.2 867
F.12a.2
Proto-AA (Orel/Stolbova 1995) *ĉak- “plait, weave” Militarev / Stolbova 2007
Proto-Cushitic *saɣʔ- / *saʔɣ- “to weave” Ehret 1995 #212 156
C. Chadic–Gisiga tsaka “weave” sha’k- “weave, plait” Skinner 226
C. Chadic–Malgwa čaka “weave” Stolbova, Olga Central Chadic Etymology
Proto-C.Chadic čak- / čik- “weave” Stolbova, Olga Central Chadic Etymology
Proto-Cushitic (Dolgopolski 1973) *ts-k’- “weave, join” Skinner 226
W. Chadic–Gwandara sak- “weave, plait” Skinner 226
C. Chadic–Tera caka “weave” Skinner 226
W. Chadic–Ngizim càakáu càaká vn. “weave cloth” Schuh 30
Chadic root (C. Chadic) *zg- “to sew” “to pierce with a needle” Ehret 1995 #457 256
NS-Songhay (Gao) càakóỳ “tisserand” [Fr. weaver] Ducroz 53
Semitic-Hebrew sכkak “weave, cover” Greenberg 1966 63
NS- Tubu [Teda] sok “nähen [to sew, stitch] Lukas 1953 196
W. Chadic-Angas sak “to weave” Greenberg 1966 63
E. Chadic-Musgu sasaka “to weave” Greenberg 1966 63
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
F.12a.1 IE-Tokharian tsak “pierce, bite (of a snake)” Nicolayev, Sergei IE-Etymology 2012 24
IE-Sanskrit zakti “a spear, lance, pike, dart” “a sword”zaktIka “belonging to or relating to a spear,
spearing, speared” “a spearman, lancer” zaktimat “armed with a spear or lance” Cologne Lexicon.
578
Kartvelian-Laz cig- “to stick in” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 7
Kartvelian-Svan c(i)q- “to stick in” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 7
Proto Kartvelian *ci(k)- “to stick in” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 7
http://starling.rinet.ru./c
/
F.12c.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Proto-AA West NS-
‘dzugs-pa / zug-pa Hausa (Orel / Semitic- Songhay
“to prick a stick, shūkàa vt. Stolbova 1995) Ethiopian- (Djenne)
to set a plant into the “sow, plant” *sük- “sow” Tigrinya suka vt.
ground, “to plant” Newman, P. Skinner 246 šäkälä / “stab, plant
Jaschke 465312 2007 187 Cushitic- täk’älä (into
TB- Burmese Newman, R. Sidamo “plant” ground,
tsuik “pierce, plant, 1990 201 shuquna Leslau etc.)
erect” “sow, place seed “to weed a 1979 Heath
S. Chinese-Kejia in the ground field, to hoe v.3 172 v.2 175
(Hakka-Meixian) and cover with around a tree”
*jûʔ “pierce, erect, soil” Gasparini 308
plant” Hakka Dict. Skinner 246
F.12c.2 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- NS-Maba
dzuù “to plant Tangale group
seedlings)” sọọ(y) dzo’o
“poke, stick, stab” “plant, sow” “semer
“to put in, to insert” Skinner 246 en
Goldstein 910 W. Chadic– Ron poquets”
N. Chinese-MSC (Daffo, Bokkos) [sow]
shù “plant, cultivate” su’ Skinner
“set up, establish” “anpflanzen” 246
“a tree, a plant” [to plant,
Wu, J. 637 vt. cultivate]
“to plant, to erect, Jungraithmayr
to sow grain” 1970 146, 220
Mathews #5879 832
F.12c.3 W. Chadic- Omotic-Mocha Semitic- NC-
S. Chinese-Yue Hausa šokki- “seed” Arabic Fulfulde
(Cantonese) shūkàa n.f. Omotic-Bworo ʃaʕi:rr [Fulani]
sūk “grains, millet” “plant(s), (Shinasha) (IPA) cuk-kundi
Chik/Ng Lam 349 crop(s)” šookà- “barley” “a variety
Kwan 295 pl. shuke “Saat”, Same” Merriam- of millet
Middle Chinese Newman, P. [seed] Webster having
syowk “grains still in 2007 187 Militarev, A. Arabic 13 long
their husk” Newman. R. Omotic prickles”
Sagart 1999 179 1990 Etymology Taylor 18
“foxtail millet” 56, 201313 2005
312
Note- F.12c.1 (Tibetan, Hausa) By 5000 BCE planting was done in Africa using a planting stick. With the
stick a hole is pierced in the ground and the seed is dropped in. See Ehret 2002 [203] Notable tools and weapons.
See also Chapter 7 section 7.7.
313
Note- F.12c.3 (Hausa) The Hausa shūkàa “plant(s), crop(s)” lexeme is probably a derived noun form of the
above-cited widespread AA verb root which originally meant “to pierce, thrust in, poke” but also “to plant”. The
Hausa shūkàa “crops” would be a derived noun form of the F.12c.1 Proto-Afro-Asiatic (Orel / Stolbova) *sük-
“sow” and its Hausa reflex shūkàa vt. “sow, plant”. See also Chapter 7 Section 7.6
581
314
Note- F.12c.4 (Old Chinese) “Because Chinese sorghums (Andropogon sorghum, variety vulgaris) or
Sorghum nervosum ---carried shu in their older name shu shu of about AD 300, they were sometimes confused
with the millets”. Chang 79
The su- root was probably used originally to designate grains in their husk. “Chen argues that the word su4
(Middle Chinese sjowk) originally referred to the grains of he2 still in their husk---, and that in addition, the three
words he2, su4 and mi3 also served as generic words for cereal plants, grain in the husk and hulled grain
respectively. Later, but within the Old Chinese period, it denoted the species Panicum miliaceum”. Sagart 178.
See also note B.33b.1-2. “The basic Shang staple, the staff of the dynastic state and the elites who supported it, is
thought to have been millet, recorded in the oracle bone inscriptions as shu or he”. (Keightley 2000 9).
Different tones now distinguish the root as used to refer to grains, beans and the potato. (See Note- B.33b.)
These reflect a pattern in North Chinese of expressing different meanings of a homonym by using different tones
for them.
582
316
Note- F.14.1-2
Jungraithmayr posits the Chadic root for arrow as *xava. “Root C xava “arrow” is considered to have come
from Kanuri káfi.” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.11. The ultimate source of the root, however, is probably Khoisan. The
Khoisan people very early used the bow and arrow in their hunting. (Ehret 2002 51) and the (ʔ and t-) initials in
the F.14.1 TB- Burmese and rGyalrong entries may be remnants of the Khoisan alveolar or lateral click.
See Chapter 10 Section 10.2 and Supplementary table 3 Khoisan Table 1.1.1
The Tibetan F.14.1-2 variants khab / khəp are discussed by Matisoff . He considers this variance to be the
product of a proto- Sino-Tibetan/Tibeto-Burman vowel *ə which in Tibetan alternates a ~ e. Benedict/ Matisoff
#344 126, # 82 2 , # 482 183. The Niger-Congo F.14.1-2 morphemes also attest this variance.
586
317
Note- F.15b.1-4 (Tibetan, Chinese, All AA subfamilies, NS , NC) Jungraithmayr states that this is “a cultural
word highly susceptible to borrowing”. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 99. The root is indeed widespread, present in three
African language superfamilies and both ST subfamilies.
318
Note- F.15b.2 (Chadic and etymon)
Many Chadic, Semitic, Cushitic and Niger-Congo correspondences denote a larger area than the individual
house, i.e. the whole living compound etc. Hence the kan- root has a general meaning of “dwelling area” which can
signify smaller or larger areas such as a room, the story of a house, a house or the entire housing area.
589
NS-Kanuri zanggîn, zakcîn zaktə̀ vn. “close, shut” “cover, cover up”
zaktə̀ram “lid, top, cover” –ram suffix “marker of place or instrument” Cyffer 194-195
F16.2 Proto-AA *cuk- “close” Militarev / Stolbova AA-Etymology 2007
E. Cushitic-Burji c’ukka “cover, stopper e.g cork” Hudson 184
c’ukka “close with a lid” Militarev / Stolbova
E. Cushitic-Oromo c’uqqaala “stop up, cover tightly” Gragg 88
E. Cushitic-Sidamo çuqqaala “to cram, squeeze into” Gasparini 24
C. Chadic-Munjuk suki “knead, stuff with” Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic Etymology
Proto-Afro-Asiatic *-šok- “to cover” Ehret 1995 “#512 277
NC- Fulfulde [Fulani] sokka “ram, beat down” “stuff in” Taylor 178
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
F.16.1
Proto-Altaic *zage “prevent, obstruct”
Altaic-ProtoTungus-Manchu *sagi “prevent, obstruct”
Altaic-Proto Mongolian *seg “prevent, obstruct” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
http://starling.rinet.ru./c
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
F.17a-c Afro-Asiatic – AA-Cushitic AA-- Nilo-Saharan NC
Chadic Sem.
F.17a.1 S.Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] E. Chadic- Bidiya E. Cushitic- Kanuri
(MacIver) tu3 tūd’y- Sidamo tunngîn,
(Lau Chunfat) du2 / du3 “boucher, tu’- tutcîn
“stop up, block up, shut off” sceller” “stop up, “stop, block
(Meixian) tu5 [stop up, seal] plug up” or dam”
(Lau Chunfat) tu4 Skinner 259 Skinner 259 “stuff or fill
“plug (a hole, leak etc.), with stuffing”
“stop, prevent” Hakka Dict. Cyffer 259
F.17a.2 W. Chadic-Hausa E. Cushitic-
S. Chinese–Min tokàrē Sidamo
“stop, stop up, block up, “block a doorway” tu’a “to plug
shut off” Newman, P. an opening,
Hakka Dict. 2007 203 stop up, seal”
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) Gasparini 31
dóu
“to stop, to block up,
to shut off” Chik / Ng Lam 80
douh “to plug a hole, a leak etc.,
to stop, to prevent”
Chik / Ng Lam 215
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
F.17a.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] tu3 / du2 / du3 “stop up, block up, shut off” “plug (a hole, leak
etc.)”
< NS-Kanuri tunngîn “stop, block or dam” “stuff or fill with stuffing” /
E. Chadic- Bidiya tūd’y- “stop up, seal”
Approximate Sinitic etyma *du- “stop up, block up, “plug (a hole, leak etc.)
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
F.17a.1
N. Chinese-MSC dû “plug up or stop up a hole or gap” Wang, F. 116 “stop up, block up” Wu, J. 166
F.17a.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) dóusák ” to stop up, to gag, blocked” Chik / Ng Lam 80
[compound of this morpheme and that of F.16.1 above]
592
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic masãriya “something to tie with (string, chain), thong, strap
(of sandals, leash (for the dog)” Leslau 1976 23
F.18a.3
W. Chadic–Hausa zargo “embroidery” zarciya “line of embroidery on a gown”
Newman, P. 2007 231 zargèe “ensnare with a rope” Newman, P. 2007 231
sark’a “chain, chain necklace” Newman, P. 2007 180
tsirkiya / tsarkiya “string (of bow, musical instrument”) Skinner 274
Proto-Afroasiatic *carVyʔ “tendon, sinew, vein” Militarev / Stolbova Afroasiatic Etymology
2007
E. Cushitic-Oromo wayanke s’as’ara hinqabu “Il tuo manto non ha le frange” [your cape doesn’t
have fringes] Borello 370
Berber-Tuareg àzərki “ficelle, cordelette” [thread, string] Skinner 274
F.18a.4
C. Chadic-Mafa-Mada Group *zawi(d’) “rope” Skinner 274
W. Chadic- Ngizim zàyí “rope” Schuh 182
C. Chadic- Muktele tsay “spin” Skinner 297
F.18a.5
W. Chadic-Hausa (Hadejia) tsawo “three-ply rope” Matsushita 1993 222
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
F.18a.1
IE-Pashto
sar-rishta “the end of a cord, a rope, a thread” sar-mal “a rope for fastening a load on a camel”
Raverty 600 sar-bānddey “rope made of strips of leather” Raverty 599
charanak “strips of rawhide twisted together and made into rope” Raverty 361
IE-Sanskrit sara “a cord, string” sarat “thread” sarit “thread, string” Cologne Lexicon. See also
Supplementary Table 2 F.18a.1
IE-Old Indian sarat “thread” da-śa f. “fringe of a garment, loose ends of any piece of cloth, skirt
or hem” Starostin, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 119, 30
Proto-IE *ser- “to wind, to weave” Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 2012 119
F.18a.3
IE-Tokharian sarki “warp, woof” Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 2012 119
Kartvelian-Megrel ʒerɣw “sinew” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 63
Kartvelian-Svan ʒārɣw “sinew” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 63
Kartvelian-Georgian ʒārɣv “sinew” Starostin, Sergei Kartvelian Etymology 2005 63
IE-Pashto tsakay “a rope or line suspended from from the roof of the house for hanging the clothes
on” Raverty 313
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
F.18b AA –Chadic AA-Cush. AASem. NS NC
18b.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-Ron-Bokkos E. Cushitic- Semitic- Songhay
sí-ri sîr “Sehne” [sinew, Somali Arabic (Koyra)
(C. and W. Tibet) tendon, string (of bow)] silig “wire” (Iraqi) síllí
“pack-thread, Jungraithmayr Awde sílliíla “a “thread”
twine” Jaschke 572 1970 145 1999 hank of Heath v.1
Das 1268 E. Chadic-Somrai 47, 79 yarn” Dict. 220
[Disyllabic corresp.] šìre “thread” siisilad of Iraqi (Gao)
sílli (W. Tibet) Stolbova, Olga “chain, Arabic “fil”
“a gauze-like E. Chadic-Mubi necklace” part 2 248 (Fr.)
texture” sèrí “rope” Awde 1999 [thread]
Jaschke 559 E. Chadic Etymology 47, 58 Ducroz 204
596
W. Chadic-Hausa k’otàa “shaft (of axe)” Newman, R. 1990 241 “tool handle” Newman P. 2000 228
Proto-Chadic (Jungraithmayr) *gwad- “stick, spear” Ehret 1995 #295 189 319
Proto-AA *guʔad- “stick” Militarev, A. Afroasiatic Etymology 2007
C. Chadic-Padoko gwadama “arrow” Skinner 90
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
F.20.1 IE-Sanskrit gada “a mace, a club, a bludgeon” gadAhasta “armed with a mace”
gadAdhara “bearing a club” gadu “a javelin, spear” kadamba “an arrow”
katVAGga “a club shaped like the foot of a bedstead” Several Sanskrit words for different species of
trees contain the kad- root, e.g. kadala “the plantain or banana tree”
See Supplementary Table 2- F.20.1 for other kad- “tree” lexemes.
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
F.21a-b AA – Chadic AA –Cushitic AA-Egyptian NS NC
F.21a.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Egyptian maqar Nuer
karwa “a stick” Ngizim “stick, staff” kar
Goldstein 158 takārwa Budge v.1 276 “branch or
mkar-ba / kara “long skhar “a kind of bough of
“a tent pole” Das 9 bamboo tree, log” tree”
[Disyllabic corresp.] pole“ Budge v.2 615 Huffman
garashiŋ “sugar Schuh Semitic-Hebrew 23
cane” shiŋ “tree” 155, 213 kardom n.m.
Goldstein 2 “axe” Baltsan 165
F.21a.2 Proto-E. Semitic-Hebrew
TB-Tibetan Cushitic sharveet
‘kar-ba “staff” *carb- “baton, sceptre”
Jaschke 54, 55 “thin stick” Baltsan 387
‘kār-wa (stem + b Egyptian
“a walking stick, animate tshar-t
staff, clutcheon” suffix) “a twig,
Das 186 Ehret 1995 a branch”
#460 257 Budge v.2 903
F.21a.3 W. Chadic- E. Cushitic- Egyptian NC-Fulani
N. Chinese-MSC Bolewa Oromo sau sauru
qiáo “firewood” câwa / c’aròo “beam of wood, “stick,
Wu, J. 548 zâwa “very long pillar, post, pole” staff of
ch’iáo “a club, “walking stick for Budge v.2 635 office”
a baton” stick” driving oxen” Semitic-Arabic Taylor
Mathews #735 100 Schuh 30 Gragg 80 (Iraqi) saru 169
ch’iáo / ts’iāo W. Chadic- “(evergreen)
(WG) “fuel” Ngizim cypress”
Mathews #757102 càcáawà Dict. of Iraqi
TB-Tibetan cha-ru “twigs for Arabic pt. 2 218
“a peg to fix the fire, See also B.8.1-2
ropes of a tent” kindling”
Das 404 {Disyllabic Schuh 30
corresp.}
319 w
Note- F.20.1 (Chadic) Ehret considers the Proto-Chadic *g ad- “stick, spear” to be a reflex of the Proto-AA
w
root *-g ad- “to cut”. See set H.32.4. The present table supports *gat- “long stick or “long staff made of wood”
“handle of spear” as the proximate etymon.
601
< W. Chadic-Ngizim gáwâ “axe” / N. Khoisan- !Kung ‖gao “walking stick”, ‖kã� “branch”
F.21b.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gòu “pole for punting a boat” / Chinese- Wu kø5 “wooden pole,
stick, club”
< NS-Songhay gòbù / gobò “stick, cane” / S. Khoisan-ǀAuni ‖kowa, ‖kכwa “arrow”
Approximate Sinitic etyma *gáw- “stick, staff” ~ *‖gao “stick”
Extended African/AA language word family:
F.21b.1
Egyptian tchâb-t “fuel, material for a fire” Budge v.2 903
F.21b.2 W. Chadic-Gwandara gwara “stick, pole” Matsushita 1972 46
W. Chadic-Seya gwar “spear” Skinner 88
Egyptian gbw “stick” Ehret #264 179
S. Khoisan-‖Khegwi ʘhowa “stick”n. Ruhlen 1994 64
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
F.21b.2 Proto-Altaic *kúbù / *kobù “pole, shaft” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *kúbak “pole, shaft” Starostin, Sergei Altaic Etymology
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
F.22 Afro-Asiatic – Chadic Afro-Asiatic - AA- Nilo- NC
Cushitic Sem. Sah.
F.22.1 W. Chadic-S. Bauci Group-
TB-Tibetan Boghom
dün d’ùn “mortar”
“pestle and mortar” Jungraithmayr 1994
düngung v.2 240
“a mortar for E. Chadic- Kabalai
grinding” tundu “mortar”
dundo Jungraithmayr 1994
“pestle” v.2 240
Goldstein 452
F.22.2 W. Chadic – Bole E. Cushitic- Gedeo
TB-Jingpho tuma “mortar” tum-is-anjo
[Kachin] Skinner 264 “pestle”
thum W. Chadic – Ngizim Hudson 112
“mortar” tə́ma “mortar” Proto-AA
Benedict 29 Schuh 152 *-tum- “to beat”
Matisoff 2003 275 Chadic root *tm- Ehret 1995 #173
“to beat” 142
Jungraithmayr See also H.29c.1
1994 v.1 7 and A.11.1
Ehret 1995 #173 142 (Extended)
See also A.11.1
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
F.22.2 TB-Jingpho thum “mortar”
< W. Chadic–Bole tuma “mortar”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etymon *tuma “mortar”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
F.22.2
TB-Tibetan
gtun “a pestle, also a stone ball or club” “the nether mill stone” Das 523 “pestle, mallet, knocker”
gtun-po “mortar” Jaschke 207 ; dodün “stone mortar” Goldstein 587 do “stone”
604
TB-Tibetan lam “road, path, way” “way, means, method” Goldstein 1066
TB-Bodo/Garo ram-a “road” Matisoff 2003 250
TB-Tibetan la “mountain pass, road or passage” Jaschke 539
TB-Proto-Kiranti *lā “road” Starostin, S. Kiranti Etymology
Extended African/AA language word family:
F.25.2 W. Chadic–Hausa lāwàlī m. “cattle path” Skinner 187 “bordered cattle path”
Newman, P. 2007 140
NC- Fulfulde [Fulani] lāwol “roads” Taylor 121 lāwol “cattle path” Skinner 187
NC-Poular lāw- / lāb- “sentier, chemin” [path] way] Skinner 263
F.25.3
W. Chadic-Gwandara hanŋya “road, way” Skinner 106
W. Chadic-Hausa hanya “road, way” Skinner 106
Maba Group- Maba linga-k “road, path” Edgar 353
C. Chadic-Kilba lākù “road” Starostin, Olga C. Chadic-Etymology 2006
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
F.26 AA—Chadic AA –Cush. AA- Nilo-Sah. Niger-
Sem. Congo
F.26.1 C. Chadic- Bura Songhay NC-
TB-Tibetan ɬibu “bag” (Djenne) Fulfulde
lebo “large basket” Dict. of Bura lɛfɛ “bowl or pot [Fulani]
Goldstein 211 W. Chadic- cover lēfēre
[Disyllabic corresp.] Hausa (round, woven “basket
leebo / lebo lèefē m. without a handle, with
“basket “basket also used as a rimmed,
(for carrying things (made of palm fan)” narrow
on one’s back)” fronds)” Heath v.2 140 mouth”
Goldstein 1147 Newman, P. Taylor 122
S. Chinese-Yue 2007 140
(Cantonese) lei Skinner 187
“basket” Kwan 34
F.26.2 E. Cushitic-
Middle Chinese Oromo
lam lemat
“basket” ”large basket”
Norman 233 E. Cushitic-
Sidamo lemata
”large basket”
Leslau 1963 100
F.26.3 TB-Tibetan NS-Kanuri
slé-ba / slé-wa lewangin
“to twist, plait, “plait or tie up
braid the hair, (a woman’s hair)
(to make) a basket temporarily until
etc., to knit” properly plaited”
Jaschke 586 Cyffer 112
Das 1300
TB-Kuki-Chin-
Mikir aklei
“plaited hair”
Walker 3
608
Chapter 2G
Qualities, Time, Numerals and other quantifiers, Particles, Pronouns:
Semantically heterogeneous word families
This section has no thematic unity since it contains words whose semantic content comprises different
semantic domains and syntactic functions such as those described in the above title.
2G Domain statistics
Tables and word Families:
Tables = 36 numbered analytic tables which represent an individual or generic word family.
Individual Word families = There are 40 word families (Each of the word families within a generic
word family is counted as a separate unit).
Basic-vocabulary-Swadesh list:
The G semantic fields contain 19 word families with one or more sets of ST ↔ African/Afroasiatic
language correspondences which match the English glosses of the 100 word Swadesh list. Three of these
basic language terms are found in the generic word families listed above.
Due to the inclusion of number words, the section contains relatively the highest proportion of basic
vocabulary as measured against the basic vocabulary list. There are 15 word families containing matching
ST ↔ African/Afroasiatic number words.
Polysyllabic correspondences: = 6 (Only one polysyllabic correspondence per word family is counted)
Etymologies:
Sino-Tibetan etymologies 23
Tibeto-Burman only etymologies 6 including 2 Tibetan only etymologies
Sinitic only etymologies 11 including 2 Cantonese only and 2 MSC only etymologies
611
[Disyllabic NC- N.
corresp.] Mande-
TB-Qiangic- Soninke
Pumi Dayang xaxacce
qhɐ“ כbitter “bitter”
Matisoff 2003 170 Mukarovsky
96
G.1b.4 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic – E. Cushitic- W. Semitic- Nuer ŋar
gar-chang Ngizim Oromo Ethiopian- “sour”
“strong beer” gártlà qaraari Semitic Huffman
Jaschke 67 “strong in taste, “inferior type Amharic 36
Das 217 bitter or sour” of beer” q’arari Kanuri
chang-karma [e.g. of beer] Hudson 27 “inferior type ngarngar
“strong chang” Schuh 69 karari of beer” adj.
Goldstein 353 “birra Hudson 27 “soured
chang leggera” (of milk)”
“alcoholic drink” [light beer] Cyffer
Borello 228 1990135
G.1b.5 West Semitic- NS-
TB-Pattani Ethiopian- Longarim
kəteg Amharic akate
“bitter” katikula “bitter”
Matisoff 2003 136 “kind of strong Greenberg
drink” 1966 #15
Leslau 1976 96
162
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
G.1b.1 TB-Tibetan gar-wa “astringent, strong”, kha-wa “bitter”, kha “bitter”
< Proto-Highland E. Cushitic *k’araar- “bitter” / NS-Nuer ŋar “sour”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etyma *k’araar- “bitter” ~ *ŋar “sour”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
G.1b.1
TB-Tibetan gawa “bitter in taste,. astringent” Goldstein 84 gawa “strong (usually for tea or coffee)”
Goldstein 46 khá-po / khá-ba col. “bitter”Jaschke 37
Middle Chinese khuo “bitter” Norman 1988a Table 1.2 13
G.1b.3 TB-Bodo/Garo-Kokborok kəkha “bitter” Matisoff 2003 137
TB-Karenic-Pwo, Sgaw khà “bitter” Benedict 148, 151
TB-Chin-Lushai khaa “bitter” Benedict 18, 34 Matisoff 2003 75
TB-Chin-Tiddim xaa “bitter” Matisoff 2003 75
TB- Jingpho [Kachin] kha “bitter” Benedict 18 Matisoff 2003 451 əkha “bitter” Benedict 122
Written Burmese kha “bitter” Norman 1988a Table 1.2 13
TB-Tibetan kha “bitter” khakha “bitter mouth” Jaschke 33, 37 kamo “bitter” Goldstein 104
TB-Garo kha “bitter” Matisoff 2003 451
TB-Proto-Kiranti *ka(-s) “bitter” Starostin, S. Kiranti Etymology
TB-Trung kha “salty” Norman 1988a Table 1.2 13
Old Chinese khag “bitter” Norman 1988a Table 1.2 13
G.1b.5 Chinese-MSC kûtóu “bitter taste” Wu, J 395
Extended African/AA language word family:
G.1b.1
E. Cushitic-Hadiyya ʔkaraar’ee “bitter, poison” Sasse 1982 125
E. Cushitic-C. Somali qaraar “bitter” Sasse 1982 125
614
G.2.2 W. Chadic–Hausa
TB-Tibetan rub’èe vg.4
rüübə / rüübu (completive)
“rotten” “rot, go bad, become
Goldstein1044 fermented” 321
[Disyllabic Newman, P.
corresp.] 2007 170
TB-Kiranti- W. Chadic-
Yamphu Gwandara
robatto rùbu “to decay,
“decayed, to get rotten”
spoilt” Matsushita 1972 100
Starostin, S.
Yamphu Dict.
G.2.3 C. Cushitic- Berber – NC- Benue-
TB-Tibetan Afar rùma Tuareg Congo-
rūmə “rottenness” [Tamasheq] Mama
“fermenting Parker / *rummet (Jarawan
agent / yeast for Hayward “se gater” Bantu
making beer and 183 [to spoil] Group)
yoghurt”. Proto-AA Skinner 221 rumu “rot”
Goldstein 1043 (Orel/Stolbov Williamson /
a 1995) Shimizu
*rüm- v.2 1973
“be rotten” #75 299
Skinner 221
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
G.2.1 TB-Tibetan rüübə / rüübu “rotten”
< W. Chadic- Gwandara rùbu “to decay, to get rotten” / W. Chadic–Hausa rub’è “be rotten”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etyma *ru’bàa “to decay, to get rotten” / rub’èe “be rotten”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
G.2.1 TB-Tibetan rüü “to rot, spoil / decay / decompose” Goldstein 1044 srúl-ba “to be corrupted,
decomposed” Jaschke 583
G.2.3
TB-Tibetan rú-ma “curdled milk, used as a ferment” Jaschke 531
TB-Chin-Lushai ru “strong, fierce (as alcoholic drinks” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
Extended African/AA language word family:
G.2.1 E. Cushitic-Afar aruc “rot” Skinner 221
E. Chadic-Dangaleat [Dangla] róbé “s’affaiser” [to collapse, to sink, to crumble] Fédry 349
NC- Poular lub’- “puer” [to stink] Skinner 221
G.2.2 NC- Fulfulde [Fulani] rusmita “become soft, tender in cooking, be overripe” Taylor 161
G.2.3 NC-Wurkum (Jarawan Bantu Group) rumo / rumne “rot” Williamson / Shimizu v.2 1973 #75
299
E. Chadic–Dangaleat [Dangla] rọme “se deteriorer” [to deteriorate] Skinner 221
321
Note- G.2.1-2 The Hausa verb root ru’b- “rot” is a grade 3 basic intransitive form , i.e. rub’àa “ferment”
which denotes the process of rotting. This matches the Tibetan G.2.1 rúl-ba “to rot, get rotten, to become
putrid”. The grade 4 completive form (denoting the final result/completed state of the action) is rub’èe “rot, go
bad, become fermented” which matches the Tibetan G.2.2 rüübə. See chapter 10 section 10.2.1.2 for other
examples of grade 4 Hausa completive verb forms.
616
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
G.3 AA – Chadic AA- AA- NS NC
Cush. Sem.
G.3.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Hausa
lhebbe “flat” leebùř adj. “level, flat”
Goldstein 1184 Newman, R. 1990 98
leb-léb la bor “lay it Newman, P. 2007 140
down flat” Jaschke 551 Skinner 187
léb-mo “flat” yi lēbùř “level, even” “be level”
Das 1220 Jaschke 551 v. and adj. Newman, R. 1990 98,
TB-Tibetan leb-leb 152
“flat like the top of a table” (mài) lēbùř “flat” adj.
Das 1220 ləbləb “flat” Newman, R. 1990 98
322
Goldstein 1066 Newman, P. 2007 140
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
G.3.1 Proto-Tibeto-Burman *lep “flat / flat object” / TB-Tibetan lhebbe “flat”
< W. Chadic–Hausa leebùř “level” “be level”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etymon *leb- “flat”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
G.3.1 TB-Tibetan gleb-pa “to make flat, plain” Das 261 Jaschke 551 ljab “flat, plain, even”
ljab-ljab ba bor “lay or put it flat or even” Jaschke 183 lebshiŋ “a flat board, a plank”
Goldstein 1083 mɛ� nleb “flat tablet (medicine) Goldstein 839 śiŋ-leb “board, plank”
bhag-leb “flat loaf of bread” Matisoff 2003 377 ruleb “flat horn” Goldstein 1043
TB-Jinghpo [Kachin] lyap “thin / flat” Matisoff 2003 339
TB-Lepcha lep “to press down, to flatten, flat” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *lep “flat / flat object” Matisoff 2003377
Extended African/AA language word family:
W. Chadic-Tangale loblob “broad and flat” Jungraithmayr 1991 115
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
G.4 Afro-Asiatic – AA – AA – Nilo-Saharan NC
Chadic Cush. Sem.
Swadesh “white” E. Chadic- Songhay (Koyra)
G.4.1 TB-Tibetan Dangaleat kàaréy
dkár-ba / dkar-wa [Dangla] “be white”
“white, whiteness” kar “très blanc” Heath v.1170
Jaschke 9 Das 52 [very white] (Gao)
dkar-po “white, pure, fair” Fédry 272 “être blanc”
Das 50 E. Chadic- Mokilko [be white]
gār / gārru “white” kàrkár “white” kàaró
Goldstein 19, 21 Jungraithmayr 1994 “blanc” [white]
[Disyllabic corresp.] v.2 345 Ducroz 141
322
Note- G.3.1. The *leb- root might appear to be derived from the similar *lebu root of F.26.1-2. In that word
family the presence of morphemes meaning “flat basket” could support such a position. However, it has been included
here as a separate word family since the verb forms indicate a different proximate origin. In this word family the
verb means “lay flat” or “flatten”, whereas the noun forms meaning “basket” in F.26 give evidence of being
derived from verbs meaning “plaiting” or “braiding”. Also in F.26 the words meaning “basket” refer also to baskets
which are not necessarily flat, e.g. “baskets for carrying loads”, “basket for eating”.
617
323
Note- G.5.1-5 (Chadic) Red ochre is a mineral oxide of iron found as a type of earth called laterite.
Technically it is an aggregate (red iron ochre) of hematite (Fe2O3) which occurs as a crumbly powdery substance.
Schumann, Walter Minerals of the world,. N.Y.: Sterling Pub., c1992 186.
This soil is common in the tropics including most of sub-Saharan Africa and South China
324
Note- G.5.3 (Tibetan) Red ochre was being used by the Tibetans when observed by the emissaries of the Tang
dynasty to Tibet in the 8th century CE. “They like to paint themselves with red ochre” The practice was stopped
only when the Tibetan king married a Chinese princess who disliked it intensely. Snellgrove 29. The Tibetans were
called the “red faces” by the inhabitants of Khotan (N.W. China) who were invaded by the Tibetans in 665 CE.
(Snellgrove 30). The above text suggests that the practice was not widespread in China at that time, although the
G.5.5 Cantonese je mihn indicates an awareness of it.
Throughout Africa red body decoration has been one of the forms of the use of the color red to increase one’s
power. “---time and again accounts of all sorts juxtapose copper with red body decoration (camwood, ochre, even
red clay), red cloth, red beads, red feathers. ---Ritual objects themselves may be rubbed or painted with red to
augment their force”. Herbert 279
619
NS-Songhay (Gao) kàarù “monter sur quelque chose, grimper” [mount something, climb]
Ducroz 142
NS-Kanuri kurúwu “long, tall, deep” Cyffer 1990 103
E. Cushitic-Oromo gara / gari “monte, montagna, collina” [mountain, hill”] Borello 166
C. Khoisan-Naron !gabi “mountain” Greenberg 1966 79
Proto-S. Cushitic *gâbi- “above, up, on” Ehret 1995 #263 179
Proto-Afro-Asiatic *gâb- “top” Ehret 1995 #263 179
Egyptian qaa “hill, high ground, high place” Budge 1978 v.2 761
G.11a.3 Proto-E. Cushitic *ʕal- “mountain” Ehret 1995 #679 347
G.11a.4 E. Cushitic-Somali kor “top, upper” koreeya “high” Awde 1999 38
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:G.13a.2
G.11a.1 IE-E. Iranian-Avestan garayo “mountains” Peterson, J. 1995
↓↓
Swadesh “big” C. Khoisan-Proto-Non-
G.11b.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] Khoekhoe,
gāi5 / kiai5 / giai5 -Proto-Khoekhoe káí “big”
“huge, big, great and honorable” S. Khoisan-Masarwa
S. Chinese-Min kai3 !xai “big”
“huge, big, great and honorable” Hakka Dict. Starostin, G. 2003 9
G.11b.2 S. Chinese-Min ui3 S. Khoisan-Proto-!Wi
“huge, big, great and honorable” !ui “big”
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] S. Khoisan-|Xami
wui3 / wi3 “huge, big” !ui-a “big”
C. Chinese-Wu uE 6 “huge, big” Hakka Dict. Starostin, G. 2003 9
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
G.11b.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] gāi5 / S. Chinese- Min kai3 “huge, big, great and honorable”
“huge, big, great and honorable”
< S. Khoisan-Masarwa !xa-i “big” C. Khoisan-Proto-Non-Khoekhoe *káí “big”
G.11b.2 S. Chinese-Min ui3 “huge, big, great and honorable” / S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] wui3 / wi3
“huge, big”
< S. Khoisan-Proto-!Wi !ui “big”
Approximate Sinitic etyma: *káí / !ui “big”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
G.11b.1 Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) ngaih “high, lofty” Chik / Ng Lam 47, 480 ngàaih “precipitous,
high and steep” “a cliff, a precipice, brink, verge” Chik / Ng Lam 117
gàaih “great and honorable” Chik / Ng Lam 8
Extended African/AA language word family:
G.11b.1 C. Khoisan-Nama, !Kora kai “big” Ehret 1982 [172].
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
G.12 Afro-Asiatic – Afro-Asiatic - AA - Nilo- NC
Chadic Cushitic Sem. Saharan
Swadesh “long” W. Chadic- E. Cushitic – Tubu [Teda]
G.12.1 S. Chinese-Yue Hausa Sidamo Daza
(Cantonese) dōgō “long, dōgga dogo
douh / dohk tall” Kraft 339 “big, tall” “loin” [far]
“instrument for measuring “tall, long, Gasparini 87 Skinner 48
length” “degree” high” Skinner 48
“number (of times)” Newman, P.
Chik / Ng Lam 128 2007 46
630
325
Note- G.12.4 (Chinese Extended) In Cantonese –douh is used as a suffix meaning ’degree’ and forms
abstract nouns denoting ‘measurements’ when attached to adjectives. Examples are: gou-douh lit.“tall-degree”,
“height”, cheung-douh lit.“long degree”, “length”. Matthews , S. 34
632
shaà
“a period including
a day and a night”
Goldstein 921
G.14.5 E. Cushitic- W. Semitic-
S. Chinese-Yue Oromo Ethiopian-
(Cantonese) sa’atii Amharic
saatnah “hour, watch, sä’at /
“a moment, an instant” [loan from säat
Chik / Ng Lam 37 Amharic “hour, clock,
“sa’at”] watch”
Gragg 347 Leslau 1976
E. Cushitic- 57, 372
Sidamo
saate “hour”
Gasparini
286
G.14.6 C. Cushitic- West Semitic-
TB-Tibetan Sidamo Ethiopian-
sa sāsā Gurage
“occasion, opportunity, “opportunity, (Gyeto, Muher,
possibility” suitable Masqan)
Jaschke 569 time” šäk
Das 1255 Gasparini “good fortune,
286 luck”
C. Cushitic- Leslau 1979
Afar saàmi v. 3 576
“chance,
fortune”
Parker /
Hayward 184
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
G.14.1 S., Chinese- Min sèkì “period, stretch of time” / TB-Tibetan shəgshee “a few days and
nights”
< W. Chadic- Gwandara šekàrà “year”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *shəg- “period of time” ~ sa’ “time, hour”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
G.14.1
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sìh “a season, an era, an age, a period, time, hour” Chik / Ng Lam 206
TB-Tibetan tshe “time in a general sense” Das 1029
she “time, period, era (archaic)” Goldstein 147
G.14.2
TB-Tibetan shag “the period of time from sunrise to sunset” Das 1065 shagjig “one night, one day
and night” jig “one” (C.8b.1) shəgdzuu “a day’s distance on a journey” Goldstein 921
G.14.4 TB-Tibetan tshar ɣchig “one time, once” Jaschke 447
Extended African/AA language word family:
G.14.1
W. Chadic-Ngizim sə̀kòokùyú “pass time, allow time to go by” “spend a long time” Schuh 140
W. Chadic-Hausa sékare n žia “the day before yesterday” sékara nbara “last year”
sékara bana “this year” Barth 24
C. Cushitic-Bilin šiq “rainy season” sik “spend rainy season” Skinner 243
636
326
Note- G.15.1-2 (Tibetan) The G.15.2 ñìŋ / ñin root means both “day” “year” in TB, and “harvest, year” in
Sinitic. The Starostin database gives constructions of these as two separate TB proto-forms *nij “sun., day” *niŋ
“year”. Semantics of “year” appear to be rare in African/Afroasiatic languages, e.g. Chadic –Angas Extended
which is probably a late derived form.
638
327
Note- G.16.2 (Chinese) “For the notion ‘only’, the classical language most commonly employed wéi or dú.
By late Han [25 to 220 CE] a new adverb , dàn, appears used in this sense. Dàn is very common throughout the
Nanbeichao period [CE 420 to 589] and later.” Norman 1988a 128.
See also notes G.24.1, H.35.1-2 and Chapter 9 section 9.9.1 for references to other Chinese words which first
appear during the Han dynasty or later.
640
W. Chadic-Ron (Daffo- W. Chadic-Ron (Daffo) toŋ “zuerst sein, tun” [be first, do first] Jungraithmayr
1970 222
W. Chadic-Ron (Bokkos) toŋ / mutoŋ “zuerst sein, erster sein” [be first, leading] Jungraithmayr 1970 146
C. Chadic- Zime-Dari dongba “one” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 262
W. Chadic-Gwandara da “one” Matsushita 1972 33
W. Chadic-Ron (Daffo, Butura ’dàŋgat “eins” [one], “Einsamkeit” [loneliness] Jungraithmayr 1970 213
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
G.17 Afro-Asiatic – Chadic Afro-Asiatic AA – Nilo-Saharan NC
-Cushitic Semitic
Swadesh C. Chadic- Ngweshe E. Cushitic- Maba Group-For NC- Gur
“one” thekhwù “one” Konso, (Fur) dike
G.17.1 Jungraithmayr 1994 Gawade tek / dik “one” “1”
TB- E. Kiranti- v.2 263 t-k- Maba Group- Ruhlen
Rai C. Chadic- Mofu- “one” Maba 1994 322
tik (-pu) “one” Gudur Skinner 250 teket / teget /
Benedict 94 ték “un (en tekee “one”
comptant)” [one Edgar 206 328
(when counting)]
Barreteau 456
G.17.2 E. Cushitic-
S. Chinese-Yue Burji
(Cantonese) d’ekki
jek “one”
“single, alone” Hudson 107
Chik / Ng Lam
481
G.17.3 W. Chadic- Hausa E. Cushitic-
TB-Written tak ideo. Gedeo
Burmese “(only) one” táakka-
tac “one” Skinner 250 tákkach
Matisoff d’áyáá tak “one (in
2003 346 “one and only one” counting)”
TB-Rangkas Kraft 141 Hudson 261
ta:ka: “one” Newman / Ma 1979
TB-Darmiya 115
taku “one” tak “just (one),
Rosenfelder one (only)” ideo.
http://zompist. Newman, P. 2007 194
com/nu
328
Note- G.17.1 (NS- Maba Group) This root is plausibly of Nilo-Saharan origin although it is widespread in AA
also. It may be derived from the same morpheme as that which denotes the index finger. (See Note C.15.1
(Chadic). It is not clear whether it is distinct from the Afro-Asiatic proto-root *ji / jig “one, someone, somebody
(indefinite pronoun)” which is attested in TB and Sinitic as a number and as an indefinite or reflexive pronoun .
(See set C.8b.1 and its note.)
641
329
Note- G.18.3 (TB-N. Kuki) This root is dominant in the TB-Old Kuki and C. Kuki languages as a
*-ruk “six” variant. Rosenfelder http:/ zompist. com/nu
643
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
G.20 AA – AA –Cushitic AA – NS NC
Chadic Sem.
Swadesh “two” E. Cushitic-Gedeo
G.20.1 langa
N. Chinese-MSC “two (in counting)”
liâng “two” “both” Hudson 159, 253
Wu, J. 426 C. Cushitic- Kemant (Falasha), Xamir,
“two, a pair, a couple, Xamta
both” linga “two”
Mathews #3953 574 Rosenfelder http://zompist. com/nu
G.20.2 C. Cushitic- Bilin
S. Chinese-Yue lenga
(Cantonese) “two”
léuhng “two” Rosenfelder
Kwan 542 http://zompist. com/nu
S. Chinese- Min
lòng “both”
Bodman 1987 v.2 78
S. Chinese-Kejia
(Hakka)
liong3 “two” “pair,
couple”
“both, either”
Hakka Dict.
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
G.20.1 N. Chinese-MSC liâng “two” “both”
< E. Cushitic-Gedeo langa “two (in counting)” / C. Cushitic- Awngi lánga “two”
Approximate Sinitic etymon *langa “two (in counting)”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
G.20.1
N. Chinese –MSC liâ “two” Wu J. 421 liáng “measure” Wu, J. 425
S. Chinese-Min liong2 n. “two, pair, couple” Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
G.20.1
E. Cushitic-Sidamo layn-ki / lainki “second” Gasparini 204 Hudson 130
C. Cushitic-Awngi lánga “two” Rosenfelder http://zompist. com/nu
S. Cushitic-Dahalo lima “two” http://zompist. com/nu
Proto-Cushitic ɬâ(a)m- “two” Ehret 1995 #877 424
Proto-Omotic *lam- “two” Ehret 1995 #877 424
Proto-Afro-Asiatic *ɬâm- “two” Ehret 1995 #877 424
E. Cushitic-Hadiyya lamo “two” Hudson 159 la’-mane “second” Hudson 130
E. Cushitic-Rendille lámma / láma “two” Pillinger 209
E. Cushitic-Burji láma / lam “two” Hudson 159, 209 Sasse 1982133
E. Cushitic-Somali lába “two” lábanlaab “double” lábaatan “twenty” Awde 1999 39, 77
E. Cushitic-Oromo lama “two” Hudson 159 Clamons 533 ; “due” [two] Borello 276
E. Cushitic-Afar lammay “two” Parker / Hayward 176
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Gurage [8 dialects] lammča “twin” Leslau 1979 v.3 379
G.20.2 N. Omotic-Makle ləm’o “two” Rosenfelder http://zompist. com/nu
↓↓
646
330
Note- G.23.1 (Proto-TB Extended) “Only a single etymon with final *-un was reconstructed in the first
version of STC [Benedict/Matisoff Sino-Tibetan, a Conspectus 1972 #10 18, 83. 202 ] ---However the discovery
of a pair of Mikir forms koi “all”, inkoi “twenty” made it clear that these are all reflexes of a much more
widespread etymon with a liquid final *m-kull- “twenty”, with an original meaning like ‘such a large number that
one has to use all the fingers and toes to count up to it’, which still means “twenty, a score, in many TB languages”.
Matisoff 2003 278-9.
As compared to the Afro-Asiatic and NS meanings of the root, the semantics of “twenty” seem to be an
innovation of TB, unless the root can be found in AA, NS or Khoisan with this meaning. The identified
Khoisan, NS and AA forms which appear to be related mean “all”, not “twenty”, e.g. S. Khoisan –Xam and
ŋ
S. Khoisan –Seroa ku “all”. Variant S. Khoisan forms are Masarwa kuka, ‖Ng kwa and !Xoo koo / kaʔà .
See Starostin, G. 2003 8. However the Hausa root goma “ten” could be related. to these G.23.2 lexemes
especially E. Cushitic- Hadiyya hunda(m) / gu’ma “all”. See Skinner 87-88 and Note- D.32.4 (Chadic-
Hausa).
649
331
Note- G.23.1 (Ngizim, Kanuri Extended) As observed by Schuh, the form and semantics of the Kanuri and
Ngizim lexemes suggest that the root in these languages has been immediately derived from Hausa which borrowed
it from Arabic. This may be the case; however Hausa is more closely related to the South Semitic-Amharic form
which is also disyllabic as opposed to the Arabic basic form which is monosyllabic. The existence of an Afro-
Asiatic proto-root and Cushitic/Omotic forms also provide evidence that Arabic is probably not the source of the
root in all AA languages. Therefore the Omotic kull-root could well be the ultimate source of the TB ones.
332
Note- G.24.1 (Chinese) “The adverb dōu which in modern Chinese means ‘completely’, ‘all’ first appears
in the late Han and Nanbeichao sources.” By the Nánbeicháo period, dōu is used adverbially in the sense of
“completely, alltogether, in totality”: dōu jin ’completely exhausted’. Norman 1988a 127. [Late Han period, 25
CE to 220 CE; Nanbeichao period, 420 CE to 589 CE]. See also note H.35.1-2 and Chapter 9 section 9.9.2.
These dates suggest a relatively late migraton of Chadic speakers into the Sinitic language area, though discovery of
TB instances of this root would militate against this hypothesis.
650
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
G.28 AA – Chadic AA – AA – NS Niger-Congo
Cushitic Sem.
G.28.1 W. Chadic-N. Bauci-
TB-Maring tśip “ten” Warji
TB-Yawdwin (S. Kukish) jíp / ji’b
gyip “ten (in compounds)” “ten”
Benedict 19 Jungraithmayr
Matisoff 2003 353 1994
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] v.2 320
ship8 “ten, tenth”
Hakka Dict.
333
Note- G.30.1 Hausa. In his Hausa names for plants Blench lists eight Hausa names of black plants which
attest the bak- root.
334
Note- G.30.1 (Tibetan , Old Chinese) Sagart reports that ŋâ “I, me” did not exist in Chinese before 700 BCE as
b
far as written records are concerned. The * la “I” lexeme is found in over one hundred of the Shang and Western
2
Zhou inscriptions, but no instance of wu or ŋa is attested in this period (1600 –1100 BCE). ŋa disappears in the
Han period (206 BCE-220 CE) being replaced by wu2. (G.32.1) Sagart 1999 143-144. Sagart considers that ŋa is
b
not derived from * la as some researchers have held, but was created by analogy to make the Eastern Zhou
pronoun system entirely symmetrical. However, Sagart’s data combined with the above-cited AA and Khoisan
correspondences suggest that it was introduced into the Tibeto-Burman linguistic area through a migration from the
2
west in a possibly early Neolithic migration but did not completely dominate its G.32 wu competitors in both the
north and south Sinitic speaking areas later. This is supported by the presence of the word ŋə for “I” in the
ancient capital of Xian which lies on the traditional entrance into China from the northwest. See following G.30.2
Norman 1988 Table 8 196. Both forms are found in Tibetan.which also supports a multiple migrations hypothesis.
656
↓↓
Sino-Tibetan Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
G.32 Afro-Asiatic – AA – AA- Nilo- NC
Chadic Cush. Sem. Saharan
Swadesh “I” C. Chadic- Kanuri
G.32.1 N. Chinese-MSC / Logone wú
Beijing wú-senā pron.
wô “I” Wu, J. 725 “I know” “I”
wú “I or we” Wu, J. 730 senā Cyffer 1990
uo1 “I” Norman 196 “know” 184
TB-Tibetan wūbu “I” Barth 55
Goldstein 980
Middle Chinese nguo “I”
Norman 13, 89, 234
G.32.2 Egyptian
S. Chinese-Min-Zherong nua
ŋua3 ”I, me” “ I, me”
Norman 190 Budge 1978
N. Chinese-Chengdu v.1 352
ŋo 3 ni2 “my”
Norman 196
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
G.32.1 N. Chinese-MSC wô “I” (1st pers. sing. pron.)”
< NS-Kanuri wú “I”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *wú “I”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
G.32.1
N. Chinese-MSC / Beijing wôde “my” [1st pers. possessive pronoun] Manser part 1 289
S. Chinese-Min (Yŏngān) ŋuo1 “I” (Fuān) ŋo3 “I” (Jiēyáng) uà3 “I” Norman 234
S Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) ngó “I” [1st pers. pronoun] Kwan 228 ngóge “my” [1st pers.
possessive pronoun] Kwan 308
Extended African/AA language word family:
G.32.1 NS-Songhay (Gao) wó pronom substitutif jouant le role de demonstratif [a pronoun
which serves as a demonstrative] “ce, cet, cette, celui-ci, cell-ci [this, this one] wónè / wónò
“pronominal, à valeur de possession” [pronominal form as possessive] Ducroz 234
e wónó “le mien” “de moi” [mine] Ducroz 79
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
G.33 AA– Chadic AA – AA- NS NC
Cush. Sem.
Swadesh “we” W. Chadic- Maba- NC-Fulfulde
G.33.1 N. Chinese-MSC Gwandara Maba (Fulani)
wômen “we” Wu, J. 725 múǹ / mún maŋ / min
uômən “we” (exclusive) “1st pers. mʌŋ “conjunctive
Norman 1988a 196 plural pron.” Maba- personal
N. Chinese-MSC zámen “we” Matsushita Kodoi pronoun”
(inclusive) Norman 121 1972 83 mʌŋ “we, us”
-men grammatical suffix “we”
which functions as the human plural Edgar
marker Packard 174 303
659
335
Note- G.33.1 (Chadic) Men functions as a true plural suffix in standard Chinese. It is used solely to designate
groups of people. It is also used for the plural forms of the pronouns ni “you”, nimen [you all],
ta “he, she, it”, tamen “they” and also for other groups of persons, e.g. hai “child” háizimen “group of
children”, ke “guest” kerenmen “the guests” etc. Ramsey 64 Yip Po-Ching 2004 10.
The table gives evidence that the Chadic or NS 1st pers. plural pronouns have been grammaticalized into suffixes
in Beijing Chinese. “Classical Chinese [the written form of Old Chinese] knew no distinctions between singular and
plural forms for either nouns or pronouns. When context required a distinction, various devices could be resorted to.
These included addition of a word meaning “group”or “associates”. Norman 89. See also G.35.1
Given the absence of plural forms in classical Chinese, the use of the men suffix must have entered northern
Chinese later. “Forms ancestral to the plural suffix men (used in almost all Mandarin dialects as well as in the
standard language) do not appear in this form until the Song dynasty” (960 to 1279 CE). Norman 120-121. See also
Note H.35.1-2 and Chapter 9 section 9.9.2.
660
338 3
Note G.35.1 (Old Chinese) The first occurrences of the second- person pronoun êr are found in the Western
Zhou period. “Its earliest examples are plural.” Sagart 142. See also note G.33.1
662
For the reflexive pronoun dzi “self” see C.9a.1 Middle Chinese etc.
The second person pronoun êr is found commonly in Nanbeichao texts in all syntactic positions. Norman 118.
[Nanbeichao period (420-589 CE)]
339
Note- G.36.1 C. Chinese-Wu “The Central dialects employ pronouns of the southern type, except where
1
Mandarin influence is strong and tha has been imported.” Norman 1988a 198.
663
Chapter 2H Verbs.
Word families based on common syntactic type.
The selection of vocabulary for this domain includes ST ↔ AA correspondences of verbs which are not
primarily associated with the nouns or adjectives etc. listed in the A-G domains. These latter are:
1-verbs which express human communication, cognition and volition which were included under
Semantic domain E. These are mainly intransitive verbs.
2-verbs which correspond closely to noun roots for artifacts or actions involved in their creation. These
were included in Semantic domain F. They are mainly transitive.
3-verbs from the other semantic groups. These contain fewer verbs. Those associated with bodily
positions or functions such as sitting, eating were placed in Section C. Very few verbal lexemes are found
in Sections A, B, D and G.
The H domain also contains a number of correspondences ultimately based on affix morphology. They
are found in ST morphemes which correspond to Chadic-Hausa, verb root + aspect suffix endings, i.e
ventive, completive and sustentative / passive, i.e. these Hausa verb aspect suffixes give evidence of
being the source of certain ST verbs which on the surface appear to have independent origins. However
the Hausa basic form of the verb establishes the root, but a suffixed aspect form is reflected in the ST
etymon. See notes H.1.2 and H.2.1 (Chinese, Hausa) below. (See also Chapter 10, sections 10.1-2 for
statistics and discussion showing the impact of Hausa morphology and grammar on Sinitic languages.).
For example the discussion in Chapter 10 section 10.2.1.2 grade 6 lists examples in which the
Chinese roots reflect the Hausa ventive aspect. Other verb root + aspect affixes were mentioned earlier in
Semantic Domains C- Note C.46.1 and E- Notes E.7c.1, E.13e.3 and E.13e 4. The present H domain
contains others. (Besides notes H.1.2 and H.2.1 Hausa, see Notes H.3a.2 Hausa, H.6a.2 Tibetan, Hausa,
H.25b.1 Hausa and CC sets H.30a.3 and H.39a.4).
There are also cases of Sinitic language grammar developed from a Hausa verb. For example the Note-
H.3a.2 presents evidence that a verb aspect of Hausa origin has been grammaticalized so as to form a
Chinese verbal compound denoting the direction of a verb of motion. In this case the Hausa tahō vg.6
ventive aspect “arrive, come” “come this way” generated the Standard Chinese coverb dào “arrive,
attain” which is now independently productive as an “attainment resultative” particle. Another case is
the simple “resultative”, i.e. the verb complement -chu denoting ”movement away from” of note
H.6a.2. These morphemes are quite unlike the Hausa verb aspect affix correspondences described above.
They first existed as independent roots and now provide a new syntactic function for them. See Chapter
10 section 10.6 for those which have been identified in the study.
2H Domain statistics
Tables and word Families:
Tables = 43 numbered tables which represent an individual or generic word family.
Individual word families = 80. Each of the word families within a generic word family is counted as a
separate unit.
Single independent large word families: 4
“to arrive, to reach, to bring” “enough” H.2.1-4
“give” H.22.1-5
“cut, chop” H.31.1-4
“to dig, to scrape” H.32.1-4
Multiple related (Generic) word families: 19
“to turn around, to be turned around” “to move” “to move back” H.3a-c
“to go, come” “to travel, roam, migrate” “to wander” H.4a-d
“to enter, to go across” “to cross a stream, a ford” “to go out” H.6a-b
“to tread, to trample, to stamp on” “to measure by pacing, to survey”H.7a-b
“to tread, to walk” “road, way” “method” H.8a-b
“to crowd together, fill up” “to be full of, to be filled up” H.13a-b
“to sit, to squat” “to descend, to get down, to go down” “to be lodged” H.17a-c
664
340
Note- H.1.2 (Chinese, Hausa) As previously mentioned in Note- E.13e.3 , the H.1.2 Chinese (Cantonese
and Wu) attest correspondences to the H.1.2 Hausa Grade 6 “ventive” (= -ō type) verb aspect form.. The -ō
suffix denotes direction to the speaker or place referred to. This and other verb grades are derived forms of a
basic form which in this case is H.1.1 jā / ca- “to pull, to draw” “to drag”. Hence ja (grade 0) “pull” is the
665
C. Chinese-Wu
tshɤw2
“to draw out”
“to pull out or open”
Hakka Dict.
H.1.3 W. Chadic–Hausa
N. Chinese-MSC cire vt.
jí “draw (water)” “pull out”
Wu, J. 312 341 Kraft 337
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.1.1
C. Chinese-W tsha5 “to pull, drag, haul”
< W. Chadic–Hausa, Gwandara jā vt. “pull, drag” “draw (water from well)” /
H.1.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) chàu “to draw out” “to pull out or open”
< W. Chadic- Hausa W. Chadic – Hausa jāwō “pull (here)”
drag (toward speaker)”
Approximate Sinitic etyma *ja “to “to pull, drag” ~ jāwō “pull (here)”
basic form and it adds –wo to show the direction of the action jāwo “pull this way (toward the speaker or
scene of the topic being discussed)”. Newman, P. 2000 627.
Other examples are:
Basic form: (grade 0, 1 or 3) Grade 6 ventive -ō form:
kama “catch” (grade 1) kamo “catch and bring here” Kraft 152
kai “carry, convey, reach there” kawo “bring, reach here” Kraft 152 (H.2.1)
sauka “arrive (there) (grade 3) sauko “arrive here (come down) Kraft 153
shiga “enter (there) (grade 3) shigo “enter (here) Kraft 153
or shìga “enter (go in”(grade 3) or shìgo “enter (come in)” Newman, R. 1990 83
H.1.2 Cantonese and Wu give evidence that the grade 6 form survives in Chinese under the condition that the
root stem of the basic form in Hausa ends in a vowel as in jā. In Hausa the suffix becomes -wō and in Cantonese
2
or Wu it is retained as final –u. The H.1.2 Wu morpheme shɤw “to draw out” “to pull out” [pull something
h 5
toward oneself] contrasts with the H.1.1 Wu morpheme ts a “to pull, drag, haul” which matches the H.1.1 basic
West Chadic- Hausa form. (See also E.13e.7 Cantonese giu, notes H.2.1 (Hausa), the H.3a.2 (Hausa) below
and Chapter 10 section 10.2.1.2 grade 6 ventives)
In other cases when the root stem ends in a consonant, e.g. Hausa kama “catch” > kamo “catch and bring
here”, the final vowel of the Hausa form is simply omitted in the Chinese morpheme, e.g. (F.1.1 Hausa kāmàa
vg.1 vt. “catch, seize, take hold of” > Chinese-Yuè (Cantonese) kàhm “to capture, to catch”) so the Hausa
Grade 6 verb -ō form does not affect the Sinitic morphology. (For a similar case in Tibetan see Note- H.6b.1.)
These cases show that although Hausa derived verb aspect morphemes which though rare in Chinese morphology,
attest an interesting instance of Chinese ↔ Hausa phonetic/semantic matching and of the usefulness of comparing
single languages. Sometimes the contrasting forms may be attested in different Chinese languages, e.g H.1.1 C.
h 5 3 1
Chinese-Wu ts a and S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] cha / cha “to pull, drag, haul” reflect the basic Hausa form
2
and H.1.2 S. Chinese- Yuè (Cantonese) chàu “to draw out” “to pull out or open” and Chinese- Wu tshɤw “to
draw out” “to pull out or open” reflect the derived Hausa ventive form.
341
Note- H.1.3 (Beijing, Chadic) The H.1.3 morphemes are closely related to TB, Chinese and AA forms which
are reported in H.19a.1 below as in :
C. Chadic –Buduma ci “lift” W. Chadic- Hausa cira vg.1 vt. “lift up, move away” In the Beijing jí “drawing water”
is, of course, “lifting up” or “pulling out” the water. The Sino-Tibetan forms related to these are:
N. Chinese (Beijing) ch’î (WG) “to rise, to raise” shí “pick up from the ground”
TB-Baic-Dali tsi “lift up, raise” TB-Qiang (Taoping) tsi “lift up, raise”
1
N. Chinese (Beijing) chi “to pick up things with chopsticks or pincers”
1
S. Chinese-Min chhia “lift water by water wheel”
666
342
Note- H.2.1 (Hausa) The basic form in Hausa is kai “carry, convey, reach (there)” See H.19a.2
(Hausa Extended) below. As cited above, the verb grade 6 or -ō (ventive) form of this is kāwō “bring” “reach
(here)” (Kraft 152 Newman, P. 2000 662.) Both forms mean “reach, arrive”, but kai and kaiwa denote
completion of a movement away from the speaker, and kawo denotes completion of motion toward the speaker,
hence “bring, arrive here”. The basic form and its derived ventive are exemplified in the Hausa phrase “Suna
kaiwa suna kawowa.” “They are carrying things back and forth” (Newman, R. 1990 36). kaiwa and kawowa
are verbal nouns of kai and kawo respectively. Another way of expressing this is kai dà kàawo or kâiwa dà
kāwôwā “going back and forth, shuttling”. (Newman, P. 2007 104). For other ventive forms see Notes H.3a.1-2,
H.6b.2 (Extended) and Chapter 10 Section 10.2.1.2. grade 6 (ventives.)
In the related Cushitic-Oromo gau the root also has the denotation of “being at the point of (doing something)”,
“being about to” as in Sani duu gae gadoda gau “La vacca sta per morire” [the cow is about to die]. These
semantics show its relationship to the Hausa kāwō “reach, arrive” and especially the phrase kawo kai “be at
hand, be just about to happen”. See Newman, P. 2007 104. The morphemes are also plausible sources of the
Cantonese meanings of gau “finally, in the end”. Chik / Ng Lam 337 and gàaudou “to a point that …, to such an
extent” Po-fei Huang 383
667
343
Note- H.3a.1 (Beijing) F. Wang labels this function as a coverb whereas Norman calls it a preposition derived
from a verb. “Destination is expressed with the preposition dào, e.g. dào Beijing qu [lit.] ‘to Beijing go’
Norman 1988a 163.
344
Note- H.3a.1-2 (Proto-AA, Chadic, Beijing) The Wu J. 139 Beijing dào citation in H.3a.1 means “go” and in
H.3a.2 “come, arrive.” Hence the H.3a.1 and H.3a.2 homonyms seem to contain contradictory denotations
(opposite directions of movement).
This semantic opposition can be accounted for by the existence of different AA proximate roots for the two
morphemes. They are plausibly derived by different routes from the Proto-AA *-daw-“to walk” which is
neutral as to direction. The evidence suggests that the H.3a.1 dao “go” meaning has been inherited from the AA
proto-root probably through the similar Chadic forms, but the H.3a.2 dao “come, arrive” semantics have been
transmitted by way of the Hausa ventive aspect of this root. See also Notes- H.1.2 (Chinese, Hausa) and H.6b.1
(Tibetan, Hausa).
668
345
Note- H.3a.2 (Hausa) The full citation from Kraft (153) is tafi “go (away) [grade 1 basic form], tafo / taho
“arrive, come” [verb grade 6 the -ō “ventive” form]. P. Newman explains the phonology of this. The basic form
is tafi “go” in Hausa-Kano dialect,. (standard Hausa). In W. Hausa dialects this is pronounced tahi. In this case
the Kano dialect is not typical. The general Hausa rule is that before back-rounded vowels u(u) and o(o), the
phoneme / f / is often pronounced (and, if so, written) as / h /). The ventive marker -o is the result of this regular
sound change, hence the basic tàfi “go” changes to ventive tahō “come this way”. (Newman, P. 2000 393). See
this sound change also between B.10.1 fun and B.10.2 hun as described in Note B.10.2 (Hausa). See also Notes
B.14d.1 and E.30.1 )
Further, “Orthographic h is used both for the independent phoneme /h/, e.g. hatsi “grain” and for the pseudo-
allophone of / f /, e.g. tahō “come here” < (tàfi “go”+ o “ventive marker”)” Newman, P. 2000 395.
669
dào vi. “arrive, reach”, as resultative ending -dào “arrive at a place” “reach a point”,
as postverb “to a place, a certain time, or degree” Wang, F. 90
dàoda “to come to a place” “reach” Merriam-Webster Chinese 218
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.3a.1 C. Chadic-Mofu-Gudur -dàw- “walk” Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic-Etymology 2006
madaw “marcher” [march] Barreteau 381
H.3a.2 E. Cushitic-Rendille dowwaada “approach, come close to”
dów “near, nearby” Pillinger 97-98
E. Cushitic-Somali dhaw / dhow “near” Awde 1999 29, 47, 172
/
H.3b.1 N. Chinese - W. Chadic- E. Cushitic-Rendille Semitic-Arabic Anywa
MSC dào “move Hausa tabar dowa (Iraqi) [Anuak]
backward” “pour, tip” dāwō “go in an opposite daawar dúuó
“upside down, inverted, “return here” direction to “to alternate, “to come
inverse” Wu, J. 139 Stolbova, Olga someone” vary, change, back”
-dào resultative W. Chadic Pillinger 273 exchange” Reh 24
ending “be inverted” Etymology E. Cushitic- Sidamo Dict. of Iraqi
Wang, F. 92 2006 dawara “to give an Arabic
S. Chinese-Yue Newman, P. answer, come back” part 2 169
(Cantonese) dóu / dou 2007 44 Gasparini 71 (Yemeni)
“to inverse, to place Skinner 47 Proto-Afro-Asiatic dawra
upside down” Bargery 2002 *dVwV-r- “one
Chik / Ng Lam 19 dāwōwā “turn” Militarev / revolution,
dindou “reverse “returning here” Stolbova rotation,
(order)” Kwan 435 Kraft 339 Afro-Asiatic circulation”
Etymology 2007 Qafisheh 216
H.3b.2 S. Chinese-Yue E. Cushitic-Rendille Kanuri
(Cantonese) tabardow dùwô
dóu / dou “(the) opposite” conj.
“on the contrary” “a contradiction” “though,
“but” “yet” tabar “opposite although”
“nevertheless” direction” Cyffer
Chik / Ng Lam 19 Pillinger 273346 1990 39347
346
Note- H.3b.1-3 (Chinese-Beijing, Cantonese, Cushitic-Rendille) The same Beijing morpheme dào as in
H.3a.2 here shows a meaning of “going back” or “inverted, upside down, opposite direction”.
The H.3b.1-3 (Rendille) tabar “opposite direction” “occurs only in phrasal verbs with dow-: i.e. tabar dowa,
tabar dowcha, tabar dowsada. The fact that tabar can receive the nominal phrase marker -e (tabare
dowaan) shows that these are phrasal verbs consisting of two words, rather than single verbs.” The tabar
morpheme is derived from the basic form taba “go through, travel through, pass by (some place). (Pillinger 273)
The verb dowa means “go over repeatedly” (Pillinger 97) [also expressed in English by the transitive ‘go back
over (a job etc.)’ or the intransitive ‘go back and forth’ (something swinging or a person walking).] The tabar
morpheme is plausibly related to the H.3b.2 (Extended) lexemes C. Chadic-Gude tawurə “go repeatedly”, Chadic
and Semitic dawar- “turning around”and ultimately to the H.3b.2 Proto-AA *d-w-r- “turn”. Hence this root is used
to expresses relationships of reciprocity (mentioned in Note- D.5a.1). It is plausibly also the source of the semantic
opposition between “come” and “go” expressed by the basic and ventive forms of the Hausa verb tafi “go (away)
described in note H.3a.1-2 (Proto-AA).
347
Note- H.3b.2 (NS-Kanuri, Cushitic-Rendille,) The grammatical role of dùwô in Kanuri is to contrast or oppose
subordinate verbal clauses to the initial statement. For many examples of this function of explicit phrasal
contrasting see “Dùwô as a subordinator of concessive clauses”. Hutchison section 7, 303-308. This Kanuri usage
accounts for the semantics of the above-cited Cantonese dóu / dou as equivalent to the English
670
N. Chinese-MSC /
Beijing
dàoshi adv.
“’admittedly’, ‘it is”
followed by a phrase
with ‘but’ or ‘and yet’”
Wang, F. 92-93
N. Chinese-MSC
dào “unexpectedly”
“although” adv.
Merriam-Webster
Chinese 29
H.3b.3 S. Chinese-Yue E. Cushitic- Rendille Semitic-Arabic
(Cantonese) tàbar “opposite tàbaj
dàap / wùihdàap v. direction” “contrast”
“answer (question)” tabar dowa Merriam-
Kwan 18 Chen 9 “go in an opposite Webster Arabic
Middle Chinese tap direction to 34
“answer” > someone”
N. Chinese-MSC Pillinger 273
dá “answer”
Ramsey 142
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.3b.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] dau3 “inverse, place upside down, in reverse order” /
N. Chinese –MSC “upside down, inverted, inverse”
< C. Chadic-Bura –tawara “turn” / C. Chadic-Mofu-Gudur dəhwrey “to turn round” /
Written Arabic dawarān “to turn, revolve, rotate, move in a circle” “to circulate, go round”
dawra “rotation, turn, orbit, circuit”
Approximate Sinitic etymon *daw- “to turn around, to be turned around” “a rotation”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.3b.1
N. Chinese -MSC dàodêng “turn something over and over” dàodòng “turn something over”
DeFrancis 173 dòng “move” (H.9.1)
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (Meixian, MacIver) dau3 “inverse, place upside down, in reverse order”
Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Min to2 “inverse, place upside down, in reverse order” Hakka Dict. ;
toû “to return” Bodman 1987 v.2 18
C. Chinese-Wu tɔ5 “inverse, place upside down, in reverse order” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) dou “to repeat a mistake somebody else has made” Chik / Ng Lam 443
N. Chinese-MSC dâo “move around” “change, exchange” Wu, J. 138
S. Chinese-Min toû “to return” Bodman 1987 v.2 182
adverbial/conjunctions “on the contrary” “but”, “yet” and “nevertheless”. The dóu / dou morpheme also means
“to inverse, place upside down” Chik / Ng Lam 19
The related H.3b.2 Beijing dào or dàoshi “but, still, nevertheless” “contrary to what was said or thought”
functions in a similar way, though the opposition marker occurs in the first statement and can be translated as
“admittedly---it is ---but”. A full example shows the contrast this way: Hăo-dào(shi) hăo, kêshi guì “Sure it’s
good, but its expensive” or Hăo-dào(shi)bù hăo, kêshi pianyi “Sure it isn’t good, but its cheap”. Wang, F. 93
The compound dàozhuan can denote “turn the other way around, reverse” or “contrary to reason or one’s
expectation”. See Merriam-Webster Chinese 29 for more examples. See also Chapter 10 section 10.6.3 Marker of
opposition.
671
H.4b.2
Semitic-Written Arabic t’awwaf “ambulant, itinerant, migrant, roving, wandering” Wehr 671
NS-Coman-Gule kauo “go!” Greenberg 1966 139
W. Chadic- Hausa mak’àuràci “migrant” Awde 1996 113 kau, kawa v. “to move away”
Skinner 140 Awde 1996 84
H.4b.3 W. Chadic-Hausa (Gobir dial.) yāwòo “a journey on foot for any purpose other than trade”
Matsushita 1993 191 (For cognates meaning “trade, exchange etc. see H.39a.1-3) “walk (esp. for
relaxation), stroll” Newman, R. 1990 298, 264 yàwaitàa “stroll, wander” Newman, P. 2007 225
mayàawàcī “stroller, wanderer” Newman, P. 2007154
C. Chadic–Bacama weyo v. “walk” Skinner 291
C. Chadic-Buduma wiyou “den Weg verlieren” [leave the path / way]” Skinner 291
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
H.4b.1 IE-Bengali jaowa “go, move, proceed, advance, leave” vb. Thompson 74, 101
IE-Bengali chara “leave, depart” Thompson 50
IE- Sanskrit car “to move oneself, go, walk, stir, roam about, wander” RV AV “to move or travel
through” cara “going, walking” “wandering” “wandering about, traveling”
carana “going round, or about” Cologne Lexicon. See also Sanskrit table H.4b.1-2
Old Indian cárati “to move, go, walk, act” Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 2012
/
Swadesh “go” Cushitic- Proto- S. Khoisan-
H.4c.1 Boni *kūr |Nu-‖’e
Old Chinese “emigrate” kū
*k’ər “go” Skinner 168 “to go away”
Karlgren GSR E. Cushitic- S. Khoisan-ǀKham
#317a-c Rendille !û “to go out”
Matisoff 2003 484 guura “(to) Ruhlen 1994 54
S. Chinese-Yue move to a new C. Khoisan- Nama
[Cantonese] dwelling-place” !gû
kìuh “to sojourn” Pillinger 131 “walk, go”
kìuh màhn Cushitic-Abo Starostin, G. 2003 35
“persons who reside gur- “migrate”
in a country other Skinner 168
than their own” Cushitic-Proto
kìuh bàau Sam *gur
“overseas Chinese” “move house”
Chik / Ng Lam 24 Skinner 168
kìuhgèui “emigrate”
Kwan 160
H.4c.2 E. Chadic- E. Cushitic- Songhay NC- N. Mande- Bozo
TB-Tibetan Lele Oromo (Koyra, yaare
kyār vi. jarwi jora Djenne) “go, walk”
“to stray, wander, “voyager “wander” yaara Mukarovsky 192
roam” Goldstein 165 beaucoup” Skinner 122 “take a walk” NC-Mande
h’khyár-wa [travel a lot] “travel, yala / yára
“to err, to go astray, Skinner go on a trip” “promenade,
to deviate from” 122 yaara-yaara se promener, errer,
Das 194 Jaschke59 “go around, nomadiser”
yár-ba hike” [“a walk /a stroll,
(Central Tibet) Heath to stroll,
“to disperse, ramble, v.1 259, to live as nomads]
stray” Jaschke 508 v.2 199 Skinner 291
676
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
H.6a-b AA – Chadic AA-Cush. AA- NS NC
Sem.
H.6a.1 S. Chinese-Yue E. Chadic-Dangaleat [Dangla]
(Cantonese) sukkiy “passer au dela de”
cheuk [to go beyond] Skinner 244
“to go across, to go beyond” C. Chadic-Bura sukwa, sikwa
Chik / Ng Lam 442 “go out” Stolbova, Olga C.
Chadic Etymology
W. Chadic-Gwandara
šugu “to cross over”
Matsushita 1972 110
Skinner 244
H.6a.2 Old Chinese W. Chadic-Hausa E. Cushitic-
b
t-khut “to go out” k’ētā “go through, Rendille
Sagart 1999 90, 111 pass through” kuta
S. Chinese-Min Newman, R. 1990 109 “pass by,
(Taiwanese) W. Chadic-Hausa bypass
chǔt “to leave, pass through” k’ētarē v. vg.4 (completive) (someone or
chǔt +khi “to go out” “cross (a road, a river)” something)”
Bodman 1983 153 “traverse” Pillinger 205
Written Burmese Newman, R. 1990
kǔ “cross over” 56-57, 84 284
Matissoff 2003 89, 515
H.6a.3 W. Chadic-Hausa E. Cushitic-
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) shud’èe vg.4 Rendille
chēut “to go out” “go away” vt. middle
“to come out” “to pass by” Awde 1996 144 chooda
Chik / Ng Lam 35 “pass through, pass by” “go through,
chēutheui “to go out” Newman, R. 1990 195 enter”
Kwan 206 variant of completive aspect Pillinger
heui “to go, (generally)” of verb shiga “enter” + d’a 87, 344
Chik / Ng Lam 38 (H.6b.1)
Chen 141 “to go away” Newman, P. 2000 698 2007
cheut muhnhau 187
[lit. out door]
“go out the door”
Mathews, S. 136
S. Chinese-Min
chût “to go out, put out”
chût kieng
“leave the country”
Bodman 1987 v.2 134
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.6a.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) cheuk “to go across, to go beyond”
< W. Chadic-Gwandara šugu “to cross over”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *šug- “to cross over” ~ *shud’- “pass through, pass by”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.6a.1 Tibetan shugugyee “to complete, conclude” shugudrii “to see things to their conclusion”
”to finish doing the last bit” Goldstein 944
679
348
Note- H.6a.2 (Old Chinese, Kiranti-Limbu Extended) Van Driem notes the correspondence between Old
Chinese *tsut “finish, end exhaust” and the current Kiranti-Limbu -cur- ~ -cut “be finished, be completed”
van Driem 1987 478. Note also the H.6a.3 (Extended) Tibetan shugugyee “to complete, conclude” which has a
similar meaning.
349
Note- H.6a.2 (Chinese-MSC (Beijing) Extended, Yue) The directional sense- In Beijing Chinese chū
functions as an independent morpheme and a productive adjunct in compounds; thus chū v. “exit” is a
“directional resultative” verb complement. Used after verbs of motion, it denotes the direction of the movement
and its successful completion. (Packard 98). The H.6a.1 Extended Min huat-chut “to send out, issue” exhibits
the same morphology and function. See Bodman 1987 v.2 134.
Cantonese cheut is also in the grammatical class of ‘directional verbs’. Matthews, S. 145. For example
louhcheut “emerge” Kwan 160, teuicheut “make one’s exit” Kwan 168, tòuhcheut “escape” (Kwan 168.)
‘Such verbs may take ‘directional objects’. The root first existed as an independent morpheme in Chinese and was
added after verbs of motion. “In the later history of the language, the link between verbs and their resultative
complements became stronger so that the separation of the verb from its complement was no longer allowed.”
(Norman 1988a 122) Hence verbs of motion which are intransitive in many other languages, may take
directional objects in Chinese and no preposition such as “out of” or “through” is necessary to indicate the
direction. So the AA shud- / chod- root has been grammaticalized into a functional morpheme through which
verbs of motion can be inflected to denote “movement away from the point of reference, outward” (See also
H.34a.5 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) Extended) on lohk as a directional verb denoting downward motion.
The completive sense- Further, the semantics of “go through” are expressed in the Hausa shud’èe
completive aspect of the verb, but the inherited ST cheut / chut / chu forms have been grammaticalized into
verb endings called “resultative” pointing to the result or completion of the verb’s action. Thus the semantics of
“going out” “going across, going beyond” “crossing over” all denote the action as completed. In Hausa this is
productive; in Chinese the ending has been retained along with its semantic value though it is not productive as in
Hausa. See Chapter 10 section 10.2.1.2 verb grade 4 for other examples of the completive form in Hausa.
680
H.6a.2
W. Chadic-Hausa a k’asā”shen k’ētarē adv. ”he is working overseas” [lit. he has gone out of the
country] Newman, R. 1990 191
Egyptian khet “ford, passage” Budge v.1 569
Semitic-Arabic judxilu (IPA) “enter” v. Merriam-Webster Arabic 50
Egyptian m’shetit “ford” Budge v.1 288
H.6a.3 NS-Anywa [Anuak] còot vi. “to come out (blood, sweat)” Reh 16
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
H.6a.1 South Daic-Lao chak6 bpay1 “leave (go out)” “depart” Marcus 121, 62
/
H.6b.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Hausa E. Cushitic- Sidamo
shīgshii “moving over” shìgèe vg.4 jiga
Goldstein 1096 (completive) vi. “to go, enter, sink”
shēg “to come / go” “pass by, go beyond” Gasparini 182
Goldstein 1108 350 Newman, P. 2007 185
gshēgs “go away, “pass by (a place”
depart” Hodge 122 Newman, Ma R. 1990 195
H.6b.2 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic- Hausa C. Cushitic-Bilin
shēg shìga vg. 3 vi. šik n. hineinstegen”
“to come / go” “enter, go in” [entry into]
Goldstein 1108 Newman, P. 2007 185 E. Cushitic-Sidamo
W. Chadic-Buli šiqa “approach, come near”
cegu “go in, go out” Skinner 244
Skinner 244
H.6b.3 TB-Tibetan E. Chadic-Higi-Ghye E. Cushitic-Rendille
tshugs-pa sugəy soókhubdai
“to go into” “come in” ”come
“to enter upon, begin, Stolbova, Olga (from a place)”
commence” E. Chadic-Etymology Pillinger 323
Jaschke 459, Das 1043 soógela
h’jug-pa “enter (towards speaker)”
“to go into, to enter” soókora
“the entering” “climb up (towards speaker)”
shugs perf. Pillinger 264-265
and imperf.
Jaschke 177
TB-Kiranti-Limbu
cukmaʔ vi.
“come out, appear”
van Driem 1987 413
TB-Tibetan juggo
“entrance,
way to enter”
Goldstein 398
350
Note- H.6b.1-2 (Tibetan, Hausa) Tibetan gives evidence of having retained the notion of reversal of motion
mentioned above in Notes H.2.1 and H.3a.1-2 The Tibetan semantics of both “go” and “come” for the same Tibetan
morpheme would reflect the fact that in Hausa the sheg- / shig- root provides multiple etyma based on the different
forms of the Hausa verb grades 4 and 6. The basic form is shìga verb grade 3 vi. “enter (there) / “enter (go in”),
and the ventive shìgo verb grade 6 becomes “enter (here) / “enter (come in)” Kraft 146, 153, Newman, R. 1990
83. See also Chapter 10 section 10.2.1.2. grade 6 ventives).
681
S. Chinese-Yue Egyptian
(Cantonese) dgdg “press,
tek vt. “to kick” squeeze, trample”
Kwan 260 Militarev,/
Chik / Ng Lam 442 Stolbova.
AA Etymology
H.7a.3 TB-Tibetan West Semitic-
čag-čág-c̀o-c̀e Ethiopian-
“to tread, to trample” Amharic
Jaschke 153 t’äqät’t’äqä
See also H.4a.2 “trample, tread on,
S. Chinese-Yue stuff, press down”
(Cantonese) Leslau 1976 229
chaak leuhng Semitic-Hebrew
“survey, measure” sakar v.
Kwan 518 “surveyed”
chāk “to measure, Baltsan 365
to survey”
Chik / Ng Lam 265
H.7a.4 Egyptian Songhay
N. Chinese-MSC t’át’á “to trample (Djenne)
tà “step on, tread, upon, beat down” tafa
stamp” Budge v.2 868 “kick,
Wu, J. 661 Written Arabic step on”
t’à “to tread, da’asa “to tread Heath
to plant the feet, underfoot, trample v.2 178
to walk” down, crush”
Mathews #5964 854 Wehr 325
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.7a.1 S. Chinese-Min tâq “to tread, to pedal” / C. Chinese-Wu taʔ “step on, trample, tread on”
< W. Chadic-Gwandara táka “to tread on” / Proto-Afro-Asiatic *tákots “trample, pound”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *ták- “to tread on, to trample”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family
H.7a.1
Proto-Chinese *tiaq “to step, sole, back of foot” Starostin, S. Sino-Tibetan Etymology
ST-Proto-form *tjaq “sole of foot,step” Starostin, S. Sino-Tibetan Etymology
H.7a.2
TB-Proto-Kiranti *the’k “kick” Starostin, S. Kiranti Etymology
TB-Proto-Lolo-Burmese *tek “kick” Matisoff 2003 315, 372
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *dek vt. “kick” Matisoff 2003 586, 315
TB-Bodo-Garo- Garo gatek “kick” Matisoff 2003 372
TB-Naga-Tangkhul kəkətək “kick” “the first kə is a general prefix ocurring before all verbs”
Matisoff 2003 372
Written Tibetan rdeg-pa “to push, thrust, knock, kick” Jaschke 286 rdog-pa “step, footstep, kick”
rdog-pa ‘bor-ba “to step, to pace, to walk” Jaschke 288
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) tek hoi “to kick open, to kick out of the way” Chik /Ng Lam 442
TB-C. Loloish-Lahu thêʔ “kick” Matisoff 2003 315, 372
Old Chinese d’ieg “kick” Karlgren GSR 866q tiek / d’ieg “animal’s foot, hoof” Karlgren 877h,
877o Matisoff 2003 373
H.7a.3 N. Chinese-MSC chā “to tread on, to walk through” Mathews #70 8
TB-Tibetan caà “to step on, walk on” Goldstein 382
683
↓↓
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
H.12 AA-Chadic AA-Cush., Afro-Asiatic- Nilo-Sah. NC
Proto-AA Semitic etc.
H.12.1 W. Chadic–Hausa Egyptian
TB-Tibetan ‘dāmèe thami
tamjiŋ vg.4 (completive) ”to wind round,
“tying tightly, “tighten, pull to bind”
binding firmly” taught” to wrap up in,
Goldstein 526 “tie body cloth Budge v.2 850
dam securely around
“bound fast” the waist”
dam-du bcing-pa Skinner 54
“well-bound, tam ideo.
bound tightly” “tied tightly”
Das 618 Newman, P.
2007 196
H.12.2 W. Chadic–W. Proto-AA West Semitic-
TB-Tibetan Hausa *-dâm- Ethiopian-
h’tham-pa ‘damara ”to press Amharic
”to join together, “act of tying sth. together” t’ämäda
enlock” Das 606 around waist” Ehret 1995 “yoke, join up
‘tham-pa ‘dàmara #139 132 (the oxen)”
”to join, unite” “belt, act of tying” Leslau 1976
Jaschke 244 Skinner 54351 225352
H.12.3 S. Chinese- W. Chadic- E. Cushitic-. Semitic–Arabic
Yue (Cantonese) Tangale Rendille (Iraqi)
tahng ”to bind, dangle hidán tannag
to tie, to restrict” “to tie, to fix, “tied up, shut “to draw tight,
Chik / Ng Lam 359 to fasten” up” make taut,
TB-Written Jungraithmayr hidánahe stretch”
Burmese tâŋ 1991 78 “be tied up, be Dict. of Iraqi
”tighten” shut up” Arabic
Matisoff 2003 267 Pillinger 140 part 2 60
H.12.4 W. Chadic- Egyptian Kanuri
TB-Tibetan Gwandara t’ema ndə́m-ngin
dem “to tie” (Karshi) “to bind, to tie “tie, knot,
demjiŋ “tying up démbìra “tie” together” splice”
(usually hair)” Matsushita 1974 Budge v.2 878 Cyffer
Goldstein 595353 #682 143 1990 130
351
Note- H.12.2 (Hausa) The dam- form is the basic one for this word family. It is found in Western Hausa. The
standard Hausa (Kano dialect) form is ‘daur- as in ‘daurèe “tie”. (Kraft 392). This is the result of the operation of
Klingenheben’s Law. One of its consequences is the weakening of syllable final /m/ to /u/ when abutting with a
following r or n, and so d’aure “tie” < d’amree “tie”. The damr- root survives in H.12.2 Hausa (Extended)
d’amara “amulet belt”. (Newman, P. 2000 230).
352
Note- H.12.2 (Hausa, Semitic-Amharic) Leslau uses a subscript point to show glottalized consonants, e.g. ṭ, ș.
So the initial ejective dental of Semitic-Amharic is written as ṭ in the Amharic entry of the source publication ; but in
order to regularize the notation of glottals/laryngeals, the present study uses an apostrophe as stop symbol, e.g. p’,
t’, s’, ĉ’, q’. (See Leslau 1976 xiii, and notes B.21.1 NS-Kanuri, Hausa, Tibetan, C.4.2 (Chinese Kejia ↔ (Semitic-
Amharic) and C.5a.4 (Semitic-Amharic).
689
353
Note- H.12.4 (Tibetan) The Tibetan morphemes tamjiŋ (H.12.1) and de̱mjiŋ (H.12.4 ) give evidence of
having retained the Kanuri *ngin / jin morpheme as in the above Kanuri ndə́m-ngin “tie, knot, splice”. As a
suffix this morpheme generates the largest class of verbs in the language. (See Hutchison 1981 101-105 and Note
E.28.2.) In Kanuri ngin is also an independent lexeme meaning “say, think, intend” Cyffer 1990 137 See also
Note- E.1b.4 (Beijing).
690
H.12.3
IE-Hindi tang adj. “tight” Scudiere 172
Proto-Altaic *tanŋù “to bind, rope” Starostin, Sergei Altaic etymology
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *daŋ- “to bind, rope” Starostin, Sergei Altaic etymology
Altaic-Proto-Tungus-Manchu *daŋ- “to bind, rope” Starostin, Sergei Altaic etymology
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
H.13a-b Afro-Asiatic – Chadic Afro-Asiatic - AA- Nilo- NC
Cushitic Sem. Sah.
H.13a.1 W. Chadic – Hausa Cushitic-
N. Chinese-MSC cunkusā v. Oromo
cóng “stuff” c’unfa vt.
“crowd together, Newman, R. 1990 264 “squeeze”
pile up” Wu, J. 114 Newman, P. 2007 35 c’unqursa
S. Chinese-Yue cunkùshē vi. vt. “press,
(Cantonese) “be dense, compressed, oppress”
chùngmuhn crowded” Gragg 88
“congestion” Kwan 92 Newman, P. 2007 35
See also D.32.2
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.13a.1 N. Chinese–MSC cóng “crowd together, pile up” / S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
chùngmuhn “congestion”
< W. Chadic-Hausa cunkusā “stuff” v. cunkùshee vi. “be dense, compressed, crowded”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *cun- “to stuff” “be dense, compressed, crowded”
/
Swadesh “full” W. Chadic – N. Khoisan-
H.13b.1 Tangale ‖Au‖en
TB-Tibetan kẹndẹ !geŋ
‘kheŋ(s)-pa “fill up” “full”
“to be full” Jungraithmayr Starostin, G.
Jaschke 56 1991 187 2003 17
h’khyeng-wa 1994 v.2 156 S. Khoisan-
“to be filled up” W. Chadic- |‘Auni
Das 196 N. Bauci- Diri ‖kxən-si
gεŋ “to fill up” kə̑nda “full”
Goldstein 238 “fill” Bleek 1956
S. Chinese-Min Jungraithmayr 605
keŋ “eat to the full” 1994 v.2 Starostin, G.
Hakka Dict . 156354 2012 23
H.13b.2 NS-Songhay
TB-Tibetan (Djenne, Gao)
skong-wa / kúŋú “be sated,
skong-pa be full (after a
“to fulfill” meal)”
“to fill up what is Heath v.2 134
open” Das 94 v. 3 220
Jaschke 24 Ducroz 162
354
Note- H.13b.12-3, 5 (Chadic) In Chadic languages the three H.13b.2-3,5 Chadic variant roots are found only
in W. Chadic and are reconstructed by Jungraithmayr as *kende. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 75, v.2 56.
691
H.16.3 Anywa
TB-Jingpho jaap vt.
[Kachin] jʌכbó
yau “to be mixed” detransi-
Benedict 48 tivized
S. Chinese-Yue “to mix
[Cantonese] things
yáu “to mix, mixed” together
Chik / Ng Lam 349 (liquids,
masses)”
Reh 29
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.16.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gáau “mix (stir)”
< W. Chadic-Hausa gauràyā “mix (dry or liquid), blend”
H.16.2 N. Chinese-MSC hsiáo “mixed, muddy, confused”
< Semitic Arabic (Iraqi) tšawwaš “to be confused, muddled”
Approximate Sinitic etyma *gau- “mix (dry or liquid)” ~ *tšaw- “to be confused, muddled”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.16.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) kàu “to mix up” kàuwàhn “to mix evenly” Po-fei Huang 413
gáau “stir up, meddle” Po-fei Huang 383 gáaubuhn “to stir or churn” Chik / Ng Lam 195 “to
stir, to agitate, to disturb” “to stir up, cause trouble” Chik / Ng Lam 186, 195
H.16.2 N. Chinese-MSC jyâu (Y) “mix, adjust” Chen 228 tiáo “mix, adjust” Wu, J. 681
jiâo “stir, mix” “disturb, annoy” Wu, J. 341
S. Chinese-Min chiâu “to mix by stirring (as of dough) Bodman 1987 v.2 200
S. Chinese-Kejia[Hakka] (Meixian) tiau2 “mix, blend” Hakka Dict.
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] kəyau “mix, intermix” Benedict 48
Chinese-Jin [Shanxi province] kǝʔ-lau8 “to stir” Sagart 1999 120
H.16.3 Proto-Tibeto-Burman ryaw “to mix” Benedict #207 48, 207
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.16.1 W. Chadic-Hausa gauràyā / kaurayā “mix” “mix together” Skinner 81
gwālitsa “mix” Skinner 96 kwāb’à “mix (with liquid)” Skinner 158
“mix into a paste” Newman / Ma 1979 71
NS- Kanuri ngálóngawuli “mixture of different things” Cyffer 1990 133
E. Cushitic-Rendille iskáwarsa “(to)mix (something)” Pillinger 162
C. Chadic-Bura gwart- “mix” Skinner 96
H.16.2 Semitic-Arabic taʃawwuʃ (IPA) “confusion” “mix-up” n. Merriam-Webster Arabic 10, 97
C. Chadic-Gude tsavǝ “dilute” Skinner 270
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA↔ ST roots:
H.16.1 IE-Pashto kawul “to mix, confuse” Raverty 781
H.16.2 Hmong-Mien-White Hmong xyaw “mix” Heimbach 415, 486
H.16.3 Proto-IE *yew(ə) “to mix food, knead” Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 159
Old Indian *yavana “mixing” Nikolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 159
The following two tables contain proposed Sino-Tibetan and African language reflexes of Ehret’s
Proto-Cushitic *suk- “to sit / or Proto-Afro-Asiatic*-suk- “to stay” Ehret 1995 #214 157.
The mainly intransitive meanings of the AA *-suk- “sit, stay, dwell” proto-root are attested in the Sino-
Tibetan variants of the H.17a.1-4 sets. All of the forms in this table have semantics which imply “go
down, get down” (intransitive), or “take down, bring down, put down” (transitive).This latter meaning is
explicit and dominant in the 17b.1-2 lexemes.
696
The 17b.2-3 Chinese and Hausa suk- “to lodge, to sojourn” phonetically and semantically match the
Proto-AA / Proto-Cushitic forms meaning “stay, dwell” but in Chadic represent stages of a journey in
which the travellers get down from and unload their animals, and then receive lodging for the night.
ST Languages African/AA languages- Close correspondences
H.17a-b Afro-Asiatic – AA-Cushitic, AA- Nilo-Saharan Khoisan
Chadic Proto-AA Sem.
H.17a.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic – S. Cushitic- Songhay
tsog-pu / tsog-pa Hausa Irakw (Djenne)
“the posture of tsùgùnā Militarev / joku “squat”
cowering, squatting, “squat” Stolbova Heath v.2 110
crouching” Newman, P. suknunu- Songhay-
Jaschke 432 2007 209 “squat” (Koroboro)
Das 999 Skinner 275 Skinner 275 sokono
bzhùgs-pa / “squat on heels” Proto-AA “bend (leg)”
bzugs-pa “to sit, Newman / Ma suk- “to stay” Heath
to dwell, reside, 1979 126355 Ehret 1995 v.3 282
to remain, stay” W. Chadic – #214 157 zoku
Jaschke 482-3 Tangale, Hausa Proto- “squat
bshùgs-pa sugne Cushitic. (with head up,
“to sit, to dwell, “sit” (Orel / on tiptoe)”
to reside” Skinner 275 Stolbova). Heath
Das 1085 Jungraithmayr *’-suk- v.3 341
1994 147 “dwell”
Skinner 275
Swadesh “sit” W. Chadic- N.
H.17a.2 Gwandara Khoisan-
Chinese-Xiang (Koro) ‖Kh’au-‖’e
6
dzu “sit” jùjùma šú “to sit
Norman 1988a 207 “sit down” down”
N. Chinese-MSC (Cancara) Ruhlen 1994
jù jùjùwã #513 63
“crouch, squat” “sit down” S.
“sit” Matsushita Khoisan-
Wu, J. 372 1974 #487 110 |Nu-‖’en
zhù šu ~ ču
“halt, stay” “to sit”
“be stationed at” Starostin, G.
DeFrancis 1290 2003 30
TB-Naxi-Lijiang
ndzɯ “sit”
Matisoff 2003 522
355
Note- H.17a.1 (Hausa) The Hausa suk- root is also one of the forms of a Chadic/Cushitic root meaning
“small, short” (G.8a.3) as well as the above H.17a. “sit, squat” Hence the Cantonese suksai “lessen” cited in set
H.17b.2 is also most probably related to G.8a.4 Cantonese sūk “to contract, to shorten” “to draw back” or chūk
“to contract, to draw together” Chik / Ng Lam 443. This has the G.8a.4 Hausa equivalent tsūkèe vt. and vi. “draw
together”. Of course squatting with the lower legs turned back involves a shortening or drawing together. Note the
semantics of H.17a.1 NS-Songhay (Gao) [Koroboro] sokona above, i.e. joku “squat” sokono “bend (leg)”.
The data above indicates that Hausa independently developed the following derived H.17b sàuka forms
meaning “unload”, “take lodging”, but also preserved the H.17a.1 original AA sug- “squat down” (sit down)
meaning as well as the G.8a.3 ideophone tsugul “very short”.
697
H.17a.3 W. Chadic-
Middle Chinese Gwandara
dzuã: “sit” (Toni)
Norman 1988a zùzùwã
207, 212 “sit down”
Matsushita
1974 #487 110
H.17a.4 S.
S. Chinese-Kejia Khoisan
[Hakka] ‖Xegwi
(MacIver, šō
Meixian) ts’o1 / ts’o5 / “sit”
ts’o3 Ruhlen
(Lau Chunfat) 1994
co1 “sit, a seat” #513 63
Hakka Dict. S. Khoisan-
S. Chinese-Yue Batwa
(Cantonese) šo
chóh “sit” S. Khoisan-
Kwan 481 |Xam
joh “to sit, a seat” s’ō / š’ō
Chik / Ng Lam 77 “sit”
Middle Chinese Starostin,
djo- “reside” G. 2003 30
Norman 1988a 230
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.17a.1 TB-Tibetan tsog-pu / tsog-pa / “the posture of squatting” / bshùgs-pa “to sit., to dwell,
to reside”,
< Proto-Cushitic *suk- “to sit” / Proto-Afro-Asiatic *-suk- “to stay”
H.17a.2 Chinese-Xiang dzu6 “sit” / N. Chinese-MSC jù “crouch, squat” “sit” / TB-Naxi-Lijiang
ndzɯ “sit” < S. Khoisan-|Nu-‖’en šu ~ ču / C. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖’e šú “ to sit down”
H.17a.4 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] ts’o1 / ts’o5 / ts’o3 / co1 “sit, a seat” /
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) chóh “sit” / joh “to sit, a seat”
< S. Khoisan-|Xam s’ō ~ š’ō / S. Khoisan-Batwa šo -‖Xegwi šō “sit”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma: *suk- “to squat” ~ šu / šo “sit”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.17a.1 TB-Tibetan dzōgdzgōg “squatting down on one’s heels” dzogbur “squatting” Goldstein 846
H.17a.2 Middle Chinese d’ju- “reside” Norman 1988a 242
TB-Tibetan shuù “to sit, to stay, to dwell, to reside” Goldstein 950 ; shuùs “seat” Goldstein 951
N. Chinese-MSC chǜ “to crouch, to squat” Mathews #1539 221 chǖ “to dwell, to remain”
Mathews #1535 219 jū “reside, dwell, live” “occupy (a place)” “residence, house” Wu, J. 369
zhu “live, reside, stay” DeFrancis 129 jūzhù “live, reside, dwell” Wu, J. 369
chù “to dwell, to stop” Mathews #1337 188 , “to dwell temporarily, to halt” Mathews #1344 189
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) jyuh “reside (dwell)” Kwan 428 “live (dwell)” Kwan 275 ,
jànjù “to lodge (dwell temporarily)” Chen 206 [compound of this root and that of H.18.1
Cantonese Extended jan-].
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (MacIver ch'u5 v. “dwell; inhabit; live (at) v. “stop” Hakka Dict..
S. Chinese-Min chu “dwell; inhabit; to live, to stop, firm, fast”Amoy-English Dict.167 ;
cu “dwell” Bodman 1987 v.2 129 (Fuzhong, Jianyang) tiu6 “reside” Norman 1988a 230
S. Chinese-Min (Fuzhong, Jianyang) tiu6 “reside” Norman 1988a 230
H.17a.3 N. Chinese-MSC tsò / tsuò [Y] “to sit, a seat” Mathews 1966 #6778 995 ;
698
dzwò “sit” Chen 362 zuò “sit” Manser 605 “sit, take a place” “seat, place” Wu, J. 944
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.17a.1
W. Chadic–North Bauci Group *(‘)tsəgw- “sit” Skinner 275
Semiitic-Arabic (Iraqi ) u sukun (stem of imperf.) sukna vn. “to reside, dwell, live”
sukkaan “population” [i.e. dwellers] Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 1 221 part 2 22
E. Cushitic-Afar suge “remain, stay” Parker / Hayward 194
W. Chadic- Warji tsəgə- “sit” Mukarovsky 328
Cushitic-Ma’ -zoko “sit” Skinner 59
W. Chadic-Hausa tsugunař dà vt. “make someone squat down” Newman, P. 2007 209, 153
Proto-Central Chadic *cuxwVr “sit” Stolbova, Olga Central Chadic Etymology 2006
Central Chadic-Glavda caxwar “sit” Stolbova, Olga Central Chadic Etymology 2006
C. Chadic–Mofu-Gudur ndzəgàna “sit (down)” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 295
W. Chadic–S. Bauci group-Wangday, Zodi súk “sit (down)” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 294
C. Chadic–Masa group- Zime Batna súk “sit (down)” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 294
Nilo-Saharan-Songhay (Gao) sokona “replier les jambes, étant couché ou assis” [to fold, to tuck the
legs under oneself when lying down or seated] Skinner 275
E. Chadic-Masa Group-Lame suk dzudzuŋgo “s’accroupir” [to squat, to crouch down] Skinner 275
W. Chadic-Ngizim jòokúlólok “in a squatting position” Schuh 85
Proto-W. Chadic (Jungraithmayr) *s’g “to sit” Ehret 1995 #530 283
H.17a.2 S. Khoisan-!Xoo chû “[to] sit” Starostin, G. 2003 30
S. Khoisan-Khakhea tsū, čū “to sit down” Ruhlen 1994 63
C. Chadic-Bura nzu-nzu “sit” Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic-Etymology
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
H.17a.1 IE-Pashto chok “make to sit or squat” chok- “seated on all fours, particularly a camel
squatting on all fours” Raverty 376
IE-Hindi jhuknā ”crouch, incline vi. jhukānā ”bend” Scudiere 249
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *čok- “to kneel down” “to sink” “to sit”
Altaic-Turkic-Turkish čok- “to kneel down”
Altaic-Turkic-Bashkir sük- / süg- “to kneel down” “to sink”
Altaic-Turkic-Kumyk čök- / čög- “to kneel down” “to sink” “to sit”
Altaic-Turkic-Uzbek čuk- “to kneel down” “to sink”
Altaic-Turkic-Uyghur čok- “to kneel down” “to sink”
Altaic-Turkic-Kyrgyz čök- “to kneel down” “to sink”
Altaic-Turkic-Balkar čök- / čög- “to kneel down” “to sink” “to sit”
Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology
The following H.17b-c word families contain evidence that the empirical basis for the Hausa sàuk-
morphemes is the process of getting down from and unloading a pack animal when stopping at a place
to pass the night. The Hausa verb grades express these three notions:
-the rider gets down (H.17b.1 verb grade 3 or verb grade 6 both intransitive),
-the load is removed and taken down (H.17b.2 verb grade 5 or verb grade 4 (both transitive), and
-the process is completed by receiving lodging at the way station. (H.17b.3 verb grade 7
passive/sustentative.
The H.17b.1, H.17b.2 and H.17b.3 morphemes all attest the basic Hausa sàuk- root and this
corresponds in each case to a suk- / zuk- root in TB or Chinese. Though the ST forms have not
retained the verb grade aspect suffixes, the semantics of these sets reflect the shifts of meaning
present in the different Hausa verb grades.
Citations from Kraft and the Newmans illustrate these semantic changes.The Grade 2 form is in this
case the basic transitive form and grade 3 the basic intransitive form. The other forms are derived grades:
sàukā grade 2 vt. “help unload something from someone” “lodge someone” Newman, P. 2007 180
699
sàuka grade 3 vi. “descend, get down from, arrive at” Kraft 145-146, 362 “descend, come dow n” “be
lodged” “arrive” Newman, P. 2007 180 “get lodgings” “arrive (especially of plane)”
Newman, R.1990 157
sàukèe grade 4 vt. “put down a load” denotes complete or thorough action Kraft 145-146, 362
“bring down, unload” Newman, P. 2007 180 sàukèe kaya “unload” Newman, R. 1990 291
sàukar (dà) grade 5 vt. “lift down, bring/put down” “lower” “often termed ‘causative’”
Kraft 145,147, 149, 362 “unload” “provide temporary accomodation” Newman, P. 2007 181
“provide lodgings” Newman, R. 1990 157 sàukar dà kaya “unload” Newman, R. 1990 291
sàukō grade 6 vi. “come down (from)” “arrive (here)” “indicates that the action performed had
reference to or was completed in the vicinity of the scene of the conversation” Kraft 145,147,153, 362
sàuku (dà) grade 7 vi. “be comfortably settled in” “typically passive, often with the added
connotation of thoroughness or potentiality” Kraft 145,147
Hence Sino-Tibetan has plausibly inherited both the H.17a.1 original Proto-Cushitic, Proto-AA
suk- “sit, stay” lexemes and also the later H.17b derived Hausa sàuk forms with semantics of
“bring down, get down” “lower” v., and also “stay (overnight), lodge”. Note the H.17b.3 alternative
Cantonese forms sūk / sau. These are derived Hausa forms with denotations which also express the
more abstract concepts of “lessen, bring down” “become smaller”:
Alternative reduplicated second syllable forms are:
Hausa grade 4 (completive) sàuk’ak’e / sawwak’e “reduce completely” Kraft 362 -363
“waive a requirement or obligation” Newman, P. 2007 182
Hausa grade 3 intransitive sàuk’ak’à “to become easy, lessened, reduced” Newman, P. 2007 81
These words as well as those of tables H.17b following and H.39a-40 provide a schematic
description of a Hausa travel pattern which probably emerged after the domestication of the donkey
around 4000 BCE and possibly an eastward movement of Hausa speakers which continued as late as the
caravans of the Silk Road. See also Chapter 6 section 6.4.2.2.
356
Note- H.17b.1 (Hausa) The contemporary Hausa meaning of sàuka “arrive” is used especially for arrival of
a plane, i.e. sàuka “arrive (esp. of plane)” Newman, R. 1990 14. This “coming down, descent” of the plane, is
apparently seen as similar to the earlier meaning of coming down (from a mounted position on a transport animal)
on arrival at an appointed stopping place.
700
sūksiu (Y) vt. “diminish, Kraft 145,147, 362 Newman, P. Semitic- NS-Kanuri
make small” Chen 74 2000 653 Written sáakin
sūkgaam “to reduce, “unload” “provide temporary Arabic “lower,
to lessen” accomodation” Newman P. 2007 181 sakata take down,
Chik / Ng Lam 360 sàuk’àk’ā vg.1 vt. “fall” bring down”
S. Chinese-Kejia “reduce, lessen, relieve” “to decline, yirsáakin
[Hakka] Newman, P. 2007 181 sink, drop” “help lower,
suk7 sàukèe vg.4 (completive) vt. “to fall help unload”
“reduce, decrease” “bring down, unload” down, Cyffer 1990
Hakka Dict. Newman P., 2007 180-181 come down, 151
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] C. Chadic- Mandara to arrive
šəyúʔ vt. (causative) tsukw- “abladen” (Ger.) (one by
“let down” [unload] Skinner 231 one)”
Matisoff 2003 482 Wehr 483
H.17b.3 S. Chinese-Yue W. Chadic- Hausa NS-Kanuri
(Cantonese) sūk / sau sàuka vg.3 vi. isəkin
“to stay overnight” “be lodged” “arrive” vi.
“to lodge, to sojourn” Newman, P. 2007 180 “come,
Chik / Ng Lam 107 sàuku vg.7 vi. arrive”
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] sustentative/passive “lodge
(Lau Chunfat) “be comfortably settled in” (a visitor or
sug5 v. “lodge, stay Kraft 145,147 stranger)”
overnight, sojourn” “lodge (get lodgings)” Cyffer 1990
(MacIver) siuk4 siuk7 Newman, R. 1990 157 68, 151
suk7 “lodge, stay
overnight, sojourn”
Hakka Dict.
TB-Tibetan tshùgs-pa masauki n.m. “lodging place”
“caravansary, or a level, “overnight quarters”
open place near a village ma locative prefix
where travelers may Newman / Ma 1992 88
encamp” Das 1028
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.17b.1 Proto-Tibeto-Burman *s-yuk ~ *ʔ-yuk “descend”
/ C. Chadic- Mandara tsuk- “abladen” [unload] / W. Chadic- Hausa sàuka vi. “descend, come
down” saukè vt. “bring down, unload”
H.17b.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sūksai “lessen (cause something to appear smaller)”
< W. Chadic-Hausa sauk’àk’ā vt. “reduce, lessen, relieve”
H.17b.3 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sūk “to stay overnight” “to lodge, to sojourn”
< W. Chadic-Hausa sàuka vg.3 vi. “be lodged” “arrive”
Approximate ST etyma *tsuk- “unload” ~ *sauk- “descend, unload” “be lodged”
/
H.17c.1 W. Chadic- Proto-AA Semitic-Hebrew
Proto-TB, Hausa *-dzik’- / shaka’ v. past “sank, settled”
Proto-Lolo- tsagaita vg.1 *-dzak’- Baltsan 383
Burmese vi. “decrease “to throw “sink, sank, sunk”
*zak “descend” (diminish)” down” “fall or come slowly downwards”
Written Burmese “lessen (subside” Ehret 1995 Oxford English-Hebrew Dict.
sak “descend” Newman, R. #458 256 860-861
Matisoff 2003 1990 62, 151
317, 513, 620
701
S. Chinese-Min khì “to go up, arise, start” khì+khi “to go up, climb”
khi2 “begin, start” “rise, go up, get up” Hakka Dict.
khî sîn “to leave, start a trip (of people only)” “to go, go off to” “away from,
off, to, towards (a place)” Bodman 1987 v.2 153
khi-lai “to get up, arise” Bodman 1983 120,172 ;
C. Chinese-Wu khi2 “rise, stand up, go up, get up” “begin, start” Hakka Dict.
khi “to go (away from the point of reference)” Bodman 1987 v.1 64
N. Chinese-MSC khāiwang “(of a train, ship etc.) leave for, be bound for” Wu, J. 381
khāifù “march to, be bound for” Wu, J. 380
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *ka:y “pull, drag, lead” Matisoff 2003 210
TB-Chin-Lushai kai “pull, drag, lead” Matisoff 2003 210
H.19a.3
C. Chinese-Wu tɕi2 / ʨhi5 “begin,start” ”rise, stand up” “go up, get up” Hakka Dict.
N. Chinese -MSC zhì “stand erect, tower” Wu, J. 904 zhí “straight”
Hsiung 1320 Wu, J. 898
ch’î (WG) “to stand on tiptoe and look for” “erect” Mathews 1966 #545 71
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sih “to stand erect like a mountain” Chik / Ng Lam 115
C. Chinese-Wu ʨhy5 “raise, lift” “go away, leave, depart” “get rid of, remove” Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.19a.1
C. Chadic–Buduma ci “lift” Skinner 36
W. Chadic-Hausa cicci’bàa “lift and carry something heavy” Newman, P. 2007 33
k’ik’am ideo. “standing stiffly or motionlessly” Newman, P. 2000 245
H.19a.2
E. Cushitic-Somali kichi “to raise, to start up” Awde 1999 38 75
Egyptian skhi “to ascend” Budge v.2 689 ka, khai “to rise like the sun, to ascend” Budge v.1 534
khai “to be high, to lift up” Budge v.1 529 skhāi “to make to rise up or appear” Budge v.2 615, 689
NS-Songhay (Koyra) key-nte “standing” Heath v.1 164
W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Warji kiyau / kəy “carry (load)” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 62
W. Chadic-N. Bauci Gp.-Kariya kí “carry (load)” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 62
W.Chadic–Hausa kai vt. “take, take to” Newman, P. 2007 104 “carry, reach (there)” Kraft 152
NS-Songhay (Gao) kóy “partir, aller, quiiter un lieu” [depart, go, leave a place] Ducroz 159
W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Pa’a gey “lift” Skinner 89
H.19a.3
E. Cushitic-Oromo sirrawi adj. “erreto, verticale, diritto” [erect, vertical upright”] Borello 376
C. Chadic–Glavda cī “to rouse, to awake, to raise, to leave, to lift up, to rise, to arise,
to get up” Rapp / Benzing 18 ci-R “stand up” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 307
E. Cushitic-Somali kichi “to raise, to start up” Awde 1999 38.75
NS-Kanuri cìtə “getting up, leaving” Hutchison 1981 57 [vn. of cingīn, cijin above] Cyffer 1990 2
C. Chadic- Gisiga cicideŋ “stand up” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 305
W. Chadic–N. Bauci- Pa’a tsirratsIrro “stand” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 304
/
H.19b.1 W. Chadic- Songhay
TB-Tibetan S. Bauci- (Koroboro)
kyere “upright, Guruntum sherre
erect” “to stand” shè:ri “be straight,
Jaschke 7 “stand” be extended
kyere / kere / Jungraith- (in a line)”
kyere-wa “the act mayr Heath v.3 276
of standing erect” 1994
[Disyllabic corresp.] v.2 306
705
358
Note- H.21.1 (TB- Rawang, Chadic, Cushitic) Matisoff, author of the note, states that the glottal stop of the
Jingpho and Rawang baʔ reflexes points to an earlier TB *bak rather than Benedict’s original Proto-TB *ba.
Benedict/Matisoff 19 note 71. The above evidence from the H.21.1 W. Chadic- S. Bauci b’agi tends to support
this view. The Cushitic-Oromo ba’aa form also contains a medial glottal stop, and the Sanskrit medial -r- (bara)
or -h-(vahi) can represent simple small openings of the glottis derived from an earlier glottal stop.
709
N. Chinese-MSC W. Chadic-
bào Hausa
“carry in one’s arms” (Daura dial.)
Merriam-Webster bāwō
Chinese 6 “bring”
Matsushita
1993 20
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.21.1
TB-Nung-Rawang, Jingpho [Kachin] (Nungish- Matwang dialect) baʔ “carry”
< E. Cushitic-Oromo baad’d’a “carry, hold, contain” /
ba-accu “addossarsi, caricarsi, portare, sostenere”’ [to load (on the back), to take up a burden,
to carry, to hold up”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etymon *bak- “carry on the back”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.21.2
Proto-TB
*ba “carry” Benedict #26 19, 199, 210 “carry (on back)” Matisoff 2003 24, 643, 583 ;
*buw = *bəw “carry on back or shoulders” Benedict #28 178, 199
*bəw “carry on back” Matisoff 2003 178, 199
H.21.3 TB-Chin-Lushai pu “carry on back” Matisoff 2003 178
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.21.1 E. Cushitic-Oromo ba-accu “addossarsi, caricarsi, portare, sostenere”’ [to load (on the back),
to take up a burden, to carry, to hold up” Borello 35
H.21.2 E. Cushitic-Sidamo baira “carry on back” Skinner 20.
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA roots:
H.21.1 IE-Sanskrit vahi “carrying, bearing” Cologne Lexicon.
H.21.3
IE-E. Iranian-Avestan
bar “to carry, to bear”
baraiti “tragt, reitet” [carries, bears]
ava-baraiti “to carry, to bring down, to bring to” Peterson, J. 1995
barantiy “to bear” Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 2012 16
IE-Sanskrit
bhara “bearing, carrying, bringing”
bhara “a burden, load, weight”
Cologne Lexicon.
IE-Old Indian bhárti / bhárati “to bear”
Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 2012 16
IE-Hindi
bhār m. “gravity, load”
bhārā m. “freight”
bhārī adj. “heavy” Scudiere 70, 74, 93, 294
IE-Bengali
bhār “weight, gravity, burden”
bhāri “heavy” adj.
bhɔra “be filled, be loaded”
bhɔrano “to fill, fill up, load” Thompson 70, 99. 103
See also Supplementary Table 2 H.21. 1-3
IE-Tocharian pär “bear (away), carry (off)” Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European Etymology 2012 16
710
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
H.22 Afro-Asiatic- AA – AA- Nilo-Sah. NC
Chadic Cush. Sem.
Swadesh E. Chadic-Jegu
“to give” bir “give”
H.22.1 C. Chadic-Dghwede
Proto-Newar bìrè “give”
*bir- “give” Jungraithmayr 1990
TB-Newar v.2 159
*bil- “give” E. Chadic-Dangaleat
Matisoff 2003 442 bērè “donner” [give]
Fédry 85
Jungraithmayr 1990
v.1 76359
H.22.2 E. Chadic- Kabalai
TB- Mir bí “give”
bi “give” W. Chadic-S. Bauci- Buli
TB- Proto-Kiranti bi: “give”
*bi “give” Jungraithmayr 1990
Benedict 102 v.2 158-9360
Starostin, S. Kiranti fi “give” Stolbova, Olga
Etymology C. Chadic Etymology
TB- Burmese
pè “give”
Benedict 102
H.22.3 TB-Dhimal, Mikir W. Chadic-S. Bauci- Tala
pi “give” pi “give”
Benedict 102 Jungraithmayr 1990
Matisoff 2003 480 v.2 158
H.22.4 E. Chadic-Lele
S. Chinese-Yue bè “give”
(Cantonese) Jungraithmayr 1990 v.2 159
béi “give” Kwan 204 W. Chadic-Hausa
“to confer, to bestow” bāyar (da) v.
Chik / Ng Lam 306 “to give”
Proto-Tibeto-Burman Newman, P. 2007 12
biy = bəy “give” Kraft 336
Benedict #427 199
Proto-Lolo-Burmese
bəy2 “give”
Matisoff 2003 19
359
Note- H.22.1 ( Chadic) Jungraithmayr reconstructs a Chadic proto-root *br. This is the most widely attested
form of the variant morphemes meaning “give” in Chadic languages; 46 out of the 77 languages surveyed by
Jungraithmayr contain it. Jungraithmayr 1994 v.1 76.
360
Note- H.22.1-2 ( Chadic) For the sound change rule: “change of word final *r > y / i” i.e. E. Chadic-Jegu
bir “give” > E. Chadic- Kabalai, W. Chadic-S. Bauci bí “give” see Newman, P. 2000 227 and Notes
A.16.1 (Hausa), A.30.1 (Hausa), A.34.2 (Hausa) and H.38a.4 (Hausa).
711
362
Note H.23b.1 (Tibetan, Sanskrit) Kiranti,Tibetan and Sanskrit all give evidence of having grammaticalized the
Hausa tsan(tsā) “pure(ly)” “sole(ly)” “pure state, all and only”, sam adv. “completely” or the Arabic jamii“ عall”
“comprehensive, extensive” into a function morpheme which, when attached to a verb, means “doing the previously
identified action completely, thoroughly”. Examples are in H.23b.1-2 Sanskrit as well as several of the H.23b.1
Tibetan entries.
714
IE-Sanskrit sárva- “whole, entire, all” sarvátha “in every way” Nicolayev, Sergei Indo-European
Etymology 116
IE-Tokharian salu “ganz (Ger.) ” [all, completely] Nicolayev, Sergei IE Etymology 2012 116
↓↓
H.23d.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic – Proto-AA Semitic- Khoisan-
saŋ / saŋbo “good, Tangale *-šeŋ- Akkadian Proto-Non-
fine, kind, well-meaning” sanang “to be shangu Khoekhoe
Goldstein 972-973 “holiness” good” “priest” *žaŋ
mdzaŋs-pa “wise, Jungraith- Proto-E. Olmstead 75 “good”
learned” “gentle, noble” mayr Cushitic N. Khoisan-
Jaschke 462 1991 191 *šen- W. Semitic- Zu|’hoan
N. Chinese-MSC N. Omotic- Ethiopian- žaŋ “good”
tsāng “good, right, Shinasa Amharic Starostin, G.
generous” še:ŋga sənä 2003 18
Mathews #6704 983 “good” megbar“ NC-Fulani
zāng “good, right”. Ehret 1995 “ethical sena
xián “virtuous, worthy” #519 280 behavior” “be clean,
Wu, J. 747, 865 Leslau innocent,
shèng “sage, saint” 1976 holy”
“holy, sacred” 55, 336 sena
Mathews 818 Wu, J. 613 “make clean,
zhèngjing “decent, to hallow”
respectable, honest” Taylor 171
Wu, J. 892
H.23d.2 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic– Semitic-
sems or sem Tangale Hebrew
“soul, spirit, wisdom” sen tsenee’oot
Jaschke 576 “wisdom, “modesty,
Benedict 51, 84 wise, sense, chastity”
C. Chinese-Wu under- Baltsan 439
zeŋ6 “spirit, god” standing,
“soul, mind” cunning,
Hakka Dict skill”
N. Chinese-MSC Jungraith-
shén “god, deity, mayr
divinity” “spirit, mind” 1991 143
Wu, J. 608.
shen “spirit, god, divine,
soul” Smith 5, 206
See also note D.26b.2
(Chinese)
H.23d.3 NS-Nuer
N. Chinese-MSC cuŋ cuŋ
chún “pure and honest” “good,
chúnhòu straight”
“pure and honest, simple cuŋεpic
and kind” Wu, J. 110 “straight,
hòu “good, fine” perfect,
(E.7b.6 Extended) absolutely
chúnjie “pure, clean and good”
honest” Wu, J. 109 Huffman 10
716
/
H.24c.1 E. Chadic- Semitic- NS-Kanuri
S. Chinese-Kejia Bidiya Arabic sàw-
[Hakka] sāw- jamsahu class 1 verb
(Meixian, MacIver) “ramasser, (IPA) “winnow”
sau5 nettoyer” “mop up, Hutchison 78
“sweep with a broom” [to pick up, wipe up”
“clear away, clean” to clean, v.
Hakka Dict. to cleanse] Merriam- NS-Songhay
N. Chinese-MSC Skinner 230 Webster (Koroboro)
sâo “sweep, brush/clear Arabic ĉabu
away” 98, 178 “shave
Wu, J. 588 (head or beard)”
Wang, F. 400 Heath v.3 6
tsâo
“to bathe the body”
Mathews #6726 986
sāo “scratch”
Wu, J. 588
N. Chinese-Yangqu
(NW China-Shanxi prov.)
sua
“to brush”
Sagart 1999 101
H.24c.2 Chinese-Jin NS-Kanuri
kəʔ-sua “to brush back and kàsáwò
forth” Sagart 1999 101 “winnowing”
[On the presence of k- prefix Hutchison 78
in this set and its absence in the
preceding and following
Chinese ones see Chapter 10
section 10.3.2.1]
H.24c.3 E. Chadic- Omotic-
S. Chinese-Yue Dangaleat Ometo-Koyra
(Cantonese) [Dangla] šoh-
sou “sweep with a broom” sōye “to wash”
Kwan 520 398 “balayer” Ehret 1995
[sweep] #509 276
Skinner 242
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.24c.1
N. Chinese-MSC sâo “sweep, clear away” tsâo “to bathe the body”
< E. Chadic-Bidiya sāw- “to pick up, to clean, to cleanse”
Approximate Sinitic etymon *sāw- “to clean, to cleanse”
722
H.24e.2
NS-Anywa cɛ̄t vt. “to wipe something off (drops of water)” Reh 15, 133
W. Chadic–Hausa sart- “comb out” Skinner 242
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) massad “to rub, stroke (esp. an animal)” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic 438
Asian non-ST languages with close correspondences to the African/AA roots
H.24e.2 I
E- Sanskrit utsad “to anoint, rub, chafe” Cologne Lexicon.
See also Supplementary Table 2 H.24e.2.
/
H.24f.1 Egyptian
TB-Tibetan tchār
tsaa “to sift”
“to strain, to filter, tcharu
to sift” “a sieve”
Goldstein 898 Budge v.2 903
tsaà “strainer, sieve, filter”
Goldstein 872
N. Chinese-MSC
shà “to sift”
Mathews #5605a 771
H.24f.2 Kanuri NC-Fulfulde
TB-Tibetan saktə́ [Fulani]
‘tsag-pa tsags perf. (vn. of sanggîn) sāka
“to cause to trickle, “filter, strain” “to strain”
to strain, filter, sift” sakkəkiń chake
Jaschke 457 “filter or strain “strainings”
tsagma “sieve”“anything into a container” Taylor 164
sifted” Cyffer 1990 154
Goldstein 872
H.24f.3 E. Semitic-Hebrew Kanuri
TB-Tibetan Cushitic- seenen sanggîn v.
sangdzaà Somali v. past “filter, strain”
“a sieve, a sifter” shaandho “filtered, Cyffer 1990 154
Goldstein 1121 “sieve, strained”
‘tsang-pa strainer” v. pres.
“to remove impurities” Awde mesanen
Jaschke 457 1999 46 “filters, strains”
See also H. 23a.1 Baltsan 279, 372
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.24f.1
TB-Tibetan tsaa “to strain, to filter, to sift”
< Egyptian tchār “to sift”
H.24f.3
TB-Tibetan ‘tsang-pa “to remove impurities” sangdzaà “a sieve, a sifter”
< NS-Kanuri sanggîn v. “filter, strain”
Approximate Tibetan etyma: *tchār “to sift” ~ sang- “filter, strain”
725
363
Note-H.25a.1 (Hausa Extended) In this and the following table Hausa contains semantics which suggest both earlier
and later cultural practices. The basic root involves the notion of running. In the present H.25a.1 set the purpose of the
running is to drive animals or a person away. The root probably first referred to hunting. Prehistoric hunters knew how to
dig a trap, clear a path to it, then go back to drive animals into it. Alternatively the hunters could form a wide circle
around an animal ; one group drove the animal toward the group waiting on the other sides of the circle. Of course, the
animals often escaped. (H.25a.2). H.25a.1 + Extended forms Tibetan ‘čór-, E. Cushitic, Egyptian, C. Chadic-Fali
NS-Kanuri / Anyua and IE-Sanskrit / Tocharian show that the root and its variants can specifically denote hunting.
Modern forms of hunting preserve the practice of driving the animal in the English fox hunt , the French root “la chasse”
means hunting but is also the source of the English word “chase”, i.e “ pursuit”. With the domestication of cattle the
word was applied to the driving of a herd in a direction.. This could involve driving them out of the corral or to
another pasture; this is stiill the job of American, Mexican, Argentinian and other cowboys..
(See also the introduction to word families H.38.a-c and especially set H.38c.1)
727
364
Note-H.25b.1 (Hausa)
The Hausa (Extended) grade 3 verb tsira vi. means both “escape, get away safely” and “be saved”, Newman, P.
2007 208 All the forms suggest a context of avoidance of capture or escape from captivity/slavery. But Grade 4
denotes more complete, extensive or thorough action than the basic form of the verb, in this case completion of and
with indirect object . “outstrip, outrun”, e.g. ya tsira vg.3 means “(he/she) escaped” while tsērèe vg.4 means
“escape, flee” but with indirct object becomes “(he/she) outstripped/ outran (us)”. Newman , P. 2009 208. Hence several
of these Hausa citations imply a pursuit of the escapee who finally frustrates the pursuer by outrunning him. So the
origins of the Tibetan words for “race” “competition” lie in the derived Hausa noun tsèerēniya “racing”.
The semantics of “surpassing” “exceeding” are plausibly based on successful human a voidance of captivity after losing
a battle or successful escape of a runaway slave. It can also refer to animals who escape pursuers.
728
365
Note- H.25c.1 (Hausa) The Hausa morpheme is phonetically close to the H.25b.1 form but, although in this
word family the semantics of “surpassing, being better than ” again seems to apply etymologically to escaping or
racing, they came also to designate successful competition in any field , i.e the “highest / best” in any group
compared. See also H.23c.1.
729
fut. “to keep, to hold, to adhere to, to stick to, to rely or depend upon” Jaschke 222
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) dang “a stool, a bench” Chik / Ng Lam 34
dóng “shelves” “a wooden cross-piece as rung of a ladder etc.” Chik / Ng Lam 31
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] tong5 / dong3 (Meixian, MacIver) “shelf” “ a wooden cross-piece as a
rung of a ladder” Hakka Dict.
TB-Proto-form *tung “pole, beam” / TB-Trung dung1-ma1 “post” Starostin, S. ST Etymology
H.26a.2 TB-Tibetan daŋ “stand, frame, trestle” Jaschke 289
N. Chinese-MSC dànzi “load carried by a pole across the shouilders” Wang, F. 91
TB-Kiranti-Yamphu thangdok “the shelf in the house on which the crockery and other utensils are
kept” Starostin, S. Yamphu Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.26a.1 W. Chadic-Hausa (Gumel dial.) ‘dàngo “a three-pronged stick used as a rest for a pot,
calabash or other vessel” Matsushita 1993 95 tàngàlē “prop up, support” Matsushita 1993 183
H.26a.2 W. Chadic-Ngizim tànkú “put purlins inside roof for support” Schuh 157
E. Chadic- Dangaleat deŋle s’appuyer contre quelque chose dans le dos” [lean against a back support]
Skinner 43, 48
Asian non-ST languages with close correspondences to the African/AA roots:
H.26a.1 Altaic-Mongolian-Kalmuck *döŋ “prop, support” Starostin, Sergei Mongolian Etymology
Altaic-Mongolian-Khalkha *döngö “prop, support” Starostin, Sergei Mongolian Etymology
Altaic-Mongolian-Buriat *dunge “prop, support” Starostin, Sergei Mongolian Etymology
Altaic-Mongolian-Dagur *duŋgu “prop, support” Starostin, Sergei Mongolian Etymology
/
H.26b.1 W. Chadic-Hausa E. Cushitic-- West Semitic-
TB-Kiranti-Limbu dogara “lean on, Oromo Ethiopian-
thכkma “hold up, rely on” Skinner tuggawu vi. Amharic
support, keep up 48 “sostenere däggäfä
straight, e.g. the tokàrā “prop con pali” vt. “support,
pillars support the against” [hold up with sustain,
house.” van Driem tokàrē “prop all poles, prop up” up”
1987 525 up” vg.4 to shore up] Leslau
completive Borello 402 1976 200
Newman, P.
2007 203
H.26b.2 W. Chadic– Hausa Proto South Kanuri
TB-Tibetan-Purik d‘agàa vt. Cushitic yita-
thyak “lift” “raise, lift” *dâk’- or dagəkin
Benedict 52 d‘agèe vt. *dâak’- “erect,
Matisoff 2003 323 “raise up” “to lift up” raise”
TB-Garo dak Newman, R. Ehret 1995 Cyffer
“ascend, lift, raise” 2007 50 #194 149 1990
Matisoff 2003 326 31
H.26b.3 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-Hausa E. Cushitic- Semitic-
h’deg-pa dogara / Oromo Arabic
“to lift, to raise, hold (Hadejia dial.) deggera (Iraqi)
up, hoist” dogari n. m. “support” tikma
Jaschke 278 Das 688 “a buttress outside “shore up” “pillar”
stegs “any a house, or a pillar Gragg 102 “brace,
contrivance for inside” Skinner 48 support”
putting things on; Matsushita 1993 Dict. of Iraqi
a stand, stool etc.” 205 Arabic 58
Jaschke 221
731
367
Note- H.26b.5 Matisoff considers the Old Chinese ti̭ək “mount, advance, promote” to be cognate to the
H.26b.1 Proto-Tibeto-Burman tak “ascend, lift, raise”. Matisoff 2003 326 < Karlgren GSR #916a-c.
732
N. Chinese-MSC t’ái “to carry between two or more persons” “to raise” Mathews #6018 861
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] ti2 / ti3 “lift by hand” “pull up”“raise, carry” “cause to rise” Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.26b.1 W. Chadic-Hausa madogari n.m. “prop, support” Newman / Ma 1992 83
NC-Fulfulde [Fulani] dakka “be in touch with, lean against, rely on” Taylor 28
See also D.10a.2 Extended
H.26b.2 Proto-Afro-Asiatic *zak’- “to raise, make rise” > (Cush., Chad., Egypt., Sem.) shared
innovation “lift, pick up” (probably also Chad., Egypt, Sem. innovation) “lift” > “carry”
Ehret 1995 #194 149
H.26b.3 E. Cushitic-Oromo dogara doki “ridge pole of roof” Bargery 2002
NS-Songhay (Gao) téké “placer un objet pour empêcher quelque chose de tomber”[place an object
to stop something from falling” Ducroz 219
E. Cushitic-Somali taageero “support” Awde 1999 48
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic mäddäggäfiya n. “brace” “buttress, railing” Leslau 1976 200
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) tعakkaz “to lean, support oneself” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 318
NS-Maba Group-Maba nd� k� l-ŋ “lean on” ndì ́kì ́lŋ “lean on oneself” Edgar 219
E. Cushitic-Kembata dikka’- ”lean on” dikk+ is- “support” Skinner 48
H.26b.4
NS-Anywa [Anuak] dáak vt. “to move something away” Reh 19
W. Chadic–Hausa dakō m. “work of carrying loads” Newman, P. 2007 41
Proto-Chadic (Jungraithmayr) *‘dk “to carry” Ehret 1995 #194 149
C. Chadic–Gude ‘dagəna “carry load on head without holding with hands” Skinner 54
NS-Kanuri yadekin “carry, take away” Cyffer 187
Asian non-ST languages with close correspondences to the African/AA roots:
H.26b.1 IE-Bengali tak “shelf” Thompson 124 tha:k n. “tier, layer, shelf” Thompson 56
Altaic-Proto-Turkic *tAkan “trestle, rack ” “tripod” / Altaic-Turkic-Turkish daɣan “tripod”
Altaic-Turkic-Bashkir taɣan “trestle, rack” / Altaic-Turkic-Tatar taɣan “tripod” /
Altaic-Turkic-Turkmen tāGan “tripod” / Altaic-Turkic-Kazakh taɣan “tripod” /
Altaic-Mongolian-Ordos daGa “horizontal bar in a yurt” /
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian daɣaga(n) “horizontal bar in a yurt” Starostin, Sergei Mongolian Etymology
H.26b.3 IE-Hindi tekan m. “support” http://starling.rinet.ru./
↓↓ _
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
H.27 Afro-Asiatic – Afro-Asiatic AA- Nilo-Saharan NC
Chadic -Cushitic Sem.
H.27.1 Chinese-Cantonese W. Chadic- Hausa C. Cushitic- NS-Kanuri
faan “to spread” fantsara vt. Bilin fáfángin
faanlaahm “to overflow, fantsàmā fäntar “grow by creeping
to spread far and wide “splash, scatter, “zerstreuen” and spreading over
Chik / Ng Lam 247 spread (liquid, (Ger.) the ground
fàahnjihk “multiply flour, crowd of [to disperse, (of e.g. cucumbers,
(by propagation) people etc.) scatter, melons)”
Kwan 306 “to breed, Newman, P. disseminate] Cyffer 1990 40
to multiply, to reproduce” 2000 58 Skinner 64
Chik / Ng Lam 396 fàntsamà vi.
N. Chinese-MSC “be scattered, E. Cushitic-
fán “luxurious growth of spread” Sidamo
vegetation” Newman, P. fänt̝̝ar
Mathews #1798 258 2007 59 “split, break
“propagate, multiply, “proliferate” into pieces”
proliferate” Wu, J. 185 Skinner 64 Skinner 6
733
H.27.2 NS-Kanuri
S. Chinese-Cantonese fáfángin
pánfu “develop a network
“attach oneself to someone of influence
very powerful” (of e.g. a wealthy
“climb (of an attached plant)” or influential
De Francis 674 person)”
Cyffer 1990 40368
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.27.1 Chinese-Cantonese faan “to spread, to fill everywhere” / N. Chinese-MSC fán “luxurious
growth of vegetation”
< W. Chadic-Hausa fantsara “proliferate” / NS-Kanuri fáfángin “grow by creeping and spreading
over the ground (of e.g. cucumbers, melons)”
Approximate Sinitic etymon *fan- “to spread, grow rapidly”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.27.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] fán1 “luxuriant, flourishing, increase, propagate” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) faanjihk “reproduce (biological) Kwan 426
fājī “(of a poor man) gain fame and fortune, to power and position” Wu, J. 181
fàahn “flourishing, luxuriant growth” “to increase, to multiply” Chik Ng / Lam 396
N. Chinese MSC fánzhí “breed, reproduce, propagate” Wu, J. 186 Hsiung 267
H.27.2 N. Chinese–MSC pānlóng-fùfèng “play up to people of power and influence; put oneself
under the patronage of a bigwig” pānyuán “climb, clamber” e.g. “climb the social ladder through
pull” Wu, J. 507
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.27.1 .
NS-Kanuri fálálá “flow or spill over, creep (of a plant) Hutchison 1981 107.
W. (Ethiopian) Semitic-Amhari täfäläffälä “hatch (of chicks, eggs)” vi. “breed” vi. (of birds),
incubate” Leslau 1976 245, 285
Semitic-Hebrew hafátsa “dissemination, spreading” Baltsan 116
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
H.28 Afro-Asiatic – Chadic AA- AA- NS NC
Cush. Sem.
H.28.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic-N. Bauci-
bdár-ba / rdár-ba “to grind, to whet” Tsagu dàr “grind”
“to grind, to pulverize” W. Chadic-N. Bauci-
“a file, a rasp” Jaschke 269 Warji də̇r “grind”
bdár-wa “to grind, to polish, rub, file” W. Chadic-N. Bauci-
Das 269 Kariya, Mburke
dardeg “grinding something” dər- “grind”
Goldstein 598 Jungraithmayr 1994
v.2 170
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.28.1 TB-Tibetan bdár-ba / rdár-ba “to grind, to whet” “to grind, to pulverize”
< W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Tsagu dàr “grind”
Approximate Tibetan etymon *dàr “grind”
368
Note- H.27.1 (NS-Kanuri, Chinese Cantonese, Chinese–Beijing + Extended) Both the S. Chinese (Cantonese)
and the N. Chinese (Beijing Extended) morphemes fan- and pan- attest close correspondences to the H.27.1
main section Kanuri direct and derived abstract meanings of this root.
734
369
Note- H.28.1 (Chadic)
9 of the 77 reflexes of Chadic roots listed by Jungraithmayr have *d2rd as the root. The 6 closest Tibetan ↔
Chadic correspondences lack the final –d and are listed here. All are W. Chadic and all except Ngizim are part of
the North Bauci group. (See Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 170 for the others.)
735
370
Note- H.29b.1 (Chadic) Jungraithmayr classifies this is an A root, i.e. found in all branches of Chadic.
737
371
Note- H.30a.3 (Tibetan, Hausa) The Tibetan morpheme matches the disyllabic Grade 4 completive form of the Hausa
verb in form and meaning. Other instances of this are found in Chapter 10 section 10.2.1.2, notes C.46.1., G.2.1-2,
H.25b.1 and set H.6a.3
739
372
Note H.30a.1-2 Chinese-Yanqu (NW-China Henan and eastern Shanxi provinces). Sagart cites the Chinese-
Yanqu H.30a.1 kəʔ-tshɣ and H.30a.2 tshɣ “to tear” as instances of a prefixed and non-prefixed “disappearing
k”. “The [H.30a.1] meanings ‘momentary action’ and ‘repeated action’ are not mutually exclusive. Some verbs
can receive either meaning, and these meanings therefore appear more like two poles of a semantic continuum than
discrete and opposing values” Sagart 1999 101. On the “disappearing k-“ prefix” see Chapter 10 section 10.3
740
ɣchod–pa
bcad
perf. ɣcad
fut. cכod imp.
“to cut”
“to decide”
Jaschke 145
H.30d.3 W. Chadic–Hausa E. Cushitic-Gedeo
S. Chinese-Yue k’ùdurā vt. kut-
(Cantonese) “make up one’s “cut, decide”
kyut mind to do Hudson 48, 250
“to decide, somehing” E. Cushitic-Oromo
to conclude, “settle on” kut-add’a
to judge” Newman, P. 2007 “decide”
Chik / Ng Lam 32 132 Hudson 48
Po-fei Huang 414
kyutding
“decision”
Kwan 124 Chen 64
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.30d.1 Proto-Tibeto-Burman *ku(:)t “scrape, scratch, itch, cut, carve”
< E. Cushitic-Oromo kut-u “break, carve, cut, cut off”
H.30d.3
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) kyut “to decide, to conclude, to judge”
< W. Chadic–Hausa k’ùdura vt.“decide” “tie knot”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *kut- “break, carve, cut, cut off” ~ *k’ut- “to decide”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.30d.1
TB-Kiranti-Yamphu kodra “scoop or shovel” Starostin, S. Yamphu Dict.
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) got “cut” (with a knife) ” Kwan 119
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] lekhot “scoop” Matisoff 2003 129
Proto-TB *ku(:)t “scrape, scratch, itch, cut, carve” Benedict 81, 202 Matisoff 2003 364
H.30d.2
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] šòt “scrape” Matisoff 2003 129
TB-Tibetan
cöödra “judgement, verdict”
chod “a decision” Goldstein 375 ;
chod-pa “decided, settled, fixed” Das 427
chod-so “to promise, to undertake to do a thing” Das 428
TB-Written Burmese chut “tear, sever something” cut “be torn” Matisoff 2003 502
H.30d.3 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
kyutsam “resoluteness” “determination” Kwan 132, 429
meikyutdihng ge “undecided” Kwan 544
N. Chinese-MSC jue “decide, determine”
jueding “decide, resolve, make up one’s mind” Wu, J. 373
744
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
H.32 AA- Chadic AA –Cush., AA- Nilo- Khoisan
Proto-AA Semitic Saharan
H.32.1 S. Chinese- C. West Nuer
Yue (Cantonese) Chadic- Semitic- wat
gwaht “to dig, Glavda Ethiopian- “to take
to excavate, to make a kwad Amharic dirt out of
hole or cave” “to hew, agwädäg- a hole”
Chik / Ng Lam 179 to dig” gwädä Huffman 49
“dig” Kwan 135 Rapp / “hollow gwεt
Old Chinese Benzing out, dig “to scrape
g’i̭ wət “dig out 56 out, out”
(earth)” k’wət “dig in excavate” ŋwεt
the ground ” Leslau “scratch”
Karlgren GSR 496s 1976 219 Huffman
Matisoff 2003 463 18, 38
H.32.2 S. Chinese- W. Chadic- Proto-AA Anywa
Yue (Cantonese) Ngizim *-xwaat- [Anuak]
gwaat “to pare, kwàatlú “to remove gwàar vt.
to shave, to scrape” “scratch, (from gwʌכd�
Chik / Ng Lam 37 claw” surface), detransiti-
Middle Chinese Schuh 101 tear or scrape vized
kwæt “to scrape” off” “to scratch
Sagart 1999 68 Ehret 1995 (deeply)”
#406 232 Reh 28
H.32.3 N. Chinese W. Chadic- West Anywa Khoisan-
-MSC guā vt. Hausa Semitic- [Anuak] Sandawe,
“to scrape, to shave” k’wāk’ùlē Ethiopian- gwàar vt. C. Khoisan-
Hwang 144 “scrape out Amharic “to scratch Nama
Wu, J. 246 from a gwäffärä (deeply)” xoa
kuā / kuāh (WG) narrow “dig, Reh 28 “to scratch”
“to pare away, opening” excavate” Greenberg
to scrape, to shave” Newman, R. Leslau 1966 81
Mathews #3518 521 1990 236 1976 85
H.32.4 Proto-Afro- S. Khoisan-
N. Chinese-MSC Asiatic |Xam !kwā ~
w
guâ g âa “to cut” !gwa “break”
“cut to pieces” Ehret 1995 Ruhlen
“cut, slit” Wu, J. 245 #293 188 #179 49
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.32.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gwaht “to dig, to excavate, to make a hole or cave”
< West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic agwädäggwädä “hollow out, dig out, excavate”
H.32.3-4 N. Chinese-MSC guā vt. “to scrape, to shave”, kuā / kuāh (WG) “to pare away,
to scrape, to shave, to brush away”
747
< W. Chadic-Hausa k’wāk’ùlē “scrape something out” / Proto-Afro-Asiatic gwâa “to cut” /
NS-Anywa [Anuak] gwàar vt. “to scratch (deeply)” / Khoisan-Sandawe, C. Khoisan-Nama
xoa “to scratch”
Approximate Sinitic etyma *gwäd- “to dig out” “to scrape, scratch” ~ *!kwā “to scratch, break”
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.32a.2 C. Chadic- Gude hwátə “scrape” hwátə- hwátá “hoeing”
Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic Etymology
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
H.33a-b Afro-Asiatic – AA –Cush., AA- Nilo-Saharan Khoisan
Chadic Proto-AA Semitic
H.33a.1 C. Chadic– Proto-AA Egyptian Kanuri C.
TB-Karenic-Sgaw Lame kura *-kûr- aqh’u kurúm-ngin Khoisan-
khu “dig up, “to hoe” “to dig out” “to work “scoop out” Nama
scoop out” Stolbova, Ehret 1995 in wood, Hutchison xoro
TB-Taungthu Olga #329 200 to be a 1981 142 “dig”
khu “dig” C.Chadic E. Cushitic- carpenter, NS- Anywa Ruhlen
Benedict 135 Etymology Afar to hollow out a [Anuak] 1994
N. Chinese W. Chadic- kumuse boat” kʊכʊr “to dig #233 51
-MSC kū Bole “scoop up” “carpenter’s a hole, to bury
“hollow out” gur “dig” Parker / adze, axe” someone”
Wu, J. 394 Skinner 113 Hayward 151 Budge v.1 11 Reh 39
H.33a.2 Proto-Cushitic West Semitic-
TB-Tibetan *xwâr- Ethiopian-
rko-wa “to dig, “to split, Gurage
dig out, to hoe” make a hole (Masqan etc.)
Das 77 in” qoffärä
rko-ba ~ rkod-ba Ehret 1995 “dig a hole,
“to dig, dig out” #402 519 dig (for
Jaschke 16-17 farming)”
Benedict 101 Leslau 1979
v. 3 473, 487
H.33a.3 W. Chadic – NS- Songhay
TB-Tibetan Hausa (Koroboro)
goma “hoe” korame kuumu
gojee “excavating, “hoe (long- “native hoe
digging tools” handled)” (with short
Goldstein 42 Skinner 148 handle and
large blade)
Heath v.3 219
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.33a.1 N. Chinese-MSC kū “hollow out” / TB-Karenic-Sgaw khu “dig up, scoop out”
< Proto-AA *-kûr- “to dig out” / W. Chadic – Hausa gūre “scrape, hollow out” /
NS- Anywa [Anuak] kʊ̀ʊr “to dig a hole, to bury / Semitic- Amharic qufärra “excavation” /
Egyptian aqh̟u “to hollow out a boat” / C. Khoisan-Nama xoro “dig”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *kur- “dig out, scoop out” ~ xoro “dig”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.33a.1
N. Chinese-MSC kōu “dig or dig out with a finger or something pointed” Wu, J. 393
TB-Proto-Kiranti *kòr “scoop” Starostin. S. ST Etymology
748
E. Cushitic-Oromo
qota vt.
“dig, plow,
farm, plant”
Gragg 333
H.33b.2 Proto-S. Cushitic
S. Chinese-Kejia *kut “dig, plow”
[Hakka] Skinner 112
(Lau Chunfat) E. Cushitic- Rendille
kud6 khuta vt. “dig”
(Meixian, MacIver) Pillinger 195
k’ut8 / k’wut8
“dig, make a hole or cave”
Hakka Dict.
Old Chinese
a
kut “dig out”
Sagart 1999 77
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.33b.1 Proto-Tibeto-Burman *r-ko-t = *r-got ~ *r-ko-t “dig up, scoop out”
< Proto-E.Cushitic *k’ot- “dig”
H.33b.2 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] k’ut8 / k’wut8 “dig, excavate, make a hole or cave”
< E. Cushitic- Rendille khuta “dig” vt.
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *k’ot- ~ *k’ut- “dig”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.33b.1
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *r-ko-t = *r-got ~ *r-ko-t “dig up, scoop out” Benedict #420 101, 202
“dig out” Matisoff 2003 463
H.33b.2 S. Chinese-Min kût “to dig” Bodman 1987 v.2 202 kut8 “dig, excavate, make a hole or cave”
Hakka Dict.
Extended African / AA language word family:
H.33b.1
E. Cushitic-Gedeo k’ot- / koʔ “dig, plow” k’ote “farm” Hudson 50, 252
E.Cushitic-Somali qod- “dig” Sasse 1982 127
E. Cushitic-Rendille khóto “hoe-like instrument for hollowing out wood” Pillinger 194
Asian non-ST languages with close correspondences to the African/AA roots
H.33b.1 IE-Sanskrit khutAra “axe or hatchet” “a sort of hoe or spade” “an axe” Kuiper 163
khutAraka “an axe” kuddãla “a kind of spade or hoe” Cologne Lexicon.
kudalaka “a kind of spade or hoe” Kuiper 163 Witzel 1999b 8
IE-Hindi khodnā “dig’ vt. Scudiere 46 See also Sanskrit Supplementary table 2 H.33b.1
↓↓
ST-Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
H.34a-c AA – AA –Cush. AA-Sem. NS NC
Chadic
H.34a.1 E. Chadic- W. (Ethiopian)
S. Chinese-Min Migama Semitic-Amharic
(Xiamen) gáláw aqwäläqwälä vi.
ka-lauʔ / ka-lauh “fall” “slope down,
“to fall, to drop” Jungraith- decline, lower
Sagart 99, 102, 127 mayr 1994 (of sun)”
[Disyllabic corresp.] v.2 131 Leslau 1976 67
750
373
Note- H.34a.3, 5 Old Chinese, Chinese-Jin-Pingyao) Sagart cites these lexemes to confirm the existence of a
prefix k- in Old Chinese, as posited by Maspero and others. His hypothesis holds that the ke- initial of Old Chinese
*kəlak posited by Karlgren has been lost in the Middle Chinese lak “fall”. [H.34a.5] (Sagart 1999 18, 99, 126 and
129 Table 19.), The H.34a.1-3 African correspondences are all disyllabic with kV, gV or qV initial syllables. This
suggests a disyllabic etymon with a velar initial consonant since only the H.34a.5 set thus far attests a Cushitic-
Rendille variant monosyllabic root lug- “to fall, to drop”. Hence the data suggests that the ga- / ge- initial is
originally not a prefix but the first radical of an Afro-Asiatic root. However the k- initial has been lost in H.34a.5
Rendille. The same oppositon occurs between the H.34a.3, H.34a.5 Rendille forms. This also occurs between the
H.34a.1 Extended N. Chinese-MSC (Beijing) lào “go or come down” and the H.34a.1
S. Chinese-Min (Xiamen) ka-lauʔ but there seems to be no African correspondence to the Beijing lào form. (See
Chapter 10 section 10.3.2 for other examples of the “moveable k-”)
751
/
H.34b.1 TB-Tibetan ’gyél-ba / ’gyel W. Chadic-Kofyar taŋgyíl “fall down”
perf. “to fall” Jaschke 98 Skinner 252
h’gyél-wa “to fall, to tumble” C. Chadic-Sukur ŋgílzi “fall (tomber) ”
“to tumble down” Das 295 E. Chadic-Sokoro agéle / gə́lé “fall”
Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 131
H.34b.2 TB-Bodo-Boro E. Chadic-Dangaleat
gəgləy v. basic form “fall, lie down” gál- “tomber” (Fr.) [fall] Skinner 252
kəkləy v. causative “to fell” E. Chadic-Birgit
Verb + klay = “downward” e.g.: gàali “fall (tomber)”
kam-klay “burn down”, bar-klay Jungraithmayr1994 v.2 131
“jump down” za-klay “eat from top C. Chadic- Matakam
to bottom” Matisoff 2003 483 k’elahay “fall” Mukarovsky 161
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.34b.1 TB-Tibetan ’gyél-ba / ’gyel perf. “to fall” h’gyél-wa “to fall, to tumble”
< E. Chadic- Sokoro agéle / W. Chadic-Kofyar taŋgyíl “fall down”
H.34b.2 TB-Bodo-Boro gəgləy
< E. Chadic-Dangaleat gálè “fall”
Approximate Tibeto-Burman etyma *-ŋgyíl “fall down” ~ gálè “fall”
Extended Tibeto-Burman language word family:
H.34.b.1 TB-Tibetan h’gyer-wa “to drop or let fall” “to throw down” Das 295
gyee vi. “to fall, to collapse” Goldstein 243
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) lai “fall” Chik / Ng Lam 392
Proto-TB *kla / *klay ~ *gla / *glay “fall” Matisoff 2003 231,483, 595
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.34b.1 C. Chadic-Glavda ngadl- “fall (tomber)” Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 131
H.34b.2 E Cushitic-Burji k’oliy “fall” Mukarovsky161
Asian non-ST languages with close correspondences to the African/AA roots:
H.34b.2 Indo-European-Tokharian klāy “to fall” Nicolayev, Sergei IE Etymology 2012
/
H.34c.1 C. Chadic- E. Cushitic- Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi)
TB-C. Loloish- Matakam Oromo xarr “to fall, fall down,
Lahu qa kal “fall ” qara vn. drop” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic
“fall (of dew, frost, Jungraithma “caduta” part 2 132
snow, hail, leaves)” yr 1994 v.2 [a fall, drop, Egyptian ukha
Matisoff 131 collapse] “to let fall, to set down
2003 462 Borello 338 something”
Budge v.1 180
H.34c.2 W. Chadic- E. Cushitic- Egyptian Khoisan-
TB- Written N. Bauci Rendille khai Hatsa
Burmese kya’ “fall” Group–Diri kayagcha “to descend, to go down” ‖kʔʔaiya
khya’ “let fall, ngyáà “take Budge v.1 528 “to fall”
drop” “fall (something) Greenberg
Benedict #213 39 (tomber)” down, 1966 77
Matisoff 2003 Jungraithma get (something S. Khoisan-
70, 462, 480 yr 1994 ) down from Hiechware
kla / khja v.2 130 somewhere” |xaiye
“to throw or cast Pillinger 183 “to fall”
down, put down” Greenberg
Starostin, S. 1966 77
ST Etymology
753
374
Note- H.34c.2 (N. Chinese (Beijing) Extended) xià “’under, beneath’, a bound root “typically used to indicate
location” as in xiàshui lit. “under, down water” i.e.“downriver” Packard 74
375
Note- H.35.1 (Beijing) “Shi is used to indicate both ‘existence’ and ‘be in possession of”. In this it resembles
[Beijing] yôu ‘to have, there is/are’ , but in this case the kind of existence expressed is more permanent than that
of yôu, such as being more permanently located in a place. (Yip, Po-Ching 2004 248)
754
S. Chinese-Yue
(Cantonese) sìh
“yes, right!”
the verb ‘to be’”
Chik / Ng Lam 205
Old Chinese
dzyi “yes”
Branner 137376
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.35.1 TB-Tibetan chiì “existential verb” / N. Chinese-MSC shì “used as the verb ‘to be’ when the
predicate is a noun” “used to indicate existence”
< NS-Songhay či “be (equational copula)” “be (something)”
H.35.2 Old Chinese dzyi “yes” / S. Chinese-Min sī “yes, there is” / S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] s’i5 /
shi5 “indeed, yes, right!”
< West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic əšši “yes, all right”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etyma *či “be (equational copula)” “be (something)” /
* -ši “yes, all right” “positive (affirmative)”.
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.35.1 S. Chinese-Min sī “is” ; sī+o “oh, yes; yes, indeed” Bodman 1983 169, 190
“indeed, yes, right” “be” Hakka Dict.
N. Chinese -MSC shì “used as the verb ‘to be’ when the predicate is a noun” Mathews 811 #5794
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] shìshí “fact” Wu, J. 625
TB-Lolo-Burmese-Naxi-Lijiang džy “be there, have” Matisoff 2003 267
TB-Baic-Bijiang dži “be there, have” Matisoff 2003 267
H.35.2 N. Chinese-MSC shì “correct, right” Wu, J. 627 “used for an affirmative response, yes”
shì “used before an element of a sentence to emphasize it” Ta shì shangibai-qude. “It was indeed
last week that he went” Wang 417
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] s’i5 / shi5 v. “indeed, yes, right!” “be” Hakka Dict.
Wang, F, 417
shi5 “Used to give emphasis to a word in a sentence as in English “It was I who traveled to London
last year by plane” Yip, Po-Ching 2004 250
376
Note- H.35.1-2 (Chinese) The existence in Chinese of multiple meanings of a root realized in Chinese
languages as shì or sī has generated much discussion as to the origin of its usages. As the table shows, it can be a
copular verb considered simply to state a linkage (equative, classificatory or explanatory) between two or more
perceived objects expressed as nouns, but in the H.35.2 attestations it expresses emphatically that something exists
or is the case (the statement about the object conforms to perceived reality). In this latter sense it seems to function
the same as the ST roots t� ʔ, jed-, tchet etc. quotative particles which attest to the truth or exactness of what has
been said. (See Note E.9b.1).
Classical Chinese had no copular verb, and affirmation or negation of existence was expressed with the verb you
(H.36.1-2 following) or its negative wu. (Norman 1988a 125, 97). So the modern usages have been thought to
be derived from the Old Chinese djigx → Middle Chinese zje demonstratives meaning “this”. Norman cites the
rather complex basis of the hypothesis which uses this explanation. (Norman 1988a 90, 125).
The relevant fact for the migration hypothesis is that the copular verb appears for the first time in postclassical
Chinese during the Han dynasty. (Norman 1988a 125). Hence the postulation of the H.35.1-2 Semitic and/or Nilo-
Saharan forms as late sources of both the copular and existential meanings of shì / sī is at least equally plausible,
given the evidence in this study of a later migration. See Chapter 9 section 9.9.2 and notes B.33b.1-2, G.16.3,
G.24.1, G.29.1 (N. Chinese (Beijing, Hausa) G.33.1 (Beijing,), G.33.1 ( Chadic). Ockham’s razor, the principle
that the simplest explanation is most likely to be the correct one, may apply here. If so, the hypothesis of a later
migration out of Africa and the Middle East into China in the early historical period is the valid one for this case
also.
755
S. Chinese-Min iu2 “have, be present, own, possess” “exist, there is” Hakka Dict.
TB-N. Loloish-Lalo dju “be there, have” Matisoff 2003 267
TB-C. Loloish-Lisu jaw “be there, have” Matisoff 2003 267
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) yau “have” Kwan 216 “possess” Kwan 361
TB-N. Loloish-Xide ʥo “be there, have” Matisoff 2003 267
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.36.2 E. Cushitic-Rendille oóyo “owner” “father” Pillinger 242
H.36.3 NS-Kanuri ngô “here it is, there it is” particle Cyffer 1990 137
↓↓
H.37 AA- AA– AA-Semitic etc. Nilo-Sah. Niger-
Chad. Cush. Congo
H.37.1 N. Chinese-MSC Semitic-Arabic N.
shì “matter, affair, thing, (Iraqi) šìi “thing” Khoisan-
business” Wu, J. 625 “something” !Kung
shìye “enterprise, task” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic či / ši-
Wang, F. 424 part 1 180 “thing”
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) part 2 254 “object” Ruhlen
sih “business (matter)” Dict. of Iraqi Arabic 1994
Kwan 53 See also H.38a.2 part 1 120 #572 65
H.37.2 Kanuri
S. Chinese-Min cída
cît “occupation, work” “work, job”
Bodman 1987 v.2 . 128 cídama
“worker”
Cyffer
1990 26
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.37.2 N. Chinese-MSC shì “matter, affair, thing, business”
< Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) šìi “thing” “something” / N. Khoisan-!Kung či / ši- “thing”
Approximate Sinitic etymon *či - “object of discussion / reference” ~ či / ši- “thing”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.37.1
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sih “affair” Kwan 8 chàai sih “a job” Chik / Ng Lam 121
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] sii5 “affair, matter, business” “job, occupation, task” “duties, functions”
Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.37.1
C. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖’e [Khoi] či ~ ča- “thing” Ruhlen 1994 #572 65
C. Khoisan- !’O-!Kung či “thing” Ruhlen 1994 #572 65
↓↓
The following two tables give evidence of reflecting a long history of human occupations.The
Khoisan H.38a.5 !xăĭ root with semantics of “drive” seem to be the oldest. They reflect an old hunting
practice involving a controlled pursuit of animals using a group of men to form a circle and drive them
into a smaller space where they are tightly surrounded by hunters or driven into a trap. (See Note H.25a.1
above and section F.9b.1 Extended and set F.9b.1.)
With the domestication of animals the word families continued to refer to hunters’ driving of wild
animals, but was also applied to the driving of cattle into enclosures or from one grazing area to another.
In a cattle-based culture the herdsmen often worked for a senior family member or employer. The work
could be divided up and assigned to various persons sent to different areas. In this context the root took
on three additional notions “sending, being sent” “working as an employee or servant” and “being
757
entrusted with a task, a job”. So the three concepts reflect a social practice developed in a pre-agricultural
society in which a subordinate person could be sent out and trusted to carry out an assignment.
Chadic-Hausa has many terms suggesting a history of traveling with entrusted goods. This, as
mentioned, can be attributed first to the practice of delegating the tasks of pastoral nomadism in the
African Sahel and later its extension to trading which involved travelling longer distances giving the
entrusted person goods for barter. See H.39a.3 sautù which means “giving money to someone going on
a journey to buy and bring something back”. Chinese correspondences are jiaofu “hand over, deliver,
consign” jiaocun “hand in for safekeeping” “consign”. Modern Hausa also retains forms of the aik-
“send” root which denote distant traveling or sending for a designated purpose, e.g. aikē n. m. “money
or things sent home to parents or family from abroad”, aikēkeniya “sending one another to places for
some mission”. (Newman, P. 2007 3).
Hence the “entrusting”or “consigning” of property to another person by the late pre-historic period had
acquired wider functions which could involve the person’s exchanging the goods and returning with the
bartered material. This still occurs along the African Sahel where cattle keepers trade their meat and milk
for the grain and vegetables of the agriculturalists, just as Tibetan high altitude dwellers with access to
salt travel south to trade it with valley dwellers for grains.
Note also that the lexemes of sets H.38a.3-4 show semantics of sending, consigning which
have correspondences with verbs meaning “escort, protect, accompany”, and “drive” in the H.38c
word family whose lexicon refers almost exclusively to taking care of animals, i.e. being entrusted with
the care of animals.
These semantics also appear in the Chinese- Cantonese yik6 “guard the frontier” “shelter, protect”
(Chik / Ng Lam) and in some of the H.38c.2 Sanskrit -rak- roots which in African language
correspondences mean “to herd, accompany, guard”.
ST Languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
H.38a-c Afro-Asiatic – AA – AA- NS Niger-
Chadic Cush. Sem. Congo
H.38a.1 W. Chadic- Hausa Semitic- NS-Anywa NC-Fulfulde
S. Chinese-Yue jekada Arabic cek2 vt. [Fulani]
(Cantonese) (Hadejia dial.) (Yemeni) “to send a jaggana
jik6 “dispatch” “a messenger” šigi message “to serve”
“servant, laborer” Matsushita 1993 “to work” (through jaggotodo
“employ as a servant” 210 Qafisheh 34 a person)” “servant
Hakka Dict. (Kano dial.) ciek n. njaggu /
jīk “profession, post” jàkādaà “message” jagganaki
Chik / Ng Lam 371 “a messenger” Reh 14-15 “service”
yīhk “to work on Newman, R. Taylor 94
official duties, dispatch” 1990 167
Chik / Ng Lam 136
H.38a.2 NC-Mande
N. Chinese- MSC kyi / cyi
jì “send, post, mail” “work, send”
Wu, J. 320 Skinner 36
“mail, send by mail” S. Khoisan-
Wang 223 |Nu‖en, N.
shî Khoisan-
“send, tell sb. ‖Kh’au‖’e
to do something” sîsî “work”
“use, employ, apply” Ruhlen 1994
shì “job, work” #634 68
Wu, J. 622
758
377
Note- H.38a.4 (Hausa) Skinner and Paul Newman consider the H.38a.4 (Hausa) ‘aiki “work, send” to be .a
variant of the H.38c.2 Hausa raka “escort, accompany” (Skinner 214 Matsushita 1993 171). Note that this is also
a meaning of the H.38a.5 E.Chadic-Mokulu ‘agi / ‘akki and the H.38c.1-2 Proto-Cushitic/ Somali *raaʕ / raac.
Thus Paul Newman’s proto-Chadic root *rəkə “send” is the result of his reconstruction: ʔaikìi “send” < *øaiki
(< *øarki < *rəkə “send”) Newman, P. 2000 228. The (*øarki < *øaiki change occurred under the rule that
“non-initial *r regularly changed to y / i. Newman, P. 2000 227. The transitional root form *øarki corresponds
closely to the H.38a.4 Proto-E. Cushitic Extended *’erg- “send” and the non-ST Asian H.38a.4 Extended IE-
Iranian-Middle Persian ark- “Arbeit” [work]; so H.40.3 Proto-Chadic (Newman, P.) *şəna “work”and H.38a.4
W. Chadic-Hausa cìnikī “trading”. cìnikī is probably the result of compounding of the H.38a.5 Chadic ‘igi “to
send” with the Proto-West Chadic *cin- “send”. Skinner 36.
759
The association of “sending” with “work’ is clear in the present H.38a table. The cìn- /si(i)n- roots also appear
to be present in the NC-Fulani senga “to herd, look after for” and NS-Kanuri sunggin “drive or chase away
(usually a group of animals)”. (Cyffer 1990 165.) Taylor lists the Fulani forms in the same entry with chengido /
sengibe “hireling, herdsman hired for a period” (sen + gi-. Taylor 172). The NC-Kanuri senga form with
semantics of herding is closely similar to those of F.15a.2 NC-Swahili –jenga “to build (a dwelling), make
pottery” which has similar Chadic attetations also found in F.15a.
Human beings certainly constructed dwellings in Africa well before the domestication of cattle. Hence the oldest
denotation of the activity of working is probably that of the F.15a.2 Niger-Congo cheng / jeng- “build” root
cited above. This came to mean more generically “work / make things” (Again see F.15a.1-2 Extended); later the
word expressed the notions “be employed as ” or “being an employee of”. The iki / aiki root seems to have
appeared with the domestication of cattle in Africa and is plausibly of Chadic origin, as indicated in the H.38a.4-5
correspondences.
760
379
Note- H.38b.1 (Old Chinese, Etyma)
The Chadic-Gude form corresponds most closely to the Old Chinese form. The initial sl- of Old Chinese and zl-
of Tibetan are plausible ways of representing the sound of the initial flap ɬ- of the Gude form. This flap is
sometimes represented in Chadic by hl-or tl-. (See A.12a.1-2 (Chadic) including Extended section.) The frontal
fricative initials of the Hebrew forms are reflected in both Old Chinese and Tibetan morphemes.
380
Note- H.38b.1(Tibetan) Jaschke is describing the postal situation in Tibet around 1880. (The first edition of his
dictionary was in 1881).
381
Note- H.38b.1 (Proto-Chadic) For multiple occurrences of the Hausa, Cushitic *øark, *rək-root in Indo-
European languages see the following section H.38c.2 Asian non-STlanguages with close correspondences to
the African/AA roots.
761
on the verbal exchange found in bargaining as well as the exchange of goods. The semantics of “exchange” exist
within a wider semantic field of social interaction and this in H.39b.1 appears to have originated in Semitic
languages. Trade was taking place between theArabian peninsula and African populations of the eastern Sahel as
early as 3000 BCE when it was the major vehicle of cultural interaction between southwest Asia and Africa.
Recent archaeological digs in Oman have revealed that the southeastern Arabian peninsula was a major trading
center from 2500 BCE. The main proof of this is the wide presence in Arabia of pottery and carnelian beads from
the Indus (Harappan) civilization at this time. Lawler 1093-1097, Possehl 224-225. The correspondences indicate
that Chadic speakers were involved in this trade.
Trade with EastAsia developed at the latest during the early historical period. The Persians are known to have
been intermediaries on the northern route from the Mediterranean. However a southern route also passed between
Mesopotamia, Persia, north India and perhaps later, but still in the pre-historic period, into China. See also Chapter
6 sections 6.4-5, 6.12, Chapter 7 Section 7.4 , Chapter 8 note 8.1.3.1 and Chapter 9 sections 9.6, 9.9. Much later
there was major maritime contact between Arab traders and east/Asia (after 800 CE). See Ehret 2002 230.
764
383
Note- H.39a.4 (Chadic-Hausa) The grade 7 form of the Hausa verb “indicates that the subject of the verb has
sustained or is capable of sustaining some action”. In many cases, it thus corresponds to the English passive.”
Newman, P. 2000 665 See also Notes E.7c.1 (Hausa) and E.13e.3 (Hausa).
765
N. Chinese–MSC chiāo
“to have intercourse with,
intimacy, friendship”
Mathews #702c 96
jiǎo “associate with”
Merriam-Webster Chinese 67
See also F.6b.2 (Arabic)
Extended Sino-Tibetan language word family
H.39b.1 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gáauwuhn “exchange” Chen 100 gau “to come across,
to meet, to encounter” Chik / Ng Lam 456
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] gaau1 / gau5 “exchange, intersect, cross” “unite in sexual intercourse”
“simultaneously, each other” (Meixian, MacIver) kau1 ; (Lau Chunfat) gau1 / gau2 / gau4 / kau1
“submit, hand in or over” “transfer” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Min kaû bf. “keep in touch with” kaû kuan “trade, deal with” Bodman 1987 v.2
145
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.39b.1
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) muwaaحara “dialog, conversation, talk”
Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 123
E. Cushitic-Rendille hawwoocha vi. “converse” kahawwoocha vt. “discuss something”
Pillinger 138,175
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic, Gurage (Soddo) s’äwätä “converse” Leslau 1979 v.3 192
H.39b.2
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi, Yemeni) mušaawara “conference, consultation”
Dict. of Iraqi Arabic part 2 252
Asian non-ST languages with close correspondences to the African/AA roots
H.39b.1
IE-Pashto jawab “an answer, a reply” Raverty 342
IE-Hindi javāb “response, reply, answer” javāb dena vi. “reply, answer” n.m. Scudiere 10
IE-Bengali jɔbāb “answer” n. Thompson 84 jɔbāb deowa “reply” v. Thompson 120
↓↓
H.40.1 N. Chinese- W. Chadic- Hausa N. Semitic- Arabic
MSC shāng (WG) sha’ani sha’anoni pl. Cushitic- ša’an
“trade or commerce” “business, affair” Beja “matter, business,
“a merchant” Newman, P. 2007 182 [Bedauye] affair”
“to trade” Bargery 2002 šanha Qafisheh [329]
Mathews #5673a 783 sha’anin cìnikii “work” “business, affair”
“trade, commerce, “business Skinner Skinner 240
business” “merchant, (commercial activity)” 36
trader” Wu, J. 595 4 Newman, R. 1990 32
H.40.2 W. Chadic- Hausa Semitic- Arabic Kanuri
S. Chinese-Yue musanya vt. (Iraqi) sanyâ n.
(Cantonese) musanyi n. s’anعa “trade,
sàangyi n. “trade” “exchange, barter” s’anaayi عpl. craft,
“business (trade)” Skinner 205 “trade, craft, occupation”
Kwan 53, 535 “exchange” occupation” Cyffer
[Disyllabic corresp.] Newman / Ma 1979 93 “a trade” [as in] 1990 154
jouhsàangyi v. sànā’àa “occupation” “I’m a butcher by
“trade” Newman, R. 1990 185 trade” Dict. of Iraqi
wuhn sànyéh v. Arabic part 1 186
“trade in” Kwan 535 part 2 271
767
N. Chinese -MSC
shāngyè
“commerce, trade,
business”
Wu, J. 596
H.40.3 Proto-Chadic Egyptian
S. Chinese-Yue (Newman, P.) sun, sunnu
(Cantonese) sèung *şəna “to sell”
“commerce, trade” “work” sun-t
“merchant, trader, Skinner 36 “trade, business,
business-man” “to See also Note- buying and
discuss, to exchange H.38a.2, 4. selling”
views” (Hausa Extended) Budge v.2 650
Chik / Ng Lam 63 and set F.15a.2.
TB-Kiranti-Limbu
sכnma vt.
“sell (with inanimate
patient)”
van Driem 1987 515
TB-Tibetan
tsuuno “buying”
Goldstein 881
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
H.40.2 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sàangyi n. “trade” “business (trade)”
< W. Chadic- Hausa musanye vt. “exchange”
Approximate Sino-Tibetan etymon *sangye vt. “exchange, barter”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
H.40.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (Meixian, MacIver) ts’an5 (Siyan) ts’an3 “make, money, earn, gain,
profit” Hakka Dict.
H.40.2
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sáungaih “skill, trade” Po-fei Huang 435 “skill (to make a living)”
Kwan 482
S. Chinese–Min siēng-uâq “life, livelihood, living” Bodman 1987 v.2 172
H.40.3
Chinese–Wu snz1 “commerce, business trade” “merchant, trader, businessman” Hakka Dict.
TB-Tibetan tsoŋga “selling” tsoŋge “business profit” Goldstein 886 soŋ “goods, merchandise”
Goldstein 963 tsoŋ gyaà “to do trading, to buy and sell” Goldstein 887
TB-Tibetan h’tshoŋ-wa “to barter, to sell” Das 1045
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sèungchèung “market (business world)” Po-fei Huang 438
S. Chinese–Min siēng-li “business, trade” Bodman 1987 v.2 172
sǹg-cí “pay up, settle accounts” Bodman 1983 40, 193 ;
siong1 “commerce, business, trade” Hakka Dict.
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka]
(Meixian, MacIver) s’ong1 (Lau Chunfat) song1 “commerce, business, trade” “merchant, trader ”
“discuss, exchange views” Hakka Dict.
Extended African/AA language word family:
H.40.2 Nilo-Saharan-Kanuri sanyârám “place of work, place of practicing one’s trade”
sanyamá “one making a living from his trade or craft” Cyffer 1990 154
C. Chadic-Mofu-Gudur m + səmk- “acheter”(Fr.) [buy] Skinner 205
W. Chadic-Hausa saya “buy” Newman / Ma 1979 108 Skinner 232 ;
sàyā “to buy”, sai da / sayar da “to sell” Newman, R. 1990 32, 239
768
384
Note- H42.1 (Tibetan Extended) The alternative Tibetan form ‘thorba / ‘thorwa also has the meanings
“to be scattered, to fly asunder, to be dispersed, to fall to pieces” “to burst (of a gun)”. This is related to the H.42.1
Hausa tařwàtsē vt. “become scattered, explode”, but also to an E. Cushitic root found in Rendille tarkha vi.
“to squirt out” which in its causative form tarkhicha means “squash, crush, pop (literally, cause fluid to squirt
out). “Used of squashing small juicy’ insects like ticks, spiders, lice; also of popping pimples etc.” Pillinger 274
771
Chapter 3
Statistical analysis of Afro-Asiatic ↔ Sino-Tibetan language superfamily lexical correspondences
3.1 Statistics for the number and size of word families
The following statistical analysis reports data related to the objectives stated in Chapter 1 sections
1.5.2-1.5.5:
1. Is the total number of word families large enough to remove any reasonable probability of chance
ST ↔ AA correspondences between their closely similar lexemes?
2. Are the individual word families large enough to identify multiple close correspondences within
them?
3. Can loaning be reasonably excluded as an explanation of the similarities?
The full lexical comparison (Tables 2A-H) identified 508 word families common to ST and African /
Afroasiatic languages (represented by 309 numbered tables). These are broken down as follows:
Table 3.1.1
Breakdown by word family semantic/syntactic domains
Number of word families: Numbered tables
Word families 3:A (Animals) 65 37
Word families 3:B (Inanimate Objects) 67 39
Word families 3:C (Human body) 91 53
Word families 3:D (Human social groups) 57 39
Word families 3:E (Human cognition, intention) 65 34
Word families 3:F (Human artifacts) 43 28
Word families 3:G (Qualities, Numbers etc.) 40 36
Word families 3:H (Verbs) 80 43
Total word families and tables: 508 309
The 508 word families common to ST and African/Afroasiatic languages are fewer than the number of
TB cognate sets identified by Benedict in his elaboration of proto-Tibeto-Burman roots (about 700);
however, they exceed his original numbered sets (491). and the individual word families are in almost all
cases much larger than the TB word families identified by Benedict and Matisoff. Hence the present
inventory is plausibly adequate for proposing proto-forms.
Tables 3.1.2
Number of single (independent) word families containing one or more African/Afroasiatic ↔ ST
close correspondences broken down by subfamily (TB and Sinitic) then by Semantic/Syntactic
domain (Morphemes contained in the records’ Extended Correspondence areas are not included in the
count)
Table 3.1.2a
1. Single familyAfrican/Afroasiatic ↔ Tibeto-Burman subfamily correspondences:
Semantic/ Syntactic domain A: African/AA ↔ TB w.f. corresp. 59 =(90.8% of 65 w.f.)
Semantic/ Syntactic domain B: African/AA ↔ TB w.f. corresp. 54 =(79.4% of 67 w.f.)
Semantic/ Syntactic domain C: African/AA ↔ TB w.f. corresp. 74 =(81.3% of 91 w.f.)
Semantic/ Syntactic domain D: African/AA ↔ TB w.f. corresp. 42 =(73.6% of 57 w.f.)
Semantic/ Syntactic domain E: African/AA ↔ TB w.f. corresp. 51 =(78.5% of 65 w.f.)
Semantic/ Syntactic domain F: African/AA ↔ TB w.f. corresp. 37 = (82.2% of 43 w.f.)
Heterogeneous word fams. G: African/AA ↔ TB w.f. corresp. 27 = (67.5% of 40 w.f.)
Semantic/ Syntactic domain H: African/AA ↔ TB w.f. corresp. 62 = (77.5% of 80 w.f.)
Total African/AA ↔ TB word family correspondences: 406 = (79.9% of the 508 w.f.)
Table 3.1.2b
2. Single family African/Afroasiatic ↔ Sinitic subfamily correspondences:
Semantic/Syntactic domain A: African/AA ↔ Sinitic w.f. corresp. 40 =(61.5% of 65 w.f.)
Semantic/Syntactic domain B: African/AA ↔ Sinitic w.f. corresp. 49=(72.1% of 67 w.f.)
Semantic/Syntactic domain C: African/AA ↔ Sinitic w.f. corresp. 75 =(82.4% of 91 w.f.)
Semantic/Syntactic domain D: African/AA ↔ Sinitic w.f. corresp. 48 =(84.2% of 57 w.f.)
Semantic/Syntactic domain E: African/AA ↔ Sinitic w.f. corresp. 56 =(86.2% of 65 w.f.)
Semantic/Syntactic domain F: African/AA ↔ Sinitic w.f. corresp. 34 = (79.9% of 43 w.f.)
Heterogeneous word fams. G: African/AA ↔ Sinitic w.f. corresp. 34 =(85% of 40 w.f.)
Semantic/Syntactic domain H:African/AA ↔ Sinitic w.f. corresp. 49 = (61.3% of 80 w.f.)
Total African/AA ↔ Sinitic word family correspondences: 385 = (75.8% of the 508 w.f.)
3.1.2.1 The average difference between the total number and percentage of African/Afroasiatic ↔
Tibeto-Burman correspondences is not great, i.e. AA ↔ TB (406 = 79.9%) and the AA ↔ Sinitic
(385 =75.8%); thus a difference of only 4.1%.
However there are significant differences between the relative importance of some Domains in the TB
and Sinitic comparisons.
In the TB comparison the A (Animals) Domain has a significantly higher percentage than the TB
E (Cognitive/Volitional) Domain, i.e.:
Table 3.1.2a AA ↔ Tibeto-Burman A Domain 59 = (90.8% of the 65 Chapter 2A w.f.)
Table 3.1.2a AA ↔ Tibeto-Burman E Domain 51 = (78.5% of the 65 Chapter 2E w.f.);
but in the Sinitic A and E Domains the E Cognitive /Volitional) Domain shows a higher percentage than
the A Domain, i.e.:
Table 3.1.2b AA ↔ Sinitic A Domain 40 = (61.5% of 65 w.f.)
Table 3.1.2b AA ↔ Sinitic E Domain 56 = (86.2%) of 65 w.f. See also Chapter 4 Section 4.3.3.
See Chapter 4 Tables 4.3 and Sections 4.3.2-3 and chapter 5 Section 5.2.3.1. Both of these contain
further analysis of correspondence patterns of the A, D and E Domains.along with proposed explanations
for their variances.
774
3.1.3 The size of the Chapter 2A-H word families as evidence against chance correspondence.
Statistics for large single multi-CC set word families and multiple word family (generic) related
groups.
Table 3.1.3a
Large single (independent) word families- those containing four or more Close Correspondence
sets = 38
4 CC sets A.27.1-4 “dung, excrement”
B.7.1-4 “grass, straw” B.30.1-4 “star, planet”,
C.4.1-4 “to lick, to taste” C.13.1-4 “navel, fetus, embryo” C.23.1-4 “beard”
C.39.1-4 “to be tired, to tire”,
E.10.1-4 “quarrel, rebuke, scold” E.31.1-4 “to inspect, examine” “to test, try”,
E.33.1-4 “to sing, a song”,
F.10.1-4 “tie up” “bundle, roll” F.19.1-4 “fold” repeat” “crease” F.25.1-4 “road”
G.5.1-4 “red” G.12.1-4 “long, “linear measure” G.15.1-4 “sun, day”,
G.16.1-4 “one, single” G.17.1-4 “one, single” G.18.1-4 “six” G.30.1-4 “I, me”
H.22.1-4 “give”, H.31.1-4 “cut, chop” H.32.1-4 “to dig, to scrape”
5 CC sets A.29.1-5 “grasshopper, louse”
C.17 “cave, belly, hollow, hole” C.8.1-5 “body, flesh, meat” C.40.1-5 “to spit”,
E.12.1-5 “sign, name” E.17.1-5 “strict, severe” “injure, “ harm” “grieved”
G.14.1-5 “time, hour, moment” “one, single” G.28.1-4 “ten”
H.12.1-5 “to bind, to fasten, to join”
6 CC sets D.1.1-6 “man, male, son”
7 CC sets A.26.1-7 “egg”, C.34.1-7 “ear, hear”, E.14.1-7 “to cry, to weep, to shout”,
E.15.1-7 “to grunt, to murmur, to growl”
8 CC sets F.1-8 “capture, catch” “hold, tongs”
Table 3.1.3b
Statistics of generic word families and the individual word families within them.
The number of generic word families (= multiple word Total individual word families
family groups = numbered tables with subtables flagged (flagged as subtables a-b- etc.) in
alphabetically as a-b- etc.) within each semantic/syntactic each generic word family within
domain A-H. each semantic/syntactic domain A-H
A domain
A.1a-b “bird” “hawk, crow” “partridge, guinea fowl” 2
A.2a-c “bird, partridge, chick” 3
A.5a-b “to fly, to jump” 2
A.6a-d “cow, bull” “flesh, meat” “castrated” 4
A.7a-b “to kill” “to strike dead” 2
A.9a-d “equids” “horse, colt” “wealth” 4
A.10.a-f “canines” “dog, fox, hyena” 6
A.12a-c “sheep, goat” “meat, flesh” 3
A.13a-b “scorpion, crab” 2
A.14a-c “biting, sucking insect” 3
A.18.a-c “elephant” 3
A.19a-b “lion, leopard” 2
A.20a-b “snake, worm” 2
A.21a-c “buffalo, cow” 2
A.24a-b “meat, flesh” “wild animal” 2
Numbered tables: Total A domain 15 = Total w.f. of A domain 42 =
40.5% of 37 numbered tables in group 64.6% of 65 word families
775
/
B domain
B.1a-b “earth” “agricultural field”, “tree, wood, to plant” 2
B.2a -b “green” “trees, plants, leaf, forest” 2
B.3a-d “stone, gravel, sand, clay” 4
B.5a-c “a block of stone or wood” “mound, mountain, hill, rock” 3
B.11a-e “burn, fire, kindle” “bake, roast” “hot, warm” 5
“spicy, haste, urgent”
B.12a-c “dry” “dry up, wither” “roast, toast, burn” “hard” 3
“stiff, stiffen”
B.14a-d “blossom, bud, flower” “swell, swelling” 4
B.15a-f “water“ (in its various forms), and water-related states 6
such as “flow” “pour”, “boil”
B.16a-c “rain, water” “passage for water” “valley, hollow place” 2
B.18a-b “moisture, dew, steam, wet” 3
B.20a-b “smoke, mist” 2
B.22a-b “flat stone or rock, flat objects” 2
B.33a-b “rice” “millet” “beans” 2
Total B domain 13 = Total w.f. of B domain 40 =
33.3% of 39 numbered tables in group 59.7% of 67 word families
/
C domain
C.1a-b “mouth, throat, opening” “neck” 2
C.2a-c “tongue, lick” 3
C.5a-b “nose, to smell” “scent” 2
C.6a-c “breast, milk, suckle” 3
C.8a-d “the human body, flesh, skin” “somebody, someone” 4
“form, figure, body” “a leather bag”
C.9a-b “self” “a corpse” 2
C.12a-b “back (of body), behind” “outside” 2
C.18a-c “cavity” “belly, inside,” “hole, hollow” 3
C20a-b “skin, bark, shell” “animal hide, leather” 2
C.21a-b “foot” “claw” “time(s), (instances)” 2
C.22a-c “upper arm, shoulder, hand” “strike with hand” 3
C.24a-b “angle, knee” “bent, hook, curve” 2
C.26a-b “knee, kneel” “ elbow” “angle” 2
C.28a-b “palate, gums” “chin, jaw” 2
C.29a-b “jaw, chin” “molar teeth” 2
C.30a-b “bite” “eat, drink” “ ridicule, sarcasm” 2
C.31a-e “eat, drink” “bite, chew” “ridicule, mock” 5
C.35a-d “foot, leg” “trunk, stem” “cylindrical object” 4
C.36a-c “to sit” “buttocks” 3
C.37a-b “die” “be lost, disappear” 2
C. 38a-c “hunger, hungry” “to fast” “tired, ill” 3
C.41a-c “face, direction” “right, right side” 3
C.47a-b “rashes, measles” 2
C.51.a-b “tuft of hair” ”top of head” 2
776
F.9a-b “to spin, go around” “to pen up, to surround with a fence, 2
wall” “to enclose, obstruct”
F.12a-c “to pierce, to sew” 3
F.15a-b “to build, dwelling(s)” 2
F.17a-c “to stop up, to plug” “to block, to seal” 3
F.18a-b “yarn, thread, twine” 2
F.21a-b “wood (used as tool, weapon, fuel etc.)” 2
“staff, stick” “firewood, stick, club”
Total F domain 11 = Total w.f. of F. Domain 26 =
39.3% of 28 numbered tables 61.9% of 43 word families
/
G domain
G.1a-b “strong” “thick (of liquids)” 2
“bitter” “hard”
G.8a-b “small” 2
G.11a-b “high, tall” “huge, big” 2
G.13a-c “night, staying overnight, 3
place to stay overnight” “sleep, tired”
“day, day break, sun”
Total G domain 4 = Total w.f. of G domain 9 =
11.1% of 36 numbered tables 22.5% of 40 word families
/
H domain
H.3a-c “to turn around, to be turned around” “to move” 3
“to move back”
H.4a-d “to go, come” “to travel, roam, migrate” “to wander” 4
H.6a-b “to enter, to go across” “to cross a stream, a ford” 2
“to go out”
H.7a-b “to tread, to trample, to stamp on” “to measure by pacing, 2
to survey”
H.8a-b “to tread, to walk” “road, way” “method” 2
H.13a-b “to crowd together, fill up” “to be full of, 2
to be filled up”
H.17a-c “to sit, to squat” “to descend, to get down, to go down” 2
“to be lodged”
H.19a-b “to stand up” “to be erect” “to carry” 2
H.20a-b “a load, a burden” “to carry” 2
H.23a-c “clean” “purely, completely” “holy, sacred, good” 3
“good, chaste, pure”
H.24a-g “clean” “clear” “completely” “new” “to rub, wipe” 7
“to shave, scrape” “to sweep, to comb” “to wash, bathe” “to strain,
to filter, to sift”
H.25a-c “to hunt, chase” “to escape, to flee” “to compete, a race, 3
a competition” “to excel, surpass”
H.26a-b “to prop up” “to support, raise up” “lean on” 2
“shelf, support”
H.29a-c “to beat, to knock” “to strike” “to grind, crush” 3
“to poke, to pull, to touch”
778
Table 3.1.3c
Summary statistics of generic word families broken down by Semantic Domain
Summary table of generic word families as % of numbered tables (from Table 3.1.3b column 1)
Word families 3: A (Animals) 15 (40.5% of 37 numbered tables)
Word families 3: B (Inanimate objects) 13 (33.3% of 39 numbered tables)
Word families 3: C (Human body) 24 (45.3% of 53 numbered tables)
Word families 3: D (Human social groups) 13 (33.3% of 39 numbered tables)
Word families 3: E (Human cognition, intention) 13 (38.2% of 34 numbered tables)
Word families 3: F (Human artifacts) 11 (39.3% of 28 numbered tables)
Word families 3:G (Qualities, Numbers etc.) 4 (11.1% of 36 numbered tables)
Word families 3:H (Verbs) 19 (44.2% of 43 numbered tables)
Total generic word families 112 (36.2% of 309 total numbered tables)
/
Table 3.1.3d
Summary table of individual word families in generic w.f.’s as % of total w.f.’s: (from Table 3.1.3b
column 2)
Word families 3:A (Animals) 42 (64.6% of 65 word families)
Word families 3:B (Inanimate objects) 40 (58.8% of 67 word families)
Word families 3:C (Human body) 62 (68.1% of 91 word families)
Word families 3:D (Human social groups) 32 (56.1% of 57 word families)
Word families 3:E (Human cognition) 44 (67.2% of 65 word families)
Word families 3:F (Human artifacts) 26 (61.9% of 43 word families)
Word families 3:G (Qualities, Numbers etc.) 9 (27.5% of 40 word families)
Word families 3:H (Verbs) 52 (67.5% of 80 word families)
Total w.f. in generic word families 307 (60.4% of 508 total word families)
These two summary tables show that only 36.4% of the 308 numerically ordered
Chapter 2A-H tables are generic word families, but this 36.4% contains a high percentage of the total
word families, i.e. 60.4% of the 508 total Chapter 2A-H word families.
Table 3.1.3d also shows that only the semantically heterogeneous domain G contains less than 50% of
its word families located in a generic word family.
779
3.3 The size of word families combined with basic vocabulary; further evidence against loaning as a
principal source of the African /AA ↔ Sino-Tibetan correspondences.
A combination of the criteria of the size of word families and presence of basic language terms in
them provides evidence that the African/Afroasiatic relationship is historical (linguistically genetic) and
not based primarily on loaning. Large single independent word families provide further evidence counter
to any theory of chance correspondence since they represent large sets of parallel correspondences
between ST and African / Afro-Asiatic roots.
3.3.1 Statistics of large single independent word families containing Swadesh list basic language terms :
The largest of the single independent word families (those containing four or more individual
correspondence sets) representing Swadesh basic language term:
A.26 “egg”, A.29 “louse”, B.30 “star”, C.17 “belly”, C.34 “ear”, D.1 “man”,
E.12 “name”, F.25 “path”, G.5 “red”, G.12 “long”, G.15 “sun”, H.22 “give”.
These 12 w.f. constitute 30.8% of the 38 large single independent word families reported in
Table 3.1.2a.
3.3.2 Statistics of large generic word families, many containing Swadesh basic language terms :
The largest of the generic word families (those containing four or more individual word families) are:
H.24a-g “new, fresh, clean” “completely” “clear, bright” “to shave, to comb, to brush, to sweep”
“to clean, to rub” -Swadesh “new”
H.30a-d “to break, to split” “cracked” “to cut to pieces” “carve”
Of these 21 largest generic word families, 17 (= 81%) contain basic vocabulary as defined by the 100
word Swadesh list.
These statistics give further evidence counter to any assertion of loaning aa a source of the
African/Afroasiatic lexicon in Sino-Tibetan.
3.4 Statistics of African >TB and African > Sinitic cognates and lexemes occuring in only TB or
only in Sinitic.
Two lists of the words in the study found only in TB or only in Sinitic are contained in the Chapter 9
Sections 9.1 and 9.2 as an aid to the Chapter’s discussion on migrations from NE Africa to Central and
East Asia. The number of these words are found in columns 3 and 4 of the following table. This involved
an analysis of the full data as follows:
Table 3.4
Domain A↔ H word families containing [(African > TB) AND (African > Sinitic) AND (African
> TB only cognates) AND (African > Sinitic only cognates)]
Domain 2. ST (TB ↔ 3. African 4. African ↔ 5. Total-
Sinitic) ↔ TB- Sinitic-only
African ↔ ST Word
Cognates only
Families
A 40 17 8 65
B 49 11 7 67
C 66 13 12 91
D 39 9 9 57
E 40 9 16 65
F 26 10 7 43
G 25 5 10 40
H 50 17 13 80
Totals 335 91 82 508
This data stengthens the already firm hypothesis of African/Afroasiatic origins of much of the Sino-
Tibetan lexicon .
781
Chapter 4
Statistical Comparison of individual AA and ST language subfamilies
385
Note 4.0.1 “The distribution of linguistic variation has been strongly influenced by the Neolithic Revolution
in Africa. Linguistic, archaeological and ethnographic data suggest that all four African language families arose
before agriculture, in West Africa (Niger-Congo), Northeastern Africa (Afro-Asiatic), the middle Nile region (Nilo-
Saharan), and East Africa (Khoisan).” (Wood et al 2005 868).
“---the Afrasian [Afro-Asiatic] language family, contrary to widely held presumptions, originated not in Asia but in
Africa, in the regions between the Nubian Nile and the northern Ethiopian highlands.” Ehret 2002 38.
386
Note 4.0.1.1 In northeastern Africa groups forming the Mushabian culture spread across the Sinai into Palestine
and Syria, though many remained in northeast Africa. These Mushabian communities were neighbors to the people
of the earlier Kebaran culture (12,000 / 10,800 to 10,500 BCE), and the combination of the two produced the
Natufian culture. The Natufians lived mainly in the Jordan Valley of present-day Palestine in the period from
10, 800 to 8,500 / 8,300 BCE. They were “sophisticated hunter/gatherers” who practiced wild grain collection.
Archaeological research on their successors, the Khiamains (8500/8300 to 8100 BCE), and the Sultanians (8300
/8100 to 7300/7200 ) revealed that they had domesticated plants, for example in Jericho (Ehret 2002 38-39, Possehl
24).
782
387
Note 4.0.1.2 “Close links between climatic variations and prehistoric human occupation of the Sahara during the
early mid-Holocene (10-5 KYA) [8000-3000 BCE] are documented by archaeological and paleoanthropological
evidence”. (Cruciani 2010 800). Cruciani’s references furnish a good summary of this research based on genetic
data. See also Note 5.1.2a (Chadic-Hausa)
388
Note 4.0.2(1) “The age of the M168 mutation, representing the last common ancestor of all non-African human
Y-chromosomes, has been estimated to be 40000 years.” “This estimate is young in relation to the events recorded
in the archaeological and fossil records. However it embraces within its confidence interval the period in which the
models above postulate an African population fragmented and differentiated into distinct [chromosomal] sub-
clusters that later dispersed out of the continent.“ “Suggested departure routes for these dispersals include passages
via the Horn of Africa to India and the Middle East Levantine corridor.” (Underhill 2001 50).
389
Note 4.0.2(2) Ibriszimov’s proposed date of AA origin in the Southeastern Sahara and Eastern Africa in the
tenth or ninth millenium BCE is much later. (Ibriszimov 2008 v.5 224).
783
The dates of migrations into E. Asia are not all well-established, but there is evidence of multiple
populaton movements from W. Asia into East Asia. See Note 4.3.1 below, Chapter 7 Section 7.9 and
Chapter 9 sections 9.4-5.
4.0.2.3 The Afro-Asiatic subfamilies currently are made up of approximately the following number of
languages:
Chadic 150
Semitic 47
Omotic 28
Berber 26
Egyptian 2
In this Chapter 4 comparison the statistical compilations are again drawn from subsets of the Chapter 2
A-H data. It includes tables based solely on correspondences between the ST and AA lexicons; hence its
focus is on the statistics proper to the AA superfamily and particularly the AA proto-roots.
4.2.1 Proto-Afro-Asiatic roots which match ST lexemes (TB and/or Sinitic) counted by word family
and broken down by Semantic domain:
A domain- 19
B domain- 27
C domain- 34
D domain- 14
E domain- 18
F domain- 18
G domain- 8
H domain- 26
Total = 164 = (32.3% of the 508 Chapter 2 A-H word families).
This data provides further evidence of the validity of the African/AA origins hypothesis.
family. Counting these multiple occurrences, there were 63 total correspondences of Swadesh basic
language vocabulary terms with ST lexemes.
The fact that 44% of the Swadesh list basic language vocabulary is attested by at least 1 ST lexeme
↔ AA proto-root correspondence constitutes additional evidence counter to any theory of loaning as a
source of the ST ↔ AA lexicon and thus gives additional confirmation to the “out of Africa” migration
hypothesis.
4.3 The number of word families containing ST ↔ AA roots in each of the four AA subfamilies:
(Chadic, Cushitic, Semitic and Egyptian).
The following analysis ranks the relative importance of each of the four subfamilies of Afro-Asiatic,
i.e. Chadic, Cushitic, Semitic and Egyptian, as a source of the ST ↔ AA lexicon; also whether there is
any significant difference in the relationship of each AA subfamily to the two ST subfamilies, TB and
Sinitic. The table reports the number of word families which attest at least one TB and/or Sinitic close
correspondence with an AA root. Omotic has been grouped with Cushitic since both are found in the
Ethiopian highlands, the most probable homeland of Afro-Asiatic.
Tables 4.3
Word family analysis of TB and Sinitic subfamilies, broken down by AA subfamily, then by
Semantic/Syntactic Domain.
TB ↔ Chadic word family close correspondences by Semantic/ Syntactic Domain:
Semantic/Syntactic domain A: TB ↔ Chadic corresp.: 55 (84.6% of 65 w.f.)
Semantic/Syntactic domain B: TB ↔ Chadic corresp.: 54 (80.6% of 67 w.f)
Semantic/Syntactic domain C: TB ↔ Chadic corresp.: 69 (75.8% of 91 w.f.)
Semantic/Syntactic domain D: TB ↔ Chadic corresp.: 38 (66.6% of 57 w.f.)
Semantic/Syntactic domain E: TB ↔ Chadic corresp.: 43 (66.2% of 65 w.f)
Semantic/Syntactic domain F: TB ↔ Chadic corresp.: 37 (86% of 43 w.f.)
Heterogeneous word fams. G: TB ↔ Chadic corresp.: 25 (62.5% of 40 w.f.)
Semantic/Syntactic domain H: TB ↔ Chadic corresp.: 56 (70% of 80 w.f.)
Total TB ↔ Chadic word family correspondences: 377 (74.2%) of 508 w.f.)
a. [Chadic > TB correspondences 377 (74.2%)] AND [Chadic < Sinitic close correspondences]: 354
(69.7%)
a.1 Chadic + (TB+Sinitic) = (74.2% + 69.7%) / 2 = 71.9% Sino-Tibetan correspondences
b. [Cushitic > TB correspondences 257 (50.6%)] AND [Cushitic < Sinitic close correspondences]: 265
= (52.2%) / 2= 42.45%
b.1 Cushitic + (TB+Sinitic) = (50.6% + 52.2%) / 2 =51.4% of Sino-Tibetan correspondences
c. [Semitic > TB correspondences 231 (45.5%) AND Sinitic < Semitic close correspondences =: 205
(40.4%)]
c.1 Semitic + (TB+Sinitic) = 45.5% + 40.4% / 2= 42.45% of Sino-Tibetan correspondences
d. [Egyptian > TB correspondences 94 (18.5%) AND Sinitic < Egyptian close correspondences: 79
(15.6%)]390
d.1 Egyptian + (TB+Sinitic) = 18.5% + 15.6% / 2= 17.55% of Sino-Tibetan correspondences
These percentages may be skewed up or down somewhat by differences in the amount and/or
availability of documentation on each AA subfamily. However any such skewing is not likely to have
changed the order of their importance in relation to ST. This can be concluded from the fact that after
about halfway through this study the incorporation of data from additional publications on AA and ST
added very few new word families common to the two superfamilies. Otherwise stated, from about mid-
point of the study a very high number of the new morphemes were simply variants of already identified
common roots; so they were added to the existing word families.
390
Note 4.3.1 The relatively small amount of Egyptian language ↔ Sino-Tibetan correspondences in this study
suggests a north African intracontinental migration subsequent to that in which Chadic speakers moved into the
Sinai and across the Red Sea into Arabia (i.e.before the Mid-Holocene dry phase of 6700-5500 BCE). (Ehret 2002
79). It was probably during this drier period that inhabitants of the Sahel began to concentrate in the Nile Valley
because rainfall for agriculture and even pastoralism had become inadequate in the Central Sahara. The Nile Valley
thus became dominantly inhabited by speakers of a creolized ancient Berber ↔ Niger/Congo ↔ ancient Egyptian
rather than the original Cushitic/Chadic > Egyptian descendants of Proto-AA. Ancient Egyptian is
morphologically more closely related to Berber, and Berber boredered on NC as it does now. See Ehret’s comment
on Berber in Note 1.1.1 above.
This suggests that the relationship between ST and much of Egyptian is probably indirect, i.e. less based on
direct inheritance through inherited Chadic / Cushititc roots than through population admixture. Thus the Chadic /
Cushititc-related vocabulary in Egyptian would be largely a remnant from the earliest presence of AA in the area.
See sets C.5a.3, C.8.d.2, C.12b.2, C.28b.1, C.31a.2, C.37a.1 etc.)
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The higher number of Chadic A Domain correspondences in both Tibeto-Burman and Sinitic languages
is consistent with the presence of early and middle Holocene Chadic speakers in northeast Africa, the area
closest to a land route into Asia. (as mentioned in section 4.0.1.3 above. See also Notes 5.1.2a below and
H.39a.1.
The much higher percentage of Chadic ↔ ST correspondences greatly affects any hypothesis
concerning the history of migration out of Africa. The position of Semitic in third place might appear
surprising, given that the present-day linguistic area of Semitic languages is closer to Central and East
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Asia than the current Chadic one. Although influences of Middle Eastern Semitic-based cultures on ST
culture have clearly been important, the evidence shows that Chadic ones are much larger and more
diverse, hence very probably earlier.
However, Domains E and F also show some very high percentages in Sinitic when compared to
Cushitic and Semitic”;
Semantic Domain E:
Sinitic ↔ Semitic correspondences 41 (63.1% of 65 w.f.)
Sinitic ↔ Cushitic correspondences 42 (64.6% of (65 w.f.)
Semantic domain F:
Sinitic ↔ Semitic correspondences 23 (53.5% of 43 w.f.)
Sinitic ↔ Cushitic correspondences.: Sinitic ↔ Cush. / Om../ PAA correspondences.:24 (55.8% of 43
w.f.)
These numbers suggest a hypothesis of later migration(s) of peoples from the more literate and
technically advanced Mesopotamian societies into Central and East Asia after the emergence of the
Semitic languages. Lexical evidence of such migrations is presented in Chapter 9 sections 9.9.1-2.
See also Note- F.3.2, Chapter 5 section 5.3 and Chapter 8 section 8.1.3.3.
Chapter 5
Statistics of a comparison of one AA language (Chadic-Hausa) with one TB language (Tibetan) and
with Sinitic languages as a group.
5.0 Objectives
5.0.1 The data from Chapter 4 provided the information needed to identify whether a comparison of
individual AA and ST languages could provide enough correspondences to merit further analysis.
Chapter 4 showed that the highest percentage of Tibeto-Burman ↔ African/AA correspondences was
in the AA-Chadic subfamily, i.e. 377 = 74.1% of the 508 Chapter 2A-H word families. The Chapter 4
data additionally showed that the highest percentage of Sinitic ↔ African/AA correspondences was also
in the AA-Chadic subfamily, i.e. 354 (69.7% of the 508 Chapter 2A-H word families.
An extensive sampling indicated that the two single languages which attested the most AA ↔ TB
correspondences were AA-Chadic-Hausa / Gwandara and TB-Tibetan. Since no single Sinitic language
widely differed from the others in the number of correspondences with Hausa, it was decided that Hausa
be compared to all Chinese languages for reasons stated in section 5.1.2 below.
5.0.2 A second objective was to determine whether a comparison of an individual TB language with an
individual Sinitic language / dialect could serve to identify any morphological and/or grammatical
similarities. Hence the Chapter 5 comparison operates under the previous method of lexical comparison;
but since the scope is narrowed to a traditional comparison of two individual language families, affix and
grammatical comparisons can also be carried out on them. This is done in Chapter 10 below.
the Nilo-Saharan Songhay language is interposed between it and Mande. (See Hausa/Gwandara examples
of correspondences with Mande and Songhay in B.2b.1-2,4 B.10.1-2, B.11a.1,3, B.22a.2, B.27.5,
B.31.4, C.2c.1, C.20a.1 and many other CC sets of the Chapter 2 A-H tables).
Hausa also attests considerable phonetic and semantic affinity with Khoisan, the oldest African
language still spoken. (See Supplementary Table 3 Table 1.1.1).
Gwandara, an important Hausa dialect, probably split off from the main body of the language when
the main region became Islamic (several hundred years ago according to Gwandara tradition). (See Note
A.2a.1 (Chadic). In many word families a Gwandara morpheme corresponds more closely than standard
Hausa to an ST form. (See B.5a.1, A.8a.1, C.2b.4, C.18b.3, C.20a.1, C.25.1, C.26b.3, C.5.2-3 etc.)
5.2.1 Word families which contain at least one Tibetan ↔ (Hausa and/or Gwandara)
correspondence.
Table 5.2.1 Tibetan ↔ Hausa/Gwandara correspondences
Tibetan ↔ Hausa Domain A 29 (44.7% of 65 w.f.)
Tibetan ↔ Hausa Domain B 38 (56.7% of 67 w.f.)
Tibetan ↔ Hausa Domain C 36 (39.6% of 91 w.f.)
Tibetan ↔ Hausa Domain D 24 (42.1% of 57 w.f.)
Tibetan ↔ Hausa Domain E 31 (47.7% of 65 w.f.)
Tibetan ↔ Hausa Domain F 25 (58.1% of 43 w.f.)
Tibetan ↔ Hausa Domain G 13 (32.5% of 40 w.f.)
Tibetan ↔ Hausa Domain H 28 (35% of 80 w.f.)
Total word families which contain at least one Tibetan ↔ (Hausa and/or Gwandara)
correspondence: 224 = (44.1% of the 508 word families)
5.2.2 Word families which contain at least one Sinitic ↔ (Hausa and/or Gwandara) close
correspondence.
Table 5.2.2 Sinitic ↔ (Hausa and/or Gwandara) close correspondence.
Sinitic ↔ Hausa Domain A 26 (40% of 65 w.f.)
Sinitic ↔ Hausa Domain B 39 (58.2% of 67 w.f.)
Sinitic ↔ Hausa Domain C 42 (46.2% of 91 w.f.)
Sinitic ↔ Hausa Domain D 31 (54.4% of 57 w.f.)
791
5.2.3 Discussion. In these 5.2.1-5.2.2 Tables 6 of the 8 Domains Sinitic ↔ Hausa percentages are higher
than those of Tibetan ↔ Hausa and those of the F Domain are the same, but only the TB A Domain
percentage is higher than that of Sinitic. Thus in Chapter 5 the total Sinitic ↔ Hausa correspondences are
higher than the Tibetan ↔ Hausa ones, i.e. the total Table 5.2.2 Sinitic ↔ Hausa 260 = (51.1%) of the
508 word families as opposed to the Chapter 5 total Table 5.2.1 Tibetan ↔ Hausa 224 = (44.1%) of the
508 close correspondences:
This is an important difference in the present Chapter 5 single language comparison from that found in
the more generic Chapter 3 and Chapter 4 ones: i.e.
In Chapter 3: The Chapter 3 percentage of African/Afroasiatic ↔ Tibeto-Burman correspondences
(Table 3.1.2a Total at 79.9%)
is higher than than that of the African/Afroasiatic ↔ Sinitic correspondences (Table 3.1.2b Total
75.8%).
In Chapter 4: The Tables 4.3 percentage of Tibeto-Burman ↔ Chadic correspondences Total
at 74.2%
is higher than that of the Tables 4.3 Sinitic ↔ Chadic word family correspondences
at 69.7%,
Chapter 6 - Phase 6
Cultural and geographic language common to African and ST languages.
The conclusions of the previous chapters are based on use of exactly defined criteria for phonetic and
semantic lexical comparison and statistical analysis of the results. They do not take into account all the
explanatory notes contained in each data record. These include information on the African/Middle Eastern
cultural background reflected in many words. Several of these are summarized in this section.The
language of grain agriculture in Africa and East Asia is reviewed in chapter 7.
Tibetan also gives evidence of having inherited from E.Africa the measurement of wealth in terms of
cattle owned by a herder. The Tibetan root dkor means “wealth, riches” with no reference to domestic
animals. However, the most exact match for the Tibetan form is the A.9a.1 Proto-Cushitic (Dolgopolski)
*d-�w-r “donkey”. This and the PAA *dakw(-ar)- root are also sources of the semantics of “equids” in
the AA sets A.9a.1-3. In E. Cushitic the root has the additional generic meaning of cattle as “livestock”
“wealth” which seems to have been inherited in Tibetan along with the more specific semantics of
“equids”.
A.9d.1 Tibetan E. Cushitic- Gedeo
dkór hor- “become rich”
“wealth, riches” hore “cattle, herd, money”
Jaschke 11 horte “property, wealth” Hudson 246
“substance, wealth, E. Cushitic- Oromo
riches, property” horri “money, treasure, wealth, animals, cattle,
livestock” Foot 29
Other Cushitic correspondences suggest that the hor- root primarily meant “breed, multiply” but these
semantics have not been found in other Afro-Asiatic or African languages.
E. Cushitic- Gedeo hor-em “breed, multiply” Hudson 246
E. Cushitic- Burji hor-ad’ / horʔ “breed, multiply” Hudson 246
E. Cushitic- Oromo horu vi. “moltiplicarsi di bestiame, riprodursi, farsi denaro, arricchirsi”
[have an increased number of cattle, to reproduce, to make money, to become rich] hora n.
“prosperita, riproduzione” [prosperity, reproduction] Borello 215-216 A.9d.1 Extended
Under either hypothesis the evidence points to a NE/East African origin of TB-Tibetan dkor.
6.2.2. Bovids. Background information on the domestication of bovids in Africa and Asia-Language
and archaeology.
6.2.2.1. Bovids. Africa.
Cattle were domesticated in NE Africa from about 8500 BCE. The archaeological sites providing this
evidence are located in the far southwestern part of what is now Egypt. (Ehret 2001 228.) Ehret considers
that the first two groups to carry out this domestication were Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic-Cushitic
speakers. However the statistical data in chapter 4 Table 4.3.2 indicate that Chadic speakers were the
most numerous early source. Nevertheless the A.6a-e tables could also support a hypothesis of joint
early Chadic/Cushitic origin since the sang-, sa and saay-, sag- “cow, ox” “castrate, geld” roots
denoting a domesticated bovid are also realized in multiple Cushitic morphemes:
A.6a.1 Cushitic-Afar, Oromo, Hadiya sang- “castrate, geld, gelded animal”; A.6c.1 Cushitic-Sidamo,
Rendille, Oromo. sa, sa’a “cow, ox” ;
A.6d.1 Cushitic-Gedeo, Hadiyya, Oromo sayya “cow” etc.
6.2.2.2. Bovids. West Asia and India- Language and archaeology.
The relationship between African and Middle Eastern / Southern Asian domestication of cattle is not
clear. Liu and Chen consider that the humpless taurine (Bos taurus) species was domesticated in the
Near East around 8000 BCE whereas the humped zebu type (Bos indicus) was independently
domesticated about 7000 BCE in the Indus Valley. (Liu / Chen 106). Humped zebu cattle have been
considered to have been introduced into Africa from India in the 4th century CE or possibly earlier.
See Notes A.21a.1 and A.25.2. Two Sanskrit roots gaura “a kind of buffalo, Bos gaurus and gava
“a cow” match roots found in Africa and South China (A.21a.1,3). Bos indicus and Bos Gaurus
apparently designate the same animal found throughout SE Asia which is known in English as the gaur.
It has a long ridged hump on its back along its spinal column.
6.2.2.3. Domestication of bovids in East Asia-Language and archaeology.
The Tibeto-Burman A.6b-c lexemes attest semantics of “buffalo” or “animal” “meat, flesh”, not “cow,
domesticated bovid”. This suggests a pre-domestication migration into the present TB linguistic region.
In TB languages there are three roots for “meat, animal” and “buffalo”. These are A.6c.1 sâ “meat,
animal”, A.6a.1,3-4 sang, san- and A.6c.2 saŸ- / sag-. These morphemes designate “cows” or “meat”
in Semitic and Cushitic, but “buffalo” in TB languages. In Chinese this root in all cases has the generic
795
meaning of “livestock or cattle”. Again these semantic variants could be explained as resulting from
different African/AA language migrations, some before the domestication of cattle and sheep, some
afterwards. (See also Note-A.21b.2 (Old Chinese).
In S.Chinese-Yue the root for “buffalo” is ngàuh which also means “ox, cattle, cow” (A.21a.1);
in S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] it is ku3 / gǔ3 “cow, bull, ox” (A21a.3). With the meaning “cattle” it is
also found in TB-N.Naga-Chang and TB-Nung. On the African/AA side the ngàuh / ku root means
“buffalo” in Khoisan and Niger-Congo (A.21a.1-2). This again suggests for E. Asia that the root meant
“buffalo” at the time of the earliest migration, and was applied to cows when these were imported or
domesticated.
As in West Asia and India there are genetically two species of cattle in China, the humpless taurine
(Bos Taurus) and the humped zebu (Bos indicus), considered to have been domesticated independently.
Modern Chinese cattle have been divided genetically into three groups distributed geographically in the
north, central and southern regions. “Phylogenetic analysis suggests that the southern breeds are
dominated by zebu mtDNA, whereas the northern breeds are dominated by taurine mtDNA.” The central
groups are hybrids of the two. “These data strongly suggest that cattle were introduced to China from the
north and south through different routes”.(Liu / Chen 106). See also Chapter 9 Section 9.7
The northern (Bos Taurus) type has been identified by Chinese archaeologists at the neolithic
Yangshao culture site in the Wei River valley of south Shaanxi, c.4800-3700 BCE, the Beixin site in
Shandong , c.5500-4300 BCE, the Daxi culture of the mid-Yangtze valley, c.4000 BCE, and the Qijia
site in Gansu c.2500-1800 BCE. Sagart 192. These, except Daxi, are all located near the NW Chinese
Gansu corridor which later became the entry point of the Silk Road into China much later..
The southern zebu type is called ngàuh or ku3 / gǔ3 “cow, bull, ox” in south Chinese, the same as in
Sanskrit. (See A.21a.1,3) The main candidate for name of the northern type is A.21b.2 Old Chinese
*ni̭ŭg “bull, cow , ox”. However, Sagart considers the Old Chinese form to be *bŋgwu Bos [bovid] and
the modern niu form to be derived from this by a process *ŋgwu > ŋgjuw > niu. (Sagart 192)
Ancestral African matches for niu have been found only in Nilo-Saharan languages. The morpheme is
also found in central and south Chinese languages (See A.21b.1-2), but this may reflect the mixing of the
two breeds during the southern spread of Han Chinese under the various empires.
See Chapter 9 Section 9.7.
The Proto-W. Chadic *k’abani / *kab’ani “buffalo” (A.24.1) primarily designates the African buffalo,
although the root has been applied to cows in NS and NC-Benue Congo. It is not found in Chinese, but
only in TB attestations, e.g. Tibetan where it means “wild yak” and Burmese where it also means
“buffalo”.
6.2.3 Equids. Sino-Tibetan words for the donkey and the horse are:
A.8.1 TB-Tibetan rkyaŋ “the wild ass or horse”, A.9a.1 TB-Tibetan ku-rúg / gu-rug “colt of an ass” /
TB-Naga-Sema kuru “horse”, A.9b.1 TB-Tibetan dagöö̀ / dagööbo “a wild or untrained horse”and
A.9c.1 TB-Tibetan dəwa “colt”. All of these have close correspondences in Chadic and Cushitic
languages but none of them have been identified in Sinitic in the present study. However the A.8.1 root
has been identified in Central and Northeast Asian Altaic-Turkic languages, and A.9a1, A.9b.1 in Altaic-
Mongolian.
The scientific name for the Asian wild ass is Equus hemonius kur, sometimes known simply as kur.
It is a subspecies of Asian wild asses. Its range once extended from Western India to Baluchistan in
Afghanistan and Southeastern Iran. It is also called “onager”. See Bryant 117. As mentioned, the name
shows evidence of African origin.“The wild ass Equus asinus africanus is indigenous to the African
continent”. “The kur- root is widespread in Africa.” “Domestic donkeys have been found in an Egyptian
tomb dated to 4500-4000 BC”. Blench 2000 [346]. See Chapter 9 Table 9.5.1.1 for the spread of the
A.8.1 root and others designating animals from Africa into East Asia.
6.2.4 Pigs. The main A.15.1 TB ↔ AA root *abäg’ / *awäg’ “wild pig” is attested only in Chadic and
West Semitic-Ethiopian languages. The A.15.3 vak variant has been identified only in Niger-Congo-
Benue Congo. The clearest ST attestations of the root are in TB, but see also Note A.15.1
796
(S. Chinese-Min Extended) In Chinese- Min the generic word for “meat” bâq also means “pork”. This
suggests that pigs had become the staple meat source in areas of Southern China before cattle were
introduced. Pork is still the main type of meat consumed in South China.
6.3 Numbers. The present study has identified a set of numbers existing in Afro-Asiatic which
correspond to ST language morphemes. All of these correspond to an AA-Cushitic root but G.18 “6”,
G.20 “2”, and G.21 “4” have no Chadic attestations. G.22. (“8”) shows Chadic correspondences with
the Cushitic “3” and “8” roots. Roots for”1”, “3” and “4” are attested in both Chinese and Tibeto-
Burman. Those of “6”, “2” and “8” are found only in Chinese. There are no Semitic correspondences
and only two from Niger-Congo.
“6” G.18.1 E.
(G.18) S. Chinese- Cushitic-
Min Rendille
ly4 “six” líh “six”
Proto- E.
Cushitic
*lih’-
“six”
E.
Cushitic-
Burji líya
“six”
“3” G.19.1 E. Chadic- E. NC- N.
(G.19) N. Chinese- Nancere Cushitic- Mande-
MSC sab Gedeo Vai
sā “three” “:three” sase sàkpá
G.19.1 TB- E. Chadic- “three” “three”
Kiranti- Kabalai sakka
Sunwar sâ sabu “three ”
“three” “three” E.
TB-C. Cushitic-
Loloish-Lisu Oromo
sá “three” sadii
“three”
G.19.2 TB- S. NS- Khoisan-
Lepcha Cushitic- Datooga Hadza
sam “three” Asa sámogu samaka
Matisoff samak “three” “three”
2003 275 “three” Rosenfelder Kartvelian-
S. Chinese- http:// Georgian
Kejia zompist. sam-
(Hakka) com/nu “three”
sam1 three” Kartvelian-
Middle Svan sam- /
Chinese sem-
sâm “three” “three”
798
“2” G.20.1 E.
(G.20) N. Chinese- Cushitic-
MSC Gedeo
liâng “two” langa
“both” “two (in
“two, a pair, counting)”
a couple, C.
both” Cushitic-
Awngi
lánga
“two”
C.
Cushitic-
Kemant
(Falasha),
Xamir,
Xamta
linga
“two”
“4” TB-Dimasa S.
(G.21) dźI “four” Cushitic-
TB-Garo Iraqw
tś́i-kuŋ tsiyáhh
“four” “four”
TB-Tibetan S.
shi “four” Cushitic-
bshi “four” Alagwa
bz̀I “four” tsigah
TB-Tibetan “four”
(Ladakhi) C.
zhi “four” Cushitic-
Middle Xamta
Chinese siza
sijH “four”
“four”
799
The common factor here is Cushitic which indicates it is the proximate source. The path by which these
numbers came into Chinese has not been identified in this study. The absence of any Semitic
correspondences suggests that these number words came into E. Asia before the emergence of Sinitic,
i.e. before 3700 BCE, but more research on E. Asian languages, especially on the period when these
number words entered the ST lexicon, is necessary to establish a firm hypothesis.
6.4 The language of traveling. Matching Hausa ↔ ST roots point to nomadic and other more standard
travel routes present in both ST and African languages. The following Sections 6.4.1-5 list indicators of
what are probably later influences of Chadic on Sino-Tibetan.
6.4.1
Language indicating nomadism.
The D.36.1 TB-Tibetan rugɔɔ means “a group of nomads” “community of nomads”.
This corresponds closely to W. Chadic-Hausa rugā “Fulani cattle encampment, settlement” “camp”
(transitory during a trip, Fulani type). Here Hausa gives evidence that an African language lexeme
referring to nomads was introduced into the Tibetan area. A large area of northern Tibet is still inhabited
by nomadic cattle keepers and there is evidence that its inhabitants were nomadic cattle keepers in the
pre-historic period. Hence the rugɔɔ root supports positing of an incursion into Tibet of a group of
migrants speaking a language with affinity to Hausa. The root also has military semantics in Tibetan,
Chinese as well as Hausa. (See note D.36.1).
6.4.2 Organized travel.
6.4.2.1 The zhàn root “stop, halt / zàng “stopover, lodging place”
The H.18.1 N. Chinese-MSC zhàn “stop, halt” “station, stop (as of buses, trains)” corresponds closely
to the W. Chadic- Hausa zangòo “stopover” “camping ground, lodging place”“camp (transitory during
a trip, Fulani type)”. NC-Fulani sangina “make a camp” attests the same meaning and sangēre,
pl. changēje extends the semantics to mean “a military camp” or “caravanserai outside the town”. This
root is found in both northern and southern Chinese languages.
As a cultural phenomenon, traveling with regular stops or stations is applicable to both African pre-
agricultural nomadic societies and to the long distance travel of traders which developed after 4500 BCE
when donkeys had been domesticated .(See Ehret 2002 99)
The Hausa are famed for their vast modern trading network east across the African Sahel, north to the
Mediterranean and west to the Atlantic in Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Hausa is the lingua franca across
the Sahel and on the pilgrimage route to Mecca. And far to the east a common Hausa and Arabic trade
800
vocabulary is found in Chinese languages. This is discussed further in section 6.5 below. Africa was
part of a trade network which ended in China during the late prehistoric or early historical period.393
6.4.2.2 The sūk / sug5 root “to unload” “to lodge”
The words in table H.17b.1-4 suggest an organized travel on a well-established route which had
lodging places along the way. The words for “unloading” and “receiving lodging” have the same root in
Hausa. The H.17b.3 NS-Kanuri lexeme explicitly links the two notions, i.e. sáakin “lower, take down,
bring down” “put up lodge (a visitor or stranger)”, also yirsáakin “help lower, help unload”. The
corresponding H.17b.4 Cantonese and Hakka sūk / sug5 root “to stay overnight” “to lodge, to sojourn”
is both phonetically and semantically related to the Tibetan tshùgs-pa “caravansary, open place near a
village where travelers may encamp”
Thus the zan- and suk- roots cited above attest meanings of “lodging” as well as “stopping” and
“unloading” “sitting, staying”. The corresponding tables give evidence that the two roots meaning
“lodging” in these cases are derived forms of the two verbal roots meaning “stopping” and “getting
down, sitting” respectively.
6.4.2.3 The kwan root “to stay overnight” “guesthouse, hotel”. The G.13b.1 Chinese words for
spending the night and guesthouse are based on a root kwan3 meaning “stay, lodge” and “guesthouse,
hotel”. This has exact Hausa equivalents meaning “spending the night” and “lodging/sleeping place”, e.g.
S.Chinese-Hakka kwan3 “stay, lodge” “house, guest house, hotel” /
N. Chinese-MSC guân “accommodation for guests”, kuân “a tavern, a restaurant” “to lodge” /
Chinese-Min kuàn bf. “building or institution for public use” lû-kuàn “hotel”, koan2 “house,
guesthouse, hotel” “stay, lodge”
< W. Chadic- Hausa kwāna vi. “spend the night” “stop for a rest”, “pass night”, wurin kwànciyā /
“lodging place”, makwancī, pl. makwantai “sleeping place”.
A variant form of the kwan root, goŋ, is found in Tibetan, Chinese-Hakka and Chadic languages, i.e
G.13a.1 TB-Tibetan goŋdeb / goŋmεε “halting / staying overnight (on a trip)” / Chinese-Hakka
kwon3 / kon3 / kwan3 “stay, lodge” “house, guest house, hotel” / Chinese-MSC gõngyù “lodgings”
“lodging house” < W. Chadic-Ron (Bokkos) kon “die Nacht verbringen, Beischlaf haben (und sich am
Morgen unterhalten)” [to spend the night, to sleep over (and remain till morning)] /
C. Chadic-Wamdiu gonyu “sleep”.
G.13a.2 Chinese-Cantonese gún “house, guest house” léuihgún “inn”
< NS-Kanuri kuntúshirám “resting place” / kuntúshi “rest, repose”
6.5 Commercial and trade language. The notions “to exchange, to barter”, “to sell”, “to buy” are
represented by closely similar lexemes in northern and southern Chinese languages, Arabic and
Hausa/Gwandara. (See note H.39a.1 (Chinese, Chadic, Arabic), and sets H.40.1-3.) These terms suggest
an organized trading between Chadic/Semitic and Chinese speaking groups.
The semantics of “exchange, barter” in the H.39a.1 Chadic morpheme and reflected in H.39a. –MSC
correspond to the H.39a.1 Chadic and Semitic concepts of “exchange, turn” “turn around” “change
around” “switch, change”. These original meanings in Chadic and Semitic give evidence of having
developed into the modern meanings “buy/sell”, “trade, business, commerce”and “craft, occupation”
(trading as a specialized function in the society). Trading as “exchange” indicates that Chadic/Semitic
terms for trading possibly existed in E.Asia before the use of money, and perhaps even before the
393
Note 6.4.2 “The archaeological record shows that Chinese goods, especially porcelain and coins, were
circulating in African trade networks from well before the Common Era” Monson 377.
The Hausa word for “gold” is zinariya. Skinner considers this form to be derived from the Latin “denarius”
(Skinner 299). The word possibly entered Hausa as a result of direct trade with the Roman Empire. However
Arabic also uses a morpheme derived from the Latin denar- root, i.e. Arabic dinar “old gold coin” A similar
form existed in Sanskrit, i.e. dInAra.“gold coin”. (Cologne Digital Sanksrit Lexicon). It is noteworthy that the
Chinese-Beijing word for both “gold” and “money” is jīn. (Wu, J. 352, Wang, F. 247). In Cantonese it is chin
“money”. (Kwan 301); in TB-Gyalrong zɛn “money”. (Sagart 208) These correspond more closely to the
Hausa zin- than the Arabic and Sanskrit din- forms.
801
separate denotations of buying and selling were developed. In the Sahel today cattle keepers trade milk
and meat with agriculturalists for grain and other crop foods. In Tibet peoples of the high Himalayas use
yak caravans to trade salt for the grains of peoples of the southern valleys. The language of trading in this
table plausibly reflects a situation at least partially prehistoric, though perhaps late in the prehistoric
period. The H.40a1-2 Chinese shāng “trade or commerce”also corresponds closely to Arabic and
Hausa forms. Arab traders were present in South China during the Tang dynasty period (618-907 CE).
China had practiced extended trade with the Middle East through overland routes as early as 200 BCE
under the Western Han kingdom.
The H.40.3 TB-Tibetan tsuuno “buying”, and TB-Tibetan tshoŋ-wa “to barter, to sell” appear to be
variant forms of the H.40a.1-2 Hausa/Arabic root san / shan- ~ sanyi / s̟anaayiع. The Hausa sanyi
form also means “to exchange”, whereas the Arabic form means “trade, craft, occupation”, probably a
derived noun form. Both the H.39 and H.40 morphemes are attested in northern and southern Chinese
dialects.
The notions implied in “exchanging”such as “interacting” “mutuality, reciprocity” are expressed in
many other Chinese words such as -MSC jiāojia “(of two things) accompany each other”, jiāo
“associate with” “mutual, reciprocal, each other”. (See H.39a.1 and Wu, J. 338 for other examples.)
The word families for trade and commerce are quite large. This implies minimally that, if these terms
were all loans from AA and not inherited as part of an original AA migration, they were introduced
earlier than the recorded dates of coastal Arabic trade with China, i.e. before 800 of the Common Era.
And the very close correspondences of the Chadic exchange / trade lexicon with those of Chinese
languages provides evidence supporting a position that speakers of both Arabic and Chadic dialects (or
an admixture of the two) conducted regular trade with Central and East Asia in the late pre-historic or
early historic period.
6.6 The language of pawning, slavery and redemption. The vocabulary for these practices is common
to ST and African/AA. It is found in D.11a-b, D.12, D.13 and D.17. See the notes for each of these
word families for information on pawning and redemption as cultural institutions in Africa. There is
evidence that much modern ST vocabulary representing loaning, mortgaging and even collateral for
loans is based on words for ancient African practices which were widespread across the continent.
Several of these contemporary meanings of the terms are found in the glosses for the Chadic, Arabic and
Cushitic morphemes, semantics which give evidence of being directly derived from the original practice
of pawning in Africa.
6.7 The language of magic, divination and astrology. The practices of divination and astrology are
attested in the historical period in the Middle East and Egypt, as well as in Tibetan and Chinese religious-
cultural origins. Chinese characters first appear on the “oracle bones”. These are cattle scapula inscribed
with symbols which recorded the predictions of important events by imperial court diviners to guide the
emperor. (Keightley 23-24, 27 note 27, 39 etc.)
Divining is still practiced widely in Tibet both among practitioners of the traditional Bon religion and
Buddhism. The study’s correspondences between African/AA and ST roots indicate a specific
African/Middle Eastern cultural origin of these practices for ST speakers. Thus the comparative data
show a linguistic concordance with what was already known about the African/Middle Eastern and ST
religious cultures. (See Notes D.27a.1, E.12.4-5 (Hebrew, Tibetan) and sets E.4b.2, E.8e.1.)
With regard to language representing magical practices in Africa and Asia see table D.27b especially
note D.27b.1 (Hausa extended).
6.8 Praise-singing, ululation. The E.21.1 Chinese root lala- “cheering squad, rooters” “flatter” reflects
an African custom of praising a person or group in the context of a major social event such as going into
battle, celebrating a victory, or simply praising a king or some other powerful person as an attempt to gain
his favor. Still today there are such professional groups of praise singers in cultures around the Lake Chad
802
area of Africa. This voicing is practiced throughout the Sahel and in Arabia as ululation, a term which
itself imitates the sound made when praising or celebrating.
An interesting case is found in Hebrew where the root is used in prayers of praise to God. Semitic-
Hebrew attests heelel / heelela v. past “praised, lauded” halel “a special God-praising prayer for
holidays” halelooyaah “Praise the Lord, (Psalm)” / aleloyah “praise be to God” (See also note E.21.1
(MSC etc.).
6.9 Language of kingship and aristocracy. ST Language for aristocracy and kingship found in D.5b.1
and D.28.1 has correspondences in South Semitic and Chadic languages.(See also Note-E.4b.1 E.
Cushitic-Burji on sacral kingship and Chapter 9 section 9.9.1) .
The following three sections provide not only cultural but also geographic indicators to the area from
which the migration(s) out of Africa and the Middle East took place.
6.10 Acacia tree resin, gum arabic, glue. The widely-used adhesive, gum arabic, is produced from
the sticky sap of the acacia tree. The Hakka / MSC / Cantonese semantics of B.32.1,3 show an explicit
connection between the acacia tree and the glue by attesting the two meanings of “resin, sap” and the
derived forms “glue, gum” “sticky, adhere” having the same root as that of the acacia tree in Chadic-
Hausa and Khoisan.
B.32.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] kau1 / gau1 “glue, gum” “resin, sap, anything sticky” “stick on, stick
together, adhere” / S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gàau “glue, gum” “anything sticky” “to stick on” <
W. Chadic-Hausa gàawo m. “large acacia tree” “Acacia albida” karo “Acacia polyacantha species” /
C. Khoisan-Proto-Khoe *ǂkxaro “a kind of thorn tree”
B.32.3 N. Chinese-MSC shujiāu “gum (of tree)” jiāushwĕi (Y) “glue” jiāoshuir n. “liquid glue” <
W. Chadic- Hausa k’ārō n.m. “gum, resin” “gum arabic” / Khoisan-Proto-Khoisan *g!au “acacia”
True gum arabic is also called “gum acacia”. It is also known as acacia gum powder, Cape gum,
Egyptian thorn and demulcent gum. The tree itself is also known as the gum Arabic tree. It is a small,
spiny leguminous tree which grows in sandy soil, mostly in drier tropical Africa and the south of the
Arabian peninsula. The gum is used not only as an adhesive, but also in the preparation of pills and
emulsions, the manufacture of food such as candies, and in general as a thickener and colloidal stabilizer.
The major commercial source (95%) is Acacia Senegal. After the rainy season ends, the stem begins to
exude gum, which is collected from December to June for marketing as Gum Arabic. Commercial use of
Gum Arabic can be traced back to around the year 2000 B.C. when the Egyptians used it in foods,
adhesives, colors and paint industries. The term `Gum Arabic' was coined by European traders, who
imported the product from Arabian ports such as Jeddah; most gum trade of the 19th century was
associated with Arab countries. Sudan had the highest production during the 20th century.
6.12 Incense South Semitic-Amharic əţan “incense” and aţţänä “perfume with incense,fumigate”
“smoke a beehive” are related to the Proto-Chadic *‘jan, Hebrew ‘ashan and Khoisan-Proto-Non-
Khoekhoe *cʔan[i] roots meaning “smoke”. These in turn correspond to Chinese-Hakka jan1 “smoke,
fumes” and the Chinese-MSC xiang / syang “incense”. (See note C.5a.4).)
Of the Semitic languages only the South/West Semitic-Amharic əţan “incense as smoke” matches the
Chinese forms.394 This points to a south Arabian source for incense. Incense was indeed extracted from
the wood of the frankincense tree which grows only in South Arabia, Somalia and Ethiopia. (See Note-
B.20a.2 (Semitic-Amharic).
Amharic is today spoken only in Ethiopia, but around 100 BCE it was a dialect of a major Semitic
language of the southern Arabian peninsula. The tree from which most incense was produced grows
near the Southern Arabian coast around Dhofar, its probable ancestral home. From 500 BCE it was also
produced in Yemen, Somalia and Ethiopia. The extended trade route for the sale of incense developed
from Southwest Arabia to the north and northeast. Scholars had dated this trade from about 1000 BCE,
(Ehret 2002 209), but recent research in Oman has provided textual and archaeological evidence that
incense was traded as early as 2200 into Egypt and central Mesopotamia, far from its natural habitat.
The archaeologists who made these discoveries believe that it also formed part of a larger trade network
which in this period included the Indus valley (Harappan) Civilization. (Lawler 1099). See also Notes
F.2a.1- F.3.2 (Sanskrit Extended).
This trade also stretched from South Arabia to the north and northeast. It reached as far as Parthia
(ancient Persia) which traded with China from at least 300 BCE. The product is known to have been
introduced into China by the time of the Western Han dynasty 206 BCE–9 CE probably through
Buddhism. Incense from sandalwood is one of the scents used when honoring the Buddha.
The B.20a.2 (Middle Chinese Extended) note mentions trade between southeast Arabia (present-day
Oman) and the Indus Civilization in the period 2500-2000. In India incense is made from sandalwood.
The sandal tree is native to southern India. However the evidence indicates that Sanskrit received the
South Semitic root to designate the product used as a commercial fragrance. Set B.20a.2 presents
evidence that Sanskrit candana is not of IE origin and thus that the use of incense may have existed in
north India before the Indo-European linguistic domination of the area around 2000 BCE..
6.13 Rings. Rings from the Zhukaigou culture of China’s central southern Inner Mongolia culture
( 2000-1400 BC) and the Qijia culture of the Upper Yellow River valley are shown in illustrations
(Liu / Chen 315, 324, 329)
The Zhukaigou rings are earrings and finger rings made of bronze. (Fig. 9.9 #A3-5 315). The Qijia
sites show a bronze bracelet, a bronze earring (Fig. 9.13 #19-20 324 ) and a round jade ring called
huan and a curved jade pendant called huang (Fig. 9.16 #2, 5 329.
(See F.7a.6 N. Chinese-MSC chywān (Y) n. “ring, a circle”/ chuan “ring through the nose of an
animal” quān “circle, ring” < W. Chadic-Hausa kyawanya “metal ring” “any metal ring”.
See also F.7a.4 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (Meixian) k’wan2 / k’wan1 “jade ring or bracelet” “earrings
for women” < S. Khoisan-|‘Auni !kãǔnu “earring”.
394
Note 6.12 The other Semitic words for “incense” have different roots, e.g. Arabic bxuur, and Hebrew ketora.
These forms are probable reflexes of Cushitic/Semitic roots meaning “wood”, i.e.
a) Arabic bxuur is cognate to Proto-E. Cushitic *kor- “wood”, E. Cushitic-Oromo korani “firewood, fuel”,
Semitic-Hebrew kora “log” (See these and other related forms in F.21a.1 Extended. Also Proto-S. Cushitic *’kor-
“stick, tree, wood” in note F.5.2 and set F.21a.1 Extended)
b) Hebrew ketora / ketoret “incense is cognate to W.Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic əğğäta “handle, haft (of
spear),” magädo “firewood, fuel” and Semitic-Akkadian xat’t’u “stick, branch” (See these and other forms
designating wooden objects in F.20.1 Semitic CC column plus Extended section).
804
6.14 Grindstones Flat hand grinding stones have been found in many archaeological sites throughout
northern China. They are called “pan stones” i.e. the same word identified in B.22b.1-2 Chadic
languages as pan “flat rock” “grinding stone” with several ST < African/AA correspondences.
Hand grinding in the Peiligang culture (8000-7000 BP) of Henan province, NW China, was done
using a large flat and relatively thin stone as a base with a smaller rounded one to pound the grain. (See
illustration in Liu/ Chen Fig. 5.9 #24). These stones show up in other Chinese material cultures.
(Figures 5.6 #1, 5.12 #3 and 6.8 #16-17. In the Beixin culture (Liu / Chen 184) they are called
“mopan-mobang grinding stones”. Fig. 6.8 #5 also shows a pan plate.” Statistics on the number of
grinding stones discovered at the major Peiligang culture sites in Henan are in Liu / Chen Fig. 5.3 143.
For African and Middle Eastern words for grains and other agricultural terms found in Central and East
Asian languages see the following Chapter 7 passim.
6.15 Language indicating Semitic influence. Beside the above specific mentions of Semitic cultural
impact on East Asia, linguistic evidence of a general Semititc influence on East Asian culture is
presented in Chapter 9 Section 9.9.1.
805
Chapter 7
The language of agriculture in Africa and Asia.
S. Chinese-Yue C. Chadic-Gude
(Cantonese) sekunwa
jīk “sorghum
“panicled millet” species”
TB-Tibetic-Lhokpu C. Chadic-Gabin
cək sèkɛ-te “millet”
“foxtail millet” C. Chadic-Boka,
Banana
šèk-tàʔa
“millet”
B.35.3 C. Chadic-Mofu- Egyptian NC-
TB-Burmic-Burmese Gudur, E. m’tchaá Common
ʃaʔ Chadic-Lele “grain” Bantu
“millet” masakwa Semitic- *caka
“mil de la saison Arabic “sorghum”
sėche” ʃaʕi:rr Skinner 198
[dry season [IPA] S. Khoisan-
millet] “barley” Proto-Taa
*sâʔŋ
“seed”
B. 35.4 E. Cushitic- Semitic-
Proto-Lolo-Burmese Kembata Hebrew
*zəy2 “barley” oze se’orah
TB-Tibetan “grain, “barley”
tsé-tsé “millet” cereal, crop”
pu-tsé “barley”
pu “husks”
TB-Qiangic-Pumi Dayang
(rGyalrong)
tau tʃə “buckwheat”
TB-Chin-Lushai, Lai
*dzey “seed”
B. 35.5 TB-Lahu W. Chadic-Hausa E. Cushitic- W. (Ethiopian)
ca1 “rice (uncooked)” acca n. Oromo Semitic-
Matisoff 2003 30 “Digitaria exilis” ija / iji n. Amharic
Proto-Lolo-Burmese Skinner [1] “frutto di ajja n.
*dža1 / *dza1 albero, semi, “oats, rye”
“rice / paddy” chicco di
TB-Sani tsā “rice” grano”
TB-Jingpho [fruit of a
ja “kind of millet” tree, seeds,
grain of
cereal plant]
B.35.6 N. Chinese (Bejing) W. Chadic- Egyptian
hé “standing grain Tangale hi “grain,
(esp. rice)” (h)ai “millet” wheat, barley
hémiao “seedlings of cereal C. Chadic-Gudu etc.”
crops” xəy “seed”
hézī “zygote”
812
B.33a.2 Semitic-
S. Chinese-Yue Old Aramaic
(Cantonese) doh̝an “millet”
douh “paddy or rice” Comprehensive
Chik / Ng 336 Aramaic Lexicon
Base correspondences for positing etyma:
B.33a.1 N. Chinese-MSC dào “rice, paddy”
< E. Cushitic-Afar daro “grain, sorghum” / W. Chadic-Hausa dauro “millet species” /
C. Chadic-Mofu-Gudur daw “millet, sorghum”
Approximate ST etymon *dauro “sorghum, millet”
Extended Sino-Tibetan word family:
B.33a.1 N. Chinese-MSC dàozi n. “rice, (plant) Wang, F. 95
B.33a.2 TB-Qiangic-Pumi Dayang-Taoba tō tɕi “buckwheat” Matisoff 2003 168
Extended African/AA language word family:
B.33a.1 W. Chadic-Hausa dāwàr damina “Sorghum series spontanea” “wet season sorghum”
Blench Hausa names for plants 13 damina “the rainy season” (B.21.2) ;
dàwòo “ball(s) of fura without milk” fura “balls of millet in cultured milk” Newman, P. 2007 44
C. Chadic-Mafa = Matakam dawn “corn”
Stolbova, Olga C. Chadic Etymology 2006
W. Chadic-Dira/Zul dəwro “millet” Skinner 46
C. Chadic-Logone dōrio “sorghum species” Skinner 46
Asian non-ST languages with correspondences to the African/AA ↔ ST roots:
B.33a.1
Altaic-Turkic-Kyrgyz tarū “millet” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology 23
Altaic-Turkic-Turkish dari “millet” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology 23
Altaic-Turkic-Balkassar tari “millet” Starostin, Sergei Turkic Etymology 23
Altaic-Turkic-Uzbek tariq “millet” English Uzbek Dictonary
Altaic-Turkic-Uyghur tériq n. “millet” Uyghur Dictonary
6,800 years ago, village communities along the West Nile also cultivated wheat and barley, grains from
Southwest Asia. (Hassan, F. 241)
Millets which have been used as food in the African Sahel include pearl millet (Pennisetum) which
originated in the western Sahel, and finger millet (Eleusine) which originated in the Ethiopian and East
African highlands” (Sutton 23).
The cultivation of wild grasses for food in drier areas was a cultural breakthrough which gave the AA
speakers a demographic advantage over other populations. They could support more people on the same
expanse of land and occupy drier areas which had been more sparsely inhabited by peoples dependent for
subsistence on hunting or gathering. (Ehret 2002 36) Of course population growth also leads to migration
in search of more land for cultivation.
Around 6700-5500 BCE (the early to mid- Holocene dry phase) proto-Chadic speakers moved west
across a northern belt of the Saharan steppe staying for the most part to the north of Nilo-Saharan
speakers. In the Western Sahara, now also herders, they extended their grazing and cultivated lands
southward through the Central Sahara and into the Lake Chad basin. (Ehret 200175, 2002 79).
Archaeological excavations in the central Sahara in the Ahaggar region point to the culture of
Pennisetum (millet) during the seventh millenium BCE rather than any other Saharan cereal grass.
(Camps 567).
All of the Sino-Tibetan variants listed in Tables 7.0.1-5 above, correspond phonetically to Chadic
roots meaning “millet” or “sorghum”, grains which originated in Africa, although many now refer to
rice, barley or buckwheat,.
Indus language. He states that wheat, the staple of the Indus civilization, was also an import from the
West via the southern Arabian trade route into India. Possehl considers that it entered the region as an
expansion of its original area of domestication in northern Mesopotamia. (Possehl 28). In either case the
existence of this root in three African language superfamilies indicates that its name was inroduced
from a Western source and not domesticated locally.. Thus the large number of TB and Chinese roots
matching the African language lexicon for grains as well as many other cultural objects, supports
migration (demic expansion), rather than trade alone or local invention, as the better hypothesis of origin.
(See also notes F.2a.1, F.3.2 ,H.39a.1 (Chinese, Chadic, Arabic) See also Chapter 8 Note 8.1.3.1
Witzel also notes that “Some 30% of Hindi agricultural vocabulary are neither IA {Indo-Aryan] nor
Drav. [Dravidian] nor Munda, in short they stem from an unknown substrate”.
7.5 African agricultural grain terminology in non-ST languages of West, Central and East Asia.
This section contains words matching African roots for grains and beans from West, Southwest, South
Central/North and Southeast Asian non-Sino-Tibetan language families.The headings order them from
west to east:
-West Asia
B.27.2
IE-Hittite karas “eine Getreideart deren Mehl nicht zur Brotbereitung verwendet wird” [a type of grain
whose flour is not useful for making bread” [this is typical of barley]
Proto-IE *g’herə- / g’herəzdh- “barley”
Proto-IE *g’herə- / *g’herəzdh- “barley”
B.9.4 Kartvelian-Georgian maxa “a kind of wheat” / Kartvelian-Laz moxa “a kind of wheat”
B.33a.1 Altaic-Turkic-Turkish dari “millet”
B.35.2
Kartvelian-Georgian c ̣ ka “rice grains in husk”
Kartvelian-Megrel cka “grain
-Central Asia
B.27.6
Central Iranian-Yagn yaw “barley” / IE-Persian �av “Gerste” (Ger.) [barley]
IE-N. Iranian-Ossetian jaw “millet”;
B.35.2 Altaic-Turkic-Uzbek hashaki “pearl millet”
B.33a.1
Altaic-Turkic-Balkassar tari “millet”
Altaic-Turkic-Kyrgyz tarū “millet”
-South Central Asia
B.27.6
SE-Iranian-IE-Baluchi ʒ� �aw “barley”
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho, Mundari tʃaʊ’li / tʃau’li “rice” /
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Santali tʃaʊ’le “rice”
IE-Pashto jau “barley” j’war sing / j’wari pl. “the name of a grain (Holcus sorghum)”
B.27.7 IE-Sanskrit gur- “barley”, “rice” and “wheat” kuruvinda “a kind of barley” laGgura “millet”
goraksa “wheat”
B.35.1 IE-Hindi jī n.f. “oat” jī n.m. “barley”
B.35.2
IE-Hindi jī kā daliyā n.m. “oatmeal”
Proto-Indo-European *seg(’)- “seed(s)” B.35.3
B.35.5 IE-Sanskrit hāyana / hāyanaki “a sort of red rice”
B.27.4
Altaic-Proto-Mongolian *guril “flour” / Altaic-Mongolian-Khalka *guril “flour”
Altaic-Mongolian-Buriat guril “flour” / Altaic-Mongolian-Dagur goli(l), goli “flour”
Altaic-Mongolian-Ordos gulir, guril “flour”
-Southeast Asia
B.9.2
Hmong-Mien-Mien mai3 “hulled rice”
Austro-Asiatic-Vietic ma “young rice plant” / Austro-Asiatic-Bahnaric ʔma “field rice”
B.9.3
Hmong-Mien-Proto-Mienic *hmei “millet” / Hmong-Mien-Mun of Hainan / -Mun of Funing mei /
mei pe “hulled rice” / Hmong-Mien-Proto-Miao-Yao *maiB “shelled rice”
Daic-Kra-Biao mii “cooked rice”
South Daic-Lao me:t2 “grain”
B.33b.1
Hmong-Mien-Miao ntao6 “beans”
B.33b.3 Proto-Tai *thue “beans” / Northern Tai tuu “beans”
Dai-Siamese mak-tau6 “bean”
Daic-Tai-Dehong ɕiau “buckwheat”
B.35.3 Hmong-Mien-Proto-Mieni tsyəi “millet”
Hmong-Mien-Hmong-White Hmong cey “buckwheat”
F.12c.2 Hmong-Mien-Mun of Hainan t’juu “grain” / Hmong-Mien-Mun of Funing tsu “Setaria
italica”
B.27.6 Hmong-Mien-Proto-Mienic *jæu “buckwheat”
Chinese Shang and Western kingdoms dated from11250 to 1046 BCE. See Liu / Chen Chapter 10 350-
391 passim.
Whether domestication occurred in the 6500-5000 period or the archaeological finds are fossils of
gathered wild millet has been discussed in recent literature. See Blench 2010 5. In any case “Chinese
civilization per se arose in the north around the area where millet was cultivated. Most authors consider
the Setaria italica species to be the plant designated by the Old Chinese tsik / chi root”. Sagart 179
The B.9.2 Standard Chinese mài “a general term for wheat, barley etc.” or B.9.3 mî “rice” exist in
various compounds repesenting different types of grains, i.e. N. Chinese-MSC xiăo mài “wheat” (xiăo
“small”), dà mài “barley (dà “big”), shumi “husked sorghum” (shu “sorghum)” and xiăomîr n.
“yellow millet” (xiăo “small”) (See B.9.2 Extended). Although the mai / mi morphemes mean “rice”
throughout China plus southern TB and “barley, sorghum or millet in the northern compounds, their
African phonetic correspondences all designate “millet” or “sorghum”.
Three cereals were mentioned in the Chou dynasty classics.(11th century to 771 BCE), chi (or tsik) /
he and shu. Chi was the starchy (nonglutinous) Panicum miliaceum or Setaria italica. (Chang 67-68).
Both he and shu were recorded in the bone oracles used for divining at the imperial court. The
divinations, many carried out by the emperor himself, were thought to predict good or bad harvests.
(Keightley 9-10). See also Note-B.9.2.
All the above discoveries and written records have confirmed millet’s predominance in north China
since at least the beginning of the Yang-shao period around 5000 BCE . The principal cereals in the Old
Chinese culture were millets, not rice. “Throughout the Old Chinese period, millets, of which many
varieties were maintained, provided the main source of food. Moreover millets (especially jì / he, Setaria
italica) had major religious significance, playing a central role in many rites”. (Sagart 176).
In the Chou dynasty (11th century to 771 B.C.E) the god who originally gave grain to the people
(through the royal clan) was the god of millet. His name was Hou Chi, believed to be the founder of the
Chou clans, and was associated with the supreme God on high. (Smith 17, Chang 70). See also Note-
B.35.1 (Chinese-Kejia (Hakka)]
A widely held conclusion of the fossil millet discoveries is that the population which introduced millet
agriculture expanded rapidly since it benefited from the ability to use drier land not available for
agricultural products such as rice which require wetter conditions. From this it can be argued that, as in
Africa, such sedentary populations had advantages for population expansion and cultural innovation.
Hence there is a wide consensus that the principal cereals in the Old Chinese period were millets and
that Chinese civilization arose in the northwest around the area where millet was cultivated.” (See Blench
2008 8). With reference to the language Blench further notes that “wherever [Sinitic] originates within
Sino-Tibetan, there is broad consensus that its main spread has been north-south from the millet-growing
to the rice-growing areas”. (Blench 2010 3)
All three of the African roots referring principally to millet or sorghum have also been used to designate
barley or buckwheat in ST:
-B.9.2 N. Chinese-MSC mài / maize “a general term for wheat, barley etc.” “wheat”;
-B.27.2
TB-Tibetan khrá-ma “a kind of barley growing and ripening within 60 days” /
Proto-Lolo-Burmese *g-ra “buckwheat (Fagopyrum esculentum)” /
-B.27.3 TB-C. Loloish-Lisu gua “buckwheat”
-B.27.4 TB-Tibetan gorii “a type of round barley”
-B.27.6
N. Chinese ch’iáo “buckwheat” / S. Chinese-Kejia k’iau2 / kiau1 “buckwheat”
TB- Burmese/Lolo-Lolo-Tujia khu tɕiàu “bitter buckwheat”
-B.35.1
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (Meixian) jii5 / tsi5 “pearl barley”
TB-Qiangic-Pumi- Dayang [Taoba] to35 tɕi35 “buckwheat /
-B.35.2 TB-Deng-Kaman tɕika “bitter buckwheat”
It has been difficult to reconstruct proto-ST forms given this variety of names in ST for the same
grains. (See Blench 2010a 1). The confusion of names for barley, wheat and buckwheat could result
from their being latecomers into China. As mentioned above, the mai / mi morphemes mean “rice” in S.
China and some TB language areas where this is the principal grain, but the proposed African and many
Asian linguistic close correspondences all mean “millet” or “sorghum”.
7.6.3 Rice Chinese and Western archaeologists have found much evidence for the prehistoric harvesting
of rice in the middle and lower Yangzi River Valley. Also carbonized rice was found at the Lilou site near
Ruzhou city in Henan province in 1992. It was identified as being one of the two rice varieties known
today as xiandào and jingdào. (Wu,Y. 223-224).
As the following table shows, in Afro-Asiatic languages the root “dao” designates millet or sorghum
but it refers to rice or buckwheat in several areas of East Asia. Note also in the table that a variant form
of the dao root means “buckwheat” in Chinese-Qiangic and “millet” in TB-Loloish-Akha suggesting that
the original reference of the term in the ST region was not necessarily to rice.
Table 7.6.3 The *dáu / *dòu “rice < millet/sorghum word family
ST languages African/AA languages-Close correspondences
B.33a-b A-A– Chadic AA –Cushitic AA-Sem. NS NC
B.33a.1 N. Chinese– C. Chadic-Mofu- E. Cushitic- Semitic- Mande
MSC dào “rice, paddy” Gudur daw Afar daro Hebrew doro
dàu (Y) “rice “millet, sorghum” “grain, doora n.f. “millet
(growing) W. Chadic-Hausa sorghum” “sorghum” species
xiandào “rice” dāwàa f. E. Cushitic- Baltsan susceptible
(Oryza sativa variety “sorghum (guinea Oromo 755 to disease
indica) corn)” “Sorghum dàgujja of the
Middle Chinese bicolor” “small / finger same name
dawX “rice plant” dàurō “type of millet”
TB-Qiangic-Pumi thick, hard millet” “sorgo rosso”
Dayang-Jinghua tâu-tʃə [red sorghum]
“buckwheat”
B.33a.2 S. Chinese-Yue Semitic-
(Cantonese) Old Aramaic ”
douh “paddy or rice” doh̝an, duh̝nā
“millet”
Comprehensive
Aramaic Lexicon
821
Flour as a by-product of grain harvesting and subsequent grinding has been identified in both Chadic and
Mande languages.
Table 7.3.4 “flour” word family
B.24.1 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic – N. Bauci- NC- S.E. Mande-
phye Tsagu fiyè “flour” Gban
“flour, meal” W. Chadic–N. Bauci- Siri viε
fíyí “flour” “flour”
W. Chadic – N. Bauci-
Mburku fíyí “flour” -
B.24.2 W. Chadic-Bole NC- S.E. Mande—
Chinese–Min bîdik’i Mano
bî-hun “flour” bî “flour”
“rice flour vermicelli” Skinner 100 S.E. Mande—Dan
bì “husked grain” W. Chadic – Hausa bii “flour”
“uncooked rice (already ribid’i S.E. Mande—
husked)” “fine ash, flour” Tura bii “flour”
the B.33a.1 “rice” semantics replaced earlier semantics of “sorghum” or “barley” which also designated
the larger-seeded grains. (See also Chapter 5 section 5.3, Chapter 6 section 6.5 and chapter 9 sections
9.9.1-2 on later migrations(s). The presence of Altaic Turkic correspondences, especially that of Kyrgyz taru
“millet”, supports the hypothesis of an importation of the term from the northwest since Kyrgyz borders on the
NW Chinese province of Xinjiang which leads to the Gansu corridor and Henan or Shangxi provinces.,
Whatever hypothesis is proposed for the date of the introduction of grain agriculture into China, the basic
fact is that all the names of these early grain crops in China have close correspondences with Chadic-Hausa
roots.
7.10 Conclusions on Afro-Asiatic agricultural language in the south central and east Asian IE and
ST language areas.
The appearance of three major word families designating grains with African names in both Sanskrit
and Sino-Tibetan supports a firm hypothesis of a migration of Chadic speakers into northeast Pakistan /
northwest India by 2500 BCE.
Both Northern and Southern Chinese also attest a root B.33a.1 dào “rice, paddy which matches
Chadic and Cushitic forms meaning “rice”, but in Chadic and Cushitic mean “grain, sorghum or millet”.
Thus far no matching Sanskrit or Hindi form of this has been identified.
It has been noted that archaeological finds in both north and southwest China suggest different possible
migrations into the present Sinitic speaking areas. On genetic differences between northern and southern
Chinese cattle mentioned in Chapter 6, see Chapter 9 section 9.7.
This data suggests:
-either that the posited migration from Africa which brought agriculture to Central and East Asia was
dominant enough to impose the major African names for grains on those existing in the non-ST languages
of the area
-or that the African names were loaned along with the introduction of the grain(s).
There has been controversy over the source of this lexicon in East Asia, since some authors consider
that this terminology was borrowed by the Han Chinese from the non-ST languages in their southward
expansion, while others consider it to be native to ST. However, if one accepts that the massive
correspondence of this terminology with African roots supports its African origin, then the question of
its first presence in Asia is important, but secondary; most writing on agriculture in China has assumed an
East Asian origin of Sino-Tibetan whether in Tibet, northwest or southwest China.
(See Blench 2008 9 and 2010a 13.)
The data show a trans-Asian spread of African agricultural language words across Asia terminating in
both northeastern and southeastern areas of the continent. It does not prove that the transmission was by
movements of populations or simply by borrowing of the seeds and the practices of sowing and
cultivation. There is also evidence that the African words for grains were used for rice, a grain which was
cultivated in China at least as early as the introduction of millet and sorghum. See Sagart 1999 180.
826
Chapter 8
Comparison of Sanskrit and other non-ST Central and East Asian languages with Afro-Asiatic and
Sino-Tibetan
8.1 The [(Sanskrit ↔ (AA ↔ Sino-Tibetan)] subset of the Chapter 2A-H inventory.
Authorities on early Sanskrit and Tibetan have sometimes considered the vocabulary common to
Sanskrit and Himalayan TB languages to be the result of loaning. The loaned religious terminology has
been identified by Jaschke, Das and Hodge. But this Buddhist lexicon consists mainly of calques of
Sanskrit terms and these rarely match African/AA roots; hence very few of them appear in the TB lexicon
of the Chapter 2 A-H database. However there is indeed a substantial amount of other African/AA and
TB / Sinitic basic and cultural language which closely matches Sanskrit, other IE and central Asian
language roots, for example:
Table 8.1a Examples of IE-Sanskrit, Avestan and other IE close correspondence with
African/Afroasiatic, Altaic and Sino-Tibetan language morphemes
D.27b.1 W. Chadic-Hausa Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit magànce “bewitch” gyuməgεn
makatpitRka E. Cushitic- Kembata “magician, conjurer”
“a magic formula” magàn + āncu gyu “illusion, fantasy, magic,
“wizard” “magician” conjuring”
IE-Pashto W. Chadic- Ngizim garmagεn “astrologer”
makkari “fraud, deceitfullness” mágàná mágànánín gar “star”
makr “fraud, deceit, evasion” pl. “term of address or Altaic-Proto-Tungus-
reference to a sorceress” Manchu *maka- “to be
E. Cushitic- Burji deceived, perplexed”
mugáanga “magician, Proto-Altaic *mak’e “to be
wizard” < NC-Swahili deceived, perplexed”
D.27b.2 IE-Sanskrit maya W. Chadic-Hausa Chinese-Cantonese
“wisdom, extraordinary or supernatural maye n.m. maya n.f. màih
power, (only in the earlier language)” mayu” pl. “to bewitch, to charm”
“illusion, unreality, deception, fraud, trick, sorcerer, witch, wizard” màihwaahk
sorcery, witchcraft, magic” mâyyàa / mâyèe “bewitch”
mayakara “illusion maker” “witch” N. Chinese-MSC
“a conjurer, juggler” màihbû
mayadhika “abounding in magic” “practice divination for a
[Disyllabic correspondences] living, be a fortune teller”
mayadhara “possessing illusion, skilled in mayàudari n. m.
magic” [Quadrisyllabic correspondence] “trickster, deceiver”
IE-Bengali maya “illusion”
Some of the Sanskrit correspondences are singly occurring matches (hapax legomena) with
African/AA and ST lexemes.395 These have been included in the study since in the Sanskrit ↔ ST
comparison all Sankrit morphemes must match not only lexemes of the African/AA word family but also
those of a Sino-Tibetan word family. The existence of singly ocurring lexemes in a language can indicate
that they are loans, but when they occur within a larger set of correspondences between two language
families, they are plausibly part of a substratum. For example:
395
“It is important to note that most of the foreign words in the Rgveda are rare or hapax legomena”
[single occurrences of a word in a language]. Bryant 87
827
Tables 8.1b Examples of singly occurring (hapax) IE-Sanskrit (Old Indian), Avestan / Other IE
and Central Asian language lexemes corresponding with African / AA and Sino-Tibetan language
lexemes
A.1c.3 IE-Pashto shikraey S. Khoisan-Masarwa Chinese-MSC
“a hawk, a falcon” ši-‖gu “bird” chīgù
A.1c.4 IE-Sanskrit cikura S. Khoisan-|Nu‖en si-kou “bird” “sparrow hawk”
“a kind of bird” [Disyllabic corresp.] W. Chadic-Ron (Bokkos) zhègū
IE-Pashto chīkor “the bartarelle or shikóòr “Huhn” [fowl, hen] “Chinese francolin,
Greek partridge” E. Cushitic-Oromo ĉ’ukuru n. partridge”
Altaic-Turkic-Tatar čɨɣirčik “colomba” [dove]
“starling” Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) s’igar “falcon”
Altaic-Turkic-Turkish sɨɣirčɨk
“starling”
/
A.3.2 IE-Sanskrit W. Chadic- Hausa N. Chinese-MSC sûn “hawk, falcon”
sunara “sparrow” sunsu “bird” sûnzhûn “hawk, falcon”
Altaic-Mongolian tsuntsū “bird”m. chún / chwún (Y) “the quail”
shongkor “falcon S. Cushitic-Asa S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sèun “quail”
Altaic-Kazakh (Aramaic) Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] s’iun2 n. “quail”
sonkar “falcon” šuʔununu “hawk” S. Chinese-Min chun2 “hawk, falcon”
/
B.5a.2 W. Chadic-Gwandara TB-Written Tibetan,
IE-Old Indian dúnci “rock, stone, mountain”” Tibetan (Ladakhi)
tunga- m. E. Cushitic-Hadiyya duuna “hill” duŋ “a small mound,
“elevaton, height, NC-Proto-W. Nigritic *-tunda “hill” hillock”
mountain” E. Cushitic-Sidamo dûna / dûno N. Chinese-MSC
“heap, lump of earth, clod” “pile, stack” dūn / tūn “mound”
Proto-Highland E. Cushitic *duuna “hill” “a block of stone or
N. Omotic-Ometo *du:nn- “termite mound” wood”
/
B.5c.2 IE-Sanskrit E. Cushitic-Sidamo Chinese-Cantonese
dhūlikedara / tullite / tullo “hill, heap” dèui / dēui “mound”
dhūli-kuttima / W. Chadic-Hausa tulìi n.m. “heap” “crowd” “mound of earth”
dhūli-kedara E. Cushitic-Oromo tullu “hill” “pile, heap”
“a mound or rampart of Proto-Afro-Asiatic *-tuul- Chinese-Min
earth” ”to rise, to form a heap, mound” tuî “a pile, a heap”
See also B.8.1, H.29c.1
It could still be argued that any proposed Sanskrit / Avestan substratum based on correspondences with
African/AA and ST languages is really a set of loans from neighboring Tibeto-Burman languages. An
argument against this position is based on the fact that many of the correspondences match only Chinese
lexemes, no closely corresponding Tibeto-Burman form having been identified, e.g.: thus far the
preceding A.1c.4, A.3.2 and B.5c.2 attest only Sinitic correspondences with the Sanskrit lexeme.
Another Sanskrit lexeme of this kind is:
Tables 8.1c Example of Sanskrit close correspondences with morphemes found only in Chinese
Swadesh “water” N.Omotic Egyptian
B.34.1 S. Chinese-Min *aq’ “wet, water” akh-t
ăk “to wet, to water” Cushitic-Agaw “watered, or irrigated
w’
ăk huĕ “water flowers” *aq land”
âq-tám “get wet (from rain “water” aakhi “to flood, to
etc.)” tám “wet” irrigate, to inundate”
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Similar Sanskrit ↔ African ↔ Chinese (only) correspondence sets are found in Supplementary Table 2
(Table of Sanskrit, Hindi, Bengali and other IE correspondences with African /Middle Eastern and Sino-
Tibetan languages): sets B.2b.2-3, C.35c.1-2, D.05a.1,3, D.32.3, F.3.1, E.2a.2, F.4a.2, G.30.1 etc.
Perhaps the largest and most geographically extensive word family made up of Sanskrit and other Asian
language lexemes matching Afro-Asiatic, non-ST Asian and Sino-Tibetan correspondences is:
Dravidian and an even closer form bagu-. “upper arm” is attested in Mongolian, an Altaic language
which shares a border with Tibetan and Chinese.
(See C.22a.1-2 and Ruhlen 1994 318 for correspondences in other Asian languages).
A further argument supporting Proto-AA *pakuh’- as the ultimate source is that the *pak- root stem is
found in Chadic languages with the meaning of “arm”, “shoulder” and “wing”. These Chadic forms in
C.22a.1 correspond exactly in form and meaning to the root stem of the related Sanskrit pakSa “a wing”
“the shoulder” “a limb , member of the body”, but the Proto-IE *bhaghu means only “arm, hand,
elbow”.
Also Supplementary table 2 presents massive evidence of Afro-Asiatic matching with not only Sanskrit
roots, but also with very large portions of the Sino-Tibetan lexicon. Hence Sanskrit bāhúh̟ “arm” and
Sanskrit pakSa “a wing” “the shoulder” “a limb or member of the body” could be derived from different
migrations into E.Asia bearing different proto-roots one from West Asian IE and one from NE Africa; so
in this case Proto-Indo-European and Proto-AA both may well be ultimately derived from Proto-AA.
Table 8.1.1 Example of Proto-AA/ Proto-IE correspondences with IE-Sanskrit morphemes
C.22a.2 Sanskrit Proto-AA (Orel / Stolbova 1995) C.22a.2 TB-Proto-
pakSa “a wing” “the shoulder” *pakuh̟- “hand, arm” Kiranti
“a limb or member of the body” Proto- W. Chadic *bhák “shoulder”
pakSaka “a wing” *pak(k)a “wing, shoulder” / Altaic-Proto-
pakSagama “moving with wing, *(ba) + baka “wing” Mongolian
flying” pakSadhara “having W. Chadic–Tangale *baɣul- / bugul
wings” paka “hand, arm, branch, (front) paw” “shoulder”
upakaksa “reaching to the W. Chadic–N. Bauci Group-Karya TB-Tibetan
shoulder” pakə “arm” phyag “the hand”
prakaoSTha “the forearm” NS-Baka baka “arm” C.22a.1
praganda “the upper part of the NC-Gbaya baxa “arm” S. Chinese-Yue
arm” C.22a.1 [Cantonese] bok
pragraha “the arm” NC-Proto-Bantu “the shoulder, the
bāhúh̟ “arm” -bככk“ככarm” upper arm”
Hindi bāhu “arm” NC-Dagomba boktau “shoulder”
Bengali bāhu “arm” boɣo “arm” [lit. head of upper
Proto-IE *bhāg’h-u “arm, hand, arm]
elbow”
This single example does not resolve this question, and since the study does not include a
comprehensive comparison of ST with IE, more research is needed. In case of doubt, however, the fact
that AA is much older than IE weighs in favor of its being the ultimate source of such IE / AA close
correspondences..
8.1.3.1 The Semantic Domain A (Animals) 35 Sanskrit words for “cow”, “bull” and “castrate” match AA
forms. See (A.6a.2, A.6b.1, A.6c.2 and A.6d.1,3). This suggests that the Middle Eastern/African
domestication of bovids around 9000 BCE had spread into north India before the Aryan dominance which
by all estimates came later.396
The study also presents evidence that the Sanskrit names of animals such as the elephant, the lion, the
dog, the mouse, the buffalo, doves, crows and several types of insects have continental African language
origins as opposed to IE or Semitic ones. (See A section entries of the Supplementary table 2 Sanskrit
table)
This Domain also includes terms for animals or their products which are not found in Sinitic languages
but occur in Sanskrit and Tibeto-Burman, especially Tibetan. These are found in sets A.1a.1, A.9b.1,
A.9a.1-2, A.9c.1-2, A.14c.1-2, A.24, A.28.1 and A.35.1. See the list in Chapter 9 section 9.1.1 Tibetan-
only Domain A.
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Note 8.1.3.1 The earliest information on agriculture and domestication of animals in the Indus region comes
from archaeological research on settlements of the Kili Ghul Mohammed Phase. This period from 7000-5000 BCE
shows communities engaged in both farming and pastoral activity. (Possehl 29-30.) Possehl considers that wheat and
barley agriculture developed in the Indus region as an early extension of its emergence in northern Mesopotamia.
.(Possehl.28); Witzel holds that it was introduced from the west. (Witzel 1999b 29).
Cattle of the Asian zebu variety were certainly domesticated in this area of India. They appear on Indus
civilization seals. (Possehl 112, 128), but so do cattle without the tell-tale zebu hump (Possehl 119, 128). Carbon
dating of cattle bones and grain pollens shows that the domestication of cattle and the practice of agriculture were
well-established early in the Harappan civilization. See also Chapter 7 Section 7.4 and Chapter 9
Section 9.7 Bovids.
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8.1.3.2 Semantic Domain B (Natural objects) contains 39 Sanskrit / Hindi / Bengali ↔ ST < African/AA
word families.Of these:
8.1.3.2a 13 of the 39 denote soil or landforms
8.1.3.2b 9 of the 39 denote trees and plants including grains.
As described above in Chapter 7 the Sanskrit / Hindi / Bengali terms for grain which match an African
root are:
B.9.1-4 Sanskrit *mare “millet species” “sorghum” magha- “a species of grain”
B.26.1 IE-Bengali caul “rice (uncooked)”
B.27.1, 4-6
Sanskrit *gērō / *gyauro “millet, rice”,
Hindi jau “barley”
Sanskrit gur “barley”, rice, wheat”
B.35.2 Sanskrit cikkasa “barley meal” saktu “coarsely ground meal, grit, groats, esp. of
barley”
8.1.3.2c 6 of the 39 denote water and its forms (rivers, rain, clouds etc.
Hence in Domain B, there are-: Words for soils 13, Words for plants 9, Words for water 6 = Total 28.
8.1.3.3 Semantic Domain E (Cognitive/volitional language) contains 38 Sanskrit / Hindi / Bengali <
African / AA matching words, one of the three largest fields. It contains 6 basic language terms.
(See Sanskrit /IE supplementary table 2 E.1c.1 through E.33.2,4)
This semantic field does not seem to have been identified by Kuiper and Witzel as clearly constituting
part of a Sanskrit language X substratum. Many of its lexemes have apparently been considered to be
reflexes of Indo-European roots. However the E domain vocabulary corresponds to both Afro-Asiatic and
Sino-Tibetan roots which have generated very large word families.They are well-attested in both Tibeto-
Burman and Chinese languages. Of the 35 E Domain Sanskrit ↔ AA ↔ ST word family
correspondences 18 attest both Sanskrit ↔ (TB and Sinitic correspondences), and 4 attest Sanskrit ↔
Sinitic only correspondences. This militates strongly against any position which holds that they are of
direct IE origin. It could be argued, however, that they are loans into Sanskrit from Tibeto-Burman or
Chinese during the early historical period when Chinese empires controlled much of Central Asia.
Against such a hypothesis are the Table 8.1.4.3 Sanskrit ↔ Semitic correspondences below which
show in the E group the highest number and the highest percentage (31 and 79.5% ) respectively of the
A-H Domains. This points to a strong influence of the high culture of the Semitic kingdoms which traded
with the Indus inhabitants from 2500 BCE and with China on the Silk Road from100 BCE. (as
referenced in Chapters 4 Section 4.3.3, 5 Section 5.3 and section 9.9).
E Domain words which match AA and ST roots also attest two important concepts of Hindu religion
which are present in the Sanskrit word families. They are maya “illusion, trick, sorcery, witchcraft,
magic” (D.27b.3-Table 8.1a above) and kama “love, desire” (E.5c.1) both of which appear in the earliest
Vedic texts.
8.1.3.4 Semantic Domain F-Artefacts. Of the seven words for pottery and basketry identified in this
study as being common to African/AA and Sino-Tibetan languages (i.e.F.2a-F5 of the Chapter 2 A-H
tables), six of them are also found in Sanskrit. (See Sanskrit tables F.2a, F.3, F.4a, F.4b, F.4c, F.5.) All
six of these attest close correspondences with both Chadic and Semitic languages. See Chapter 2F notes
F.2a.1 (ST) on Indus pottery trade with Arabia, Chapter 2H Note H.39a.1 and Chapter 6 section 6.1.
D 13 = 68.4% of 19 w.f.
E 35 = 89.7% of 39 w.f.
F 18 = 78.2% of 23 w.f.
G 9 = 60.0% of 15 w.f.
H 33 = 86.8% of 38 w.f. Total: 203 = 83.8% of the Table 8.1.2 242 w.f.
Table 8.1.4.5
General comparison of AA subfamilies with Comparison of AA-subfamilies with Sanskrit,
all Chapter 2A-H word families = 508 w.f. Hindi, Bengali word families = 242 w.f.
(Chapter 4 Tables 4.3) (Supplementary table 2) % of correspondences
% of correspondences appearing in each AA appearing in each AA subfamily
subfamily (only 1 per w.f. counted).
(only 1 per w.f. is counted).
Chadic ↔ ST 71.8% Sanskrit ↔ Chadic ↔ ST 83.5%
Cushitic ↔ ST 54.2% Sanskrit ↔ Cushitic ↔ ST 64.6%
Semitic ↔ ST 42.8% Sanskrit ↔ Semitic ↔ ST 61.3%
Egyptian ↔ ST 18.2% Sanskrit ↔ Egyptian ↔ ST 24.3%
8.1.4.5.1 This analysis indicates that the Afro-Asiatic roots existing in Sanskrit came from an
African/AA-derived language present in western/northern India and western / northern Pakistan which
most probably predated the Indo-Aryan period; i.e. before c.2000 BCE. It left a substratum to Indo-Aryan
which was therefore plausibly a major part of the language spoken by the peoples of the Indus
civilization.
The data also points to a migration from Africa and West Asia which passed south of the Himalayas
into East Asia in the period before 3000 BCE when the Indus civilization was flourishing. On the
probable migration routes see Note- H.39a.1 and Chapter 9, section 9.6
8.1.5 Sanskrit correspondences with Proto-Afro-Asiatic roots
Sanskrit. ↔ (AA ↔ ST) word families containing Afro-Asiatic proto-roots = 62 = 29% of the 214
Sanskrit ↔ AA word families.
8.1.6 Basic language vocabulary in Sanskrit / Hindi / Bengali ↔ (African/AA ↔ ST) word families
The Sanskrit ↔ African /AA word family correspondences account for 40 members of the Swadesh
list, i.e. 40% of this basic language vocabulary. This is higher than the 28.3% basic language Swadesh
terms attested in the Chapter 3 section 3.2 report for the whole database, i.e.
Total 144 = 28.3% of the 508 word families.
8.1.7 Sanskrit / Hindi / Bengali polysyllabic lexical correspondences with (African/AA and/or ST)
word families
There are 185 = 36.4% of those in the 508 Chapter 2A-H word families.
Sanskrit /Hindi/Bengali examples of these are:
A.1c.4 Sanskrit cikura “a kind of bird”
< S. Khoisan-Masarwa ši-‖gu “bird”
> N. Chinese- MSC chīgù “sparrow hawk” / zhègū “Chinese francolin, partridge”
A.9a.1 Sanskrit khurutin “a horse”
< W. Chadic – Hausa aguru “donkey” / k’urù “pony”
> TB-Tibetan ku-rúg / gu-rug “colt of an ass ”
C.34.1 Hindi kāna “ear” / Sanskrit karəna “ear”
< NC-Mande-Atlantic-Bijogo kכnn“ כear” / Kordofanian-Tima (k)כn“ כear” /
NS-Kunama uku(na) “ear”, Kordofanian- Koalib / (k)öni “ear” / W. Chadic-Hausa kûnnē
“ear”
> TB- Bhramu, Anal kəna “ear” / TB-Naga-Tankhul khəna “ear” / TB- Naga-Rengma
əkhəna “ear”
E.11b.1 Bengali shɔngbad “news, information” / Hindi samvaddātā “reporter”
< W. Chadic-Hausa sambàtu “idle talk” > S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sàn “to report”
See many more examples in Supplementary Table 2.
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8.2 Conclusion. There was a pre-Sanskrit African /AA-derived west to north Indian language which was
a proximate source of Sino-Tibetan lexemes.
The existence in Sanskrit of a substantial vocabulary matching both African/ AA and Sino-Tibetan
language lexemes indicates that an important population of speakers of languages derived from Afro-
Asiatic was present on the north/northeast Indian plain in the pre-historic period. The data furnish
evidence that the Indus Valley and north Indian plain were a migration path and settlement area for
speakers of a mainly Chadic/Semitic based language. See also Chapter 9 sections 9.6 and 9.9.1.
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Chapter 9
Linguistic data relevant to African/AA-based migrations into the ST linguistic area
9.0 Information on migration from the west into the current Sino-Tibetan linguistic area has already been
provided in Chapter 4 Note 4.3.1. The present chapter reports additional study and analysis of specific
subsets of the Chapter 2 A-H data relevant to migration from Africa and West Asia into the Central and
East Asian areas.
9.1 Tibeto-Burman only and Sinitic only lexical correspondences with African /AA.
Words which occur only in [Tibeto-Burman AND African languages] OR only in [Sinitic AND African
languages] can furnish indicators of separate migrations from Africa into Central and East Asia by
speakers of an Afro-Asiatic predominantly Chadic dialect.
A 17 = 26.2% of 65 w.f.
A.1a “bird of prey” “crow” ”A.8 “wild ass, donkey” A.9a “ass, small horse, zebra”
A.9b “wild horse” “horse, zebra” A.9c “horse, donkey” A.9d “wealth, riches” “cattle, wealth”
A.10d “dog, puppy” A.12b “deer, goat, sheep” A.13a “crab” A.14c “louse” A.16 “oil,fat,
grease” A.17 “wild elephant, elephant” A.23 “rat, mouse” A.24 “wild yak, buffalo”
A.28 “buttermilk, milk” A.31 “monkey” A.32 “horn (of animal)”
B 11 = 16.4% of 67 w.f.
B.3d “earth” B.4 clay, earth” B.5b “stone, rock” B.8 “root” B.13 “smoke, dust”
B15f “paint, dye” B.23 “to warm, ignite” B.29 “star, moon”
B.30 “moon” B.31 ”planet, star” B.38 “chaff, husks”
C 13 = 14.3% of 91 w.f.
C.1b “throat, neck” C.5b “nose” “scent” C.7 “kidney” C.11 “corpse”
C.19 “skin, bark” C.20b “skin, leather” C.24a “knee”
C.32 “feed” C.34 “ear, hear” C.49 “sweat” “hot weather” C.50 “tooth”
C.51b “head” C.53 “blind”
D 9 = 15.8% of 57 w.f
D.2 “man, person” D.3a “child, son” D.19b “old, grandparent”
D.21c “weak” “tired” D.23 “owner, master” “village head” D.24 “slave, servant”
D.29 “big” “chief, ruler” “hero” D.33 “throw away” “set free”
D.38 “free, independent”
E 9 = 13.8% of 65 w.f.
E.5b.1 “desire, crave” E.6 “love” E.8d “shout, call out” E.13a “speech, language” “to say”
E.13b “speech, talk” E.23b “fear” “E.26 “to sleep” E.27 “difficult”
E.32 “doubt, quibbling, arguing”
F 10 = 21.4% of 43 w.f.
F.2b “gourd” F5 “cup, bowl” F.7b “circular, go round” “fence” F8a “round, a ball”
F.9a “to spin, roll” F.14 “needle, arrow” F.22 “mortar” F.24 “medicine” F.25 “road”
F.28 “lock, key”
G 5 = 15% of 40 w.f.
G.1a “hard, solid” G.2 “to rot, ferment” G.3 “flat, level” G.4 “white” G.6 “red”
H 17 = 23.8% of 80 w.f.
H.4a “to go, walk” H.5 “to go over, enter” H.8b “method, way”H.11 “to begin”
H.14 “to pierce, sew” H.15 “to slice, pare” H.17c “descend, sink” H.20b “to carry”
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H.21 “to carry” H.24a “clean, clear” H.24d “to wash, bathe” H.25c “excel” H.28 “grind”
H.30c “to chop, cut” H.38c “to graze” H.41.1 “twisting, turning” H.43 “to rub, scratch”
Total = 91 = 17.9% of 508 w.f.
9.1.2 Sinitic only ↔ African/AA language correspondences. The count is by word family with
breakdown and totals by Semantic domain:
A 8 = 10.8% of 65 w.f. .
A2a “bird” A.2b “small bird” A.3 “quail” A.10f “hyena, dog” A.14b “louse”A.22 “spider”
A.25 “hunchback, hump” “camel”A.30 “ant”
B 7 = 11.8% of 68 w.f.
B.5c “mound, hill” B.11b “fire” B.14d “flower” B.18b “soft, mushy” B.20.b “smoke”
B.34 “wet” “to water”B.36 “thunder”
C 12 = 13.2% of 91 w.f.
C.4 “lick, taste” C.9a “self, oneself” C.9b “corpse, body” C.12b “outside, external”
C.14 “navel” C.22b “arm, shoulder” C.31c “laugh at, mock”
C.31e “eat” C.37a “die” C.38a “hunger C.41a “face” “direction” C.41b “right side”
D 9 = 17.5% of 57 w.f. .
D.8 “child” D.11b “loan” D.15b “widow” ”alone”
D.17 “mortgage” “blood money” D.21b “tired, weak” D.22 “enemy”
D.26b “cunning” “ghost” D.26c “destroy, ruin” D.35 “young, youth”
E 16 = 24.6% of 65 w.f. .
E.4c “to know” E.7a “good, all right” E.7b “beautiful, good” E.7d “beautiful, good”
E.8a “say” E.8b “speak, announce” E.8c “law, judgement” E.8e “magic” “foretell”
E.11b “report, inform” E.13d “explain, say” E.13f “tell, say” E.18 “cautious, careful”
E.21 “flatter, encourage” E.29 “despise, mistrust” E.30 “compare with”
E.34 “explain” “obvious”
F 7 = 16.3% of 43 w.f.
F.3 “a gourd” F.6b “suburbs” ” boundary” F11 “boundary, limit”
F.17a “stop up, block up” F.17b “stop up, blockup” F.21b “axe, pole, stick”
F.23 “lane” “direction”
G 10 = 27.5% of 40 w.f..
G.11a “tall, high” “mountain” G.11b “big” G.13b “stay, lodge” G.20 “two” G.22 “eight”
G.24 “all” G.27 “be like, compare” G.31 “I, we” G.32 “I” G.33 “we”
H 13 = 15% of 80 w.f.
H.1 “pull” H.3a “come” H.3b “move backward” H.7b “step on” H.8a “to walk” “path”
H.9 “to move” H.13a “crowd together” “squeeze” H.13c.1 “enough” H.24c “sweep, brush”
H.27 “to breed, grow, spread out (plants)” H.32 “dig, scrape out” H.37 “thing, affair, business”
H.39b “consult with”
Total 82 = 16.1% of 508 w.f.
Totals
Thus there are 91 (Section 9.1.1) + 82 (Section 9.1.2) = 173 word families found in the study to exist
in only one of the ST language subfamilies (TB or Sinitic) = 173/ 508 = 34.1%.
9.2 This combined number of single ST subfamily occurrences (173= 34.1% of the 508 w.f ) gives
further support to the hypothesis of multiple migrations from Africa, especially since single language
lexemes show a limit to any assertion of internal migration as an explanation of the general similarity
between the TB and Sinitic lexicons. In so doing, they also support the traditional division of ST into
Tibeto-Burman and Sinitic subfamilies.
9.3 Migration indicators from A Domain
The TB-only Domain A (Animals) shows the second highest number of w.f. correspondences 17;
Sinitic A attests only 7. This is consistent with the higher TB A Domain totals reported in previous
837
comparisons. See Chapter 3 Table 3.1.2a and Chapter 4 Tables 4.3 as shown in the following excerpts
from these chapters.
The 3.1.2a-b Table comparison of the complete Chapter 2A-H African/AA database with Sino-Tibetan
subfamilies (Domain A-Animals) shows:
3.1.2a African/AA ↔ Tibeto-Burman (A Domain- Animals)
A= B= C= D= E = 76.1% F = G= H=
90.8% 83.3% 86.4% 72.1% 88.1% 67.5% 80.5%
3.1.2b African/AA ↔ Sinitic (A Domain- Animals)
A= B= C = 81.5% D = E = 83.6% F = G= H=
60.6% 74.2% 81.4% 81% 85% 63.6%
Thus the largest contrast is that between the African/AA ↔ Tibeto-Burman A Domain African/AA ↔
Sinitic correspondences 90.8% versus. 60.6% respectively. The percentage differences are smaller in the
other Domains..
The pattern for the A group is similar in the Chapter 4 Tables 4.3.1 results when only Afro-Asiatic
languages are compared.
4.3.1 Afro-Asiatic ↔ Tibeto-Burman ↔ Chadic (A Domain-Animals)
A= B = 80.6% C = D= E= F= G= H=
84.6% 75.8% 66.6% 66.2% 86% 62.5% 70%
Afro-Asiatic ↔ Sinitic Chadic (A Domain-Animals)
A= B= C= D= E= F= G =72.5% H = 60%
66.2% 73.1.2% 73.6% 71.9% 72.3% 69.8%
This reflects the fact that TB has correspondences with African words for horse, scorpion, pig,
butter/oil, rat/mouse (2 w.f.), cow’s milk, monkey, horn, yak/buffalo and grasshopper. Thus far no
Sinitic correspondences have been found for these African animals or their parts / products.
9.4 A provisional sketch of migration paths between NE Africa and East Asia.
What is generally called “the southern route”was traveled by Africans carrying early modern human
(Homo Sapiens Sapiens) genes who migrated along southern Asia into southeast Asia. (See Section 4.0.2
and Note 4.0.2(1) of the Introduction. Geneticists have been able to calculate the age of this migration as
being between 60,000 to 40,000 BCE, possibly from the Horn of Africa (Ehret 2002 22, Su, B.1999, 13
and Zhang 2007). Su and Zhang are geneticists. Geneticists use statistics to estimate the times and routes
of migrations by examining the level of diversity in a set of genes and the concentration of a particular
chromosome in the population of an area. The geneticist Peter Underhill was able to able to trace an
African / SW Asian chromosome R1 on a migration route from southwest Asia to East Asia. R1
bifurcated into R1a and R1b about 25,000 years ago. R1a branches into the Afghanistan-Pashtun-Pashto
language, the SW-Pakistani Baloch and SE-Asian Cambodian)..The highest frequencies of R1a-Z21235
occur in Kyrgystan (bordering NW China) and in Afghan Pashtuns at > 40%. (See Underhill 2015 Figure
2 ( 2c, d) + its following text, and Figure 5 #17 M780 / L657). Thoughout the study large numbers of
ST↔ Pashtun and ST↔ Pakistani-Sanskrit cognates have been identified.
As compared to genetics, language alone is a less effective tool for tracking migrations with any
geographic precision. The present chapter, however, suggests some global patterns of the movement of
populations based on linguistic data. We do not know what language they spoke, but the most likely
conjecture is that it was to some degree related to the Khoisan spoken today. These groups were hunter-
gatherers, since agriculture was invented many millenia later in the in the Neolithic period. Cave
depictions of animals in, for example, Lascaux, southern France indicate a fascination of the cave
dwellers with hunted animals; also the perfection of stone or bone arrowheads and spearheads suggests
that even earlier than the cave art, hominids were living from hunting.
In any inquiry about pre-Neolithic language, Khoisan becomes more relevant since it is much older
than Afro-Asiatic or the other African language superfamilies.(See Notes 1.1.3(1) and 1.1.3(2) The
present study has identified Khoisan as a source of much of the AA-African and ST comparative
838
lexicons. So the question arises as to whether it is only a remote source, i.e only of etymological
importance. To aid in this Supplementary table 3 has been structured to compare Khoisan with ST and
other languages of Central and East Asia. Finding Khoisan in ST does not, of course, guarantee that
Khoisan speakers have been migrating into E. Asia during the Neolithic, i.e during the last 15,000 years.
It does, however, open up the possibility that there is a surviving Khoisan substratum in both the northern
and southern regions of the ST linguistic area which is inherited from a Khoisan-speaking population
which migrated into Central and East Asia before the Neolithic and hence also possibly before the
emergence of the Afro-Asiatic, Niger-Congo and Nilo-Saharan superfamilies.
Some word families containing multiple Khoisan ↔ ST correspondences with Sino-Tibetan suggest that
their Khoisan roots are the result of such a pre-Neolithic migration into both the northern and southern
areas of the present-day ST linguistic region
The following word families show exceptional patterns as compared to others in the study:
C.34.1-Swadesh “ear”.
In this word family all the ST words are from TB languages. There are multiple Khoisan
correspondences (6 of 7 sets ) and sets 4 and 7 show only a TB ↔ Khoisan correspondence i.e. no other
African correspondence has been identified, nor is there a Semitic or Egyptian correspondencs in any of
the 7 sets.
C.20b.1 Swadesh “skin”. In this word famiy all five sets show TB only ↔ Khoisan correspondences
A.26.1-7 Swadesh “egg” In this word famiy 6 of the 7 sets have ST ↔ Khoisan correspondences.
Two of these are direct ST ↔ Khoisan correspondences (no other correspondences identified) .
A.10a-b “dog, hyena”
In these two closely related word families all but one of the correspondence sets are similar in that 8 of
the combined 9 sets contain Khoisan correspondences; 2 of these A.10a.5 and A.10a.6 thus far show no
AA, NC or NS correspondence); again no Semitic or Egyptian correspondence has been identified in
either word family.
In the study as a whole there are sets from 15 word families containing Khoisan lexemes for which no
other African language ↔ ST correspondence has been identified. (A.10a.5,6; A.26.5,7; A.33.2; B.20a.4,
B.30.2; B.31.2; C.6c.5,6; C.29b.2; C.33.3; C.34.4,7; E.13a.2; G.11b.1,2; G.30.2; H.17a.4; H.23a.2 and
H.28.2).
Of these the following 13 sets are in word families comprised of one or more basic language terms:
A.10a.5,6; A.26.5,7; A.33.2; B.20a.4, B.30.2; B.31.2; C.6c.5; C.33.3; C.34.4; E.13a.2; G.11b.1;
G.30.2 and H.23a.2.
See also Section 9.6 Bovids below on the ngàuh “buffalo” lexeme.
The above data suggests a provisional hypothesis that a linguistic remnant of one or more pre-Neolithic
migrations from Africa across Asia is present in Sino-Tibetan and perhaps other eastern and southeastern
Asian languages. See also Note C.29b.1 (Middle Chinese etc).
/
A.14a.1 Altaic-Turkic-Khakassian Altaic-Turkic-Tuvan sēk “fly”
W. Chadic–Hausa sik, sēk “fly” Altaic-Proto-Mongolian ciɣV- “locust” “wood
jìgā n.f. Altaic-Turkic-Oyrat louse”
“jigger flea” sēk “mosquito” -Mongolian-Buriat šigej- “locust” “wood
A.14a.2 A.14a.2 louse”
W. Chadic-Hausa Kartvelian-Laz čič- “firefly” -Mongolian-Kalmuck šigej- “locust”
mājib’āri Kartvelian-Georgian “wood louse”
“bee, fly” cicci-natela “firefly, moth” TB-Tibetan chig “louse”
Proto-AA IE-E. Iranian-Avestan A.14a.2
jibar- “bee, fly” makśī “Fliege” (Ger.) TB-Tibetan h̟ji-ba / h̟ji-wa “a flea”
[fly]
/
A.16.1 IE-Tocharian smare “smooth, oil” Proto-Tungus-Manchu
Proto-Chadic Proto-IE *smerw “butter, marrow” *mala “plant oil” /
*mar “oil” Proto-Altaic *male “plant oil” TB-Tibetan mar “butter”
C. Chadic-Tera Altaic-Turkic-Bashkir, Tatar, Turkmen, maa / margo “butter”
mar “oil” Kazakh, Uzbek mɔj “fat” marnaà “vegetable oil”
W. Chadic–Hausa Altaic-Turkic-Khakassian sar-maj Proto-Tungus-Manchu
mâi “oil, fat” / “butter” *mala “plant oil”
may “oil” < Proto-Altaic *male “plant oil” Bashkir, Uzbek mɔj “fat”
Proto-Chadic Altaic-Turkic-Tatar, Turkmen, Kazakh, Altaic-Kyrgyz,
*mar “oil” Uyghur mɔj “fat”
/
844
The data of the research suggests two probable northern routes from NE Africa to the ST speaking area of
E.Asia.
9.5.1.2 The northernmost route.
The migrations of AA-Chadic- and early Egyptian-speakers out of northeast Africa moved along the
Eastern Mediterranean coast at least as far as northern Syria and probably also central and southeastern
Turkey. From this area the migrants moved east into the southern Caucasus, and Azerbaizhan, then into
northwestern Iran and along the southern coast of the Caspian Sea.
845
In north central Iran one migration followed north of the central Iranian desert into south-central
Turkmenistan. From there an ancient route leads to Samarkand in central Uzbekistan, then into Eastern
Uzbekistan, SW Kyrgystan and Northwest China’s Xinjiang province, then across the Taklamakan
Desert into the Gansu corridor which leads to NW China’s Gansu, Shaanxi, and Henan provinces as well
as present-day North Chinese Inner Mongolia. See Regueiro 2006 Fig.1 and Zhong 2011 718.
9.5.1.2.2
Altaic-Mongolian lexemes’ show the end point (in Asia) of the Central and E. Asian northernmost route
The numbers and percentages of word families containing two or more Altaic-Mongolian
correspondences with African and Sino-Tibetan lexemes are reported for each Domain as follows:
Domain A- 65 word families of which:
20 attest multiple Altaic / Mongolian ↔ African ↔ ST lexical corresp. = 30.77%
Domain B- 67 word families of which:
19 attest multiple Altaic / Mongolian ↔ African ↔ ST lexical corresp. = 28.4%
Domain C- 91 word families of which:
16 attest multiple Altaic / Mongolian ↔ African ↔ ST lexical corresp. = 17.6%
Domain D- 57 word families of which:
11 attest multiple Altaic / Mongolian ↔ African ↔ ST lexical corresp. = 19.3%
Domain E- 65 word families of which:
4 attest multiple Altaic / Mongolian ↔ African ↔ ST lexical corresp. = 6%
Domain F- 43 word families of which:
16 attest multiple Altaic / Mongolian ↔ African ↔ ST lexical corresp. = 38.1%
Domain G- 40 word families of which:
4 attest multiple Altaic / Mongolian ↔ African ↔ ST lexical corresp. = 10%
Domain H- 80 word families of which:
14 attest multiple Altaic ↔ Mongolian ↔ African ↔ ST lexical corresp. = 17.9%
The two largest perecntages are in Domain F at 38.1% and Domain A Animals at 30.77% with the
lowest in the E Domain (cognitive/volitional terms) at 6%
846
So the 9.5.1.2.2 Altaic / Mongolian data show an even greater contrast between the A and E domains in
North Central Asia as opposed to the more southerly routes.
9.5.1.3 Discussion The above 9.5.1-2 data are consistent with Blench and others’ position that foragers
lived on the high Tibetan plateau up to 10000 years ago and were the earliest speakers of Tibeto-
Burman. (Blench 2010a 13-14 including Fig. 6). He considers that these early hunter/gatherers lived in
an arc across the slopes of the southern Himalayas. With respect to this hypothhesis it is noteworthy that
the A.8 Tibetan-only rkyan “Tibetan wild ass”, and A.9b Tibetan-only dagoo “wild horse” both refer
to wild animals.
Blench further posits that domestic animals were added to the previous culture based on hunting and
foraging, and this “livestock revolution” took place in the mid-level Himalayas. These other early
speakers of Tibeto-Burman were yak herders who moved up and settled permanently on the high
Tibetan plateau from 6000 to 5000 years ago. (Blench 2010a 12 Fig.5). The above-cited data support this
position since the greatest contrast in total number of correspondences in a single Semantic Domain is in
the A (Animals) group. The Altaic A subset contains names of animals which are still central to the
herding culture of the central and north Tibetan Himalayas. See also Note-D.36.1 (Hausa).
9.5.1.4 A north central route. Some migrations of speakers of AA languages followed a similar path
into western Iran but passed south of the central Iranian desert into northern Afghanistan, eastern
Tajikstan and into the southern Taklamakan desert. The human populations who lived in this area (at that
time humid) possessed high levels of West Asian/African genes. Li , Chunxiang 2010 and Di Cristofaro,
J. 2013. This NW entrance into China is through the same Gansu corridor and Henan province mentioned
above.
The Altaic-Turkic languages extend from Turkey in West Asia to the Kyrgyz, and Uyghur populations
which respectively border on and are within Northwest China. The Altaic Mongolian and Tungus
Manchu language areas are spoken within North China and Mongolia. Altaic languages dominate in
these areas but there is evidence of an AA substraturm (as reported in section 9.5.1.2.2 above)
9.5.2.1 The single lexeme B.27.6 A suggests a migration path showing the spread of grain from Africa to
East Asia using Afro-Asiatic ↔ Asian language correspondences.
847
Schema from close correspondence set B.27.6 representing the historical spread of grain
agriculture from NE Africa to East Asia on a south central route.
NE-Africa- West Asia S. Central Asia East Asia
Northeast West Asian South Central Asian East Asian
African/Afro- correspon- correspondences with correspondences with
Asiatic roots dences with African/Afroasiatic roots and their African / Afro-Asiatic roots
(Egypt and N.E. African / West Asian /Central Asian cognates and their West Asian /
Sudan) Afro-Asiatic (SE-Iran, Afghanistan, SW- Central Asian cognates.
B.27.6 roots (Syria / Pakistan, Northern and (North Myanmar, South
AA-Egyptian Palestine, Northeastern India) China)
tchaau Northern B.27.6 IE-SE-Iranian-Baluchi B.27.6
“a kind of seed Iraq, ʒ�
�aw “barley” TB-Burmish-Bola (Luxi) /
or grain” Caucasus, IE-Pashto jau “barley” (Central -Atsi (Zaiwa) khjau
AA-Chadic-N. West and and South Afghanistan) “buckwheat
Bauci group Central Iran) j’war sing. / j’wari pl. SW Chinese tɕiau
*gyauro B.27.6 “the name of a grain “buckwheat”
“millet” AA-Semitic- (Holcus sorghum)” South Chinese-Kejia
AA-Chadic- Written (Northwest/North India (Hakka)
Hausa k’auraa Arabic IE-Hindi, Urdu jowar “sorghum” k’iaw “buckwheat”
“sorghum jawwar IE-Hindi jau “barley” S.TB-Tujia khu tɕiau
bicolor” “rye” cāval “rice” (NE India) “bitter buckwheat”
W. Chadic- (Central IE-Bengali caul “rice, S.TB-Burmish-Bola (Luxi)
Gwandara Caucasus) (uncooked)” tɕiau “buckwheat”
gyoro “millet” N. Iranian- Austro-Asiatic-Munda- Hmong-Mien-Proto-Mienic
gyero Ossetian Kherwarian-Ho-Mundari tʃaʊ’li / *jǽu “buckwheat”
“bullrush millet” jaw “millet” tʃau’li “rice” / -Santali tʃaʊ’le Daic-Tai-Dehong
“rice” (Northeast India) ɕiau “buckwheat”
9.6 Bovids. Different breeds of cattle in Sinitic suggesting northern and south central migration
routes
As mentioned in Note A.21a.1 and chapter 6, modern Chinese cattle have been recognized as
genetically belonging to three groups distributed geographically between the north, central and southern
regions. “Phylogenetic analysis suggests that the southern breeds are dominated by zebu mtDNA, whereas
the northern breeds are dominated by taurine mtDNA.” The central groups are hybrids of the two.
“These data strongly suggest that cattle were introduced to China from the north and south through
different routes”. (Liu / Chen 106).
The most common name in north China is N. Chinese-MSC / Beijing niú “ox” (A.21b.1) where
Taurine cattle are prevalent ; in South China and southern TB the more common name is that of
S. Chinese-(Cantonese), -Kejia (Hakka) ngàuh / ku3 / gǔ3 “buffalo, ox, cattle, cow” or TB-N. Naga-
Chang ŋʌ̂u “cattle” (A.21a.1) where Zebu cattle are mainly found. (See chapter 6 section 6.2.2.3 and
Liu / Chen 106). Sanskrit attests the southern forms but not the northern niú ones. Sanskrit gaura
means “buffalo” or “bull”.(See A 21a.1) ; This name is the same as that of the gaur a wild bovid found
throughout Southeast Asia. (See also notes A.21a.1 and A.25.1-3).
Words of the proposed Sanskrit substratum are found across a route from SW Pakistan to NE India.
Beside the ngàuh form, the san- / shan- root is present in south Chinese, southern IE, and the
southern TB languages, e.g A.6b.2 IE-Sanskrit sanDa “a bull fit for breeding”, IE-Pashto sāndda
“a male buffalo”, S.Chinese- Cantonese sàng / sàngchūk “livestock”, TB-Kiranti-Yamphu sanga
“buffalo”, TB-N. Naga-Chang ŋʌ̂u “cattle”
The ngàuh root is probably historically the oldest word designating bovids since it appears in three
Khoisan variants which mean “buffalo”. Hence its appearance in southern Sinitic and southern Tibeto-
Burman implies the possibility that it was present in the earliest migration of African language speakers
848
into Southheast Asia. This is also suggested by the fact that not all migrations seem to be restricted to an
exactly defined area.of East / Southeast Asia. For example the gu morpheme meaning “bovids” is also
found in N. Chinese-Beijing (A.21a.3) and a variant form of the niú morpheme is found in the
southeastern TB-C. Loloish-Lahu as nu “cattle” (A.21b.1 Extended). This may be the result of mixing of
the breeds as mentioned in Chapter 6 section 6.2.2.3 or multiple migrations into and within the ST
lingusitic area. See also note A.21b.2 (Old Chinese).
The only words clearly designating bovids in non-ST Central and East Asian languages are found in
IE-Sanskrit/ Pashto and Austro-Asiatic-Munda, a language of pre-Neolithic origin found in northeast
India. In the following table the Munda roots have also been identified in TB-Kiranti, and TB-Jingpho
with meanings of “buffalo” or “animal, meat”.
Of particular interest in this case are the Hausa variants which attest both non-palatalized and
palatalized initial velars each of which corresponds to a Chinese form. The non-palatalized g- initial is
the more conservative form. This matches the C. Khoisan-Proto-Khoe form meaning “acacia tree”, the
source of gum arabic.
Palatalization of velars before /i/ is a feature which distinguishes Southern and Northern Chinese
dialects. (Norman 182.) A standard theory holds that palatalization occurred in Chinese between the
periods of Old and Middle Chinese, but the Southern dialects Min and Kejia dialects preserved their
original g-/k- velars. (Norman 211). The migration from Africa hypothesis is consistent with a position
that this northern /southern Chinese morphological difference is the result of different migrations of Chadic
speakers into E. Asia during the Holocene, the one carrying non-palatalized initial velars, probably earlier than
the other. See also Notes A.18a.2 (Central Chadic) B.32.1,3, C.10.2-3 and sets H.16.1-2.
Chapter 10
Aspects of comparative morphology and grammar
10.0 The Chapter 5 comparison of W. Chadic-Hausa with Sino-Tibetan languages concluded that Hausa
had a particularly important influence on Sino-Tibetan. The present chapter explores this relationship in
terms of morphology and grammar.
10.1. Morphology-Polysyllabic correspondences
This study does not count as polysyllabic morphemes those made up of compounds of TB or Chinese
roots which are themselves monosyllabic and can exist as independent morphemes. Many words
sometimes considerd as polysyllabic in Chinese are obviously the result of compounding of independent
roots which originally had different meanings.397 Many of the components of these compounds have been
identified as independent monosyllabic roots in Old Chinese; they were formed into compounds in
modern Chinese languages as a response to the need for expressing, e.g. more nuanced concepts in social
sciences or for describing new technology and its artefacts. In this study polysyllabicity refers to
correspondences between polysyllabic roots existing in both African/AA and ST. As such they can be
called etymologically polysyllabic morphemes.
A different case of compounding is that of bound roots. What might at first appear to be a suffix is
actually a lexeme which, when attached to other lexemes, gives them a different but related meaning.
Modern Standard Chinese uses several AA morphemes to create these bound forms which
grammatically are compounds. Those derived from AA lexemes are:
G.12.4 -du “degree,” D.25.1 -er “diminutive suffix and/or “nominalizer”, D.16.2 -xing “nature”,
D.3.c.1 -zi “diminutive suffix” and/ or “nominalizer” and G.32a.1 -men “human plural marker”.
Etymological polysyllabic correspondences in word families are tracked in the Chapter 2 A-H tables
by flagging them in the first column. All but three of these are disyllabic correspondences. In these three
cases matching on three syllables is found, and they are labeled “trisyllabic”. The use of bold type for
each matching syllable identifies the root correspondence.
The following two close correspondence sets attest etymological polysyllabic (trisyllabic and disyllabic)
morphemes
.
Table 10.1 Examples of close correspondences between disyllabic and trisyllabic morphemes
Swadesh “bird” A.1b.1 TB-Tibetan tsa-ko-ra W. Chadic-Hausa zàkaràa m.
“a partridge” dza-go-ra “partridge” [Trisyllabic corresp.] “rooster” sàagarā f. “pullet”
F.5.1TB-Kiranti- W. Chadic– E. Cushitic- Semitic- NC-
Limbu Gwandara Rendille Arabic Fulfulde
/ TB-Nepalese koriya “calabash, karaáya / (Iraqi) [Fulani]
*khuriyā calabash bowl” karaáyo quuri kōriyāje
/ *khoriyā W. Chadic–Hausa “basin” quuriyyat “a large pot
“small metal cup” kória E. Cushitic- pl. “kettle, for keeping
[Trisyllabic “Flaschenkurbiss” Sidamo kûre f. teapot” sour milk”
corresp.] [bottle gourd] “large pottery jar”
397
Note 10.1 When the components of a compound have been identified in the study, many have been noted
in the Extended section of the table by citing the data record numbers of both the roots in question, e.g.
1. C.48.2 Chinese- Cantonese (Extended) màchán “measles” (Kwan 290) [a compound of this (the C.48.2 ma
root) and the C.47a.1 chán root]
2. C.38b.2 Chinese – Cantonese (Extended) yùhngkwan ”tired and indolent” (Chik / Ng Lam 156) [a compound
of this (the C.38b.2 yùhng root) and the C.38c.1 kwan root ]
3. E.8a.1 Chinese- Beijing tánhuà (Lit. talk words) (Yip, Po-Chin 2004 90) [Compound of this (the E.8a.1 huà
root) and that of E.19.3]
(For compounds in which a particular African/AA lexeme has generated an extensive semantic field in Chinese see
Notes E.1b.4 (Beijing) and D.3c.1-2 (Cantonese, Tibetan).
853
E. Chadic – Bidiya
kōriyo “gourde a
eau” [gourd for
water]
The disyllabic / trisyllaic variance between this and the following morphemes is due to a sonnd change
rule in Hausa through which a “feminative” suffix –iya converts disyllabic morphemes into trisyllabic
ones as also in the Tibetan *k’ugì > k’ugìya below. See Newman, P. 2000 210, 214 Rule 2. See note
F.5.1 (TB-Nepalese, Kiranti, Chadic). This implies that the following F.5.2 disyllabic form became the
above F.5.1 trisyllabic one. Hence the F.5.2 TB-Tibetan is derived from th earlier disyllabic form and the
F.5.1 TB-Kiranti *khoriyā inherited the later trisyllabic one; so the Khoisan disyllabic form is the
probable ultimate etymon.
The same sound change rule reported in the preceding word family explains the difference between
Tibetan ‘kyōgge > kyכggy ככin this close correspondence.
C.24b.3 TB-Tibetan W. Chadic – Hausa NC-Fulfulde
gugyaà “to hook something” k’ugi > k’ūgìyā f. [Fulani]
kyכggyכככ/ gyōggyכככ/ gy�K ggew a “hook” “anchor” koga
“crooked, twisted, bent” [pronounced “be bent U-
[Disyllabic corresp.] ky’ūgìyā] shaped”
< ‘kyōgge “crooked”
continuous action nominalizing suffix and hence are etymologically disyllabic as lexemes also. (See note
E.9a.3.1 and section 10.2.2 below on the Hausa nominalizing suffix.)
Thus when TB is compared to African/AA roots, the various languages attest a large number of
etymologically disyllabic TB ↔ AA morphemes, as in the following selected examples:
10.1.1 Tibeto-Burman
1. A.1a.1 TB-Tibetan kharada “name of a bird”
< W. Chadic–Hausa kařàmbatàa n.f. “eagle, kestrel species” / NS-Kanuri kaji karáabe
“wild guinea fowl”
2. A.7b.1 TB-Jingpho [Kachin] gəsat ~ kəsat “to fight, a fight”
< W. Chadic- Gwandara kàshe-kàshe vg.4 (completive aspect) “to kill” /
Egyptian ketcha ketcha “to kill, to throw down”
3. A.9a.1 TB-Tibetan ku-rúg “colt of an ass” / gu-rug ‘colt or foal of an ass’
< W. Chadic–Hausa aguru “donkey” / k’urù “horse of small stature” / C. Chadic – Masa kūro
“l’ane” [ass, donkey].
4. A.2a.2 TB-Tibetan ciiwə “sparrow” [occurs also in Chinese below]
< E. Cushitic-Burji c’úuw-ee “chicken” / E. Cushitic- Qabenna ĉuwa-ĉuwēta “chick”
5. A.9b.1 Tibetan (Lhasa dialect) dagöö̀ “a wild or untrained horse”
< W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Mburke, Jimbin dáakù “horse” / C. Chadic-Margi tágú “horse”
6. A.9c.1 Tibetan (Lhasa dialect) dəwa “colt”
< C. Chadic- Bacama dèwé “horse” / Proto-AA *dawak “equid”
7. A.17.1 Tibetan (Lhasa dialect) laŋgöö “wild elephant”
< Chadic root làngá “elephant” / W. Chadic- N. Bauci group-Pa’a làngá “elephant”
8. A.19a.1 Tibetan (Lhasa dialect) seŋge “mythical snow lion”
< C. Chadic –Bura singi / tsingi “lion” / C.Chadic-Masa zìŋil “la panthere”[panther] / W. Chadic-
Pero cəŋgin “lion” / E. Chadic- Kwang sèmki / sémgí “lion”
9. B.3d.1 Tibetan (Lhasa dialect) khasheè “a place (conveys a vagueness about which place)”
< E.Cushitic-Sidamo qaççe “border, frontier, boundary, end, suburbs, rural area”, ga-śed “the
approximate direction, region / Maba Group- Masalit kasε / káas-è “countryside or quarter” ”desert”
10. C.5a.1 TB-Nung śəna “nose” / TB- Kadu səna “nose”
< C. Chadic-Gude shina / tshiná / shina “nose” / W. Chadic- N. Bauci-Warji tsín-na / tshíná /
cìnna “nose” / N. Cushitic-Beja šin’(a) “nostril” / Zagawa sina “nose”.
11. H.30a.3 TB-Tibetan chaàgεε “cracked”
< W. Chadic-Hausa tsāgèe vi. grade 4 verb “become split, cracked” tsāgèe = completive aspect
10.1.2 Sinitic
Although Chinese languages are pervasively monosyllabic, there are still many cases in which Chinese
lexemes and matching African/AA lexemes are etymologically disyllabic:
1. A.2a.2 Old Chinese- tsywij “generic term for short-tailed birds” / N. Chinese-MSC ch’ūèh (WG)
“the magpie, jackdaw, jay and similar birds” máchywè (Y) “sparrow”
< E. Cushitic-Burji c’úuw-ee “chicken” / West Semitic-Ethiopian c’əw / c’wəya “chick” / N. Cushiic-
Beja [Bedauye] siwi “chick”
2. A.22.1 N.Chinese-MSC zhīzhū “spider” / S.Chinese- Cantonese jìjyū “spider (insect)”
< C. Chadic-Mada dudu gizuwe “spider” / W. Chadic–Hausa gízògizò “spider” /
W. Chadic– Gwandara ògɨzògɨzò “spider” (See also Note-A.22.1)
3. A.10f.1 S.Chinese-Cantonese wùhlei “fox”
< NC- N. Mande-Soninke wulle “dog”
4. D.14.1 S.Chinese- Cantonese ngábā “mute (boy)” “a deaf mute person”
< W. Chadic-Hausa gāb’òo m. gāb’ùwā f. “simpleton, fool” gāb’ùb’u / gāb’òo “fool” /
Semitic-Arabic ġabaa “stupidity, ignorance, foolishness”, ġābaawa “stupid person” “ignorance,
foolishness, stupidity”
855
Table 10.1.3b Word families containing one or more ST ↔ Hausa polysyllabic close
correspondences
As mentioned in Chapter 5 section 5.4 it is noteworthy that W. Chadic-Hausa ↔ ST correspondences
constitute a high number of polysyllabic matches with ST. These by semantic/syntactic domain are:
W. Chadic-Hausa ↔ ST polysyllabic correspondences
Semantic/Syntactic Domain A 13 (44.8% of 30 polysyllabic correspondences)
Semantic/Syntactic Domain B 12 (60% of 21 polysyllabic correspondences )
Semantic/Syntactic Domain C 21 (56.7% of 36 polysyllabic correspondences)
Semantic/Syntactic Domain D 15 (57.7% of 26 polysyllabic correspondences)
Semantic/Syntactic Domain E 14 (66.6% of 24 polysyllabic correspondences)
Semantic/Syntactic Domain F 16 (76.2% of 22polysyllabic correspondences)
Heterogeneous word family G 4 (80% of 6 polysyllabic correspondences)
Semantic/Syntactic Domain H 9 (60% of 20 polysyllabic correspondences)
Total ST ↔ African/AA word families containing Hausa polysyllabic correspondences:
104 (= 56.2% of the 185 polysyllabic correspondences)
10.2 Affixes
10.2.0 Suffixes
10.2.1 Chinese/TB ↔ Hausa verb grade semantic/syntactic correspondences based on verb suffixes
Some morphological similarities between Hausa and Chinese / TB verbs were identified in the study,
particularly in the E and H sections. As mentioned in Chapters 2E and 2H these Hausa verb forms occur
in a number of different morphological / grammatical categorie s called grades. They represent different
aspects of actions denoted by the verb. Thus basic verb forms are modified by adding several different
suffixes which produce important semantic shifts. There is evidence that this is important for
constructing some Chinese etymologies. Reviewed from a perspective of polysyllabicity these are:
10.2.1.1 Hausa primary verb grades
grade 1 (vg.1) usually functions as basic form transitive. Newman, P. 2000 633
grade 2 (vg.2) also serves as basic form transitive. Newman, P. 2000 637
grade 3 (vg.3) basic form intransitive. This grade ends in short –a which is the mark of its
intransitive status. Newman, P. 2000 643 See Note H.6b.1
Most correspondences of Chinese-TB morphemes with Hausa verbs are based on grade 1 or grade 2
basic form verbs. Usually the final vowel of the Hausa form has disappeared in the TB or Chinese
correspondence, but the root is intact. Grade 1 and 2 verbs are not flagged as such in the table entries.
Other grades are flagged as vg.3, vg.4 etc.
10.2.1.2 Hausa secondary (derived) verb grades.
grade 4 (vg.4) completives These express totality or finality of the action. The suffix -èe denotes this
aspect. The verbs can be transitive or intransitive. (Newman, P. 2000 648). In the following cases the
ST morpheme gives evidence of having retained the completive form of the Hausa verb. All are examples
of disyllabic correspondence between Hausa and ST lexemes.
. -H.30a.3 TB-Tibetan chaàgεε “cracked”
< W. Chadic-Hausa tsāgèe vi. grade 4 verb “become split, cracked” tsāgèe = completive
aspect of Hausa
The Hausa tsāgàa verb grade 1 vt. “split, crack, rip” “make cut or incision into something”
is the basic form of this Hausa verb. It corresponds to the Tibetan H.30a.1 ɣśág-pa “to cleave,
to split”. The Tibetan chaàgεε lexeme meaning “cracked” represents the final state of the object.
The form is vestigial in the sense that the Hausa verb grade structure is not productive in TB.
-G.2.2 TB-Tibetan rüübə “rotten”
< W. Chadic-Hausa rub’èe vg.4 completive “rot, go bad, become fermented”
In this case both the Hausa grade1 ru’bàa vt. & vi. “ferment” (G.2.1)
and the Hausa grade 4 rub’èe “become fermented” (G.2.2) show a disyllabic
correspondence with Tibetan but the grade 4 Hausa rub’èe is closer.
857
-H.25b.1 TB-Tibetan tsε�“to compete with, against” “to compete”, ts�lεε ge̱e “to surpass
/ exceed (a quota, norm, limit)”
< W. Chadic–Hausa tsērèe + indirect object Grade 4 verb vi. “escape, flee”
”outstrip, outrun” “be saved” completive aspect of Hausa tsira verb grade 3 which
in this case has a similar meaning “escape, get away safely, be saved”.
-C.46.1 N. Chinese-MSC nìsî “to be drowned” (person, animal)” vi. / S.Chinese- Cantonese
niksei o drown”
< W. Chadic-Hausa nitsèe grade 4 completive “sink” “drown (sink into)”
“vanish into water”
-A.7b.1 TB-Jingpho [Kachin] gəsat ~ kəsat “to fight, a fight”
Proto-Tibeto-Burman *g-sat = *g-săt “kill, fight, strike”
“The general Tibeto-Burman sense is “kill by striking” / TB-Jingpho [Kachin] gəsat ~
kəsat “to fight, a fight” [Disyllabic corresp.]
< W. Chadic-Gwandara kàshe-kàshe vg.4 (completive aspect) “to kill” /
-E.32.1 TB-Tibetan dɔ̄gge “sophistry, rtog-ge “the act of arguing, reasoning, dialectics”
< W. Chadic-Hausa tōgèe vg.4 (completive) “deny, take back one’s word”
“hold back, withdraw, stand aloof” “hide, withhold” “withhold one’s true feelings”
tōgèe gaskiya “withhold the truth”
-F.6a.3 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) wài “to surround, to enclose, to encircle’
“surrounding environment” / wàiHhéi vt. “enclose (by a fence)”
< W. Chadic-Hausa kèewàyèe vg.4 vt. completive “surround, enclose”
- F.17b.1 N. Chinese-MSC dûsè “stop up, block up”
< W. Chadic–Hausa tōshèe / taushe verb grade 4 vt. completive “stop up, plug up”
“stop up (e.g. a drain)” “block (clog an opening, hole” “be(come) stopped up” “seal up an
opening” / matōshii “stopper, cork”
-H.6a.3 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) chēut “to go out” / chēutheui “to go out”
< W. Chadic-Hausa shud’èe vg.4 “go away” “to pass by” “pass through, pass by”
grade 5 (vg.5) efferentials This term used by P. Newman refers to the function of the verb aspect which
denotes action directed out and away from the speaker. This grade is marked by a suffix -ař. These verbs
are transitives, but are not true causatives. (Newman, P. 2000 655)
-B.15e.3 TB-Tibetan shó-ba / bsho-ba “to pour out, to pour away”
< W. Chadic–Hausa zubař vt. vg.5 (efferential) “pour out, spill out” “pour out, away” “throw
away quantity of something. (See Note B.15e.3 (Tibetan, Hausa).
-G.2.1 TB-Tibetan rúl-ba “to rot, get rotten, to become putrid”
W. Chadic – Hausa “ferment” ru’bar (dà) vg.5 efferential vt. “ferment” [to ferment
something]
grade 6 (vg.6) ventives The ventive grade is marked by an –o suffix. It denotes action or movement
in the direction of the speaker (or previous place of reference). (Newman, P. 2000 663)
H.1.2 Chinese-Cantonese chàu “to draw out” “to pull out or open” / Chinese-Wu tshɤw2
“to draw out” “to pull out or open”
< W. Chadic – Hausa jāwō grade 6 verb (ventive) vt. “pull (here), drag (toward
speaker)” “pull this way”
The basic form of the Hausa jāwō is jā “pull, drag. (Chinese correspondences to this basic
form are H.1.1 Chinese-Wu tsha5 ”to pull, drag” and Chinese-Hakka cha3 “to pull, drag”)
H.2.1 Chinese-Min kau3 v. “to arrive, reach, direction, to, up to, until” “arrive, go to, been
to” / Chinese- Cantonese gàau “to arrive, reach, direction to, up to, till”
< W. Chadic–Hausa kāwō grade 6 verb (ventive) vt. “bring” “reach here” “arrive” vi.
“approach, get close to” The kāwō ventive is derived from a basic form kai “take, take to”
E.13e.3 S.Chinese-Hakka kiau5 / giau5 v. “call, summon” /
858
S.Chinese-Min kiau2 “call arms” v. “summon to arms” n. / kiôu “to call, to order”
< W. Chadic – Hausa kirāwō grade 6 verb (ventive) vt. “call here, summon” [“call to
come here” ventive form of kirā “call, summon].
-F.6a.3 S.Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) wàaihyiuh / wàaihjyuh vt. “enclose” “to encircle,
surround / wàihyiu n. “environment (surroundings)”
< W. Chadic- Hausa kēwayō vg.6 vi. ventive “come around again” /
W. Chadic-Ngizim áakwàyú “boundary (of a farm etc.)”
-H.3a.2 N. Chinese-MSC dào vi. “come”
< W. Chadic- Hausa tahō vg.6 vi. ventive “arrive, come” “come this way”
The ventive aspect is also used for actions which are performed for the benefit the speaker (such as “eat,
drink” vi. action terminating in the subject) as opposed to “feed”
-C.31a.5 N. Chinese-MSC hsiáo (WG) “to eat” / TB-Tibetan bcah’-wa n.
“a drinking or drink”
< W. Chadic- Hausa shāwō “drink vg.6 ventive of < shā “drink, eat, (juicy fruits or
sweets”)
grade7 (vg.7) sustentative / passive
These verbs are strictly intransitive. They indicate that the subject of the verb has sustained or is capable
of sustaining some action, and often correspond to the English passive.
(Newman, P. 2000 664). The suffix is -u or –wu.
-E.7c.1 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (MacIver) kiau3 “correct, rectify, straighten” /.
E.7c.2 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] chau1 “be more than, exceed, be better than, excel”
< E.7c.1 W. Chadic-Hausa gyàaru vg.7 vi. sustentative / passive
has passive meaning” “be repaired” “be well repaired” /
E.7c.2 W. Chadic-Hausa k’àaru vg.7 vi. . sustentative / passive “improve, get, become
better”
-H.39a.4 Chinese- Hakka siau1 / xiau1 “be marketed, sell, be circulated” / Chinese-MSC
hsiāo, siāo, xiau1 “to sell”
< W. Chadic- Hausa sàyu grade 7 verb ] “be bought (completely)” “be well bought”
[bought out?] [sustentative / passive form of sàyā or sauya “exchange”] (See Note E.13e.3)
Chinese- Hakka kiau5 / giau5 v. “be called, known as”
< W. Chadic- Hausa verb grade 7 kiràawu “be called” [sustentative form of kirā “call,
summon]
-E.13e.4 S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (Meixian) kiau5 / giau5 v. “be called, known as”
< W. Chadic–Hausa kiràawu vg.7 vi. sustentative / passive “be called”
An example of current usage is: Bayahudi singular masc. “Jew” Yahudawa pl. [Jewish people]
Newman, P. 2007 19. A lexical source may be bá’h or baá “people, community, society” Pillinger 74
Other African examples:
W. Chadic-Hausa bà’askare sing. askarawa pl. “soldier” Awde 1996 9
NS-Kanuri The –wa suffix also forms the plural in NS-Kanuri, e.g. telamwa tongues, languages” (Kanuri
tə́lam “tongue”) (C.2c.3) Cyffer 1990 xiii, 173 hawarwa “news, stories” Cyffer 1990 xiii, 66
hawar “story, news, information” (E.8a.1)
Tibetan appears to have retained the Hausa / Kanuri suffixed plural form in the Tibetan suffixed *-wa
= *-ba. See Jaschke “Phonetic Table”xix-xx..
This affix is still productive in the Hausa language. See Newman, P. 2007 Appendix B, 242 for more
examples of its contemporary usage for forming ethnonyms.
Basically the suffix denotes an association of the person with some place or activity. It is also used to
denote the profession, adherence or status of a person, e.g. Hausa badukuu “leather worker” sing.
dukaawa pl. from dukancci “leather working” Newman, P. 2000 170-171. See also Note C.31a.3
In many Niger-Congo-Bantu languages ba- is a plural prefix which generates names for roots
signifying ethnic groups. For example, an individual person of the Baganda group of Uganda is a
Muganda, and the people as a whole are called the Baganda.
These affixes furnished an important basis for comparison of Niger-Congo morphology with previous
classifications of “Western Sudanic” languages. See Greenberg 1966 9-10.
10.3 Prefixes
10.3,1 The a- prefix appears in both Chinese and TB before kinship terms with both a vocative and
referential function. Hence this prefix is a rare AA/African ↔ (TB / Chinese) affix cognate. See Notes
D.4a.1 and D.9a.1
10.3.2 The “disappearing” or “moveable” k-:
A Sino-Tibetan k- initial appears in several different contexts in relation to African Languages:
10.3.2.1 Change by reduction of initial velar to *ø- Examples are:
-a H.34a.1 Sagart cites the H.34a.1 lexemes to confirm the existence of a prefix k- in Old Chinese, as
posited by Maspero and others. He points out that the ke- initial of H.34a.3 Old Chinese *kəlak “to
fall” (proposed by Karlgren) has been lost in the Middle Chinese H.34a.5 lak “fall”. (See Note-
H.34a.3,5 S. Chinese (Min-Xiamen, Chinese-Jin-Pingyao)
Examples:
-a.1 The H.34a.1 modern Chinese Min-Xiamen ka-lauʔ “to fall, to drop” and H.34a.3 Chinese-Jin-
Pingyao kʌʔlʌʔ (cited above) have retained the Old Chinese initial ka-. (Sagart 199918, 99, 126 and
129 Table 19.) However as shown in H.34a.5 it is absent in other modern Chinese languages, e.g.:
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] lak8 / lok8 “fall, decline, weakened, fallen”;
S. Chinese-Min louq “fall, decline, wither” ;
S. Min-Taiwanese) lak “to fall”.
There are parallel matching morphemes in the two E.Cushitic-Rendille morphemes H.34a.3
kálug’da “drop (something) in, on” and H.34a.5 E. Cushitic-Rendille lug’da “drop (something)”
See also set A.24.2 Extended and A.14a.4 TB-Naxi-Lijiang su “louse” versus S. Chinese-Jin (Yangqu)
kəʔ-tsɛu and (Xinzhou) kəʔ-ts“ כflea”.
-b.1
B.3d.1-2 The following pair of B.3d.1-2 sets show a parallel correspondence between Chadic-Hausa
and Tibetan morphemes, the first possessing the kha- initial and the second lacking it:
B.3d.1
TB-Tibetan kha̱sheè “a place )” [Disyllabic corresp.] / śed / ga-śed “the approximate direction,
region, or quarter” < W. Chadic-Hausa k’asā pl. k’asāce “earth, soil, ground” “country, state” “land ”
B.3d.2 TB-Tibetan sa-chá “place, country, land” < W. Chadic-Hausa sāshìi / sāshèe / sâssā pl.
“district, region” “section” “area”.
-b.2
860
The following F.6a.1-4 ST ↔ Chadic-Hausa parallel sets also attest presence and loss of an initial
ke-, but they are in different ST subfamilies:
F.6a.1
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gwáai “to turn” / S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) gwáai “to turn” /
N. Chinese-MSC / Beijing kuâi “to turn”
< W. Chadic- Hausa këuaye “meandering roundabout” à kèewàyèe “in a circle” kèewàyayyē
“round” as opposed to
absence of initial k- in TB which ocurred in:
F.6a.2 TB-Jingpho [Kachin] wai “whirl as a whirlpool, stir, as with a ladle”
< W. Chadic- Hausa wàiwàyā “turn, return” wàiwàiye “turning the head around to look”
-b.3.0
The following F.6a.3-4 sets show Chinese-Yue morphemes without the ke- initial, but they match
the two final syllables of two Hausa correspondences containing the ke- initial which represent the
completive and ventive aspects of the kewai- / wai verb roots:
-b.3.1
F.6a.3 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) wàiHhéi vt. “enclose (by a fence)” gēwayē vg.4 vt. completive
“surround, encircle”
< W. Chadic- Hausa gēwàyèe m. “enclosure” / kèewàyèe vg.4 vt. completive “surround, enclose”
“circle, enclosure”
F.6a.4 S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) wàaihyiu “environment, surroundings”
wàaihjyiuh vt.“encircle, surround””
< W. Chadic- Hausa kewàya vg.1 vt. “encircle, go around a place” kēwayō vg.6 vi. (ventive)
“come around again” / W. Chadic- Ngizim aakwayu “boundary (of a farm)”
-b.3.2
Parallel TB ↔ Chadic/Semitic cases of this are found in: A.21b.1-2, B.18a.3-4, F.6a.1-2, H.24b.1-2
(Extended).
-c.
See also set A.29.3 including extended form C.22b.1-2, Note C.26b.2 and sets H.24b.1-2,
H.24c.1-2.
TB examples of loss of initial k- in verbs are found in: notes A.7b.1-2, A.27.2-3, H.30a.1-2, B.18a.,4
C.23.3-4 and sets B.3d.1-2, B.11a.1-4, B.14b.1-2. See also notes and/or sets C.34.1,5 (Tibetan),
F.13.2,4, H.24b.1-2, and H.24e.1 for similar velar ku- / gu- / k- / g- prefix presence and loss
matches in other AA and NC forms.
i.e. E. Hausa (Gudduri) ‘ofàa = Standard Hausa < ƙofàa “doorway”, ‘otàa < k’otàa “tool
handle”. Newman P. 2000 228.
See also:
East Hausa ‘oda < Standard Hausa k’o’da “kidney”,
East Hausa ‘ona < Standard Hausa k’ona “burn”,
East Hausa ‘osa < Standard Hausa k’osa “satisfy, suffice”,
East Hausa ‘oshi < Standard Hausa k’oshi “be or become replete” Matsushita 1993 85-86.
(H.13c.2)
Also “All [Hausa] vowel-initial words are pronounced with a glottal stop although this is not written”.
(Newman / Ma 1979 [ix]. See Note-H.38a.4 (Hausa)
sections 10.3.2.3-4 are count nouns . However the verbs in sections 10.3.2-3 are more difficult to
categorize as solely representing concrete countable actions.
TB-Tibetan tsa-ko-ra “a partridge” Cushitic- Arbore kore “kite” [bird] (A.1b.1, A.1a.1)
TB-Chin-Lushai sa-kor “horse” NS-Kanuri, AA koro “donkey, ass” (A.9a.1-2)
TB-Miri spre / spra “monkey” AA vre / bare ~ bura / vííra “monkey” (A.31.1-2)
TB-Tibetan sbrul “snake” NC mburu “viper” (A.20b.1)
TB-Tibetan sgál-pa “the small of the back” AA kal-ée “kidney” “rene, rognoni, lombo” (C.7.2)
TB-Tibetan sdig-pa “scorpion” AA ‘dig- / ‘dik- “scorpion” (A.13a.1)
As mentioned, in some cases the AA (and/or NS, NC) root contains an s- onset which comparative
data indicates is not a prefix, but the initial of a first radical, e.g. TB *s-na “nose” AA *san- / sàna /
sanna / sina / soona “nose” (C.5a.1). The s- initial of the morphemes soa / swa “tooth” is
also most probably the first radical of the root so- “tooth” and not a prefix as Benedict suggests.
Benedict 1972 106. See also the evidence in Chapter 2C Notes C.5a.1 (Tibetan) and C.50.2 (Proto-
TB). Similarly the TB-Chin-Lushai sakei “tiger” considered by Matisoff to contain the sa- prefix
corresponds closely with the Chadic-Hausa disyllabic morpheme zākìi “lion”. See also note A.19a.2.
Benedict recognized that there are such exceptions. Though many TB roots can be constructed without
this prefix, he noted three which cannot. These include the root for “louse”mentioned in Note A.14a.1-2.
The s- prefix is not even used before all animal names in Lushai itself. For example Lushai vok
“pig” (A.15.3 Extended), Lushai rul “snake” (A.20b.1 Extended), Lushai bui “bamboo rat” (A.23.1
Extended) and Lushai khau “grasshopper” (A.37.1) all lack the s- initial. It is possible however that
the sa- initial refers only to animals which are eaten, so on this hypothesis only vok “pig” might qualify
as an exception. See C.31a.1 saa “eat”.
lateral click correspondences. But a fully grounded position on the relationship of Khoisan clicks to
individual TB prefixes must await a comprehensive inventory of Khoisan ↔ TB correspondences.
10.4 Measure (quantity) words. Chinese measure words and classifiers are also a type of affix. “Since
[classifiers] are clearly function rather than content morphemes, they must be a kind of affix.” (Packard
75). There are a number of Chadic roots which denote countable groups of objects which have become
398
Note- 10.3.3.2 The parallel matching here reflects a parallel sound change within Khoisan languages which has
been inherited by southern TB.
Thereare other instances of the t- “prefix” correspondence. See A.26.5, B.31.3, C.51.5, F.14a.1 and
Supplementary Tables 3 section 1.1.
864
measure words in Chinese languages. Several are described in notes A.1c.1 Chinese-Cantonese
Extended), A.14a.2 Chinese-MSC Extended, B.2b.2 Chinese- Min, B.5c.1 and D.32.2 Extended. One
example is:
F.10.2 N. Chinese-MSC kûn “tie, bind, bundle up” kûn measure word “bundle” yī kûn shū
“a bundle of books”
< W. Chadic–Hausa kundi n.m. “bundle of papers and notes, esp. those of a malam” / C. Chadic-
Bura kuntu n. “roll of Bura cloth” / C. Cushitic- Afar gùndi “roll of cloth”
10.5 Reduplication
Reduplication is used in both Chadic-Hausa and in Chinese to express the intensity or repetition of an
action or state of affairs.
E.18.1 Chinese-MSC shān-shān lai chi “be slow in coming” ↔ Chadic-Hausa sànnu “slowly” >
sànnu-sànnu “very slowly and carefully”. (Newman, P. 2000 509.) Here Newman posits an original
reduplication of the whole Hausa lexeme. But Hausa also attests an alternative disyllabic morpheme
tsantsan “cautiously” representing the same concept. This is a reduplication which is almost an exact
match with the Chinese shān-shān . (For other cases see G.14.3, H.7a.3, H.29a.3, C.25.1, E.4d.1
Extended), E.10.1 and E.21.1). For the various forms of reduplication in Hausa see Newman P. 2000 508-
521.) Reduplication is not as common in ST as it is in AA and other African language families. There are a
number of African reduplicated forms which correspond on one element to an ST morpheme but are not
reduplicated in ST. (See A.2a.1, A.7b.1, C.5a.4, F.4c.2) This is probably due to the predominance of
monosyllabism in Chinese, and to a lesser extent, in Tibeto-Burman.
The following example illustrates reduplication in Semitic which is replicated in Tibetan but not in
Hausa or S.Chinese.
10.6 Grammatical relationships in ST which are derived or adapted from Hausa morphemes
10.6.1 Directional verbs. In Cantonese a Hausa verb root indicating motion is used for the grammatical
function of “directional” verb.
(See note H.6a.2 (Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) Min, MSC).
865
10.6.2 Purposive clauses. The relationship of two clauses the first denoting an action or status, the
second giving a reason for it (past action) or the purpose of it (intention or projected future) is expressed
in English by “because” or “in order that”. The subordinate clause giving the reason-why or purpose is
expressed in Hausa by the preposition/conjunction don in Hausa. This morpheme don has exactly the
same form and function in Tibetan. (See Note E.3d.1).
10.6.3 Marker of opposition. A relationship of contrast with, or qualification of, the first clause by the
second is expressed in English by the conjunctions “although”, “however”, “the opposite” etc. The same
function is expressed in Cushitic-Rendille by the dow morpheme of the phrase tabar dow, and in NS-
Kanuri by the morpheme dùwô. The closely similar conjunctions dóu in Cantonese and dào in MSC
have the same denotation of contrast / opposition between the main and subordinate clauses.
(See Note H.3b.2 (Cushitic-Rendille, NS-Kanuri). The notion of contrast / opposition seems to be derived
from the situation of passing someone going in the opposite direction. See E. Cushitic-Rendille
H.3b.1-3 tabar dowa “go in an opposite direction to someone”and Supplementary Table 2 H.3b.3
IE-Bengali,.
10.6.4 Direct Discourse (quotative) The E.9a.3 Tibetan morpheme sewa “direct discourse/ speech
particle, (said)” is used to express a direct quote. It corresponds closely to the Hausa verbal noun form
cêwā “saying” derived from the basic form of the verb cê “say, tell”. Both can govern a following
direct quote. (See Note- E.9a.3(1) (Tibetan, Hausa)). The E.9a.1 Hausa basic form cê has a direct
meaning listed as “say” “tell” by P. and R. Newman and Skinner (See E.9a.1 Hausa), but it appears to
function as a direct quotation, e.g. Sun cèe “madalla” “They said “thank you” or ni ne na cèe
“madalla” “I was the one who said “thank you”. Newman, P. 2000 648
Examples:
E.9a.1 TB-C. Loloish-Lahu cê “quotative particle” / TB-S. Loloish-Akha dje “quotative particle” ←
Egyptian–Coptic ce “introduces a quotation”
E.9a.3 TB-Tibetan sewa ← Chadic-Hausa cêwā verbal noun
E.9b.1 TB-C. Loloish-Lahu t� ʔ “quotative particle” / IE-Sanskrit iti “used to indicate that the
preceding phrase is a quotation” ← Semitic-Ethiopic-Amharic təqs “quotation”
E.11a.1 TB-Tibetan cé-na / shena / ze-na “If anyone says so, asks so, after words literally quoted”
/ N. Chinese-MSC zhēng “contend, argue” “argue about” ← Sanskrit iticen “often placed at the end of
the objector’s statement , hence a meaning of ‘if it be argued that’ ”
10.6.5 Reflexive pronoun in ST (TB / Chinese) ↔ AA /NC correspondences (See Note C.9a.1)
In N. Chinese-MSC zì means “self, oneself, one’s own”; in Chadic zì means “body” and in
Cushitic si (< *is-i ) means “self”. (For examples of similar usage in Sinitic and AA / NC as the
reflexive pronoun see Chapter 2C Note C.9a.1).
866
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880
Supplementary Table 1
Results of a preliminary comparison of Greenberg’s word lists of all four African language
superfamilies with Sino-Tibetan.
Given the massive nature of the project, an introductory comparison of Greenberg’s word lists for all
four African language families with Sino-Tibetan languages was carried out to determine which of the
four might be the most productive as a focus (filter) for the study. Statistics from it were compiled and
are shown in the following table. The report breaks down all the counts by African language family in the
horizontal rows. It follows Greenberg’s inclusion of Kordofanian as a member of the same superfamily
as Niger-Congo, though this does not pretend to resolve the questions concerning this classification.
Column 1 gives the count of numbered sets, including for example the Greenberg Kordofanian ↔ TB
set “ear”. (When this was subsequently compared systematically with Afro-Asiatic and Sino-Tibetan
languages in the 2A-H comprehensive AA ↔ST comparison, it became an entry in Chapter 2 set C.34.1
Column 2 gives a count of the sets from column 1 which contain one or more African/Afroasiatic
morphemes corresponding to an ST language family morpheme.
Column 3 gives a count of the individual African / Afroasiatic morphemes contained in the column 2 sets.
For example in Greenberg’s Table 1.4.1b the #47 set contains the two Khoisan morphemes
|O |Kung ‖nə and Hatsa ‖nae “to hear” (See Greenberg, Joseph H. The Languages of Africa. 2d ed.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1966.)
Column 4 shows the number of correspondences between ST and African/Afroasiatic morphemes in the
Column 3 sets.
The results from Columns 3 an 4 are certainly skewed, especially for Nilo-Saharan, by Greenberg’s
selection of African/AA vocabulary. Greenberg’s comparison used:
5.1 times more sets of Nilo-Saharan words
1.48 times more Khoisan sets of words and
2.3 times more sets of Niger-Kordofanian words
than those used for the Afro-Asiatic comparison.
This may simply reflect a situation in which Afro-Asiatic had already been fairly well established as a
language superfamily and the others needed more data to be identified. Of course the goal of the present
research is different: i.e. to identify which African language family might supply the greatest number of
correspondences with ST, not to survey all of them for purposes of classification.
The much higher incidence of ST correspondences with Chadic as compared to Cushitic and Semitic
may be surprising given the current geographic locations of the three linguistic areas. Today Cushitic,
and especially Semitic, speakers live much closer to the ST linguistic area than Chadic ones. Again,
882
however, these results might also be interpreted as being the result of the fact that Chadic had not yet been
identified as a subfamily of AA separate from what was then the “Semito-Hamitic” superfamily (named
Afro-Asiatic by Greenberg), so Greenberg needed a larger set of Chadic lexemes to establish this.
Whether the Greenberg AA list is somehow skewed toward Chadic or not, the above statistics already
show that as a matter of fact a large number of Chadic roots correspond to ST ones. This was confirmed
fully as reported in Chapter 4 Tables 4.3 of the Phase 2 A-H comprehensive comparison.
NS-Songhay gaaga
“pied crow”
NS-Kanuri
ngágə / ŋāgə “crow”
E. Cushitic-Proto-Saho-Afar
*kāk- “raven”
W. Chadic–Bole
kāki “crow”
E. Cushitic- Rendille
khaakle “crow (pied)”
/
A.1b.1 W. Chadic- Hausa TB-Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit zàkaràa m. “rooster” tsa-ko-ra “a partridge”
cakora sàagarā f. “pullet” dzā-go-ra “partridge”
“the Greek partridge S. Cushitic-Irakwe tsa-kra bāka
(Perdrix rufa)” sakäri “guinea fowl” “the red goose”
“a hen, sparrow” W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Gurage (Anas casarca)
zakatavila “a gallinule” žəgəra / žəg’ra “guinea fowl” chagöö “vulture”
zakatara “a bird of prey” Semitic-Aramaic Kartvelian-Megrel ̣
ts̟agra “falcon” čqor- “quail”
zāg / zāgā “a young cock or hen” Kartvelian-Georgian (m)
S. Khoisan-Khakhea ǀk’arika “bird” ̣čqer-
W. Semitic-Ethiopian- Tigrinya “quail”
zagra “guinea fowl” TB-Tibetan
W. Chadic- Gwandara chagaà “chicken, a kind of
jàkára “cock” water-fowl”
zagəre “cock, rooster” Altaic-Proto-Turkic
C. Cushitic- Bilin sagiskan “magpie”
jägira “guinea-fowl”
*tsagah̟̟ “bird” tsàgagi “ibis”
Proto-Afro-Asiatic *cagah’ “bird”
C. Chadic – Bura
shaka / sheka “chick, baby chicken”
C. Chadic- Sukur jak / ják “bird”
NS-Anywa ājaak “ibis”
A.1b.2 Sanskrit Semitic-Aramaic TB-Tibetan
cakraGga / cakravAka šagrāq / šagrākā “crow” tsa-kór
“the cakra bird” “a goose” W. Semitic-Ethiopian- Tigrinya “partridge”
zakunI “a bird” zagra “guinea fowl”
“a female bird” W. Semitic-Ethiopian- Amharic
“a hen-sparrow” ğəgra “guinea hen”
zakuntI “a bird” RV W. Chadic – Hausa
zakuna “a bird (esp. a tsààkóó sing. tsakuwa pl. / TB-Tibetan
large bird or one of good or c’aako “chick, young bird” cagar “pheasant”
bad omen)” “a common C. Chadic-Mandara
kite or Pondicherry eagle” c’aako “chick, “young bird” Proto-Altaic
“derived from or relating to Jungraithmayr 1994 v.2 70 sako-sako
birds or omens” Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) “magpie”
“having the nature of a s̟agur “hawk, falcon”
bird” C. Chadic-Kilba-Pela
śa-kuna / śa-kuni / jakū “bird”
885
/
A.6c.1 IE- E. Cushitic-Kambata gasara “buffalo” TB-Written Burmese
Sanskrit E. Cushitic-Rendille gasar “buffalo” sâ “flesh, meat, animal”
kasara E. Cushitic-Oromo sa’a / saawa n. “cow”; sà “beast”
“buffalo” sa’a “mucca, vacca” [milk cow, cow] TB-Meithei sá “animal, flesh,
sahari, sadhi Egyptian sáab “a castrated animal body”
“a bull” for sacrifice” TB-Chin-Lushai sa “animal” ~
saras, C. Chadic –Margi hsa “cow” śa “flesh, meat”-
sarasvat E. Cushitic- Burji sáa “cow” TB-Newari sa “meat, flesh”
“a buffalo” W. Chadic – Hausa sâ “bull” Chinese-Hakka
E. Cushitic- Afar sà “large kudu deer”` sa1 “a large-size buffalo”
A.6c.2 W. Chadic – Gwandara (Karshi) TB-Tibetan 1shaa “deer”
IE-Bengali šâ’ “cow” sha-ba / shwa-ba “hart, stag”
shār “ox” Proto-Cushitic (Ehret) *šāc - “cow” TB-C. Loloish-Lahu
šā “game, animal, meat”
/
A.6d.1 E. Cushitic- Gedeo, Hadiyya TB-Kiranti-Yamphu
IE-Sanskrit saayya “cow” saŸa “buffalo”
sairiba C. Chadic- Musgu saye “cow TB-Proto-Kiranti *saŸ “buffalo”
“a buffalo” E. Cushitic- Oromo saaina “cow” Proto-Tibeto-Burman
W. Chadic- Ron hòsay “Büffel” *dzay “cattle, domestic animal”
[buffalo]
A.6d.2 E. Cushitic- Afar saga “cow” TB-Tibetan tsag “the yak”
IE-Sanskrit E. Cushitic- Kambata saʕa “cow” tsag-bo “yak that is killed for
zagka “a bull” E. Cushitic- Afar saq “small stock food” “cattle to be killed for meat”
zakkari “a bull” (animal)” tsag-sha “flesh of larger
jaGgala “meat” Semitic-Ethiopic-Amharic səga “meat, animals”
chā’ga flesh” shagee “dressed carcass of an
“ram, goat” RV Proto E. Cushitic *shac “cow” animal”
NS-Kanuri cágə / cágə̂ “muscle, sinew tshag-sha “yak beef”
/
IE-Sanskrit NS-Kanuri sáuré “large herd of cattle” Chinese-
A.6e.1 Semitic-Hebrew shor “ox, bull” Cantonese
saura “a cow” E. Cushitic-Oromo sa’a / saawa / saawi n. “cow” sau
saurabheya Berber-Tuareg esaw “taureau” [bull] “a beast or
“a bull” S.Khoisan-|Nu-‖’en tsau(ma) “calf” animal”
IE-Pashto N. Khoisan-!Kung tsãub “calf” TB-Tibetan
saur “a bull” W. Chadic – Boghom sau / saw “meat” sכ ככ
IE-Sanskrit C. Khoisan-Nama tsãub “calf” “cattle,
surabhi E. Chadic- Ndam suwi “cow” livestock”
“any cow” E. Chadic – Lame šíàú “bull, cow”
C. Khoisan-Nama tsãub “calf”
Proto-S. Cushitic *ĉawr- “bull”
Proto-W. Chadic *ĉaw- “meat”
↓↓
IE-Sanskrit A.7a.2 Proto-Afro-Asiatic Chinese-Wu saʔ7 v.
chagh “to smite or slay” *-jaʕ or *-dzaʕ “to kill (animal)” “kill, slaughter”
“kill” jaghnu “striking, Semitic-Hebrew v. shakhat “murder, put to death”
killing ” jaghni “striking” “slaughtered” “fight”
Swadesh “to kill” adj. shakhoot “slaughtered”
889
/
IE-Sanskrit W. Chadic- Gwandara Proto-Tibeto-Burman
A.7b.1 kSad “to cut, kíša “to kill” *g-sat = *g-săt
dissect, divide, kill” W. Chadic- Hausa “kill, fight, strike”
kSata “wounded, hurt” kisà n. m. “killing, defeat” “the general Tibeto-Burman sense
kSatavikSata Semitic- Ge’ez qašä is ‘kill by striking’’”
“covered with cuts and “throw down, make fall” TB-Jingpho [Kachin],
wounds” Berber – Tuareg [Tamasheq] gəsat ~ kəsat “to fight, a fight”
IE-Hindi agsar “atterrir, s’abattre” TB-Burmese sat “kill”
ksat “lesion” m. Egyptian sāṭ “to cut, to slay” Old Chinese săt “kill”
ksati “damage” f. sāti “slaughterer, executioner” Chinese-Hakka sat7 / sat8 /
IE-Sanskrit zad shāt “slaughter, carnage” “ sad5 v. “kill, slaughter”
“to fell, throw down, to cut, to cut off, to slay” “slaughter, Chinese-Min sat “to kill, to murder,
slay, kill” carnage” to slay”
IE-Old Indian ḳsatá Egyptian ketcha ketcha Middle Chinese s’ăt
“to hurt, injure, wound” “to kill, to throw down”
↓↓
A.8.1 E. Cushitic- Sidamo gângo “mule” TB-Tibetan rkyaŋ “the wild ass or
IE- Sanskrit Proto-E. Cushitic *gaang- “mule” horse of central Asia”
eKANda W. Chadic–Gwandara jàŋkyi “donkey” gyaŋ “Tibetan wild ass”
“a kind of horse” C. Chadic- Padoko -žəŋwa “donkey” Hmong-Mien -Hmong
cakrin “an ass” W. Chadic- Ron (Bokkos) njake “donkey” zag “donkey, mule”
cakrivat “an ass” jake “Esel” [ass, donkey] Altaic- Turkic-Uyghur, Uzbek
cakrin “an ass” Berber-Tuareg ejak “donkey” ešak “donkey”
cakrivat “an ass” C. Chadic–Glavda Altaic- Turkic-Azeri
Cologne Lexicon kyáka “antelope (like donkey)” eššäk “donkey”
IE-Tokharian W. Chadic –N. Bauci- Tsagu Altaic- Turkic -Turkmen
yákwe žāƙ- “donkey” eshek “donkey”
“Pferd” (Ger.) Egyptian) sakut “young asses” Altaic- Turkic-Turkish, Kyrgyz,
[ horse] Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) Karakalpak, Balkar
jaحaš “young donkey” ešek “donkey”
↓↓
A.9a.1 IE-Pashto ghorā-khar “the wild ass or W. Chadic – Hausa TB-Ao Chungli kor “horse”
onager” khargaey “a young ass” aguru “donkey” TB-Chin-Lushai sà-kôr
IE-Sanskrit khara / gaura “ass, mule” k’urù “pony” “horse”
“a donkey” gaurakhara “a wild donkey” C. Chadic – Masa Proto-Tibeto-Burman
[lit. buffalo donkey] gaura “a kind of kūro *kor “horse”
buffalo” “the Bos gaurus” “l’ane” Altaic- Mongolian
kharu “a horse” khara m. “a donkey” [ass, donkey”] guräsun “antelope”
“an ass” “a mule” gh’yara “the wild ass” Omotic- Chara göruge(n) “wild steppe
IE-Hindi ghor̝ā “horse” ghor̝ī “mare” kura “ass” animal”
IE-Bengali ghorā “horse” Omotic- Kafa Altaic- Proto-Mongolian
IE-Middle Persian kurrag / kuro “ass” *gúri “deer, game”
IE-North Persian kurra
“Fohlen” (Ger.) [foal, colt]
IE-Hittite kurka “Fohlen” (Ger.) [foal, colt]
A.9a.2 IE-Sanskrit khurutin “a horse” kóro “donkey, ass” TB-Tibetan
kharu “a horse” N. Khoisan-|Kung ku-rúg “colt of an ass”
khara “donkey” “ass” “a mule , a she-ass” |kwכre “zebra” gu-rug “In Ladak ‘colt or
kharostra “ass and camel” Omotic-Mao foal of an ass’ ”
890
/
A.10c.1 W. Chadic-Hausa Altaic-Mongolian
Proto-IE kōlō m. “dog” “any kind of dog” gölög / gölöge / gölüge
skol- “puppy” E. Cushitic-Oromo gullo “grossa iena” “young dog”
[big hyena]
W. Chadic- Karekare kóoróo “dog”
NS-Songhay koro “hyena”
A.10c.2 C. Chadic- Mokulu kūrusu TB-S. Loloish-Mpi
IE-Sanskrit “chiot” [pup, puppy] khɯ2 “dog”
kukurrah “dog” f. NS-Songhay (Djenne) kככr“ כhyena” Old Chinese
“a bitch” E.Chadic-Bidiya kúrkido ku “dog”
kurkura “dog” AV “chiot”[pup, puppy] kuwX
kurkuriya Proto-N. Khoisan *ǂghú “dog” “the naked pup or whelp of
“to behave like a dog” S. Khoisan-!Koo ǂgxū “hunting dog” dogs and other animals”
koka “a wolf” RV Khoisan-Sandawe kāka “dog” Turkic-Turkish
Bengali NC-N. Mande- Bozo Dia gûû “dog” kurt “wolf” .
kukur “dog” n. Proto-Semitic *gurw- “puppy” Turkic-Azeri
E. Cushiic- Rendille kár “male dog” kurd “wolf”
Austronesian-Puyumi
kurkur “dog”
A.10c.3 C. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖e !káu Chinese-Min
Sanskrit C. Khoisan-Naron !gau kaù “dog”
kauleyaka “a dog, “spotted hyena” Chinese- Hakka
(especially a hunting N. Khoisan- !’O-!Kung !k’āū “dog” ngau2 “mastiff; large, fierce
dog)” kauleya dog”
“a domestic animal, Hmong-Mien-Proto-Miao-Yao
i.e. a dog” *qlAuB “dog”
/
A.10d.1 E. Cushitic-Afar, Konso TB-Proto-Kiranti *ku°tu / *ku°cu “dog”
IE-Hindi kùta “dog” TB-Kiranti-Tulung ku°tüma “puppy”
kuttā “dog” W. Chadic-Ngizim kútə́řu “puppy” TB-Kiranti-Limbu kutibā “puppy”
IE-Pashto (Pushtu) C. Chadic- Bura kutiru “puppy” Turkic-Turkish kurt “wolf”
kutray “puppy” Semitic-Old Aramaic qurtison Turkic-Azeri kurd “wolf”
IE-E. Iranian- “little dog” Proto-Altaic *kiutí “a kind of fox”
Avestan gadhwa C. Chadic-Bata kəde “dog” Proto-Mongolian *küderi “a kind of
“a bitch, a female NS-Tepeth kudo’ “dog” fox”.
dog”
↓↓
A.12a.1 NC-Ewe lu “female antelope” TB-Tibetan
E-Sanskrit NC-Ahlo ulu “female antelope” ruru “deer”
ruru “a species of W. Chadic- Ngizim tlùwái Hmong-Mien-White
antelope” “meat” “animal (generally wild)” Hmong lwj “the
rucu “a deer with C. Cushitic-Bilin luwi “Kuh” [cow] Sambar deer
black horns” W. Chadic – Karekare ló “meat, animal” Hmong-Mien-Hmong
ruruzIrsan W. Chadic–Tangale lọ “animal, meat” mos lwj /
“deer-headed” NS-Maba Group-Aiki àlù “sheep” tus mos lwj “deer “
“having a deer’s NS-Maba Group- Masalit aru “ram”
horns”
A.12a.2 IE-Sanskrit NS- Maba Group-Zaghawa Chinese (Jiangdong)
rohi “a kind of deer” aro “ewe” òòru “flock” rou4 “deer, cervidae”
892
↓↓
A.13b.3 IE-Sanskrit Semitic-Arabic عagrab “scorpion” / TB-Chin-Lushai
ajakava “kind of vermin, ʕagrab “scorpion” ai ~ chakai “crab”
centipede or scorpion” Semitic-Hebrew m. ‘akrav “scorpion” TB-C. Loloish-Lahu
W. Chadic-Hausa á-chègu ~ á-chiku
[k’yāguwā] = k’aguwa “crab” “crab”
↓↓
A.14a.1 W. Chadic – Hausa A. 14a.1 TB-Tibetan chig “louse”
IE-Sanskrit A. 14a.1 TB-Kuki-Chin-Mikir chikli “flea”
suksmaSika jìgā n. f. TB-Jingpho [Kachin] tsiʔ “louse”
“a small fly, “jigger flea” Chinese-Cantonese sīk “a poisonous insect”
mosquito” NS-Kanuri Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho
suksma “minute, cígə “fly” si’kȋ: / s’iki’je “mosquito”
small” Proto-Cushitic Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Mundari
(compound with (Dolgopolski 1973) si’kȋ’ɳȋ / sȋ’k’ri “mosquito”
G.8a.3 suksma) *ts-Gw-n(s) Altaic-Turkic-Khakassian sik, sēk “fly”
IE-Old Indian “fly, louse” AltaicTurkic-Oyrat sēk “mosquito”
makśika Altaic-Turkic-Tuvan sēk “fly”
“fly, bee” Proto-Mongolian ciɣV- “locust” “wood
louse”
Mongolian-Buriat, Kalmuck šigej- “locust”
“wood lous
A.14a.2 Khoisan-ǂHoan cʔí “louse” TB-Nung [Rawang] śi “louse”
IE-Bengali Proto-N. Khoisan Chinese- -MSC shí “louse”
machi “fly” n. *cʔíŋ “louse chī (WG) “a louse, aphid, nit” zhì “leech”
cicciTiGga NS-Bari ciro(tat) “louse” TB-Yi Nanjian ɕi5 “louse”
“a kind of E. Cushitic- Somali Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Mundari,
venomous insect” šilin ”tick” Santali si: “louse”
IE-E. Iranian- -Rendille chilím ”tick(s)” Kartvelian- Laz čič- “firefly”
Avestan makśī Semitic-Gurage (Selti, Wolane) Kartvelian- Georgian cicci-natela “firefly,
“Fliege” (Ger.) šilme ”tick” moth”
[fly] (Zway) silmi ”tick”
/
IE-Sanskrit W. Chadic- Hausa Chinese-Cantonese
A.14b.2 màtsàttsàku “leech, fluke” sāt “flea” “louse”
satcarana “louse, (Katsina dial) Chinese-Min
locust” c’àcc’aku sat1 “louse”
suksmasatcarana n. m. “leech” Old Southern Chinese
“a sort of tick or louse” W. Chadic-Bauci Group dzât “cockroach”
suksma “minute, satsa / tsatso “an earwig”
small”
/
IE-Sanskrit S. Cushitic- Burunge TB- Dimasa thi-ku “louse”
A.14c.1-2 tikaciya “tsetse fly” TB-Tibetan gti-khe “a kind of louse”
diGka C. Chadic- Logone mtigulas TB- Garo tik “louse “
“the nit of a louse” “Floh, Wanze” [flea, insect] Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-
cicciTiGga Berber-Tamazight tixxuyin “fleas” Mundari ti’ki “flea”
“a kind of E. Cushitic- Sidamo tiiticca n. “fly” TB-N. Naga-Tangsa-Moshang thik
venomous insect” Egyptian tekk-t “a kind of insect” “louse”
E. Cushitic-Hadiyya teekay-a TB-Naga-Chokri- təkhrì “louse”
“fly”
893
↓↓
IE-Sanskrit South (Ethiopian) TB-Tibetan pagba “pig, hog” phag-pa “swine, hog, pig”
A.15.1 Semitic- Gurage TB- Mikir phak “pig”
pagkakrida abäg’ar / Proto-Tibeto-Burman *pak = *pwak “pig”
“a pig” abäg’ēr Austro-Thai *mba(g)- “pig”
pagkakridanaka “wild pig” TB-Tibetan pagba “pig, hog”
“a pig” C. Chadic- Masa TB-Kiranti-Limbu phak “pig” phaksa “pork” sa
bakum “meat”
“le cochon” TB- Mikir phakleng “wild pig”
[pig] TB- Proto-Kiranti *ʔpək “pig”
S. Chinese-Min bâq “meat (especially pork)”
gū -bâq “beef” (Taiwanese) ti-bâq “pork” ti “pig” ”
TB-Tibetan phag-rgod “wild boar” ;
phag-sha “pork” pag-sha “pork” sha “meat”
TB- Qiangic-Pumi-Dayang-rGyalrong pak “pig”
Sino-Tibetan root brak “pig”
“widely attested in ST” “also in Austronesian”
↓↓
A.16.1 Proto-Chadic *mar “oil” TB-Tibetan
IE-Tocharian C. Chadic-Tera mar “oil” mar “butter”
smare W. Chadic-Ron (Kulere) mààr / màr maa / margo “butter”
“smooth, oil” “oil” marnaà
Proto-IE Proto-AA *mori’ “fat, oil” “vegetable oil”
*smerw E. Cushitic- Oromo moora n. “fat, Proto-Altaic *male “plant
“butter, marrow” cattle fat” oil”
NS-Anywa [Anuak] Proto-Tungus-Manchu *mala
màaɔ“כoil, fat, grease” “plant oil”
màar dhɪaŋ “butter” [lit. cow oil]
↓↓
A.18a.2 C. Chadic-Wamdiu ĉiwàr “elephant”
IE-Sanskrit C. Chadic-Bura ĉiwar “elephant”
sivàra “elephant” C. Chadic-Ngwaxi ciwə̀r “elephant”
C. Chadic-Kilba ĉuwar “elephant”
C. Chadic-Hildi [Margi] čiwaru “elephant”
↓↓
A.19a.2 W. Chadic- Hausa zākìi “lion” TB-Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit South (Ethiopian) Semitic- Gurage gza “the snow leopard, nearly white,
gza “lion” žägwara “leopard” with small clusters of black spots living
IE-Tokharian W. Chadic–Karekare cagalau on the higher mountains”
śiśak / ̣secake “leopard” TB-Chin-Lushai sakei “tiger”
< sēnśake “lion” NC-Fulfulde [Fulani] TB-Chin-Lakher tśəkei “tiger”
njagáwu “lion” pl. njāgaji Written Burmese sac “leopard”
/
IE-Sanskrit Niger Congo-Swahili simba “lion” TB-Tibetan
A.19b.1 siMha m. Niger Congo- Common Bantu *cimba siŋ-ge “the lion”
“lion” “early Vedic” “cat, lion, leopard, genet” séŋ-ge “the lion”
IE-Old Indian simhá C. Chadic- Masa zimi “lion” seŋge “mythical snow
m. “lion” E. Chadic-Kwang sèmki / sémgí lion”
IE-Bengali shingho “lion” senge kabeb
“lion” n. Chadic root *sèmki “lion” “Indus River”
894
/
B.3d.1 W. Chadic- Gwandara Proto-Mongolian
IE-Sanskrit kaša “earth” kəsa “sand” *gaʒar “earth, land”
kSA “the earth, ground” W. Chadic-Hausa Mongolian-Khalkha
kSa “a field” k’asaa k’asàashee pl. *gaʒar “earth”
kSaman “earth, soil, ground” “earth, soil, ground” Mongolian-Ordos *Gaʒar “earth,
RV “country, state” land”
kaccha “a bank or any ground C. Chadic- Buduma Mongolian-Kalmuck *ɣazr
bordering on water, shore” kēsa “sand” “earth”
kacchAnta NS-Maba Group- Aiki Proto-Altaic *kiaʒurV “sand,
“the border of a lake or stream” kàs“ כcountryside, desert” steppe, earth”
IE-Old Indian Semitic-Hebrew katse Proto-Turkic *Kajir “sand, steppe,
ḳsāh / ḳsámi “ground, earth” “edge, border” earth”
ḳsámya- Egyptian khast “district, a Proto-Mongolian *kuʒir “sand,
“terrestrial” kind of land” steppe, earth”
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) gaaع Proto-Tungus-Manchu
“ground, earth, land” *kuʒur “sand, steppe, earth”
B.3d.2 IE-Sanskrit, NS-Maba Group- Masalit TB-Tibetan kha̱sheè “a place
IE-E. Iranian-Avestan kasε / káas-è (conveys a vagueness about which
kSetra “land, soil” “place, “countryside, desert” place)” śed / ga-śed “the
region, country” E. Cushitic- Sidamo approximate direction, region, or
RV AV “a field” qaççe “border, frontier, quarter” ga-çed “an approximate
kSetrabhumi “cultivated land” boundary, end, suburbs, rural but uncertain direction, region or
kSetrasIma boundary of a area” quarter”
field”
IE-Hindi ksetra “zone”
↓↓
B.5a.2 W. Chadic-Gwandara dúnci “rock, stone, TB-Written Tibetan,
IE-Old Indian mountain”” Tibetan (Ladakhi)
tunga- m. E. Cushitic-Hadiyya duuna “hill” rduŋ
“elevation, height, NC-Proto-W. Nigritic *-tunda “hill” “a small mound, hillock”
mountain” E. Cushitic- Sidamo dûna / dûno “heap, lump N. Chinese -MSC
of earth, clod” “pile, stack” dūn / tūn “mound”
N. Omotic-Ometo *du:nn- “termite mound” “a block of stone or wood”
/
B.5c.2 IE-Sanskrit W. Chadic- Hausa tulìi n. m. “heap” Chinese- Cantonese
dhUlikedara E. Cushitic-Sidamo tullite / tullo “hill, heap” dèui / dēui “mound of
“a mound or rampart of E. Cushitic-Oromo tullu “hill” earth” “pile, heap”
earth” Proto-AA *-tuul- ”to rise, to form a heap, Chinese- Min
mound” tuî “a pile, a heap”
↓↓
B.6.1 IE- W. Chadic- Hausa TB-Tibetan gaŋ “a ridge”
Sanskrit gāniyà “acme, peak, sgaŋ “a projecting hill or spur, or the side of a larger
gandaka zenith” “peak “ (acme) kān mountain” the ridge or top of a hill”
“a hill” dūtsèe “ridge (of hill, gangsa “highland area, a plateau, a ridge”
gandaUpa mountain)” Proto-Tibeto-Burman *s-gaŋ “hill” “mountain”
“the tableland of gàngaràa f. “slope” “slant Proto-Lolo-Burmese *kaŋ1 “hill / high ground”
a mountain” (incline)” “sloping ground” Chinese-MSC gāng “ridge (of a hill)” “mountain
E. Chadic- Tumak ridge”
gəŋ “bank” [of river] Old Chinese kâŋ “hill, ridge”
900
↓↓
B.7.1 Songhay (Koroboro) TB-Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit sarahu “herb or grass species of rocky areas” tsà “herb,
sara “grass” W. Chadic- Ron (Bokkos) plant”
zara “a sort of reed or shala “Futtergras (fur Pferde)” sa / dza
grass (Saccharum Sara)” [fodder, forage grass (for horses] “grass”
RV W. Chadic-Hausa tsāri “thatching grass” caà
zaradaka W. Chadic- N. Bauci- Miya, Kariya “fodder”
“a kind of Darbha grass” tsar “grass species”
zaradanda W. Chadic-Karekare, Bole *šar “grass”
“a stalk of reed or grass” W. Chadic-Bura Group *sar “grass”
jaraDI “a kind of grass” Proto-S. Cushitic *tsar- “grass”
S. Cushitic- Irakwe tsarami “thatching grass”
Semitic-Ethiopic-Gurage, Tigrinya sa’ri “grass”
Semitic- Ethiopic-Harari sä’ar / sār “grass”
Semitic-Ethiopic-Amharic sar / sār “grass, straw”
Egyptian tchā / tchāā “straw, weed”
↓↓
B.8.1 W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Pa’a šarì “root” TB-Tibetan
IE-Hindi E. Chadic- Birgit cááro “root” / E. Chadic- Mubi cààro “root” rtsá-ba
jar Proto-Chadic *sar- “root” / Proto-Afro-Asiatic *sar- “root” “root”
“root” f. Proto-Cushitic *sar- “root” dza
Semitic-Amharic, Tigre, Harari sər- “root” “root”
Berber – Tuareg [Tamasheq] azar “root”
NS-Kanuri zâr “root”
N. Khoisan-Zu|’hoan ‖àrì “root”
N. Khoisan-‖Au‖en ‖ari “root fiber”
N. Khoisan -!’O!Kung ‖are / ‖ale “root fiber”
↓↓
B.9.1 C. Chadic- Tera Old Chinese
IE-Bengali mere “late millet” miər “rice”
mụri E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] N. Chinese-MSC
“parched rice” n. mériya “sorgho” [sorghum] xiăomîr n. “yellow millet”
Sudanic-Nubian-Kənzi [Kənuzi]
marē “Durra” [sorghum]
B.9.3 E. Cushitic- Gedeo South Daic-Lao me:t2 “grain”
IE-Bengali mid’a “grain, cereal, crop” Hmong-Mien-Proto-Mienic
mɔyda E. Cushitic- Oromo *hmei “millet”
“flour’ n. mid’aan “grain (growing, Hmong-Mien-Mun of Hainan /
harvested)” “graniglia, cereali” Hmong-Mien--Mun of Funing
[grain, cereals] mei / mei pe “hulled rice”
B.9.4 IE-Sanskrit C. Chadic-Gisiga Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
syāmaka “Panicum magaya “Hirse” [millet] siumahk “wheat” [lit. small grain]
Frumentaceum C. Chadic-Mofu-Gudur daaimahk “barley” [lit. big grain]
“a kind of cultivated magaya “petit mil” Middle Chinese
millet” [small millet] meak “wheat (or barley”
magha “a species of Proto-South Cushitic Kartvelian-Georgian maxa “a kind
grain” *magwale “sorghum” of wheat”
mahabuza “a sort of E. Chadic- Somrai Kartvelian-Laz moxa “a kind of
rice” “barley” maja “Negerhirse” [millet] wheat”
901
Proto-Kartvelian
warwar- “to burn, glitter”
Kartvelian-Svan
warwāl- “to burn, glitter”
B.11a.4 IE-Old Indian Kartvelian-Georgian
svarati “to shine” varvār- “to burn, glitter”
/
B.11e.4 Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) sarra “حto speed up, expedite” TB-Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit tsarra “to be rash, hasty, tshatsha
saranya be in too much of a hurry” sarrii“ حfast, quick, rapid” (Balti prov.)
“to run, hasten, W. Chadic-Hausa “hastily, quickly”
speed” RV saurī m. “haste” “hurry” “speed, haste” tsadraà /
saranyu yi saurī “hasten” dzadraà
“quick, fleet, NS-Songhay (Koroboro) čahā “hurry, do fast, be in a “urgent, critical”
nimble” RV hurry”
E. Chadic- Dangaleat sàadyilè “se hater exagérément,
perdre patience” [be overhasty, lose patience]
/
B.12b.1 NS-Kanuri kángin N. Chinese-MSC
IE-Sanskrit “deep fry” (e.g. bean cakes in oil)” kàng
kandava “roasted or kánnu “fire” “bake or dry by the heat of the
baked in in an iron pan NC- Benue-Congo- Ekoid Bantu fire”
or oven (as bread, kaŋ- “fry, bake” k’àng (WG) “a brick bed
cakes)” kandu NC-Swahili warmed by a fire”
“an oven or vessel -kaanga “to fry” TB- Jingpho [Kachin]
serving as one” kangwa “to be fried” “fried” kaŋ “to be hot, emit heat, as the
kandupakva N. Omotic-N. Mao sun or a flame”
“parched or roasted (as k’än- vt. “to burn” kekāŋ “roast, toast”
grain) or fried in a pan” kham “warm (temperature)” Proto-Kiranti
kandukaghRha Egyptian *kaŋ “fry, roast”
“a place for cooking” kham “burning hot” TB- Burmese
IE-Old Indian khamm “heat, fire, hot, fever” kaŋ “broil, roast, toast”
ukhá-m, “to be hot, to blaze” Chinese-Cantonese
ukhā NS-Saharan Songhay (Koroboro) chàang
“boiler, cauldron” čaŋkam “warm up at fire” “a heat, a pan for frying”
E. Cushitic- Oromo Proto-Tibeto-Burman
qam-accu *kaŋ
“riscaldarsi al sole o al fuoco, prendere “roast, toast, burn”
sole” [to warm oneself at the fire, take TB-Chin-Lushai ka.ŋ “burn”
some sun] Proto-Altaic
Khoisan-Sandawe *kéma
*kama “to burn” “stove, cauldron”
Semitic-Arabic (Yemeni)
h̟ammar “to roast”
N. Khoisan-‖Kh’au‖’e
ǂxame “cook”
B.12b.2 IE-Bengali B.12b.2 C. Chadic-Fali Mucella, Fali Proto-Kiranti
agun “fire” n. Bwagira xun- “burn” *ghoŋ
W. Chadic-Buli konu “burn, dry up” “to warm”
↓↓
903
C. Cushitic- Bilin
kuri “Fluss” [river]
E. Cushitic- Oromo
kuri n. “caterrata, stagno,
bacino” [water-course,
pond]
South (Ethiopian) Semitic-
Gurage kure “pond,
flood of water after a rain”
B.15a.2 C. Cushitic-Bilin TB-Bodo/Garo- Digaro
IE-Sanskrit kurā / kuri kəra “rain”
aGkura “water” “Fluss” [river] Proto-Altaic *kūre / *kūri “rain, storm”
See also B.34. C. Chadic- Fali (Gude- Kartvelian-Georgian tkor- “tide” Proto-
aG “water” Mubi) Kartvelian tkor- “to flow, splash”
IE-Bengali pukur kurabi Proto-Altaic *k’ara “tide, ebb-tide, flood”
“lake, pond” “rainstorm” Altaic-Proto Turkic *k’ar-
IE-Hindi pokhara C. Chadic- Margi “tide, ebb-tide, flood”
“pond” kula “rain” Altaic-Proto Tungus-Manchu
IE-Pashto khurr *ügē(r)- “river, small river” /
“a watercourse, the sandy Egyptian *xarba- “tide, ebb-tide, flood”
bed of a river or rivulet” qerá “rainstorm, tempest, Altaic-Proto-Mongolian
IE-Hindi kār̝ī f. “gulf, thunder-storm” *k’argi- “tide, ebb-tide, flood” /
bay” Proto-Afro-Asiatic *kura “rain, storm”
IE-Pashto (Orel / Stolbova 1995) Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Santali
karrob “watered, *kur- “river” ’kuh’ra / ‘kuh’rǝ “fog”
irrigated, wetted with C. Chadic- Sura Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Mundari
water” kur “lake” ga’ra / gar’ha “river”
IE-Sanskrit Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho
kūhā “a fog, a mist” ‘gara / ga’ra “river”
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho
pu’kuri “pond”
Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Ho
puku’ri “lake”
Austro-Asiatic--Mundari pu’khu’ri “pond”
Proto-Altaic
*kūre / *kūri “rain, storm”
Altaic-Proto Turkic
*ügüŕ “river, small river”
B.15a.3 S. Khoisan-Proto-!Wi TB-Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit !kh(o)a “rain” khu-wa “fluid, liquid”
kuha- ”fog, mist” RV S. Khoisan -ǀXam TB- Khambu kəwa “water”
IE-Hindi kuhāsā !khwa “rain” TB-Kiranti-Limbu kuwa n.
” mist” “little semi-artificial water reservoir”
IE-Bengali Hmong-Mien-Hmong kua “liquid”
kuwasha ”fog, mist” W. Chadic – Hausa kua ciab “fluid”
IE-Pashto khwarr kwàràarā vi. Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Mundari
“a watercourse, a ravine, “flow down heavily” kuă’si / kua’si / kuăsa “fog”
the dry bed of a river” Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-Santali
khwarrah “the sandy ’‘ku’wǝ:s “fog”
bottom of a ravine or
watercourse”
906
/
B.15b.1 W. Chadic -.N. Bauci- Warji Proto-Tibeto-Burman
IE-Sanskrit suwára / tsuwárá / suwárá *sywar ~ *śwar ”flow” “flow,
svar “water” ”water” pour”
svarakSu “name of a W. Chadic-.N. Bauci-Diri Old Chinese śi̭wər ”water”
river” tsúwáru / súwárú Altaic-Turkic-Turkmen
svarakS “name of a ”water” suwarmak
river” Proto-W. Chadic *s’wr “water” “to water, water”
suvarsa “raining well” Cushitic-Dembya, Quara TB-E. Kiranti-Waling
“a good rain” suwā ”pluie” [rain] tśəwa ”water”
svaraksu “name of a NS-Kanuri S. Chinese- Min
river” kasuwa n. “current (of a river suā / cuā
svarNamahA “name etc.)” “mountain stream, brook”
of a river” Pre-Proto-Semitic cuá
suvartula “water *s’w “to flow” “a spring, a small stream” “river”
melon” Egyptian sáu Altaic-Karakalpak, Nogai,
“pool, lake, drinking trough” Halaj,Kumyk
Khoisan-ǂHoan suw “water”
čoʔaŋ “rain” Altaic-Uzbek, Turkmen, Karakhanid
suv “water”
B.15b.2 Kartvelian-Megrel ̣
IE-Sanskrit čvaṛčval
svardra “very wet or “to splash, flow”
moist” Kartvelian-Georgian
suvarNamukharI cwar
“name of a river” “dew, drop of dew”
suvarNarekha “name Kartvelian-Megrel
of a river” cwar
suvarNamukharI “dew, drop of dew”
“name of a river” Proto-Kartvelian
suvarNarekha *cwar
“name of a river” “dew, drop of dew”
svarnagrIva f.
“a river issuing from the
eastern side of the
Nataka mountain”
/
B.15c.1 W. Chadic- Ron (Daffo) Chinese-MSC/Beijing
Proto-IE swéy “Loch [lake], shwêi [Yale] “water”
*sūwe- Brunnen [spring, well]” shuî [Pinyin]“water” “river”
“to rain” W. Chadic-Ron (Bokkos) “a general term for rivers, lakes, seas etc.”
swey “Loch” [lake] S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (MacIver)
Nilo-Saharan-Ik čuε “water” s’ui3 (Lau Chunfat) sui3 “water”
W. Chadic-Angas N. Chinese-MSC
shwē / shwa “drink” shui3 “water, fluid, liquids”
suī “urine”
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] (Meixian)
shui3 “water” “a general term for seas” “flood,
flood disaster”
S. Chinese-Min cuì “water”
Kartvelian-Georgian cwi- “to spill”
907
/
B.15d.1 Proto-Afro-Asiatic N. Chinese -MSC
IE-Sanskrit *xüdad- “stream, river” chù “water flowing”
cyut W. Chadic-Ngizim TB-Tibetan chu “water, brook, river”
“to flow, trickle, zhùutú “filter a liquid off, N. Chinese-MSC
ooze” pour off” chù “water flowing” zhù “pour”
cyuti “coming C. Khoisan- ‖Kh’au-‖’e zhū “pool, puddle, place where water collects”
forth” [Khoe] čū “flow” S. Chinese-Min chù “to pour (liquid)”
cyu “to come forth W. Chadic– Hausa cû-lai ī–chui “running water”
from, stream forth tsūgàa vt. “to pour out in S. Chinese- Hakka
from” “to cause to great quantity” chu5 (Lau Chunfat) tsu4 “pour (liquid)”
stream forth” Semitic-Hebrew Tibetan shüǜju “fast flowing stream”
Acyu “to cause to shofehk “pour, spill” Turkic-Turkmen suw “water, watery”
flow over, Khoisan-Tati chu-sér “a euphemistic term for urine”
pour out” RV ǰoo “flow” Altaic-Tuvan suh “water”
E. Cushitic- Sidamo Altaic-Uyghur / Turkic-Azeri / Altaic- Kazakh
shuma “urine” su “water”
shumaara “to urinate” Altaic-Kyrgyz su / suu “water”
Altaic-Turkic-Kazakh su “water”
↓↓
B.16a.1 Semitic-Written Arabic TB-Tibetan
IE-Pashto charr “a cascade, a waterfall” jarā “to flow, stream chár / char-pa
járra’i “continual downpouring rain, or cloudy (water)” jarayān “rain”
weather” “flow, flux, course, cār / cārba
IE-Hindi jharnā “waterfall” stream” “rain”
IE-Sanskrit car, carati “flow, pass” Proto-Afro-Asiatic cārju “rain water”
caruvenI “name of a river” *xar “river” Austro-Asiatic-
saras “anything flowing or fluid” *cār- “to abound in Munda-
“a lake, large sheet of water, pond, pool” RV water, be very wet” Kherwarian-Santali
sarasvat “abounding in or connected with ponds” C Khoisan-Proto-Non- ‘dzharna /
“water” “the sea” “a river” “name of a river” Khoikhoi ‘dzharna “lake”
Sarasvati a major river referred to in the Rgveda. *châ “water” Altaic-Uyghur
RV See the discussion of studies on the hydrological N. Khoisan-!O!Kung, ja “to rain”
history of the Sarasvati in Bryant 166-169. Naron ca “rain” Altaic-Tuvan
sarit “river, stream” RV sara “a brook” C. Khoisan-Hiechware chah “to rain”
IE-E. Iranian –Avestan, IE-Sanskrit AV tsaa “water” Turkic-Azeri jah-
kSar “to flow, stream” “to cause to flow, pour N. Khoisan-!Kung “to rain”
out” RV AV “to give forth a stream” “to urine ša / ca “water” TB-Tibetan
[urinate]” “to cause to flow (as urine)” Egyptian sharhu Sala “name of a
kSara “water” “melting away” “a cloud” “irrigation channels” great river in
sAraNi “a stream, channel, water pipe” C. Cushitic-Bilin Jambudvipa,
sAraNyu “a cloud, water, spring”” šag / šäh ”urine” probably the
sarat “going, flowing” E. Cushitic- Burji Salwen?”
sarapas “flowing water” RV k’áraari n. m. sarita “stream,
sarasI “a pool, pond” “lake” RV “rainy season” river (mystic)”
aksara “water” RV See also B.34.1 W. Chadic-S. Bauci-
sarala “name of a river” Wangday
kSarana “flowing, trickling, distilling, dropping” shar / shà ”water”
“a cloud” “water” NS-Maba Group- Masalit
sara “fluid, liquid” “a waterfall” “a brook” sàa “water, rain”
“a lake, pond”
908
↓↓
B.25.1-2 Semitic-Arabic šiعal “to ignite, TB-Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit light, set fire to” sigaf “to roast tshig-pa “to burn”
zikhavat (fish) over an open fire” Proto-TB *m-(t)sik “burn, angry”
“flaming, Proto-Cushitic *ts’iʕ- vi. “to burn” Chinese- Cantonese
burning” Proto-Afro-Asiatic *-s’iʕ- vi. jek / jīk “to burn, to cauterize,
“fire” “to burn” to roast, to broil, to heat”
“a lamp” NS-Maba Group-Maba uosi(k) Kartvelian-Svan šix “to burn”
“fire” Proto-Turkic *č(i)ak “to strike fire”
W. Chadic- N. Bauci group- Miya Proto-Tungus-Manchu
ʔsiy- “burn” *či(K)u / *či(K)e “to strike fire”
Proto-Mongolian
*čaki “to strike fire”
↓↓
B.26.2 IE-Sanskrit Semitic -Ethiopic- Chinese- Hakka san1 “hill, mountain”
sAnu “a summit, ridge, top of a Amharic Chinese- Cantonese
mountain” mountain ridge, šäntärär sàan “hill, mountain, peak”
table land” “mountain chain, Chinese-MSC
sanumat “having a summit or mountain range” shān “hill, mountain”
ridge” “a mountain, hill” C. Chadic – Mafa, “a mountain, a hill, a range of mountains”
sanudaparvata n. m. Padoko, Matakan TB-Tibetan- Ladakhi
“name of a mountain” dza(ŋ) “mountain” gtsang-gtsong “steep, rugged
samahIdara “having E. Cushitic-Kwa’adza mountains”
mountains, mountainous” tsēm “hill” Chinese- Cantonese
sàhm “a relatively high pointed hill”
↓↓
B.27.2 IE-Sanskrit Semitic-Hebrew TB-Tibetan
garitra “rice, corn, grain” gar’een “seed (grain)” khre “millet”
IE-Hindi gari “kernel” m. C. Chadic-Mafa =
IE-Hittite Matakam gagar
karas “eine Getreideart deren Mehl “millet”
nicht zur Brotbereitung verwendet W. Chadic-Ngizim
wird” [a type of barley whose flour garəfka “sorghum”
is not useful for making bread] Semitic-Hebrew
Proto-IE *g’herə- / *g’herəzdh- gargeer “grain,
“barley” berry”
See also Note B.27.2-4 (Sanskrit) of E. Chadic- Masa
the Phase 2 tables. Group- Lame gəraŋ
“millet”
W. Chadic-Ngizim
garəfka “sorghum
(Sorghum bicolor)”
B.27.4 IE-Sanskrit W. Chadic-Dera TB-Tibetan gorii
laGgura “millet” kure “millet” “a type of round barley”
gur- “barley” “rice” “wheat” C. Khoisan-Proto-Non- NW-Pakistan-Burushaki
kUra “boiled rice” Khoekhoe *|xúrí gurin, guren (pl.) “wheat”.
kuruvinda “a kind of barley” “seed” Proto-Mongolian *guril “flour”
gur- “barley”, “rice” and “wheat” C. Khoisan-Hiechware Mongolian-Khalka *guril “flour”
kuruvinda “a kind of barley” khúrí “seed” Mongolian-Buriat guril “flour”
goraksa “wheat” E. Cushitic-Rendille Mongolian-Dagur goli(l), goli
912
↓↓
C.45.2 IE-Sanskrit W, Chadic- Ron, C. Chadic– TB-Tibetan
phut, phūt “an onomatopoetic imitative Bacama, Mwulyen ‘bud-pa
sound made by blowing or puffing into fûd- “blow on” phus pf. phu imp.
liquids or by the boiling or bubbling of W. Chadic–Diri “to blow either with the
water” fútshù “blow” mouth or be blown by
phutkara “blowing, puffing, hissing” Proto-Cushitic (Ehret) *fur- the wind” “to blow”
phutKR “to puff, blow, make a “puff, blow”
bubbling noise” E. Cushitic- Oromo afuufa
phutKRta “puffed, blown” vt. “blow, inflate, blow (horn,
trumpet)” “blow)”
↓↓
C.46.1 W. Chadic- Chinese- Cantonese
IE-Sanskrit nikRS nitsèe vi. niksei “to drown”
“to draw or drag down” “sink” “drown (sink into)” TB- Burmese
“to be borne down by the stream “vanish into water” nats < *nìk
of a river” Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) “sink into, be immersed”
nihrs “sink” nisa “to sink down, become Old Chinese
nisad “to sink or go down” low” niekm “sink, drown”
nitan “cause to go or grow nizal “to descend, go down, N. Chinese-MSC
downward” come down” “to fall, sink, drop, nìsî vi. “to be drowned
nimajj “sink” See also C.37b.1 go down” (person, animal)”
↓↓
C.48.1 NS-Songhay (Koyra) TB-Tibetan
IE-Bengali amasha “dysentery” masar / mashar “smallpox” (Ladak province)
IE-Sanskrit “itchy rash” mdzár-ra /
masVraka “smallpox” W. Chadic-Hausa mdzer-ré
masVri “a kind of smallpox” màshasshařa / masassařa “pitted with small pox,
mazaka “a particular skin disease “fever, smallpox” pock-marked, warty,
(causing dark, bean-like pustules or Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) mašxuut itchy”
eruptions” ” “scratched, marred, marked, scarred” Chinese- Cantonese
masuraka “eruption of lentil- C. Chadic- Hurza màh “measles,
shaped pustules, smallpox” madzahɫ-d’ay “fever” leprosy”
masuri “a kind of smallpox” N. Chinese-MSC
masuraka “eruption of lentil- má “pocked, pock-
shaped pustules, smallpox” marked, pitted, spotty”
masuri “a kind of smallpox” N. Chinese-MSC
IE-Pashto sharaey “the measles, E. Cushitic-Oromo sariti shazi “measles”
a slight cutaneous eruption” “infezione cutanea” “eczema umido”
shari niwal “to take or fall sick of [skin infection, eczema]
the measles, to get the measles”
C.48.3 IE-Sanskrit E. Cushitic-Rendille
sara / zara “of a variegated color” charccháaréh / chaccháaréh
“motley, spotted, speckled” “spotted, piebald, multicolored
“(of doubtful derivation)” (referring either to several items, or
saraGga “having color or having a to a single item covered all over with
dappled body” “of a variegated color, many colors)”
dappled, spotted” “(of doubtful NS-Songhay čaarey
derivation)” AV “be striped, be multicolored,
IE-Bengali zarita “variegated, variegated”
colored” NS-Kanuri sharshara “striped”
926
E. Cushitic-Oromo sarara
“riga” “striscia” [stripe, streak]
W. Chadic-Hausa
shâsshāwàa “decorative
markings on face or body
(esp. on women)”
shâsshàutā “cut tribal or
decorative scarifications on
someone”
(Daura dial.) shasshāwà f.
“any tattooing on any part of the
face, neck, body”
↓↓
C.51a.1 W. Chadic – Hausa TB-Chin-Lushai
IE-Sanskrit tukkū m. tuk “the knot or bob of hair on the
StukA “a knot or tuft of hair “tuft of hair on the crown of nape of the neck”
or wool” the head (a traditional hair TB-Burmese tuk “head”
“thick curl of hair” style for male children)” TB-Lepcha tok “the head, the top of
Stukavin “having tufts of “braid or bun (of hair)” anything, top ornament etc.”
hair” “tassel, plume of hat or TB-Tibetan tog “the top of anything,
kezastuka “a lock of hair” helmet” “cock’s comb” a top ornament”
keza “hair” “bird’s crest” ” thog “what is uppermost” “head, top
in a general sense” e.g. “to be at the
head , to lead”
C.51a.3 IE-Pashto N. Chinese-MSC
ttopal tóufâ “hair on the top of the head”
“the crown of the head” Altaic-Uyghur
ttopa’i “a cap, a hat, töbä “top of the head”
a helmet” Altaic-Kyrgyz
IE-Sanskrit Stupa töbö “top of the head”
“a knot or tuft of hair”
IE-Hindi topī
“cap, hat” f.
IE- Bengalii
tupī “cap, hat” n.
/
C.51b.2 IE-Sanskrit Proto-AA [Orel, Stolbova] *t̝s̝ag- “hair” TB-Tibetan
sAGgaja “having hair, C. Chadic-Logone ʔəm-səכgə̀ “hair” s̀̀כgs̀ככ
together with hair, covered C. Chadic-Gulfey m-sege “hair” “hairy,
with hair” South (Ethiopic) Semitic-Amharic bushy (in hair)”
zekhara “a chaplet or t’ägur / s’ägur “hair”
wreath worn on top of the yä t’ägur assärar “hairdo”
head” “crown, diadem, Semitic-Arabic
crest” šaعar colloquial “hair”
śikhā “tuft on the crown of West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic NC-
the head” Fulfulde [Fulani]
viśikhá “having no tuft of sukka horejo “one with a mop of hair”
hair, bald, unfeathered” RV hore “head”
Proto-S. Cushitic *c’əg “hair”
↓↓
D.26a.1-3 E. Chadic- Banana Proto-Tibeto-Burman *r-k`uw or *r-kəw
D.26a.1 IE-Sanskrit kul “to steal” “steal” gū “to steal”
kuh “to surprise or cheat NS-Kanuri kurkurí n. TB-Tibetan gū “to steal”
by trickery or jugglery” “petty theft” Proto-Mongolian *kula-gai “to steal,
cur “to steal” NS-Nuer cuer “thief” deceive”
curaNya “to steal” Proto-AA *xuruc Proto-Tungus-Manchu *kola- “to steal,
cor / coraka “a thief” “steal” deceive”
IE-Bengali Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) Proto-Altaic *kiola- “to steal, deceive”
cor “ thief” n. muqurbaaz Old Chinese k’u “rob”
curi “theft, stealing” “cheater, swindler” TB-Nung [Rawang] khü “rob, steal
IE-Hindi cor “ thief” Semitic-Written Arabic TB-Himalayish-Newar khul- “steal”
cori karna “steal” xulsatan “by stealth, Proto-Mongolian *kula-gai “to steal,
IE-Pashto ghulati stealthily” deceive”
“cheating or tricking at NS-Anywa [Anuak] Proto-Tungus-Manchu *kola- “to steal,
play” ”a cheat at play” kùu kùuwè pl. “thief” deceive”
Proto-Altaic *kiola- “to steal, deceive”
Proto-Turkic *K(i)al- “to steal, deceive”
D.26a.2 IE-Sanskrit N. Cushitic- Beja TB-Tibetan
Akhu “a thief” [Bedawi] rku-wa
kuha “a rogue, guhar “steal” “to steal, rob”
a cheat” küára
kuhaka “a cheat, rogue” “räuber” [robber]
“an imposter”
“deception, trickery”
kuhanika
“jugglery, hypocrisy”
D.26a.3 NS-Nuer N. Chinese-MSC
IE-Sanskrit kwil guî “deceitful, tricky, cunning”
kuj / khuj “stealing” guijue “strange and changeful, treacherous”
“to steal” NS-Anywa [Anuak] gâoguî “play tricks, be up to some mischief”
kùu kùuwè pl. guī “dirty trick”
“thief” Chinese-Wu
kuE5 “cunning, crafty, wily, deceitful”
“dirty trick, dirty work”
Chinese- Hakka
kwui3 / gui1 “traitor, villain, thief,
treacherous fellow”
TB-Written Burmese khûi “steal, thief”
khuì “steal”
/
D.26b.1 W. Chadic- Hausa N. Chinese-MSC
IE-Sanskrit wāyō adj. wāi
vaJcaka “deceiving, a deceiver, fraudulent, “cleverness, trickiness” “devious, underhanded,
crafty” “a low or vile man” yi wawaiyo crooked”
vaJcanata “trickery, deception, roguishness” “trick (play a trick on” gwáija
vaJcatha “deceit, a deceiver, cheater” wàayō m. “craft, guile”
vaJcana “cheating, deception, fraud” “cleverness, cunning” guàiwu
“to practice fraud, cheat” mài wàayō adj. “monster, monstrosity,
vaidagdya “dexterity, intelligence, acuteness, “crafty (shrewd)” freak”
cunning” “an eccentric person”
932
magànce “bewitch”
W. Chadic- Ngizim mágàná
mágànánín pl. “term of address
or reference to a sorceress”
E. Cushitic- Burji mugáanga
“magician, wizard” < NC-Swahili
D.27b.2 IE-Sanskrit W. Chadic-Hausa N. Chinese-MSC
maya “wisdom, extraordinary or maye n.m. maya n.f. màihbû
supernatural power (only in the “sorcerer, witch, wizard” “practice divination for
earlier language)” mâyyàa / mâyèe “witch” a living,
“illusion, unreality, deception, mayàudari n. m. be a fortune teller”
fraud, trick, sorcery, witchcraft, “trickster, deceiver”
magic” E. Cushitic-Oromo Chinese-Cantonese
mayin “artful, skilled in art or amajaju vi. “stregare, ammaliare, màih
enchantment, cunning, portar iettatura” “to bewitch, to charm”
deceptive, illusory” “a conjuror, [to bewitch, to enchant , màihwaahk
juggler, magician” “a cheat, a to cast a spell] “bewitch”
deceiver” amajaja
mayakara “illusion maker” “maliardo, stregone, cannibale”
“a conjurer, juggler” [enchanter, sorcerer/wizard,
mayadhara “possessing illusion, cannibal”]
skilled in magic”
mAyAvat “having magical powers,
employing deceit, sly cunning”
IE-Bengali maya “illusion” n.
↓↓
D.29.3 West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic
IE-Hindi barā adj. “big” bārātta “be strong, prevail”
IE-Bengali bɔro “big” bərtu “strong. powerful, vigorous”
Khoisan-Sandawe baʔe “big”
↓↓
D.32.4 NS-Songhay kúndà “groupe de n’importe quoi” Chinese–Min
IE-Sanskrit [group of anything] kun5
kaNDa ”a party, kondey “social club” “group, crowd,
number, multitude, NC-Swahili kúndi n. “group” “crowd” “herd” multitude, mob,
assembly” “flock” swarm, flock,
ganata “the forming of E. Cushitic-Sidamo gamba “gather” herd”
a class or multitude, W. Chadic–Hausa gungùu “crowd, group of
the belonging to a party” people”
↓↓
D.34.1 W. Chadic-Hausa ‘barī “abandon Proto-Tibeto-Burman
IE-Sanskrit (leave, cast aside)” “leave behind” *bwar ~ *hwar
parAs “to throw away or bāra-gurbi m. “unhatched egg(s) TB-Mikir var
down, cast aside, ignored by the hen” “throw, throw away, divorce
expose (as a newborn Cushitic-Bilin bār vt. “ablassen, (a spouse)”
child), aufgeben” [to give up, abandon, let out]. TB-Tibetan ‘bór-ba /
abandon, reject” Semitic-Written Arabic h̟bór-wa “to leave, forsake”
parAha bari’a “rid oneself of” “to free oneself “to forsake a husband or
“to give way, let slip. from” mubara’a “divorce by mutual wife”
abandon” consent” “to throw, cast, fling”
934
↓↓
E.10.1 IE-Bengali Semitic-Hebrew seekhsehk v. “fomented quarrel, TB-Tibetan
jhɔgra instigated” seekhsookh m. “quarrel, dispute” rdsig-rdsig /
“quarrel” S. (Ethiopic) Semitic-Amharic rdzig-rdzig
IE-Hindi jhagra täĉäqäĉcäqä “fight (vi.), quarrel, argue, dispute, “to address one harshly
“quarrel” squabble” and threateningly”
IE-Pashto Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) šaagab “to make trouble, S. Chinese-Yue
jhagrra disturb the peace” šagab “trouble, strife, discord, (Cantonese)
“quarrel” dissension, commotion, controversy” chìk hot
IE-Hindi šikayat W. Chadic- Hausa tsēgumi f. “constant “to shout or bawl
n. “complaint” complaining about other people with implied threats” angrily”
śikayat karna vi. E. Cushitic- Oromo c’iiga’a “have aversion to” jìk “to argue, to
“complain” Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) šika “to complain about’ dispute”
↓↓
E.11a.1 W. Chadic- Hausa TB-Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit cene “say” cé-na / shena / ze-na
iticen “often placed at the Egyptian shen “if anyone says so, asks so, after words
end of the objector’s “to speak, to proclaim, to tell” literally quoted”
statement ‘if it be argued NS-Maba Group- Maba shena “it is said or asked”
that’” zɔכnɔ“ כyou (sing.) say” N. Chinese-MSC
See Note E.11a.1-2 South (Ethiopian) Semitic-Ge’ez zhēng “contend, argue” “argue about”
(Sanskrit Extended) of the zenawa “inform, tell, report” ch’én (WG)
Phase 2 analytic tables. NS-Songhay čiin-ndi “be said, “to make a statement, to make a plea”
be sayable” shēn “state, express, explain”‘
/
E.11b.1 W. Chadic- Hausa S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
IE-Bengali sanař dà vt. sàn
janano “inform someone” “to report”
“inform” “tell” sanářwā f. “to present one’s case
“announcement” (in a law court)”
shɔngbad “news” ‘information” zanta “talk, inform, converse” N. Chinese-MSC
shɔngbad “message” n. West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic tsān (WG)
shangbadik “reporter, journalist zanta “story, tale” “to counsel, to consult
West Semitic-Ethiopian-Ge’ez together”
zenawa shāng
“inform, tell, report” “discuss, consult”
E.11b.2 W. Chadic-Hausa S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
IE-Hindi samvāddātā sambàtu “idle talk” sàn
“reporter” n. W. Chadic- Ngizim “to report”
IE-Sanskrit sàmàná sám “to let know”
samAbhas “chatting, talking about, relating N. Chinese -MSC
“to talk with, converse together, stories concerning” tsān (WG)
address, speak to” “discussion” “to counsel, to consult
“to speak about” NS- Kanuri together”
samAbhaSaNa səmaná
“talking together, conversation with” “talk, chat, discussion”
IE-Hindi samāchār news” South (Ethiopian) Semitic-
samāchārpatr “newspaper” m. Amharic
zanta “story, tale”
↓↓
943
↓↓
E.13e.1 W. Chadic- Ron (Bokkos) N.Khoisan- !Kung
IE-Old Indian kauti kawa !kau “to cry”
”to sound, cry” “weinen, schreien, klagen”
IE-Tokharian *kwā- [cry, weep, scream cry out]
“call out to, invite”
“to call”
E.13e.2 Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
IE-Bengali hawwas “to make a commotion, raise hau / hàau “(of beast) to roar
haumau an uproar, be noisy” “to chant slogans” or howl”
“uproar, complaint” E. Cushitic-Rendille hawda “bellow, Written Burmese ʔau “shout”
bleat, low” S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
C. Khoisan –Nama hau / hàau
!hao “scream” / !ha̎o “call” “(of beast) to roar or howl”
↓↓
E.14.1 IE-Sanskrit Proto-AA*kuha’ “speak, shout” TB-Tibetan ŋu-wa / ngu-ba
kuuwa “be noisy” C. Cushitic- Bilin kuā “to cry, to weep”
kuvAna “a disagreeable “schreien” [to scream, cry out] TB-Tibetan ŋu vi.
noise” South (Ethiopian) Semitic- “to cry, to weep”
ku “to sound, make any Amharic č’uhät “scream, shout, TB-C.-Loloish-Nyi ŋu̱ “weep”
noise, cry out, moan, cry yell, cry” TB-Nung [Rawang]
(as a bird)” W. Chadic- Gwandara ngü “weep, cry”
“to cry aloud” kuwo “cry” n. Proto-Tibeto-Burman
kuj “to make any W. Chadic–Dera *ŋuw = ŋəw “weep, cry”
inarticulate or monotonous kūwu “shouting” Chinese-MSC k’ū “to weep, to cry,
sound” “moan, groan” NS-Tubu [Teda] to wail, to mourn for”
Proto-IE *(s)kwal kululu “cri de deuil des femmes” Kartvelian-Georgian
“to shout, to whine” [women’s cry of mourning] qu(v)- “to cry, howl”
N.Khoisan-!Kung !kóu “scream” Proto-Kartvelian *quw- “to howl”
↓↓
E.15.4 IE- Sanskrit Semitic-Ethiopic- TB-Chin-Lushai
ghurghura Amharic ŋur “to growl, to snarl,
“growling (of a dog or cat) əngurgurro “muttering, grumble”
ghurghuraka “a gurgling or murmuring” TB-Tibetan ŋer “to growl”
murmuring sound” W. Chadic - Hausa ŋergεὲ “growling”
ghuraghuraya gurgutu “growling, ŋur-ba “to grunt (of yaks and
“wheeze, puff, snort” purring” pigs)”
ghurughurAghora NS-Kanuri Altaic-Turkic-Turkish
“great noise (produced by panting or ngurngur-ngin gurlemek “roar”
puffing)” ghurika “snorting” “roar (e.g. of a lion) Kartvelian-Svan
IE-Hindi gurana “growl, snarl” “grumble, pout (of people)” gurgwn “to thunder”
gurahit “growl” f. Semitic-Aramaic Proto-Kartvelian
IE-Sanskrit ghurghura qurqā, qurqur gurgw- “to thunder”
“growling (of a dog or cat)” “making an animal noise” Kartvelian-Georgian
ghuraghuraya E. Cushitic- Oromo qurqul “wolf’s or dog’s howl”
“wheeze, puff, snort” gururi’a “growl” Proto-Kartvelian
IE-Pashto ghur-zang NC-Swahili *qur- “to howl”
“to roar, to bellow (as a bull)” nguruma “rumble, Kartvelian-Georgian, Svan
ghurchedal “to roar, to bellow” vi. thunder, growl, roar, gul- “to growl”
bellow” S. Daic-Lao ku2 “growl”
↓↓
945
qarura
“long-necked bottle, flagon, vial,
flask” pumpkin”.
Proto-Afro-Asiatic *gar-
“container, vessel”
C. Chadic-Gude kəra
“calabash species”
F.5.2 N. Khoisan –Naron TB-Tibetan ko-ré
IE-Bengali !kɔre “cup for drinking”
kɔrai Khoisan -‖Ng-!’e shiŋ kor “wooden cup”
“large cooking utensil, pan” !kɔrε̎ “dish” shiŋ ”wood”
NS-Kanuri korê n. kó-re “bowl, dish,
“vessel with neck for keeping drinking cup”
liquids” TB-Kiranti-Limbu
E. Cushitic- Burji, Gedeo kho.rεʔl “small bowl,
k’ore cup or beaker”
“plate (of wood)” Proto-Altaic *kòrke
Proto-Highland E. Cushitic “a kind of vessel
k’ûr’e Proto-Altaic *k’ure /
“jar, pot *kor- “basket”
(small to medium)” Altaic Proto-Turkic
*Körke “a kind of vessel
Altaic- Proto-Mongolian
*korgu “a kind of vessel
/
F.9b.1-2 Semitic-Hebrew TB-Tibetan
F. 9b.1 IE-Sanskrit kala v. “imprisoned, locked up” dgár-wa / dgár-ba
kArA “a prison” “binding, South (Ethiopian) Semitic-Amharic “to separate, confine,
confinement” qwärännä “bind, attach, shackle” place apart,
kArAgAra “a gaol or place aqqwärännä “be tied (men, cattle, goods)
of confinement” (prisoner to guard), bind (to a job)”
kArAgupta “person Egyptian kará-t “place of restraint,
confined, imprisoned” prison”
karamarI “prisoner” NS-Nuer kʌrakכn “prison”
car “to put a hindrance” E. Cushitic-Oromo gararo n.
caraka “a fetter, a prison” “parco per bestiame, ovile”
IE-Bengali karagar [corral, enclosure, sheepfold] F.9b.2 TB-Tibetan
“prison” n. W. Chadic–Hausa kar “blocking
IE-Hindi gar̝h m. “fortress” kāriyàa f. “screen, shield” “screening off somebody from getting
Proto-IE *k’arek- , protecting from harm” something”
“fenced place” C. Chadic-Gude gəra “keep guard, Proto-Altaic *k’ōra “to
IE-Hindi ghar “home” watch” protect, guard”
ciriyāghar ”zoo” m. W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Tigre kar’a Altaic-ProtoTurkic
[lit. bird enclosure or bird “beschützen” [to protect, defend] *K’ōrɨ- “to protect,
home] W. Chadic – Hausa guard”
kārèe vg.4 (completive) Altaic-Proto Mongolian
“to screen (temporarily)” *kori- “to protect,
“guard (shield off)” “protect” guard”
F. 9b.2 NC-Tiv gar “village, fence” TB-Tibetan
IE-Sankrit karabha “wall” W.Chadic–Hausa kārgyaŋ
karabhagrama “name of a gàařu “town wall” “wall around a
village” [lit. walled village] Proto-W. Chadic fort/castle”
karvata “a village, market *gar- “village, town” “stone wall” dgar byahi phugs
town” “town wall” “cattle to be penned in a
kArkotaka “name of a Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) qarawī fold”
town” “village, country” phugs “cattle”
kArIrapasthra “name of a Semitic-Written Arabic TB-Kiranti-Limbu
town” qarya / qarawi “village, hamlet, small garo “wall”
nagara “a town, city” town, rural community” “from Nepalese gāro”
nAgara “town-born, relating Egyptian khar “village, quarter of a town TB-Tibetan
or belonging to town or city” or city, street” gar “camp” /
nagarIya “belonging to a W. Chadic-Hausa gàrī “town” sgar “camp,
town, civic, urban” South (Ethiopian) Semitic-Ge’ez encampment”
ghar “home” m. hagar “town, country,
gharelu “domestic” inhabited region”
IE-Hindi nagar “town” Proto-Berber *a-ɣaram “town”
↓↓
F. 10.2 IE-Sanskrit W. Chadi –Hausa k’unsàa vt. TB-Kiranti-Limbu
F. 10.2 gunth “wrap, envelope” “wrap something up” khuŋmaʔ vt.
“to enclose or k’ùnshìi vn. of k’unsàa “bundle, parcel” “wrap oneself in something”
envelop, surround, “bundle (wrapped)” “package” N. Chinese-MSC
cover” “wrapping hands and feet with henna in kûnzā
gunthita preparation for a feast or celebration” “tie up, bundle up”
“enveloped, NS- Kanuri kə́ndəkin v.
covered with” “bind, wrap, or tie (a child) on one’s back”
958
399
Note H.23b.1 (Tibetan, Sanskrit) Kiranti, Tibetan and Sanskrit all give evidence of having grammaticalized the
Hausa tsan(tsā) “pure(ly)” “sole(ly)” “pure state, all and only”, sam adv. “completely” or the Arabic jamiiع
“all” “comprehensive, extensive” into a function morpheme which, when attached to a verb, means “doing the
previously identified action completely, thoroughly”. Examples are in H.23b.1-2 Sanskrit as well as several of the
H.23b.1 Tibetan entries.
970
/
H.23e.1 IE-Sanskrit W. Chadic-N. Bauci-Kariya TB-Tibetan
saralata “uprightness, honesty, ‘sarna “good, beautiful” gsar-pa / gsar-po /
simplicity” W. Chadic-Angas sar-pa “good”
sarala “upright, sincere, candid, zare “good, clean, holy” ɣsál-ba “pure”
honest, artless” Egyptian sar “to act wisely or “free from faults and
saralya “ rectitude, honesty” honorably, honor” deficiencies”
carana “good or moral conduct” W. Chadic-Hausa ‘a-sarya
caritra “good conduct, good shàřîf “holy, noble man” “spiritual guide or
character, reputation” shariftàa “being a holy man” father, instructor,
caritriya “good conduct” tsarki “cleanliness, purity, holiness” doctor”
sarasa “elegant, beautiful” Semitic-Arabic [ loaned from
IE-Pashto sara’h s̟aalik “virtuous, pious, devout, Sanskrit]
“genuine, honest, sincere, candid” godly”
W. Chadic – Ron (Daffo)
sapa “heilig sein, rein sein”
[be holy, be pure] H.23d.2
H.23e.2 IE-Sanskrit South (Ethiopic) Semitic-Amharic C. Chinese-Wu
sAda “purity, cleanness, clearness” s’äddä “be clean, be pure” tsa1
sAdhu “a good or virtuous or honest s’äddäqä “be justified, be declared “pious, respectful,
man” “a holy man, sage, seer” righteous, be just, chaste, pure”
“a chaste or virtuous woman” be pious”
“goodness, kindness, benevolence” s’ädäk “pious, just, righteous”
satKRti “doing good, virtue, Semitic- Hebrew
morality” tsadak v. “be right, be just”
sadguna “good quality, virtue” tsadek n. m. “a righteous man”
“virtuous” E. Cushitic-Oromo
IE-Bengali shadu “saint” zadeqi “santo” [holy, blessed]
↓↓
H.24a.3 IE-Sanskrit NS-Kanuri kasalngin TB-Tibetan
kSal v. “bathe, wash the entire body” bshál-ba
“to wash, wash off, n. kasála “bathing” “to wash, to wash
to purify, cleanse, clean” NS-Maba Group- Masalit out or off” “to clean
kSala m. sala-n’gi / sali-n’gki “clean” by washing” bsal
“washing, washing off” W. Chadic–Tangale salamm / salam-salam vt. perf. and fut.
kSalanIya “to be “clean, bright” forms “cleanse”
washed or cleansed” NS-Maba Group- Masalit
kSalita sala-n’gi / sali-n’gki “clean”
“washed, cleansed, E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla] sâlpè
cleaned, “ “nettoyer à neuf” sal ideo.
“wiped away, removed” “emphasizes whiteness”
NS-Maba Group-Maba sasal-ik “clean”
Semitic- Arabic ġassal “to wash thoroughly”
“limpido, pulito, netto” [clear, polished, neat]
H.24a.4 W. Chadic – Hausa tsaftà “cleanliness”
IE-Hindi tsab ~ tsaf “very clean” “neatly, completely
saf “clean” clean” tsàbtàacē / tsaftàacē vg.4 vt.
“clean, cleanse”
Semitic- Arabic safi “pure” (Iraqi)
s̟affa “to make clear, to purify”
/
972
↓↓
H.25a.1 IE-Sanskrit Egyptian tchaāri TB-Tibetan ‘čór-ba
car “to drive away from” “to drive away, to repulse” “to pursue, chase, hunt”
“to hunt” Semitic-Written Arabic pf. (b)s̀or fut. ɣs̀or
carya “driving a (carriage) t’arada “to drive away, chase “to pursue, chase, hunt after”
sara “driving away” away, push away, reject, repel, IE-Tokharian
saraNa “running after, banish, exile” śaru- / śerwe “hunt”
following” Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) šarrad Altaic- Proto-Turkic
sarin “going, running, “to cause to flee, run away” *sǖr- “to drive away”
hastening” E. Cushitic- Sidamo Altaic-Turkic-Turkish
“following, pursuing” shorra “to drive away, chase sür- “to drive away”
sarasarin “running courses away, pursue” Altaic-Turkic-Azerbaidzhan,
or races” Semitic-Written Arabic Turkmen sür- “to drive away”
sara+Nya “to run, hasten, šarada “frighten away, Altaic-Turkic-Kyrgyz sür-
speed” RV chase away, drive away” “to drive away”
saraNa “running, quick E. Cushitic-Somali Altaic-Turkic-Tuva sür-
motion” carar ”to run” “to drive away”
H.25a.2 Semitic-Written Arabic TB-Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit šarada “to bolt (horse), to run shor / ‘chór-ba pf. and f.
sRta “going, running” away, flee, take to flight” “break “to escape, slip away”
“moving, flight, escape” loose, escape” ‘chór-wa “escape, flee or steal
sR “to escape from, get rid Semitic- Arabic (Yemeni) away”
of” “run a race, to run away, šuruud “to bolt away, fleeing, chór-wa
escape” “to run a race” RV escape” vn. of šarad) “to be fled, to be lost, to escape,
sR “to run away, escape” NS-Songhay (Gao) zùrù slip”
“to run a race” “fuir (en parlant d’un homme),
s’enfuir, courir, s’echapper”
(Fr.) [to flee, run, escape]
/
H.25c.1 IE-Sanskrit W. Chadic-Hausa TB-Tibetan
sAra “the very best” zara “surpassing, exceeding” tsar-ba
“good, sound, best excellent” zarcèe vg.4 (completive) “to excel, surpass”
sArabhUta “being the chief thing, “exceed, surpass” tsar perf.
best, most excellent” “pass beyond or to a place” tshar-wa
n. “the main or best thing” E. Cushitic–Somali “to fulfill, to finish”
sArarUpa “best, principal, most sarrai “be first, go to the head” “fulfillment, doing a
excellent” Semitic-Arabic tsarafa “surpass in work completely”
sArabhRt “taking or choosing what rank” h’tshar-wa
is best” W. Chadic-Hausa sarai adv. “very “to be finished,
sAradhAnya “the best grain” well, completely totally” completed”
IE-Bengali Semitic-Hebrew sarar “prevailed” “as an auxiliary to
shera “excellent, best” adj. Egyptian tchara “to overcome” denote an action that is
shara “finish, accomplish” vb. E. Cushitic–Oromo carrisu perfectly past or
shara “whole, entire, all” adj. “finire, completare, ultimare, portare completed”.
IE-Tokharian särk- a termini ” [to, finish, to complete, Kartvelian-Georgian
“pass, surpass, go beyond” to bring to a close] *(s)car / *(s)cor
Proto-IE ̣*s[e]rk- “pass, surpass, go South (Ethiopian) Semitic-Amharic “to be in time, to be
beyond” ĉ’arrasa “finish, end, terminate, first”
IE-Hittite sarku- “erhaben” complete, accomplish” Proto-Kartvelian
“machtig” (Ger.) [elevated, lofty / ĉ’ərraš “end, altogether, completely, *car- “to be in time,
mighty, powerful] entirely” to be first”
974
↓↓
H.26b.1,3 E. Cushitic-Oromo deggera TB-Tibetan deg “to lift, raise up” “to support,
IE-Hindi “support” “shore up” to prop/shore up”
tekan m. Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) Proto-Turkic *tAkan “trestle, rack “ “tripod”
“support” tikma “pillar, column” Altaic-Turkic-Turkish daɣan “tripod”
IE-Bengali “brace, support” Altaic-Turkic-Turkmen tāGan “tripod”
tak “shelf” W. Chadic-Hausa Altaic-Turkic-Kazakh taɣan “tripod”
tha:k n. madogari n. m. Altaic-Mongolian-Ordos
“tier, layer, shelf” “prop, support” daGa “horizontal bar in a yurt”
↓↓
H.29a.3 Proto–AA TB-Bodo/Garo-Garo
IE-Bengali dhakka (Orel / Stolbova 1995) dok ~ dak
deowa “knock” vb. *dak- “beat, pound” “knock, pound”
IE-Hindi dhakkā m. W. Chadic-Tangale TB-Tibetan rdeg(s)-pa
“shock, jog” daage “to push, to knock over, “to beat, strike, smite”
dhakelnā vt. “push” to overthrow” H.29a.3
IE-Old Indian taḳsati W. Chadic-Hausa Kartvelian-Georgian ̣
“to form by cutting” dakàa vt. grade 1 verb tak-un “to knock, hit”
“chisel, fashion, form“ “pound (final pounding of grain Proto-Mongolian
táḳsan “woodcutter, into flour)” *daɣa-ri - “to hit in passing,
carpenter” Omotic-Bencho dekn “hit” offend”
IE-Tokharian taks- C. Cushitic–Bilin dagah
“chop up, grind up” “stossen, schlagen” [hit, strike]
/
H.29b.1 Proto-AA *-duk’- “break into pieces by hitting” Kartvelian-Megrel ̣
IE-Bengali “break, pound” *tuk- “strike” tok(-un ) “to knock, hit”
toka deowa NC-S.W. Mande- Kpelle dukwa / dokwa Old Chinese
“knock” vb. “hit, beat” tǔk “beat/strike”
IE-Pashto NS-Maba Group- Masalit idu-k “castrate”
ttukrr “to butt, -Aiki dככk “beat, pound” S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
to knock, to knock W. Chadic- Hausa. dūkàa “strike” deuk “to strike, to
against, to shove” Songhay (Djenne, Koyra) hammer”
duku / duka “ram, butt with head” Chik / Ng Lam 228
/
H.29c.1 E. Cushitic-Somali tun ”to hit, to grind” TB-Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit W. Chadic-Hausa tunkuya vt. “butt, gore dung “to strike, to hit”
tunna “struck, (by horned animal)”tunkùd’a “to knock to one side” Proto-Tibeto-Burman
goaded, hurt, cut” NS-Anywa dʊ̀ɔŋ “to knock at something.” r-dung “beat, strike”
IE- Old Indian “to hit somebody on the head (with fist)” Old Chinese
tunjati, tunakti NS-Nuer d̀ɔŋ- “to rap” dɔŋ n. “knock, rap” d’uŋ “beat, strike”
“to strike, hit, NS-Kanuri dungolngin “bully or provoke someone Chinese-MSC
push” by pushing one’s clenched knuckles into the head” tông “poke, stab”
↓↓
H.30a.1-2 IE-Pashto W. Chadic–Hausa tsāgàa vt. “split, crack, Chinese- Cantonese
chak kuwal rip” “make cut or incision in something” chaak
“to split, to crack” “split, cut, tear” “tear (esp. into two)” “to split, to break or rip open”
hak-unak adj. “crack (in wood, a wall”) “to crack, to chap, to tear”
“rent, torn, slit, E. Chadic –Migama, Bigiya Chinese-Wu tshaʔ7
gashed, cracked” *jag- “hacher, desunir, separer” “break, split,
[chop up, split, separate] rip open”
975
IE-Sanskrit šaqq “to split off, break away, separate” TB-Tibetan ɣśág-pa / ‘ĉég-
zaka “to separate, “to tear, rip, rend” pa / h̟ĉág(s)-pa
to divide” Proto-AA (Orel-Stolbova 1995) ɣśags, bśags
“chip, fragment” *tsag- / *cag- “break” pf. ɣśág, fut. bśág
zakala Semitic-Arabic (Yemeni, Iraqi) “to cleave, to split”
“to separate, divide” šagg “to rip, tear something” “to break or pierce through”
“a potsherd, a half” “to cut through” “to tear” “to rend, to tear”
“(of doubtful Khoisan-Hatsa ‖kaka “to divide” Kartvelian-Megrel chack
derivation)” N. Khoisan-O-!Kung ‖ka‖kã “to tear” “to break apart, split”
“a chip, fragment, Semitic-Arabic (Yemeni) Kartvelian-Megrel čkačk-
splint, log, piece, bit tšaggag “to be torn up” “to break, tear”
(of doubtful E. Cushitic- Sidamo Kartvelian-Georgian
derivation)” c’akkawa vi. “to crack (a wall)” ceck “to break, tear”
zakalaya c’akka “to be torn (clothes)” Kartvelian-Laz čačk
“to break into pieces” Semitic-Hebrew “to peck, split”
“divide” shakhook adj. “worn, tattered” Proto-Altaic *sak’a
“to cut, split, sharp
saksata “having a W. Chadic- Hausa
instrument”
crack or flaw” tsāgìi f. “bits of cloth discarded by tailor”
Proto-Tungus-Manchu
zakalita Egyptian sekh
*sak-pi “to cut, split, sharp
“broken into pieces” “to cut, to cut off, to reap”
instrument”
“reduced to W. Chadic- Hausa
TB-Tibetan
fragments” tsāgèe vi. completive
chaàgεε “cracked”
“become split, cracked”
/
H.30b.1 Proto-Cushitic *ts’at- “to cut up” Proto-Tibeto-Burman
Old Indian C. Chadic-Mofu-Gudur *tsyat “break, cut”
chyati “to cut off” Proto-AA *c’adaʔ “cut, grind, pound” TB-Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit cha’dw- “cut, chop” h’chad-pa
ksad E. Chadic-Migama “to be cut into pieces, to be cut
“to cut, dissect, divide, ca’dó “cut, chop” off” h’chad pf.
kill” “to carve (meat)” Semitic - Ethiopic- Amharic TB-Chin-Lushai
ksadana ac’c’ädä “mow, cut with a sickle” tśat “break, cut”
“carving, dividing” Semitic – Arabic (Iraqi) TB-Written Burmese
kSattR šaṭaba “to cut into slices or strips” chat
“one who cuts or carves or (Yemeni) šaṭṭ “to tear” “break, cut”
distributes anything” RV šaṭṭaṭ “to tear to pieces”
kSata “broken, torn, Egyptian ashā “to cut”
rent” “wounded, hurt” ashāt “piece, something cut off”
/
H.30c.1 W. Chadic-Ngizim TB-Tibetan
IE-Sanskrit gàdú “snap in two (flexible object such as rope etc.)” ka trεε /
kad “to break off “snap off (fruit off tree etc.)” katrεε tu doŋ
a part, separate” “break loose (something tied or attached by rope, etc.)” “to separate, to split
khad “to divide, Semitic-Hebrew khatsah “divided in two” up, to take apart”
break” khatakh “v. (past tense) cut, cut off” kadrεε
khadana katoo’a “truncated, cut” katsoots “chopped, cut-off” “split, separated,
“cutting or tearing khatsav “hewed, chiseled” parted”
to pieces” Semitic- Arabic (Iraqi) gaṭṭa “to cut off, break off” TB-Nepali
khata “an axe, (Yemeni) gaṭac “to cut, cut off” kātnu
hatchet, chisel” Semitic-Ethiopic-Amharic qäṭṭätä “cut (grass, bushes), “to chop, cut with a
shear (sheep)” knife”
976
↓↓
H.34c.1 C. Chadic- Matakam kal “fall” “tomber)” (Fr.) TB-C. Loloish-Lahu
IE-Sanskrit E. Chadic- Jegu gal “fall “tomber)” (Fr.) qa
gal E. Chadic-Migama, Bidiya, Dangaleat gal “fall (of dew, frost,
“to fall down or off” “tomber” [fall} snow, hail, leaves)”
“to cause to drop” E. Cushitic-Oromo qara vn. “caduta”
“to drip, drop, trickle” [a fall, drop, collapse]
Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi)
xarr “to fall, fall down, drop, dive”
x = voiceless velar spirant
Egyptian ukha “to let fall, to have a miscarriage,
to set down something”
↓↓
H.38a.1 NC-Fulfulde [Fulani] jaggana “to serve” S. Chinese-Yue
IE-Bengali jaggotodo “servant njaggu / jagganaki (Cantonese)
cakri “service” jik6 “dispatch”
“job, employment” W. Chadic- Hausa jekada (Hadejia dial.) “servant, laborer”
cakor “a messenger”, “employ as a servant”
“servant” jakadanci “the work of a a messenger” jīk “profession, post”
(Gumel, Katsina dial.) jeka fada “a jīkyihp
messenger” “profession, occupation”
Semitic-Hebrew sekheer “hireling of” “job” “employment”
‘eesook “occupation, job”
H.38a.5 NC-Mande S. Chinese-Kejia
IE-Bengali kyi / cyi “work, send” [Hakka] gì5 /
kaje “work” S. Chinese-Min
kaj n. “work” kì3 “send, entrust, consign”
kaj kara v. “work” S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
kaje lagano v. geimaih “consign,
“employ” consignment”
/
H.38b.1 IE-Sanskrit C. Chadic-Gude ɬəkē “send” TB-Tibetan
lekyāhanam “mail (post)” West Semitic-Ethiopian-Amharic zlog-pa
lekyāvahanam “dispatch” māl’əktāňňa “messenger, emissary, “to send, dispatch”
lekyam “official message” delegate, envoy, representative”
lekhahari m. talalaki “messenger , messenger boy, Old Chinese
“hasty messenger” errand boy” sli̭əg
IE-Pashto leg-al “to send, Semitic-Hebrew shole’ak v. present “command, cause,
to transmit, send out, to dispatch” “send, dispatch” send”
IE-Bengali lagano v. “employ” leshale’ak inf. “to send away”
“hire” shalee’ak “emissary, messenger”
/
H.38c.1-2 IE-Sanskrit Semitic-Syrian Aramaic Proto-Tibeto-
Araksin “guarding, watching cattle” rəʕā “pasture, guard livestock, Burman /
raks “to guard, watch, take care of, herd, graze” Proto-Lolo-
protect” “to tend (cattle)” goraks “tending W. Chadic-Hausa raka “escort, Burmese
or guarding cattle” goraksa “a cowherd” accompany” *ʔlak ~
“tending or breeding cattle, business of a E. Chadic-Mokulu *glak
herdsman” araks “to watch over, defend, ‘igi / ‘akki “envoyer” [send] “graze
to protect from” RV “accompagner” [accompany] (forage)”
978
Supplementary Table 3
Khoisan ↔ ST comparative data
1.0 These tables report information resulting primarily from the Chapter 2A-H comparison but they also
include direct correspondences of Khoisan lexemes with Sino-Tibetan when no Afro-Asiatic correspondence
has been found, e.g set. B.30.2. (See list at beginning of Table 1.1.1 below.) So when Khoisan
correspondences have been identified with only Nilo-Saharan and/or Niger Congo roots or with ST only,
these sets are also listed here. It must be emphasized that the table does not represent a full comparison of
Khoisan languages with African/AA and Sino-Tibetan languages. Although it is substantive, it is provisional
in nature; for this reason no statistics are compiled for the data.
b. | | | | Dental- (sounds like English “tsk tsk”, a release of the tongue from the upper front teeth) ;
when lost it commonly results in a Latin alphabet initial (d-), (t-) or someimtes (s- / sh-/ j-)
Examples below are: A.1b.2, A1c.4, A.2a.2, A.10a.5, A.26.5, C.33.1 and C.51a.1,2,5.
c. ‖ ‖ ‖ Alveolar lateral (somewhat similar to the English “tsk tsk” but is the sucking sound made
from the tongue being withdrawn from the upper side teeth.). This, when lost, commonly results in a
Latin alphabet initial plosive sibilant (ch-, sh-, tsh, s- or j-)
Examples below are: A.2b.1, A.13b.2, B.12a.2, C.34.4, D.19a.2, F.7a.6 and H.13b.4
d. ! ! ! ! Alveolar- The opening of the glottis after the influx sounds like popping of a cork from a
bottle being opened. After loss of the click, it commonly results in a Latin alphabet initial (d- , t- or
someimes s- efflux)
Examples below are: A.9b.1, A.10a.5, A.26.5,7, B.31.2-3, C.29a.3 and C.29b.2. See also Chapter 10
Section 10.3.3.2
e. ǂ ǂ ǂ ǂ Palatal (retroflex)- In the preceding cases the tongue is in a frontal position so when the
click is lost, the consonants produced at the efflux are frontal. In contrast the palatal click is produced
with the tongue touching the upper palate. Its influx also produces a popping sound when the tongue is
released but it sounds at a higher register than that of the alveolar click. With loss of the click the velar
efflux is retained, and often a k- or g- intial is produced. See C.34.2 below.
981
The retention of only the velar opening plus efflux in the AA/ST correspondent initial also occurs with
frontal clicks.
Examples of loss of the dental, alveolar or alveolar-laterals are: C.26a.4, C.51.5, D.5a.1, E.13d.1,
F.5.2, G.11a.4
As mentioned in Chapter 10 section 10.3.2.2 the Khoisan frontal and palatal clicks can be reduced to
an initial glottal in African / AA or ST lexemes. Examples: D.4c.1, F.1.2.
There are cases in which a sole Khoisan click phoneme corresponds with an ST velar or
dental/alveolar initial.
Examples: A.26.1, C.1a.3, C.33.3, C.38a.2, C.38a.3, C.51.2, G.11a. 2
From note C.38a.2- The palatal click (ǂ) phoneme of the Khoisan--!Kung,/Hatsa ǂo lexeme by
itself contains a velar consonant and as such corresponds closely to the velar initial of the C.38a.2
Chinese-Min go7 lexeme. Thus in the C.38a.2 AA and NS morphemes with g- initial there is no
closure of the frontal air flow, and absent the click, only the velar ejective (plosive ) is produced.
There are cases in which the transition from click to a non-click initial correspondence can be seen
between Khoisan subfamilies.
Example: C.21b.3
C. Khoisan-Naro ‖k’ɔro “nail (finger-)” > C. Khoisan-Proto-Non-Khoekhoe *chàú /
Ani, Buga, Cara, Danisi chàú / -Deti, Tsika, Kua, Tsua càú “hand” See also G.11a.2, H.4c.1
Table 1.1.1 contains sets from word families attesting the Sino-Tibetan, Khoisan and African /
AfroAsiatic- close correspondences.
Table 1.1.1
Word family Khoisan ↔ Khoisan ↔ African- Khoisan correspondences with
Sino-Tibetan Afroasiatic Sanskrit and other non-ST
correspondences correspondences languages of Central and East
Asia
A.1a A.1a.1 W. Chadic – Hausa IE-Sanskrit
S. Khoisan-|Nu‖en kařàmbatàa n.f. kalikara “the fork-tailed shrike”
ǂkariron “bird” “eagle, kestrel species” “a kind of chick”
S. Khoisan-|Xam “black-crested hawk-eagle” khara “an osprey, a heron”
k”ari “bird” “mountain kestrel” karaka “a species of bird”
TB-Tibetan W. Chadic–Bole karAyika “a bird, a small kind of
kharada karmata “white hawk” crane”
“name of a bird” NS-Daza karabu kharakoNa “the francolin
khra “a small bird “vulture” partridge”
of prey, sparrow- NS-Barea karba bird” IE-Pashto karak “quail”
hawk, falcon” Omotic-Janjero Altaic-Kyrgyz garha “crow”
“kind of hawk or kura “hawk” Altaic-Kazakh karha “crow”
falcon” W. Chadic–Buli Altaic-Uyghur karqigha /
khra-zhur kale “hawk, kite” qarhaj “hawk” karha “crow”
“a species of Proto-Semitic Altaic-Mongolian
eagle” *ɣārib “corvo” [crow] keriyen “crow” / kerije “raven”
Altaic-Uzbek qerhe “crow”
/
982
A.26.5
S.Khoisan-|Auni !úin “ostrich egg”
S.Khoisan-|Xam !aúi / !aúwi “egg”
TB-Chin-Lushai tui “egg”
TB-Jingpho [Kachin] məthwi “egg”
Proto-TB *twey / *tdwey “egg”
S.Khoisan-ǂKhomani ǂwi “ostrich egg”
S.Khoisan- Nǀuu ǂui “egg”
A.26.6 W. Semitic-Ethiopian-Gurage
Proto-S. Khoisan *‖gu “egg” ənkula / ənkura
TB-S. Loloish-Bisu ʔaŋ-ʔu “egg” “egg”
Proto-N. Khoisan *!nu “egg” W. Semitic-Ethiopian-
N. Khoisan-!O!Kung !nu “egg”; Amharic ənkulal “egg”
N. Khoisan- Zuǀ’hoan !nu “egg”
A.26.7 S.Khoisan-|Proto-Kwi *ǂ(g)u “egg”
TB-Written Burmese ʔu’ “egg”
Proto-Lolo-Burmese, TB-Nusu (Bijiang)
*ʔu “egg”
↓↓
A.27 A.27.1 TB-Tibetan NS-Sungor iši “excrement” Altaic-Turkik-
Khoisan-Proto-Hadza *c̟i NS-Maba Group- Kodoi Turkish ,
“excrements” ìsîî “urine” iisi “urinate” Uzbek,
Khoisan-Hadza hiciya “excrements” Proto-Chadic *isi Kyrghyz,
“
lchi-ba “dung (esp. of cattle)” excrement” Oyrat, Nogai,
cisə “stool, excrement” E. Chadic-Sokoro issi Balkar,
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] “feces” Karaim, Kumyk
3 3 “
(MacIver) si / shi excrement, W. Chadic- Ron (Bokkos) sij- “urinate”
dung” shishí “faeces”
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) W. Chadic- S. Bauci group- Hmong-Mien-
sí “excrement” Geji ʔìšì “feces” Hmong
C. Chinese-Wu sɿ1 “excrement, Omotic- Janjero, Ometo chiv
dung” šiya “feces” “manure,
N. Chinese-MSC shî n. W. Chadic- S. Bauci group- fertilizer”
“excrement, faeces, dung” Geji ʔìšì “feces”.
↓↓
A.29 A.29.2 N. Khoisan-!Kung W. Chadic-Goemai IE-Bengali
jɔā jɔā n. “fly” [Ankwe] nža “termite” mɔsha
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) W. Chadic-Cip “mosquito”
ja “locust, grasshopper” nja “termite”
A.29.3 NS-Anywa
N. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖e žwažwa n. “fly” cwáarrò
N. Khoisan-!O -!Kung dzwadzwa n. “bedbug”
“fly” W. Chadic-Hausa
N. Chinese-MSC zâo “flea” k’wāro
Middle Chinese tsawX “flea” “insect”
↓↓
990
B.15d.3 W. Chadic-Ngizim
Proto-N. Khoisan ánkû
*!gú “river”
“water” NS-Kanuri
N. Khoisan -‖Au‖en kúu ideo.
!gu / ‖gu “emphasizes
N. Khoisan -!O!Kung constant falling
‖gu of rain”
“water” Proto-Afro-Asiatic
TB-Kiranti-Lulung (Orel / Stolbova
ku “water, spring” 1995)
TB-Newari (Medieval) *xüdad-
kho / khu / ko “stream, river”
“river” Skinner 90
TB-Jingpho [Kachin]
ku “water”
↓↓
B.16a B.16a.1 Proto-Afro- IE-Pashto charr “a cascade, a waterfall”
C. Khoisan- Asiatic járra’i “continual downpouring rain, or cloudy
Proto-Non- (Ehret ) *-cār- weather”
Khoekhoe “to abound in IE-Hindi jharnā “waterfall”
*châ “water” water, IE-Sanskrit
N. Khoisan- be very wet” car, carati “flow, pass”
!O!Kung, (Orel/Stolbova kSar “to flow, stream, glide” “to cause to flow,
C. Khoisan-Naro 1995) pour out” “to give forth a stream”
ca “rain” *xar “river” “to urine [urinate]”
C. Khoisan- W. Chadic-S. kSara “water”
Hietšware Bauci- Wangday aksara “water” ak, “water” (B.34.1)
tsaa “water” shar / shà sarasvat “abounding in or connected with
N. Khoisan- ”water” ponds” “water” “the sea” “a river”
!Kung ša / ca W. Chadic-S. Sarasvati a major river referred to in the Rgveda.
“water” Bauci- Tule saras “anything flowing or fluid”
Khoisan- zhâ “water” sarit “river, stream”
Sandawe tsʔa NS-Maba sarat “going or flowing” sarapas “flowing
”water” Group-Masalit water” sara “fluid, liquid” “a waterfall”
TB-Tibetan sàa “water, “a brook” “a lake, pool” saras “anything
chár / char-pa rain” flowing or fluid”
“rain” Egyptian IE-E. Iranian-Avestan ɣžáraiti “stromt, wallt
cār / cārba sharhu auf” [streamed, flowed on]
“rain” “irrigation IE-Old Indian ḳsárati “to flow, to stream”
sarita “stream, channels” sáras “lake, pond, pool”
river (mystic)” sha ”lake, pool, IE-Bengali jhɔr̝ “storm, tempest”
Sala “name of a cistern, tank” jhɔr̝na “fountain”
great river in Written Arabic Altaic-Proto-Turkic čar- “snow dust” “fog”
Jambudvipa, jarā Altaic-Balkar, Kumyk, Turkish (dialectal)
probably the “to flow, čars- “fog” Austro-Asiatic-Munda-
Salwen?” stream” Kherwarian-Santali ‘dzharna / ‘dzharna
“lake”
↓↓
999
B.30.2
S.Khoisan-‖Khegwi klolo “moon”
S. Khoisan-Batae ʎolo “moon”
TB-Bodo / Garo-Digaro
həla ~ hlo “moon”
B.30.3 W. Chadic-Boto IE-Hindi
S. Khoisan-‖Ku‖e tʔɔlo “moon” tlaàr “star” tārā m.
TB- Chin-Lai tlaa “moon” Proto-Chadic *tǝra “star”
TB- C. Loloish-Nyi (Sani) “moon” IE-Bengali
shlà-bà “moon” C. Chadic-Tera təra tara
TB-Chin-Lushai [Mizo] “moon” “star”
thla / thlaa “moon” W. Chadic-Hausa
S. Khoisan-!Kwi-‖Ng!ke taurāro “star”
turro ~ !urru “moon” NS-Anywa [Anuak]
S. Khoisan-!Kwi-ǀXam !árro cèerò “star”
B.30.4 C. Khoisan-Hietsho C. Chadic- Glavda Hmong-Mien-
‖kala “star” kyíla “moon” Proto-Miao-
Proto-Lolo-Burmese *la / *ʔ-la “moon” Yao
TB- Burmese –Lolo *hla “moon” *hlac “moon”
TB-Bodo/Garo- Digaro həla ~ hlo
“moon”
↓↓
B.31 B.31.1 Semitic-Arabic qamar “moon” Altaic-
C. Khoisan-Hietsho W. Chadic- Hausa Turkic-
|kamiro-p “star” gàmzākìi “morning star” Turkish
C. Khoisan-Naro |amoro-b W. Chadic- Njanye kamer
“star” gə̄mlekii “star” “moon”
TB-Tibetan C. Chadic- Padoko
shing’gam “planet” gəməɬa “star”
gāmzibə “astrologer” Egyptian khemiu-urtu
gə̄mdzii shibdekaŋ “the stars that rest not”
“observatory, planetarium” NS-Kanuri kə́mbal n.
“moon, full moon”
B.31.2
S. Khoisan-Proto-Taa, !Xóő
*!qhàn “moon”
S. Khoisan-|Nu‖’en !xan
“moon”
S. Khoisan-Khakhea !xʌ̀n
“moon”
TB-Jingpho [Kachin]
šəgān “star”
TB-Kuki Chin-Naga-Khoirao
səgān “star”
1003
C.6c.5
S. Khoisan-ǀXam
|noain-tu “breast”
S. Khoisan-Proto-
!Wi *‖noeŋ
“breast”
S. Chinese-Min
(Jianyang) naiŋ2
“milk”
S. Khoisan- ‖Ng
‖nwoeŋ “breast”
C.6c.6
S. Khoisan-Proto-
!Wi
*‖no(e)ŋ “breast”
Written Burmese
nui’ “breast”
↓↓
C.8d C.8d.2-3 Berber- Tuareg (Tamazight) IE-Pashto
Khoisan-Hadza aššakwa “skin bag” tsugul
ašoko “skin” Songhay (Koyra) “a kind of buskin
TB-Tibetan caaku “large sack for grain” made of the fresh
cəguù Semitic-Assyrian skin of any animal,
“purse, handbag” shāk’k’u “sack, bag” worn in the winter
W. Chadic–S. Bauci- Jimi zukko “skin” when snow is on the
ground”
↓↓
C.18b C.18b.1 E. Cushitic- Altaic-Mongolian
S. Khoisan-|Auni Rendille gongil / xongil / xongxor “cavity”
!kum “grave” khunaan chonghur “hole”
N. Khoisan-‖Au‖en, “(a) digging” South Daic-Lao
!O !Kung !kumma “(a) hole that gon1 “hollow (concave)”
Khoisan-Hatsa has been dug” South Daic-Lao gon1 n. “cavity”
‖k”uma, ‖k”ume NS-Anywa Bengali khoni “quarry”
“to bury” [Anuak] IE-Pashto kān “a mine”
TB-Tibetan kʊʊכɲ vt. IE-Pashto kundaey “a subterranean
khung / kuŋ “to bury” excavation” ”hollowing out, digging
“hole, pit, hollow, cavity” “to dig a hole” etc.”
“hole (made by human NS-Kanuri Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-
being or animal)” loskungin Santali kuɳ “well”
TB-Kham kun “hole” “bury, inter” Austro-Asiatic-Munda-Kherwarian-
Old Chinese k’uŋ “mine” Mundari ku’ɳa “well”
“hollow, empty” “hole”
↓↓
C.20b C.20b.1 NC-Common Bantu IE-Pashto
C. Khoisan-Nama *khob “skin” *-kóbà “skin” khwar
C. Khoisan-!Ora khõb “skin” C. Chadic – Gude “skin, bark,
TB-Tibetan kovun “skin (of crust, peel,
kó-ba “hide, skin, leather” man) rind”
kó-wa “hide, leather”
1007
C.24c.2 E. Cushitic-Rendille
S. Khoisan-Proto-Taa *‖gu / *‖ɣú “knee” khoonáan
Proto-N. Khoisan *!ɣòà “knee” “curve, arc”
C. Khoisan-Proto-Khoekhoe *‖oa “knee” khoodán “curved, arched”
N. Khoisan-!Xoo ‖guŋ|nàn “knee” E. Cushitic-Somali
N. Khoisan-Masarwa ‖oŋ|naŋ “knee” godan “curve”
TB-Naga-Lhota nkho “angle, knee”
TB-Lakher pǝkhu “angle, knee”
↓↓
C.26a C.26a.2 Proto-Cushitic Austro-Asiatic-Munda-
C. Khoisan-Kua ‖ùì *gwîlb- “knee Kherwarian-Ho
“knee” W. Chadic– Hausa mu’kui
N. Chinese-MSC guì v. “kneel” gwīwàa f. “knee” “knee”
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] C. Chadic–Guduf Austro-Asiatic-Munda-
kuì3 / kui6 / k’wui3 “kneel” gwídzʌ Kherwarian-Mundari
S. Chinese-Min kuī “to kneel” “knee” mǔ’kǔ’ri “knee”
C.26a.3 W. Chadic – N. Bauci-
C. Khoisan-Tsixa ‖ùέ “knee” Diri
C. Khoisan-Proto-Non-Khoekhoe gwərìnɬá
*‖óé “knee” “knee”
-Danisi , Tsua ‖óé “knee” -Deti Semitic-Gurage
‖òé “knee” (Caha, Eža)
C. Chinese-Wu kuE6 “kneel” gwərbät
N. Chinese -MSC gwèi “kneel” “knee”
kuèi (WG) “to kneel”
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
gwaih “kneel”
↓↓
C.26b C.26b.1 E. Cushitic- Hadiyya Sanskrit
C. Khoisan-Ganda guru-bo “knee” kurpara
kúru “knee” E. Cushitic- Saho gulu:b “the elbow”
C. Khoisan-Cara, |Xaise “knee” kora
(kú)kúrù “knee” E. Cushitic- Kambata gulubita “a moveable joint
TB-Thebor kru “elbow” “knee” (as of the fingers,
C. Khoisan-ǂHaba NS- Kanembu ŋguru “shoulder” the elbow, the knee)”
!úrù “knee” Altaic-Mongolian
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] NS-Tubu [Teda] kürek “shoulder”
(Lau Chunfat) curú “Elle, Ellenbogen” [cubit,
jiu3 (MacIver, Meixian) ulna (anat.), elbow]
tsiu3 “the elbow” NS-Kanuri
njuro / njuroma/i “elbow”
C.26b.2 S. Cushitic- Iraqw
Khoisan-Hadza guruŋgura “knee”
gúruŋuri “knee” Proto-S. Cushitic
TB-Tibetan *guruŋ-gu(n)d- “knee”
grú-mo “elbow” C. Chadic-Matakam (Mafa)
gru / gru-ma (ŋ)gúrúmbezh “knee”
“angle, corner” South (Ethiopian) Semitic -Gurage
gurmäd “knee”
1009
↓↓
C.28b C.28b.2 Semitic- Arabic (Yemeni) Sanskrit
Proto N. Khoisan h’anak “jaw, jawbone” hanu
*!hàŋ “chin” E. Cushitic- Haddiya “a jaw, cheek”
S.Khoisan ‖Auni, Žu’hoan gangeera “jaw” hanuka
Proto-Central-Khoisan W. Chadic- N. Bauci- Warji “a jaw”
*!gàn(i) “chin” ngàŋgənna “jaw”
N. Chinese-MSC NS- Tubu [Teda] gəgən / gəngəni
hán “chin” “Kinn” [chin] “jawbone”
↓↓
C.29a C.29a.3 Proto-AA *ʕal- “jaw” IE-Hindi
N. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖’e Proto-Cushitic *ʕal- “cheek” gāl
|gà “chin” South (Ethiopian) Semitic-Amharic “cheek”
TB-Bodo/Garo-Dimasa khu-sga ag’äĉ “chin, jaw”
“jaw, chin” E. Cushitic- Sidamo gacc’o IE-Bengali
Proto-Tibeto Burman “chin, jaw” gāl
*(m) ka ~ *(s)ka “jaw, chin” N. Omotic-Kafa gaṭoo “cheek”
TB- Lushai kha “lower jaw” “chin (beard)”
TB-Chin-Thado, TB-Karenic-Sgaw E. Chadic- Migama
kha “chin” gácímó “chin (beard)”
TB-Tibetan mgal / mgal-wa “jaw”
↓↓
C.29b C.29b.1 W. Chadic- S. Bauci- IE-Hittite
S. Khoisan-!Xoo ‖qhaŋ “tooth” Wangday gaga “Zahn”
Khoisan-Sandawe !ʔakhaŋ “tooth” nga:si “bite” (Ger.) [tooth]
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) E. Cushitic- Burji South Daic-Lao
ngàh “to bite” “teeth” “tooth” gacc’o / gacoo / nga3 sang5
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] gagoo “tusk (elephant)”
nga2 “teeth, tooth” “bite”. “molars, molar teeth” sang “elephant “
Middle Chinese ŋa “tusk” “ivory” gágg-oo “molar” Proto-Tai
Chinese-Wu ngà2 “tooth” Egyptian nga “tusk, ivory”
C.29b.3 C. Khoisan-Hietsho uga “to eat, to chew Austro-Asiatic-
ka “bite” and swallow” Vietnamese
S. Chinese-Min ngà “tusk, ivory”
kā v. “to bite” kà “to gnaw, to bite”
1010
C.29b.2
C. Khoisan-*Proto-Non-Khoe-Khoe
!nai “bite”
-Zul’hoan !náí “bite”
TB-Karen-Pao- Taungthu
tǝŋa “tooth”
Proto-Tibeto-Burman
*d-ŋa “tooth”
↓↓
C.31b C.31b.1 NS-Kanuri Hmong-
C. Khoisan-|Xaise, Deti, Cara, Danisi, njuwo “chewing of the cud” Mien-
Kua, Tsua ʔjuŋ “eat” juwulangîn v. Hmong
C. Khoisan-Hiechware “chew thoroughly, masticate” cua
ŋjoo “eat” njuwongîn “chew hard,
N. Chinese-MSC “ruminate, chew the cud” bite hard”
chǚ / tsǚ (WG) “to suck, to chew” E. Cushitic-Oromo
jûjué “masticate, chew, ruminate, cucuf-accu v.
chew the cud” “mordicchiare” [to nibble]
jû “masticate, chew” Tubu [Teda]
cugu
”wiederkauen”
[to ruminate, to chew the cud]
C.31b.2 S. Khoisan-Proto-Taa Semitic-Arabic
|gxuʔrV “gnaw” jam-dʕugu
TB-Tibetan dzūgdzuù (IPA) “chew”
“the sound of chewing”
skyug-ldad “rumination, chewing the NS-Tubu [Teda]
cud” cugu ”wiederkauen”
TB-Naga-Yimchungru dzɯʔ “eat” [to ruminate, to chew the cud]
C.31b.3 NS-Kanuri
C. Khoisan-Proto-Non-Khoekhoe kíyáukíyáu ideo
*!gxárú “gnaw” “describes crunching sound of
N. Chinese-MSC jiáo “masticate, chewing”
chew”
xìjiáomànyàn “chew carefully and
swallow slowly” [Disyllabic
correspondence]
↓↓
C.31d C.31d.1 W. Chadic – Hausa
N. Khoisan-‖Au‖en cî vt. “eat, eat away, consume”
či “drink” “win, overcome”
N. Khoisan-Zu|’hoan cî “eating” (vn. of ci)
chì “drink” W. Chadic–Ron (Sha, Kulere)
TB-Qiangic-Pumi Dayang ci “essen” [to eat]
dzɨ́ “eat” W. Chadic – S. Bauci-Guruntum chi / shi
N. Chinese -MSC “eat”
ch’īh (WG) “to eat, to drink” W. Chadic- Gwandara (Karshi, Cancara) cí
shí “eat” “meal, food” “eat e.g. meat”
1011
C.31d.3 W. Chadic-Hausa
S.Khoisan-Proto-!Wi cʔi cìizā / cìije /
“to bite” cìiji vt. “bite” “bite with front teeth”
S. Khoisan-|Xam, ‖Ng, NS-Nubian-Kənzi
ǂKhomani ci-cʔi “bite” acci “beissen” [bite]
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] E. Cushitic- Oromo
chi3 / chi1 / cih1 / ci3 “bite, cininu “mordere, addentare, morsicare”
gnaw, snap at” [bite, sink teeth into]
ch’i3 “teeth”
TB-C-Loloish-Lahu cì “tooth”
N. Chinese-MSC chi3 “front
teeth”
↓↓
C.33 C.33.1 E. Chadic- Dangaleat [Dangla]
N. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖’e ǀkhó / ùŋò “front, devant”
N. Khoisan-!Kung |khó “forehead” [forehead, in front of]
TB-Garo sgo “head” Omotic-Gonga *eŋgo “brain”
TB-Tibetan mgo “head” go “head” W. Chadic- Hausa
ŋo “the face, the front side” gòoshī “forehead”
TB-Karenic-Pwo, Sgaw kho “head” “front part of something”
N. Chinese-Changsha NC-S.W. Mande-Loko
lau kho “cranium, skull” ngo-koko “head”
C.33.2 C.Chadic-Sukur
S. Khoisan-|‘Auni xú ~ xúu “head” khu-r “head”
C. Khoisan-Tati ǂkxhuu “forehead” C.Chadic-Margi
TB-Digaro kuru ~ mkura “head” khə-r “head”
TB-Naxi-Lijian ku “head”
C.33.3
C. Khoisan-Naro, Proto-Khoekhoe, Buga,
|Ganda ǂu “head”
TB-Proto-Lolo-Burmese ʔu2 “head”
TB-Written Burmese ʔû “head”
TB-C.Loloish-Lahu ʔú “head”
↓↓
C.34 C.34.2 Kordofanian-Talodi IE-Hindi
S. Khoisan-Proto-Wi (k)enu “ear” kāna “ear”
ǂnu “ear” Kordofanian-Talodi- kān “ear”
TB-Qiangic-Queyu Asheron IE Bengali ka:n “ear” n.
kəɳu “listen” *g-enuǀwe IE-Sanskrit
TB- Bhramu, Anal “ear, karəna “ear” kaRNa
kəna “ear” to hear” “to give ear to” “listen to”
NC-Mande-Atlantic- IE-Old Indian káṛna “ear”
S. Khoisan-!Xóõ Gola (ke)nu IE-E. Iranian-Avestan
ǂnùhaŋ “ear karəna “Ohr” (Ger.) [ear]
“ear” W. Chadic-Hausa
kunnuwàa “ears”
1012
C.51a.5 W. Chadic-Hausa
N. Khoisan –‖Ng tūtu
|u “hair” “crest, tassel,
C. Khoisan –Naron, tuft of hair”
Namang |�= “hair” tūtàa f.
TB-Tibetan tuù “flag, banner”
“circular banner of yak hair
that is hung on the roof of
large monasteries”
↓↓
D.3b D.3b.2 NC-Fulfulde
S. Khoisan-Proto- saka
Taa *saʔŋ “to sow broadcast”
S. Khoisan -!Xóo
sâʔaŋ “seed”
S. Chinese-Kejia
[Hakka]
tsak “seed”
↓↓
D.3c D.3c.1 Proto-South Cushitic-Proto-
Khoisan-Hadza |itsʔeiya Rift
“small” *dziʔa “chick, young bird”
S. Khoisan- |Xam ëise NS-Songhay (Koroboro)
“small” -ze = ize
N. Chinese-MSC “child, infant”
zî diminutive suffix ize “fils, petit d’animal”
TB-Qiangic-Xixia (Tangut) zji1 [son, small offspring of
“child” animal]
Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] Proto-AA
3
(Meixian) tsii *jiʔ- or *dziʔ-
Middle Chinese tsiX “child” “child, offspring”
< Old Chinese *tsiʔ “child”
↓↓
D.4c D.4c.1 Semitic-Arabic IE-Pashto aka “an uncle,
N. Khoisan-!’O-!Kung, *akw- “brother” a paternal uncle”
!Kung Altaic-Mongolian
!kǔ “man (male)” Semitic-Old ax / aqa “elder brother”
“person” Aramaic Altaic-Turkmen
S. Khoisan-|Xam !ku ʔah̝, ʔah̝ā aga “uncle, older brother”
“person” “brother” aga “ brother”
TB-Tibetan ’akhú Altaic-Kyrgyz aga “brother”
“uncle” Semitic-Hebrew aha “elder brother”
“father’s brother, uncle” akhva Altaic-Kazakh aha “elder
“husband, consort” “brotherhood” brother”
TB-Ao-Naga o-khu Altaic-Uyghur
“uncle, father-in-law” aka “elder brother, brother”
aha “elder brother”
1016
D.19a.3 Semitic-Hebrew
Proto-N. Khoisan kadoom
ǂgah “old, ancient”
“old (of things)” Chadic-Tangale
N . Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖’e kaagâ
|gὰ “old” “great grandfather, great
TB-Tibetan grandmother”
ga̱ “to get old, to age”
↓↓
D.25 D.25.1 Proto- Altaic-Mongolian ärä / er / er-e / ere “man”
Khoisan- Highland E. Altaic-Uyghur er “man, husband”
ǂHoan Cushitic Altaic-Turkmen är “ husband”
ari *aroʔo Altaic-Uzbek er “ husband” erkak “man”
“man” m. “husband” Proto-Altaic *āri / *ēra “man”
TB-Kuki-Chin- *arʔ- Proto-Turki *ēr “man”
Mikir “husband” *erkek “man, husband, male”
arlang C. Cushitic- Turkic-Turkish er “man”
“man” Proto-Agaw Turkic-Azerbaidzhan är “husband”
lang *ʔar- Turkic-Turkmen, Uyghur ar “man”
“man” “husband” Turkic-Tuvan er “man”
E. Cushitic- Turkic-Turkish, Kyrgyz, Kazakh erkek “man”
Rendille Proto-Mongolian *ere “man”
éra interj. Mongolian-Kalmuck erə “male, man” /
“Men! Friends! Mongolian-Ordos ere “male, man”
Comrades Mongolian-Khalkha er “male, man”
(call name)” Mongolian-Dagur er “male, man”
↓↓
D.26b D.26b.3 W. Chadic-Hausa
C. Khoisan-Nama kurwa
gãǔa “evil spirit” “soul, shadow, spirit,
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) ghost”
gáauwaat “cunning” k’waro
“tricky (deceptive)” “thief, wizard”
gáauwaatge “crafty” E. Cushitic-Rendille
gáaugwái “to play underhand kákharaawa vt.
tricks” “defraud, cheat”
↓↓
D.30a D.30a.1 Proto-AA Austro-Asiatic-Munda-
S. Khoisan-‖Khegwi (Orel / Stolbova 1995) Kherwarian–Santali
bāba “father” *bab- “father” a’pa / ba’ba “father”
Khoisan--Hadza Proto-E. Cushitic *bābb- Mongolian-Dongxian
*ba, baba, bawa “father” aba, apa
“father” N. Cushitic- Beja [Bedawi] “father, paternal uncle”
TB-Tibetan bāba “father” Proto-Altaic
baba “father, dad” Proto-Chadic *áp’a “father”
N. Chinese -MSC *baba “father”
bàba “dad” W. Chadic Hausa
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) bàaba “father, dad”
bāhbā “dad” E.. Chadic- Dangaleat
bàabá “papa” (Fr.)
1019
↓↓
E.4a E.4a.1 W. Chadic- Hausa IE-Hittite kanes
C. Khoisan-Nama ganī “see” “erkennen” (Ger.)
ǂan “know” “look at, watch” “to know”
TB-E. Kiranti-Rodong “(in continuous Proto-IE g’ena- “to know”
khan “see, look, know”, action aspect ) IE-Sanskrit kantu
TB-Kiranti-Kiranti- see that, recognize” “the mind, heart”
Yamphu E. Cushitic-Somali IE-Bengali gaen
kaŋma “see, look, know” -qiin / -qaan- “knowledge, perception”
N. Chinese-MSC kàn “know”
“see, look at, watch, read” N. Cushitic- Beja
“think, consider” kān
kàntòu “understand “kennen, wissen”
thoroughly” [know]
E.4a.2 Semitic-Ge’ez, IE-Hindi
C. Khoisan-!Khora ǂ’an Arabic gyān “knowledge”
“[to] know” h’anaka Proto-IE
C.Khoisan-Proto- “understand, g’ena- “to know”
Khoekhoe perceive”
*ǂʔan “[to] think”
C. Khoisan-Deti, Tsika,
Danisi ʔăŋ “[to] know”
Old Chinese kian ~ kien
“see”
N. Chinese-MSC (WG)
k’àn “see”
E.4a.3 South (Ethiopian) IE- Hindi
N. Khoisan- Semitic-Amharic jānnā “know, recognize,
ǂHaba ǂkʔâŋ qaňňä v. “glance identify” vt.
“[to] know” about, reconnoiter, IE- Bengali
N. Chinese-MSC scout” jana “know, be aware of”
xiang “think” q = glottalized velar janano “inform, make known”
E.4a.5 E. Cushitic- Gedeo
S.Khoisan- ege’n “know”
|Kham *ǂen “know” ege’na “knowledge”
C. Khoisan-Proto-!Wi
*ǂʔεn “[to] know” E. Cushitic- Rendille
TB-Tani-Padam oogeneet
ken “know” “be aware of, know,
TB-Tibetan mkhyen-pa understand”
“to know, also knowledge”
kyēn “to know,
understand”
Proto-TB *m-kyen
“know”
Old Chinese kian ~ kien
“see”
↓↓
1022
↓↓
F.12c F.12c.4 NC-Common Bantu *-caka “sorghum”
S. Khoisan-Proto- C. Chadic-Mofu-Gudur, E. Chadic-Lele
Taa *sâʔŋ masakwa “mil de la saison sėche”
“seed” [dry season millet]
TB-Nungish-Trung NS-Kanuri masakwa n. “dry season guinea corn”
tɕaʔ “millet” [sorghum]
TB-Burmic-Burmese West Chadic-Hausa màcàkō “type of red guinea
ʃaʔ “millet” corn” [sorghum]
TB-rGyalrong ʃok Semitic-Arabic ʃaʕi:rr (IPA) “barley”
“foxtail millet” Egyptian m’tchaá “grain”
↓↓
F.14 F.14.1-2 NC-Benue-Congo IE-Old Indian
N. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖’e (Kwoll) (Irigwe) cāpa- n. m. “bow, arc”
‖kaba “arrowhead (bone)” (Plateau 2 Group) Mongolian-Khalkha
C. Khoisan-Naro ‖gaba kappa “arrow” xarva “to shoot from a
“arrowhead (bone)” Chadic root bow” Mongolian-Ordos
TB-Tibetan khab “a needle” xava “arrow” xarwa-, xarwu-
TB- Burmese ‘ap “needle” E. Cushitic-Gedeo “to shoot from a bow”
derived from gabe “arrow , bow” Mongolian-Kalmuck
Burmese-Lolo *(t-)ɣap “bow and arrow” xarwə- “to shoot from
“needle” Cushitic- Proto-Boni a bow”
TB-Gyalrung tekyep “needle” *kabū- “arrow shaft” Proto-Mongolian *karbu
“to shoot from a bow”
↓↓
F.21b F.21b.1 W. Chadic-Ngizim
N. Khoisan- !Kung ‖gao “walking stick” gáwâ “axe”
Khoisan-Hadza ‖kau “stick for carrying W. Chadic-Hausa
poison” kàaràuki
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) “slender post for
gaau “leveling stick (used in measuring fence”
volume of grain etc.)
gáu “fishing pole”
N. Chinese-MSC
găo “pick, pick axe” “stalk of grain, straw”
gāo “punt-pole”
S. Khoisan-ǀAuni ‖kowa, ‖kכwa “arrow” /
ʘhőä “stick” n.
F.21b.2 W. Chadic-Ngizim Proto-Altaic
Khoisan-Hadza gùvú gùvàvin *kúbù / *kobù
hikowa, ‖k’owako “arrowshaft” pl. “pole, shaft”
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) “stem of a plant” Altaic-Proto-
gòu “pole for punting a boat” Turkic *kúbak
Chinese- Wu kø5 “wooden pole, stick, club” “pole, shaft”
S. Khoisan-‖Khegwi ʘho “stick” n.
↓↓
1031
G.11b.2
S. Khoisan-Proto-!Wi !ui “big”
S. Khoisan-|Xami !ui-a “big”
S. Chinese-Min ui3 “huge, big, great and honorable”
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] wui3 / wi3 “huge, big”
C. Chinese-Wu uE 6 “huge, big”
↓↓
G.13a G.13a.1 E. Chadic-Lele, Gabri IE-Bengali
C. Khoisan-Danisi, -!Ora ‖ʔúḿ kun “sleep” ghu:m
“[to] sleep” C. Chadic-Hwona “sleep”n.
C. Khoisan-Proto-Khoekhoe xùnà “lie down” ghumano
‖ʔom Omotic-Janjero “sleep” vb.
C. Khoisan-Nama ‖om “[to] sleep” kuna “lie and sleep”
C. Khoisan-Hiechware Omotic-Yem
‖gom “[to] sleep” kún-
S. Chinese-Min khûn “to sleep” “to fall asleep”
N. Chinese-MSC
kùn “tired, fatigued, sleepy”
↓↓
G.19 G.19.2 S. Cushitic- Asa Kartvelian-Georgian
Khoisan-Hadza samaka “three” samak sam- “three”
TB-Lepcha sam “three” “three” Kartvelian-Svan
TB-Trung ă-sə̀m “three” NS-Datooga sam- / sem-
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sàam sámogu “three”
“three” “three” Kartvelian-Laz
S. Chinese-Kejia [Hakka] sam1 “three” sum- “three”
↓↓
G.23 G.23.1 Proto-Afro-Asiatic Proto-
S. Khoisan-ǀXam *-kal- / *-kull- Kartvelian
ku: “all” “all” *qowl- “all”
TB-Meithei Semitic-Arabic (Iraqi) Kartvelian-
kul / kull “all” “whole, entire, all” Georgian
TB-Siyin kul Proto-Semitic qovl- “all”
TB-Chin-Lai (Haka) *kl(l)- / *kull-
kul “all”
“twenty / all” S. Omotic
*kull- “all”
G.23.2 E. Cushitic- Oromo
S. Khoisan-ǂKhomani huni-ɕe hundaa /
S. Khoisan-N|uu huni-ki hundumaa
“all” “all”
TB-Tibetan kun E. Cushitic- Hadiyya
“all, every, each, whole” hunda(m) / gu’ma
Written Burmese ʔəkun “all”
“all”
TB-Lepcha gǔn “all”
↓↓
1033
H.8a.3 E. Cushitic-
Khoisan-Western Cape Sidamo
doudou dôgo
“path” “road, way”
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese)
dou “a road, a path” “a method”
S. Chinese-Min to7 “path, road, street” “method,
way”
↓↓
H.8b H.8b.1 W. Chadic-S. Bauci Group
Swadesh C. Khoisan-Naron *təb- “path, way”
“road, dauba “path” W. Chadic-Jimi
path” TB-Tibetan təbo “path, way”
təb “means, method, way” W. Chadic-Tangale
tībo “trace, track”
↓↓
H.13b H.13b.1 W. Chadic–
N. Khoisan-‖Au‖en Tangale
|geŋ “full” kẹndẹ
TB-Tibetan “fill up”
‘kheŋ(s)-pa “to be full” W. Chadic-
h’khyeng-wa “to be filled up” N. Bauci- Diri
gεŋ “to fill up” kə̑nda
keŋ “to be full of” “fill ”
“to be filled with”
S. Chinese-Min
keŋ “eat to the full”
H.13b.3 W. Chadic- IE-Iranian-N. Persian
S. Khoisan-‖Ng!ke Karekare a-gandan
!xʌŋ “full” kandzanta “anfullen”
N. Khoisan-Ng “fill” [to fill up]
!kVŋ “full” Semitic a-ganiš
TB-Tibetan ‘gengs-pa, (Ethiopan)- “voll” (Ger.) [full]
bkaŋ perf., Amharic IE- Sanskrit
dgaŋ fut. “to fill” täĉ’äna kan
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) “be loaded, ”to be satisfied with”
káŋ be encumbered” “to be satisfied or pleased”
“be choked with” täĉ’änannäqä “to accept with satisfaction”
S. Khoisan-Proto!Wi “be crowded RV
ǂauŋ “full” (of street), be kaNe
congested (of “satisfying a desire”
street)” Proto-Altaic
*kāna
”to be satisfied”
Altaic-Proto-Turkic
kān- ”
to be satisfied”
Proto-Mongolian
*kanu ” be satisfied”
1036
↓↓
H.33a H.33a.1 S. Khoisan- Proto-AA *-kûr- “to dig out” Altaic-Mongolian-Kalmuck
Nama xoro “dig” NS-Kanuri gorwə, gorwə, “carving”
TB-Proto-Kiranti *kòr kurúm-ngin Proto-Mongolian *gur-
“scoop” “scoop out” “carving”
TB-Karenic-Sgaw NS- Anywa [Anuak] Altaic-Mongolian-Khalka
khu “dig up, scoop out” kʊכʊr “to dig a hole” gurvi- , guranʒ “carving”
N. Chinese-MSC kū Egyptian aqh’u “to work in Mongolian-Buriat gurba
“hollow out” wood, to be a carpenter, “carving”
TB-Tibetan rko-ba ~ to hollow out a boat” Altaic-Proto-Tungus-Manchu
rkod-ba “to dig, dig “carpenter’s adze, axe” *xülē- “to dig”
out” “engrave” Proto-Altaic *k’ǔle “to dig”
↓↓
H.34c H.34c.2 Khoisan-Hatsa ‖kʔaiya “to fall” E. Cushitic-Rendille
S. Khoisan-Hiechware |xaiye “to fall” kayagcha
S. Khoisan-Xam |kai’tən “to fall” “take (something) down,
TB- Written Burmese. kya’ “fall” get (something ) down
khya’ “let fall, drop” from somewhere”
TB- Written Burmese khja “to throw or cast down, W. Chadic- N. Bauci Gp.–
put down” Diri
TB-Tibetan kyar “to get/ fall into a state or ngyáà “fall (tomber)”
situation” Egyptian khai
N. Chinese-MSC xià v. “go downward, descend, “to descend, to go down”
alight” -xia “[used after a verb as a complement C. Chadic-Dghwede
indicating movement from a higher position to a lower ʔya “fall”
one]
↓↓
H.37 H.37.1 N. Khoisan-!Kung či / ši- “thing” Semitic-Arabic
C. Khoisan-‖Kh’au-‖’e [Khoi] či ~ ča- “thing” (Iraqi)
C. Khoisan- !’O-!Kung či “thing” šìi “thing”
N. Chinese-MSC shì “matter, affair, thing, business” “something”
S. Chinese-Yue (Cantonese) sih “business (matter)”
↓↓
H.38 H.38a.2 S. Khoisan-|Nu‖en, N. Khoisan-‖Kh’au‖’e NC-Mande
sîsî “work” kyi / cyi
N. Chinese-MSC shì “job, work” “matter, affair, work” “work, send”
“to serve, to work”
jì “send, post, mail”
shî “send, tell sb. to do something” “use, employ”
TB-C. Loloish-Lahu ci / Written Burmese ce
“send on business, employ” “causative auxiliary verb.”
1040
titles cited in the present study are held there. Under the direction of Dr. Herskovits, Dr. Joseph A.
Greenberg earned a Ph.D. in Anthropology from Northwestern University in 1940.
As mentioned above, the author had become aware of Greenberg’s classification of African languages
into four superfamilies, i.e.Afro-Asiatic (to which Arabic belongs), Nilo-Saharan, Niger-
Congo/Kordofanian and Khoisan. His method of massive comparison of many languages had been an
instrument for discovery of their content and relationships. However the usual method practiced by
linguists and anthropologists was to compare just two languages since this made possible a chart of the
phonology of both which in turn facilitated identification of sound changes between the two. However
these comparisons were usually of languages in the same close geographic area. Greenberg’s method
encompassed the whole of Africa, but since he did not study sound change as such, his work is commonly
considered to be a branch of cultural anthropology (or linguistic anthropology) sometimes called “the
study of human prehistory through language”. Dr. Greenberg spent most of his career teaching at
Stanford University. His method has been used extensively by Dr. Merritt Ruhlen who is currently a
professor of anthropology there. (See Works Consulted). As mentioned above, the present work uses the
massive comparison method, but extends its scope to Asia. (See Chapter 1 Section 1.1 and Supplementary
Table 1. It is somewhat similar to that used in research on etymologies across Africa and Asia by Dr.
Sergei Starostin and a group of scholars in Russia. (See The Tower of Babel http.//starling.rinet.ru and
Works Consulted).
These sources provided an initial basis for identification of Sino-Tibetan correspondences with African
languages. A first version was completed after several years and copyrighted in 2008, but was not widely
distributed. The present edition has been substantially augmented from sources found on the Internet and
from non-ST Asian languages lying on ancient migration paths between NE Africa and East Asia.