Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Hugh Ward
3. Applications/Conclusions
Rational Choice Theory can help illuminate how structures arise and are
transformed, however it was then cleared that it’s not a stand-alone paradigm for
understanding the whole political sphere.
Human has rational capacity in which when faced with obstacles and challenges
they can evaluate the costs of deeds and the consequences of an action. Further,
human beings can foresee what lies ahead thus enabling them to evaluate what
and what must not do.
Human beings have the ability to transform circumstances into its advantage.
Interpretive Theory
Conclusions
- People discard facts that are not helpful to them and marks it as meaningless just
because it does not conform to them.
- There is no such way to prove that one is inferior or superior to other. Everything
has its own use. It’s not based solely on what we THINK of it but also what we have
OBSERVED. Not all features are present on its appearance. It goes both ways.
- Not all facts are based on what has been seen or proved though reason and logic.
RELIGION is one big example.
Assumptions
1. Identify the key ideas, points, hypothesis, assertions, and postulations of the
author.
Berlin argues against the logical positivist reduction of meaningful inquiry to
either the empirical or the purely logical.
For Berlin, these authentically valuable ends and principles are themselves
always likely to conflict.
John Rawls made important and influential contribution in which he seeks to
theorise a conception of justice, suitable to governing political communities,
in the light of irreconcilable moral disagreement.
Rawls argument is deontological, affirming a fundamental ethical principle
that is independent of contexts and consequences and is grounded in basic
conditions governing human experience.
Rawls developed a rational choice model. He invokes a hypothetical
“original position”, where persons are asked to choose principles of justice
to govern the basic institutional structure of society while being ignorant of
their own particular interests and beliefs.
For Rawls, his principles encapsulate true social justice and they are, he
believes, necessarily the ones that rational people would choose.
Rawls argues that his theory of justice concerns only basic institutional
arrangements and precisely avoids imposing any unitary moral vision upon
society.
Rawls’ theory embodies principles of “the right” rather than “the good”.
For Rawls, his theory of justice, while taking a ‘foundationalist’ approach,
does so in a way that is more modest and consequently less contestable
than are the approaches taken in older forms of political philosophy.
Theories of justice developed by Rawls fail on two related counts. First, in
delivering authoritative principles that are minimal, governing only the
“impersonal” terms of institutional interaction, such theories assume that
human societies embody no shared substantial conceptions of the good of
forms of ethical solidarity. Second, Rawls miss elements of ethical
solidarity.
Communitarians accept that it is certainly possible to theorise forms of
moral consensus that ground authoritative normative principles. These
consensus are based not upon claims of the human individuals but rather
upon recognition of how individuals construe themselves.
Modern societies are composed of multiple social, cultural, ethnic, and
sexual groupings displaying divergent identities and commitments.
For Rawls, he deploys an account of the basic conditions and implications of people’s
rational autonomy in order to develop a theory of social justice grounded in fairness
where he developed rational choice model. Persons are asked to choose principles of
justice to govern the basic institutional structure of society however the choice is limited
and that people should not be biased in their own favour.
4. Agree/Disagree
Berlin was surely right and indeed an enormous and enthusiastic academic literature
about his kind of pluralism that has grown up in recent years. I agree with him on his claim
about pluralism that it is impossible to rank those different value-structures or many
different moralities to some ideal blueprint for human life. It is impossible to reduce some
values to others or to derive some values from others, or to combine them all into a single
higher value or a permanent combination of values. We do not have any clear criteria on
which to decide which value should be neglected and which one ought to be incorporated.
For instance, if I am in the grip of an anti-pluralist view of morality and politics, then it will
be natural for me to think of my own moral and political outlook as not only right for myself,
but as equally right for everybody; it will be an essential part of my moral personality that
I regard my moral priorities as applying universally.
I agree also with Berlin’s view about cultures cannot be wholly incommensurable,
because if they were, we would have no understanding of other cultures or periods. But,
for Berlin, we are capable of such intercultural or transhistorical understanding, however
partial, and what makes this possible is a common ‘human horizon’ of moral experience
The sorts of social principles that Rawls wishes to affirm such as redistribution to the
less well-off, are hard to justify if one starts from the premise of the self-interested
individual with no intrinsic social ties: one is always likely to be vulnerable to more
libertarian critics who will argue that if individual autonomy is the axiomatic principle, then
requiring people that they contribute to collective welfare is unacceptable.
The theory says that there can be many different value-structures, many different
moralities, without it being possible to rank them in an order of approximation to some
ideal blueprint for human life. This is crucial for the understanding and management of
differences between cultures, nations, traditions, and ways of life. For instance, in religion,
no single religion can claim absolute authority to teach absolute truth. Triumphalist
nationalism and most mainstream forms of religion have to be rejected as they are on the
anti-pluralist assumption that there is only one right way, superior to all other candidates.
Institutionalism
The key ideas presented by Vivien Lowndes is that traditional institutionalism was
generally unreflective on issues of theory and methods, took facts and values for granted,
and flourished as a kind of “common sense” within the political science. It was mostly
concern with the institutions of government, and yet it operates within a restricted
understanding of the subject matter. Its focus was more on formal rules and organizations
rather than informal conventions; and upon official structures of government rather than
broader institutional constraint on governance.
New institutionalism was more open when it comes to issues concerning theories and
methods and is marked with diverse theoretical projects.
Looking at political institutions in the USA, Britain, France and Germany avoiding a
country by country analysis but comparing them institution by institution across countries.
Describing an understandable version of the traditional approach. The analysis is
grounded on the understanding that the state is the ‘monopoly of coercive power.’
Explaining the shift from Keynesianism to monetarism in the UK, it was argued that
political institutions formed policies by influencing how new ideas came to be and how
those ideas were expressed in government decisions.
New institutionalism does not require any one particular theory, but it does demand a
critical stance towards theory. The strength of new institutionalism may be found precisely
in its multi-theoretic character, which allow for the assessment of competing propositions
drawn from different political theories. New institutionalism examines the role, function
and design of institutions in EU foreign policymaking, focusing on why and how
institutions are created (i.e. institutions as dependent variables) and how institutions
affect policy-making and policy-makers (i.e. institutions as independent variables).
The author’s idea of the characteristics of the institutionalism that it can be misleading to
describe new institutionalism as ‘a theory’ is agreeable. Since institutionalism changed
and adapted to the current trends of research overtime it cannot be encapsulated into a
specific field. Rather it is better understood as what Gamble (1990:405) calls a
‘organizing perspective” it provides a direct map to the central subject of the questions. It
is a broad variegated, approach to politics. Old institutionalist style of smuggling their
assumptions under a veil of “common sense” changed by the diverse and unchained
ways of the new institiutionalist which does not require a specific theory. Its strength is
found in this aspect which can be easily used as a resource material in research or
comparative studies that is based on a different theoretical analysis.
An example of a situation which this idea can be applied is that if one is conducting a
particular study it is not hinged on the limitations of certain theories since new
institutionalism’s characteristic is multi-theoretic it may give multiple options in the study
that it is being used. Unlike other theories that may be limited to a certain scope.
The application of these ideas and theories, historically speaking North Korea is far
different from other countries. During the cold war North Korea is one of the eight
communist bloc nations that resisted against the United States because in the normative
approach their norms, values, world views, religion and beliefs are inversely proportional
to the democratic states. They base their policy making through these cognitive content
that has been embedded to them since they have been born. Historically they wanted to
build nuclear weapons out of the need to protect their state from other countries’ threats.
They isolate themselves because they want to protect their political cultures and
traditions from the views and opinions of other countries. The only intention of the said
government is also the single idea that is instilled in the minds of the people.
Marxism
It was already more than one hundred years when the founder of Marxism
died, we cannot deny the fact that Marxism is not the most mainstream
ideology nowadays, this is because of the of the New Right Ideologies and
the Post- modern scientists and philosophers who continuously develops a
new and up-to-date theories and ideologies.
Students particularly in Universities are most likely to delve into Marxism.
Conclusion:
The author argued that Marxism though old and full of inconsistencies it
can still be a useful guide through confronting the challenges and critiques
from both external and internal theorists. It proved that it can go with the
advancement of the modern world. We cannot deny the fact that Marxism
has also its loopholes because no ideology is perfect in its nature. Also,
Capitalism as the main focus of Marxism is still evident nowadays that’s
why we would always look back to Marxism as bases of knowledge.
We agreed with the author in his assertion that Marxism has more deals to
offer since some of its ideas are still relevant to the social issues in the
world, not just in the higher aspects of government and international
relations but also down to the most basic corporation and manner of
human life. It is also true that capitalism as its major topic is a prevalent
problem of most countries.
After the fall of the Soviet Union, Communism was instantly replaced by
ideas on Neo Liberalism and Capitalism and became the mainstream for
political systems mainly on Eastern Europe and other countries in Asia.
Capitalism and ideas on free market and trade have proliferated
throughout the globe but it too has flaws that needs to be tended. The
ideological claim that markets work best when left to their own devices has
been exposed as a myth, which is evident on what had happened on the
major global crisis of the late 1990’s which started in Thailand in late 1997
when mixture of internal economic problems and imprudent engagement
with the freewheeling Western financial system resulted in a run on the
local currency and the collapse of the local stock market. The collapse was
contagious and the paranoia spread to other countries in Asia, which also
affected other western countries.
According to George Soros, he argues, “Unless we review our concept of
markets, our understanding of markets, they will collapse, we are creating
global markets without understanding their true nature”, he continues, “We
need some international regulations to match the globalization of markets
because what is lacking is the ability of society to impose constraints on the
market.”
7 strains of Institutionalism
Rational choice institutionalist - argue that political institutions are systems of rules
Historical institutionalist - look at how choices made about the institutional design of