55

Review Essay on Perspectives on

Philippine Languages: Five Centuries
of Philippine Scholarship
Lawrence A. REID
Researcher Emeritus, University of Hawai‘i

Abstract
This critical review essay is a chapter-by-chapter evaluation of a book
that examines the writings of Europeans about Philippine languages
from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. It cites the book’s
strengths, supplies counterarguments, provides clarifications, and offers
background information and additional literature. The essay speaks
highly of the book’s merits; it provides archival materials that many
scholars ‘would otherwise have had no access to’ and offers an
invaluable study on the nature, if not history, of Philippine languages.
Despite the book’s many merits, the essay notes several problems with
some of its claims and offers recommendations as to how it could
have been improved.

Keywords: Philippine linguistics, Austronesian languages, Malayo-

Polynesian languages

Introduction
MARLIES S. SALAZAR’S Perspectives on Philippine Languages:
Five Centuries of Philippine Scholarship is a very welcome addition to
scholarly publications on Philippine languages and linguistics by Marlies
S. Salazar, a Filipina who has spent many years delving into European
libraries and archives to uncover as many as possible the writings of
Europeans about the Philippines, particularly their comments about

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Philippine languages. The work explicitly excludes work by Spanish and

non-European (read American and English) authors, although she does
mention the work of a New Zealander, who wrote his dissertation on
Ilokano in German in 1904; she also cites the publications of some
European authors, such as Scheerer, Conant, Vanoverbergh, Lambrecht,
Himmelmann, Adelaar, and Postma, who wrote in English. She excludes
the work of some European scholars who published in English such as
Carl Wilhelm Seidenadel (see Section 6). For many of the scholars whose
work she refers to, Salazar abstracts and translates into English relevant
sections related to the Philippines.
In addition to a Preface that describes how the book developed
out of a Ph.D. dissertation, an Introduction outlines the motivation for
presenting the work as an overview of the studies that have been written
by non-Spanish and non-English authors, and for putting them in their
historical contexts. Also, Salazar distinguishes and briefly discusses five
periods, defined partly by their chronology and partly by the primary
focus that the writers had. Unfortunately, the five chapters in the book
are not coterminous with the five periods. The first period was ‘The Age
of Discovery’ (16th and 17th centuries), and is covered in the first part of
Chapter 1. The second was ‘The Age of Enlightenment’ (18th century)
and previews publications that are discussed in the second part of Chapter
1. The third period, covering the first half of the 19 th century, is
characterized as ‘The Rise of Historical Comparative Linguistics’ and
foreshadows the material in Chapter 2. The fourth period primarily deals
with published reports of various European travelers who visited the
Philippines during the last third of the 19th century and is covered in
Chapter 3, ‘The Nineteenth Century: An Age of Intensified Contacts
with the Philippines.’ The fifth period spans the 20th century, the first
half of which saw research that focused on Philippine languages as part
of the Austronesian language family; the second half saw a decline in
interest in historical linguistics as such and a rise in descriptive and
ethnolinguistic studies (xiii). This period is covered in two chapters,
Chapter 4, ‘Austronesian Linguistics and Their [sic] Influence in the

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Philippines’, and Chapter 5, ‘Recent Developments in Philippine

Linguistics in Europe.’ The work concludes with an Appendix in which
the author enumerates some of the word lists of Philippine languages
that appeared in the early publications she examined (details of which
are described in the following sections); the Appendix also includes an
index and a bibliography. In the following sections, I shall briefly mention
the various individuals whose work is covered in each of the chapters,
and provide an evaluation of the work.

The A ge of Disco
Age Discovv er
eryy
The first report from the Philippines was that of Antonio Pigafetta,
an Italian who accompanied Magellan around the world and survived the
massacre in Mactan in 1521 when Magellan was killed. His report contains
a list of 160 words, of which Salazar identifies 90 forms still found in
Cebuano and related languages. While she indicates that the complete
word list is given in the original language in Appendix 1 (3), only the 90
items (with supplied English and Cebuano equivalents that she was able
to identify) are given.
This chapter first reviews the contributions of various missionaries
(European, not Spanish) who came to the Philippines during this period,
including a number of German Jesuits. These include Paul Klein, who
arrived in Manila in 1678; he was a prolific writer in Tagalog and
contributor to the Tagalog dictionary that was eventually published by
Juan de Noceda and Pedro de San Lucar (1754). After the expulsion of
the Jesuits from the Philippines in 1767, many of them went to Italy,
where the Spanish Jesuit priest Lorenzo Hervas y Pandura included
information that they, his fellow Jesuits, provided in his extensive work
comparing known languages and their relationships (1785). Portions of
this work are provided in translation by Salazar. She notes that this is the
first work to define the geographical extent of what we now refer to as the
Malayo-Polynesian languages (8). Hervas discusses the similarities among
languages from Easter Island to the Marianas, Palau, Malay, Philippines,

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and Madagascar. Blust (2009 [2013]), however, claims that as early as

1603, de Houtman had recognized the connection between Malay and
Malagasy, and that Reland had identified a “common language” from
Madagascar to western Polynesia by 1708. One wonders also whether
Hervas had seen Georg Forster’s (1777) report of his Journey around the
World with Captain James Cook (or the German publication of the work
that appeared in 1783), which listed lexical comparisons between Philippine
and other Malayo-Polynesian languages. Hervas believed that Malays were
the first to occupy the Philippines, and that Philippine languages are
developed from Malay, a myth that is still current today among many
Filipinos. Hervas summarized much of the information that had been
provided to him about the current state of knowledge of the languages of
Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao, including references to various Negrito
groups and their languages. He was himself an ‘encyclopedist,’ the title
Salazar gives to her next section where she discusses the contributions of
individuals who attempted to collect what was known about all existing
languages in the world. Some of these people were explorers; others were
philologists. Of the former, she examines the writings of Georg Forster
and Peter Simon Pallas. Of the latter, she discusses Franz Carl Alter and
Johann Christoph Adelung.
Each of these four writers included information about various
Philippine languages. The author does us the service of listing in her
appendices the approximately fifty terms in Forster’s comparative table
that have possible Tagalog and Pampangan equivalents with languages
that were spoken in places he had visited during his journey. (He did not
collect these terms himself; Salazar tells us that he got them from two of
the early vocabularies that had been published on these languages). She
correctly notes that it is a sketchy and unreliable word list because there is
“no word for ‘moon’ in Tagalog” (the list itself, however, provides no
word in Pampangan but does give one for Tagalog), and because it notes
various “misreadings” of the Spanish sources, including the variants dalova
and dalava for “two.” Both are of interest because of the switch of the
medial vowel from o to a that was apparently still underway when the

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Spanish first arrived in the Tagalog region. She also provides us with
transliterated (from Cyrillic) and translated lists of the 285 Philippine
language ter ms appearing in Pallas’s (1789) volume for Tagalog,
Pampangan, and Magindanao. The great majority of these terms are for
Magindanao, all of which were collected from “travelers.” Salazar has
done a careful analysis of the sources of Alter’s word list of Tagalog included
in the Appendix (236–238), and of the forms themselves; she notes that
Alter’s lack of knowledge of Spanish resulted in mistaken readings of
various Spanish letters. Adelung’s contribution came in the form of
grammatical notes on Tagalog and Bisayan extracted from Spanish (and
other) materials that were available to him (listed and commented on by
Salazar). Adelung also did a grammatical analysis of three different versions
of the Lord’s Prayer in Tagalog. One of these versions was based on a
copy translated into German by Hervas. Adelung did the same for Bisayan.
Salazar surveys the key figures who contributed to the development
of the field now known as Historical-Comparative Linguistics, including
William Jones, Francis Schlegel, Wilhelm von Humboldt, Franz Bopp,
Rasmus Rask, Jacob Grimm, August Pott, August Schleicher, Friedrich Diez,
Johann Zeuss, Franz von Miklosich, Karl Brugmann and Berhold Delbrüch.
Of these, she focuses on von Humboldt (40–79) and discusses his extensive
contributions to the then-current understanding of the structure of Tagalog
and its position in relation to other related languages. Salazar claims that
his work is of great importance for the history of linguistics “because it is the
first complete scientific treatment of the Malayo-Polynesian language family”
(74). It should be noted that ‘Malayo-Polynesian’ is a term that Humboldt
didn’t use, preferring the name ‘Malayan’ (it was Bopp who first used the
name ‘maleisch-polynesisch’ in 1841). While it is true that Humboldt
compared the sounds and structures of languages as far apart as Malagasy
and Polynesian, he had not grasped the importance of discovering recurrent
sound change (or ‘sound laws’) as the basis for determining the relationship
between languages. Typological similarities between grammatical structures,
although a by-product of the relationship, can never be used as a basis for
establishing the relationship, since such similarities can and do arise

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completely independently in different families. Moreover, Humboldt was

apparently under the impression that a protolanguage, a ‘primitive’ or earliest
form, could still be spoken. He considered Tagalog to be the ‘origin’ and
‘purest’ form of all the ‘Malayan’ languages. While it is true that Tagalog
retains many conservative features of its parent language, Proto-Malayo-
Polynesian in today’s terms, it has undergone exactly the same number of
years of change as any of the other languages in the family. As such, it
cannot therefore be considered to be ‘older’ or ‘purer’ than any of the others.
Humboldt was also apparently bound by the writing conventions of Spanish
grammarians who represented the velar nasal by an ng digraph, and
considered the ligature in forms such as iyong (from iyon) as simply the
addition of the ‘letter g’ (60). It is somewhat surprising that Humboldt
considered that Tagalog was the only ‘Malayan’ language that had a ligature,
since early Spanish descriptions of Ilokano, Kapampangan, and other
Philippine languages in which ligatures are also commonly found would
have been available to him.
Salazar expresses astonishment that Humboldt calls ang an article,
but nang and sa only particles (89), despite the fact that many modern
analyses of Tagalog show that ang only marks definiteness of the following
NP (noted also by Humboldt), and is not a ‘nominative’ case marker (Reid
2002). While ng (today’s orthographic convention for representing /na )
and sa are forms that mark the case of the NPs they are associated with,
they certainly have functions in the language distinct from ang, and cannot
be labeled with the same term.
Blust provides a different evaluation of von Humboldt’s
contributions to historical-comparative linguistics, summarizing them in
the following way:

His colossal work of scholarship… was a major contribution to the

study of Old Javanese with an excursus into comparative Austronesian
linguistics.... In over 1,800 pages of text and tables he laid out the
most complete synthesis of descriptive and comparative knowledge
about the AN [Austronesian] languages available in his time... There

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is no question that von Humboldt’s treatise was a landmark of

scholarship in several areas. However, with regard to the comparative
study of the AN languages it seems fair to say that he stood on the
very brink of the scientific era, but had not yet crossed into it. His
philosophical treatise on the relationship of language to thought was
far ahead of its time, but his approach to comparative issues in
linguistics was in many ways no more advanced than that of Reland
[1708] 130 years before him. (Blust 2009 [2013], 518–519)

Salazar concludes her section on Humboldt by briefly reviewing

the contributions of Franz Bopp and Friedrich Müller. She notes that they
contributed little to the work of Humboldt who “has really written the
basic work on Malayo-Polynesian languages, and that he has the great
merit of having put Tagalog in its proper place” (83). One appreciates the
sentiments expressed by the author, who is herself a Tagalog, but the place
of Tagalog in the family is certainly not the one that Humboldt envisioned:
as the origin of all the ‘Malayan’ languages, including those of the South
Seas, or Polynesia. Tagalog is just one of the scores of Philippine languages
that share their ancestral parent, Proto-Malayo-Polynesian. Although it
maintains much of the verbal structure of that language, as do other
Philippine languages, Tagalog has itself undergone many grammatical
changes during the thousands of years of its development, as have all the
other members of the family. She briefly reviews comments on Philippine
languages by Hans Conon von de Gabelentz and his son Hans-Georg
von de Gabelentz before moving into the next chapter.

The Nineteenth Centur y—An A ge of Intensif ied Contacts

Age
with the Philippines
Salazar divides her discussion in this chapter between scholars who
either lived in the Philippines or were sent by government-financed
expeditions to the Philippines, and those who did not visit the country. In
the former category are Paul de la Gironière, Jean Mallat, Carl Semper,
Charles de Montblanc, Fedor Jagor, Adolph Meyer, Alexander

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Schadenberg, Joseph Montana, and Hans Meyer. In the latter are Armand
de Quatrefages de Bréau, Aristide Marre, Hendrik Kern, Jan Brandes,
Johann Jonker, and Ferdinand Blumentritt. For each of these authors, Salazar
details relevant biographical information, outlining the context in which
they became interested in Philippine languages and how they acquired
the data that they used in their publications.
Of those who actually spent time in the Philippines and gathered
linguistic data during their stay, one of the most prominent was Meyer.
Salazar includes in her Appendix some of the lists that he published. These
include Tiruray and Magindanao forms that were apparently given to
Meyer by an unnamed Jesuit priest who claimed to speak the languages.
The priest apparently wrote out the forms for Meyer as they are listed in
Spanish orthography, while the Sulu language lists, and the Negrito
language material that he may have elicited himself, are not given using
Spanish orthographic conventions. Salazar states that after hunting for
possibly similar forms in Schlegel’s (1971) Tiruray lexicon and in Aldave-
Yap’s (1997) comparative study, she found “only one word in five” that
resembled modern Tiruray and that therefore the list is not very reliable
(99). She apparently did not consult Schlegel’s dictionary because most of
the forms given by Mayer are found in his lexicon. Perhaps she could
have benefited from a deeper evaluation of Aldave-Yap’s data in that it
clearly misrepresents the phonology of the language. In the list given from
Aldave-Yap, the letter i is used in all forms that have a central vowel
represented in Schlegel and in Meyer’s list by the letter e, an orthographic
convention commonly still found today in languages, such as Ilokano and
Pangasinan, that retain the original central vowel pronunciation. The
spelling in Aldave-Yap appears to be a printer’s substitution for what was
probably an ‘i-bar’ (/i/) in the original (printer substitution errors are a
major problem throughout the book in question). Thus, the Tiruray word
for “fire” is not afiy as cited by Salazar from Aldave-Yap, but afey, as given
in Schlegel, which he lists as synonymous with ferayag, the term given by
Meyer as frayague. Similarly, the word given for “water” is not riguwas,
but reguwas, which Schlegel defines as “a poetical term for water.” Schlegel

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also gives the expected term wayeg that is clearly the form represented by
Meyer’s vayeque. While Meyer gives wefuruje for “air,” Schlegel shows
refuruh, “a wind,” as well as labanen, “wind,” which Salazar cites (from
Aldave-Yap) as labangin. Meyer’s term for “earth,” fantade, is also found
in Schlegel as fantad, with a meaning similar to tuna that she cites from
Aldave-Yap. It is not possible to determine the source of the final letter e
found on fantade, although it is probably the paragogic vowel /e/ that is
added to all consonant final words in the Tomini-Tolitoli languages of
northern Sulawesi, such as Donde pantade “shore, beach” (Himmelmann
1991). This is an area south across the Celebes Sea from where Tiruray is
spoken; there was surely trade contact between them. It is also found in
Meyer’s list on dogote, “sea”; and the pronouns beene, “he,”; begueye,
“we”; ocgome, “you”; and berrone, “they.” The forms to which the extra
vowel is attached can clearly be associated with the current Tiruray forms.
One other fact that apparently evaded Salazar was that Meyer apparently
misread some original w letters as n and in one case m. So that telen,
“three” is telew; fiten, “seven” is fitew; nalem, “eight” is walew; and sioon,
“nine” is siyow. The form for “three,” given as tires in Aldave-Yap, is not
Tiruray; it is clearly a borrowing of Spanish tres that she did not recognize.
Meyer also lived among the Negritos of the west coast of Luzon
and published copiously on them. Salazar includes in her Appendix Meyer’s
lists of forms from two of the languages he researched. It is curious, given
today’s knowledge of the distinct Ayta languages of Zambales, that she
states, “Meyer did not see the similarities of the Negrito dialects with
Tagalog and Kapampangan. He created the myth of a separate language
of the Negritos, which was hotly discussed for a long time” (102). While it
is true that the Ayta languages have borrowed from the languages of their
Sambalic neighbors, and possibly also from Kapampangan and Tagalog,
they are very different from either of these languages in lexicon, syntax,
morphology, and phonology. The question was whether their languages
were part of the Malayo-Polynesian language family, or not.
Salazar then discusses the contributions of Schadenberg, briefly
outlining some of the places where he lived and worked and some of the

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research expeditions he made, including the one that took him to ‘Guinaan’
in the ‘Gran Cordillera Central,’ where he collected 700 words. It should
be noted that there are two barrios with the name ‘Guinaang,’ one in
Lubuagan, Kalinga, the other in Bontoc, Mountain Province (see Reid
Ongoing). It is the former that he visited, reaching it from ‘Banao, Abra.’
Salazar provides in her Appendix the lists that Schadenberg took of three
Ayta languages, one simply called ‘Negrito’; the others from Caulaman
and Dinalupihan in Bataan. She also discusses his work in relation to the
wide interest in these peoples among European scholars at the time.
Of those who wrote about the Philippines but never succeeded in
traveling there, Salazar focuses on the work of the Dutch scholars Hendrik
Kern, his student Brandes, and Blumentritt. Kern was also involved in
the discussion raised by Meyer and by Schadenberg about the languages
spoken by Negritos. Kern claimed that they were closely related to Tagalog,
and were not different languages. He did, however, note that the lexicon,
phonology, and grammar showed them to be Malayo-Polynesian
languages. So the primary issue, and one that was not made clear either in
the original works (or by Salazar), was not whether Negritos had distinct
languages, which they clearly did despite their borrowed forms. Rather, it
was a question of whether their languages could be shown to be part of
the same family (Malayo-Polynesian) to which Tagalog belonged or whether
they retained anything of their pre-Malayo-Polynesian tongues. This was
an issue that interested Wilhelm Schmidt (see below), and continues to be
of interest (Reid 1994).
The role of Brandes and Kern in the development of our
understanding of the relationships between the sound systems of Malayo-
Polynesian languages goes somewhat beyond the facts given by Salazar.
A better summary may be found in Blust (2009[2013], 522–523). One
contribution that Brandes made that many modern Philippine linguists
should take seriously is that the infix -in- is not a marker of a ‘passive’
verb, but is a marker of ‘completed action.’ Although not obvious in
Tagalog because of the morphological changes that have taken place with
‘actor voice’ constructions in which it has disappeared (in the case of verbs

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with -um-) (Reid 1992), or alternates with m- (in the case of ma-, mag-
and mang- verbs), the presence of -in- in the verbs of such constructions
in a wide range of other Philippine languages shows that Brandes was
right despite Kern’s objections. The infix -in- is now reconstructed to very
early stages of the Austronesian family as a marker of perfective aspect,
not as a ‘passive’ affix.

A ustr onesian Linguistics and their [sic] Inf luence

ustronesian
in the Philippines
Of the range of scholars discussed in this chapter by Salazar, some
never visited the Philippines, such as Wilhelm Schmidt, Renward
Brandstetter, Rudolph Kern, Jan Gonda, and Otto Dempwolff. Of those
who visited or lived in the Philippines, she discusses the missionary priests
who lived in the country, Morice Vanoverbergh and Francis Lambrecht;
the visitors Otto Scheerer and Hermann Costenoble; and finally, the
Filipino scholar Cecilio Lopez, who studied under Dempwolff in Germany
and became the leading linguist in the Philippines on his return.
Schmidt, although not contributing anything directly to the study
of Philippine languages, did help raise our understanding of the
relationship among the various branches of the Austronesian languages
and also of the Austroasiatic languages of mainland Southeast Asia and
India. As Salazar notes, he was the first one to propose the terms commonly
used now for these two language families. His attention to the Philippines
was motivated primarily, it seems, by his interest in the languages of the
Negrito peoples, a pursuit that connected him with Vanoverbergh, his
fellow SVD (Society of the Divine Word) priest. Vanoverbergh published
copiously on the Northern Luzon languages during his eighty-year
residence in the Philippines and with whom this reviewer was closely
connected during the publication of his Isneg Vocabulary (Vanoverbergh
1972). Schmidt noted that Philippine Negritos did not have their own
language but spoke the languages of their neighbors (148). This again
misrepresented the languages of the Negritos. Although it is possible to

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relate most of them to the same subgroup that their neighbors’ languages
belong to, they are distinct from them in many ways.
Brandstetter, without ever visiting any region where an Austronesian
language was spoken, made major contributions to the state of knowledge
of Austronesian languages and their relationships. Salazar indicates these
accomplishments in her fourteen-page discussion of his writings. Her
summary of his general contributions are useful, but in accord with the
purpose of her research, she focuses on Brandstetter’s writings in relation
to Philippine languages, especially the essay in which he compared
Malagasy and Tagalog. This article and several of his others are available
in English translation, as Salazar notes (see Brandstetter 1916). An excellent
evaluation of Brandstetter’s contributions to the field of Austronesian
linguistics is available in Blust (2009 [2013], 523–528, see also Blust and
Schneider 2012). Careless copying or poor editing mars the material that
is taken from the original sources that Salazar provides. Thus, the claim
that Brandstetter always wrote ‘n ’ for ‘ng ’ is very misleading (158), because
.
he actually wrote ‘n ’ for ‘ng ’. Likewise, for the phonetic system of Original
Indonesian (162), Brandstetter shows the final ‘e’ of the six vowels as ‘ë ’[ ],
e
(Blagden’s translation of Brandstetter [1916] gives ‘e ’); the velar ‘n. ’ is ‘n ’
[ ]; the palatal ‘n ’ is ñ ; and the line that contains ‘y, l, r ’ is missing the
bilabial semivowel w.
Several pages are devoted to the publications of Rudolph Kern on
certain morphological features of Philippine languages. These include
another misguided attempt to prove that the perfective infix -in- is a passive
affix, and a summary of the functions of the ka- prefix, to which he added
“ka is sometimes added to the imperative to give it some urgency: Lakad ka
na? ‘Go now!’” This is cited by Salazar, but she doesn’t note that Kern failed
to recognize that this particular ka is a second person singular pronoun, or
that imperatives in Austronesian languages typically encode the agent, unlike
European languages. Gonda’s contributions, especially in the area of Tagalog
terms that apparently have their source in Sanskrit, are summarized by Salazar
with the note that “[l]ike most Sanskrit scholars, Gonda has a tendency to
emphasize the influence of Sanskrit on other languages and cultures” (177).

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The major European linguist of this era who utilized data from
Philippine languages in his comparison of Austronesian languages was
Otto Dempwolff. His contributions are discussed and evaluated by Salazar
(177–185), who credits his work as being “unequaled in its scholarly and
thorough approach. It has been the starting point of all later research in
this area” (184). This, of course, is very true in comparison with preceding
work, and his publications have provided the foundation upon which
subsequent scholars such as Dahl, Dyen, Wolff, Zorc, and Blust have built
their careers. But his work was not without problems, as Blust notes in his
extensive examination of Dempwolff ’s work (2009[2013], 528–543).
Salazar, noting that Dempwolff ’s major work is an “extremely useful source
for research in comparative Austronesian linguistics” (185), lists the English
translations that have appeared in the Philippines over the years. But Blust
notes, “[u]nfortunately, no good English translation of Dempwolff ’s major
work exists to date… A full (uncredited) translation of VLAW was issued
in mimeographed form by the Ateneo de Manila University in 1971, but
this is so riddled with errors that the beginning student is best advised to
avoid it” (2009[2013], 542). It would have also been useful to acknowledge
that even though Dempwolff had reconstructed over 2000 lexical items to
his “Uraustronesisch,” or what today is called Proto-Malayo-Polynesian,
Blust reconstructed twice as many additional forms, a large number of
which are cited with reflexes in Philippine languages (Blust and Trussel
Ongoing). Finally, the problems that were noted above with the
representation of Brandstetter’s Original Indonesian are replicated in the
listing of Dempwolff ’s Proto-Indonesian (181). Thus, the vowels are
missing (schwa); the laryngeals show ‘c ’ for the ‘spiritus asper’ or light
e
glottal closure that Dempwolff represented with the superscript c; the
(misaligned) retroflex symbols ‘d ’, ‘t ’, and ‘l ’, should all have subscript
. .t, and .l, respectively; of the palatals, ‘g ’ ’ and ‘k ’ ’ are misaligned
periods, d,
and n is missing its accent mark, n’ ; the velar is also given as ‘n ’; and the
velar fricative is shown as ‘j ’. Similar problems exist in the listing of the
twelve homorganic nasal combinations, and Salazar does not list the four
diphthongs that Dempwolff considered to be part of the sound system.

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Salazar next summarizes Scheerer’s two German articles (most of

his articles were written in English), one of which was concerned with the
Aklan phoneme /l/, which is pronounced as a vowel and written as e in
Aklanon orthography in certain positions in a word. She then outlines the
contributions of the Filipino scholar Cecilio Lopez whom she appropriately
characterizes as the “father of Philippine Linguistics” (190). She noted
that “he was highly respected by students and scholars alike and he helped
them whenever he could” (190), as he did with the current reviewer who
met with him on his first arrival in the Philippines in 1959. Lopez was
also the person with whom Costenoble left his German materials on
comparative Philippine linguistics before his death, and which Lopez
translated into English and published.

Recent De
Devv elopments in Philippine Linguistics in Eur ope
Europe
In this chapter, Salazar reviews the work of a wide range of European
scholars whose studies in the second half of the twentieth century include
Philippine language materials. They include the comparativists Andre-
George Haudricourt (France), Hans Mohring (Germany), and Otto
Christian Dahl (Norway). She then groups together linguists from separate
European countries: Russia: Sergey Bulich, Evgeny Polivanov, Natalya
Alieva, Vladimir Makarenko, Ivan Podberezskij, Lina Shkarban, Grennady
Rachkov, Maria Stanyukovich; France: Maurice Coyaud, Jean-Paul Potet,
François Dell, and Nicole Revel; Germany: Heinrich Kelz, Werner
Drossard, Nikolaus Himmelmann, Agnes Kolmer, and Ursula Wegmüller;
and finally Holland: Karl Alexander Adelaar and Antoon Postma. Many
of these scholars visited the Philippines for various periods, and many of
them, especially those from Russia, were primarily interested in Tagalog.
Others such as Revel, widely known for her work on Palawan; Stanyukovich
for her work on the hudhud epic genre of Ifugao; and Postma for his
studies on Hanunóo and its pre-Spanish writing system, have spent
extended periods in remote places in the Philippines and have contributed
greatly to our understanding of otherwise little-known languages.

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Conclusion
Salazar has done an invaluable service to all linguists interested
in Philippine languages by utilizing her skills as a polyglot and translator
to reveal to us material that many of us would otherwise have had no
access to. Of keen interest to this reviewer, for example, are the
comments interspersed throughout the book on early views about who
the Negritos are and the nature of the languages that they speak, and
the lists of Negrito forms given in the Appendix that were taken by
Meyer and by Schadenberg. This is material that could have been
referred to in Reid (2013), but which were unavailable to me. But the
frequent use by Salazar of the term ‘dialect’ for ‘language’ especially
when it refers to a language spoken by Negritos (85, 93, 149, etc.) was,
for me, problematic.
While at various points Salazar indicates where modern scholarship
provides a different analysis or provides explanations for phenomena
that puzzled early European researchers, these are scattered and
incomplete. The work would have been greatly improved if she had
been more careful to evaluate the contributions of writers in the light of
modern scholarship. For example, while Brandstetter (and others)
discussed the widespread presence of what have been referred to as
monosyllabic ‘roots’ in Austronesian languages, she does not mention
Blust (1980), who examined the nature of the phenomenon, critically
evaluated Brandstetter’s methods, and reconstructed some 230 roots
based on 2,560 tokens in 117 Austronesian languages, of which 32 are
Philippine languages.
Another area in which Salazar could have provided some evaluative
comments is the commonly occurring reference to what were called
“passives” in Philippine languages, and which today are typically referred
to as syntactically transitive constructions with different “focus” or “voice”
marking on the verb. It is striking that even though she (123) cited a very
relevant passage from Marre’s (1901) Grammar of Tagalog, which discussed
the nature of Tagalog ‘passives,’ she did not associate the statement with

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what today is widely understood as the basis for the difference between
the accusativity of European languages and the ergativity of Philippine
languages.

If one had to give the reason for this curious difference, one could find
it in two completely opposed points of view, from which the action
expressed by the verb is considered. In the European languages the
action is seen in relation to the person who does it, whereas the
Malayo-Polynesian languages consider the action in relation to the
person or the thing that receives or undergoes it. (Marre 1901, 573)

Related to this issue, Drossard’s (1984) argumentation that all the

forms called “passive” must be considered “active” and that ma- verbs are
“stative” is dismissed by Salazar (219) by the comment, “[i]n one stroke
he had eliminated all the difficult passives of Tagalog, at least for himself.”
But this view had long been held by some linguists, such as Seidenadel
(1906, reviewed in Reid 2011) who, probably before anyone else, rejected
the concept of “passive” for the syntactically transitive verbs of Philippine
languages. Seidenadel considered them to be “active.” He also used the
term “stative” for (one class of) ma-verbs. The use of the term “active” or
the equivalent term “dynamic” is commonly held now by a number of
Philippine linguists, such as Tanangkingsing (Tanangkingsing and Huang
2007), who prefers to reserve the term “passive” for ma- verbs in Cebuano.
While most modern linguists no longer consider Philippine transitive verbs
to be passives, Pierre Winkler (2011) defends the early Spanish use of the
term, claiming that the Spanish missionaries foreshadowed modern
Functional Grammar in their semantic-pragmatic usage of terms that today
typically carry syntactic meanings.
One more case that Salazar could have provided some perspective
on is in relation to the commonly referred to RGH- and RLD-laws that
were credited to van der Tuuk and were discussed by Conant in relation
to Philippine languages and referred to by Scheerer. These are still appealed
to by some Filipino linguistic students when discussing the historical

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of Philippine Scholarship 71
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development of Philippine languages. However, these laws have long been

evaluated and shown to be inadequate explanations of the reflexes of the
various reconstructed proto-phonemes that they were first proposed to
show. They are now reconstructed as Proto-Austronesian and Proto-
Malayo-Polynesian *R and *j.
The book under review, while very valuable in many respects, is
unfortunately flawed by a large number of errors, including missing,
misplaced and misspelled words, many of them clearly inadvertent and a
number of which were mentioned in Section 4 above. However, in the
interest of providing an objective evaluation of the work, it is necessary to
indicate more of these problems.
One would expect that Salazar, as a linguist, would have been more
careful in her citation of the Cebuano forms listed in Appendix 1 that are
the modern equivalents of the forms given by Pigafetta. Although these
are taken from Yap and Bunye (1971), they are not cited with stress marks
indicating length and glottal stop as given in this work and other dictionaries
of the language, such as the much more complete dictionary of Cebuano
Visayan by Wolff (1972). We find buto for bútù, luya for luy-a, suka for
sukà, iro for irù, isda for isdà, etc. Such diacritical marks were possibly
removed by the printer but should have been corrected during the proofing
stage.
There are a number of inaccuracies in listing the languages cited by
Alter (26), inaccuracies that may have been in the original but were simply
copied by Salazar without comment. She inadvertently reinforces the
common Filipino belief that Philippine languages developed from Malay;
she classifies Philippine languages, including Magindanao, Tagalog, and
Pampango in her ‘Indonesian’ group, among which she also includes Palau,
which is also not an Indonesian language, either geographically or
linguistically. It would have been better to label the same group of
languages as ‘Western Malayo-Polynesian,’ which clearly distinguishes
them from the Oceanic languages cited under ‘Melanesian’ and ‘Polynesian’
headings. In the same list, it would have been better had Salazar used the

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modern names of the countries where languages are spoken, such as

Vanuatu for ‘New Hebrides’ and Sulawesi for ‘Celebes.’ Her ‘Mangaray’
(now called Manggarai) is spoken not ‘near Celebes,’ but in the west of
the island of Flores in Indonesia. Similarly, Nias is spoken not ‘near Sumatra’
but in two islands off the north coast of Sumatra and are part of Sumatra.
Palau is not ‘near the Carolines,’ but is part of the northern chain of
Caroline Islands. ‘Achenese’ is more properly spelled Acehnese, and ‘Battak’
is Batak. ‘Malicolo (New Hebrides)’ refers to the island of Malecula in
Vanuatu, where a number of different languages are spoken (Lewis, Simons,
and Fennig 2014). Similarly, she gives ‘Babobo’ for Bagobo (107),
‘Austroasian’ for Austroasiatic (131), ‘Ranks Islands’ for Banks Islands,
‘Anlitum’ for Aneitum (now Aneityum), ‘Oraged’ for Graged (182), ‘Miao-
yao’ for Miao-Yao, now commonly referred to as Hmong-Mien (212),
‘Siraraya’ for Siraya (222). etc.
One additional problem that I kept on tripping up on are the multiple
examples throughout the book of the inappropriate use of the English present
perfect tense where a simple past tense is called for. These include, “Huonder
has established a list of…” which could have been, “Huonder established a
list of…” (4); “In this work, he has proven the effectiveness of his linguistic
method” (44) for “In this work, he proved the effectiveness of his linguistic
method;” and “She has based her work mostly on the research done and
has compiled an atlas of terms related to rice” (212), a sentence that would
have been better written as “She based her work mostly on research done
and compiled an atlas of terms related to rice,” etc.
While the work has an extensive and very valuable 27-page
bibliography section (with English translations of titles in foreign
languages), the references have multiple editing problems. For example,
the Yap and Bunye (1971) reference is cited without the mention of the
second author; similarly, although both Schachter and Otanes are given as
the authors of their Tagalog grammar in the references, only Schachter is
mentioned as the author on (218). Despite the necessarily critical comments
given in this section, they should not hinder anyone from buying the book.
It should be added to the shelf of all aspiring young Filipino linguists.

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Review Essay on Perspectives on Philippine Languages: Five Centuries
of Philippine Scholarship 73
69

Per spectivv es on Philippine Langua

specti
erspecti Languagg es: FiFivv e Centuries of
Philippine Sc holar ship. Marlies S. Salazar, Ateneo de Manila University
holarship
Scholar
Press, 2013. ISBN: 978-971-550-649-6, 348 pp.

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Blust, Robert A. and Jürg Schneider, eds. 2012. A world of words: Revisiting the work of
Renward Brandstetter (1860-1942) on Lucerne and Austronesia. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Blust, Robert A. and Steve Trussel. Ongoing. Austronesian comparative dictionary. http://
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Brandstetter, Renward. 1916. An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays by
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