The Scottish Industrial Revolution

were clearly not in proportion to

the population expansion. The
Dudley, Christopher. “Party Politics, Political Economy, and Economic Development in Early Eighteenth-Century Britain.” The
Economic History Review, vol. 66, no. 4, 2013, pp. 1084–1100. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/42921654.

Christopher Dudley is an American historian who is Associate Professor of History at East Stroudsburg University in East
Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania.

“Over the course of the eighteenth century, Scotland's economy and industrial transformation of the
society underwent a profound transformation. Between 1728 and 1815, country was taken a step farther
Scottish linen manufacturers increased their production 18-fold in terms of in the early nineteenth century
quantity and 14-fold in terms of value.* In the Highlands, the when steam replaced water as
commercialization of agriculture and a transition to monetary rents changed the main source of power. It
the relationship between landlord and tenant in much the way Lord Grange swung the industrial weight of
predicted. More generally, by the second half of the eighteenth century Scotland still farther to the south-
Scotland was a commercial and consumer society like England. While not
all of this change can be attributed to the state, it seems clear that the
development of Scotland was facilitated by its actions.
Initiatives such as the building of a road network in Scotland or the profound
construction of a regulatory framework benefiting British-produced very great or intense

textiles, which historians have argued made important contributions to Highlands the mountainous part of
Scotland, north of Glasgow
commercial and industrial growth, were not accidents. They were not
motivated merely by military and fiscal demands or by the narrow political regulatory a way to control or supervise
something
desire to placate sensitive constituencies. They were the result of a
textiles a branch of industry involved
broader and more ambitious set of ideas about encouraging manufacturing in manufacturing cloth

and domestic consumption, and creating economic growth. This is not to merely
say that politics and ideology were the only cause of economic just, only

developments in eighteenth-century Britain, or even that they were the fiscal relating to government
revenue, especially taxes
most important cause.
*3 From 2 million to 36 million yards of cloth and from £103,000 worth to £1,404.

Mitchison, Rosalind, et al. A History of Scotland, Routledge, 2002. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/csulb/detail.action?docID=178696

Rosalind Mitchison was an English historian who was a professor at many prestigious universities in England and
Scotland.

“The Industrial Revolution, which arrived in Scotland in the 1780s, was a

special variant of the tremendous changes taking place in England,
starting with the breakthrough of the cotton and iron industries into rapid
growth. In Scotland it was at first one-sided, confined to cotton. It would be
over forty years before her iron industry followed cotton into general and
steady growth, and growth is as important as industrialization in a definition
of the Industrial Revolution. Even in cotton the change was for a long time
treating someone
confined to spinning: weaving continued to be a hand industry and a exploitation unfairly in order to
benefitfrom their work
profitable skill for those who possessed it. The Industrial Revolution was to overhung
concentrate the population in the central valley of lowland Scotland, extend over

particularly in the western half of it. The workers were the surplus labour of sufficed meet the needs of, be
enough

the countryside. In any case some of those who came ‘voluntarily’ may variant
have done so from a pressing sense of economic necessity. There were a different form

areas in the Highlands in which the future prospects even in the 1790s confined
cramped. restricted, limited

Nenadic, Stanna. “Industrialization and the Scottish People” The Oxford Handbook ofnecessity
Modern Scottish
being required or History, edited
indispensable
by T. M. Devine and Jenny Wormald, Oxford Univ. Press, 2014, pp.405-422.

Stanna Nenadic is a Scottish historian. She is currently a Professor of Social History and Cultural History at the
University of Edinburgh in Scotland.
west of the central valley, where the cotton industry was already steadily
developing the use of steam power. Behind all this was the exploitation of
the Scottish coal-fields. Coal meant concentration. The old pattern of rural
industry gave way to one using cheap and dirty fuel in big towns, and these
towns grew rapidly. They were overhung with smoke and provided with no
more in the way of sanitation than had sufficed for the villages they
replaced.”

Scotland in the nineteenth century had an economy and society subject to

one of the most rapid early transformations in industrial experience of any
country in the Western world. Unique among the smaller European
countries with peasant-based local economies surviving well into the
nineteenth century...Scotland's dramatic shift from a mostly
underdeveloped, rural backwater in the mid-eighteenth century, was
largely orchestrated…by government and its agencies, and by wealthy
landowners. The impact of rapid industrialization on the workplace, on
conditions of life, and on Scottish culture was profound.
There is a popular characterization of nineteenth-century Scotland as a
country defined by heavy industry. Yet industrial output as a technical
measure tells us little about the actual lives of people.
Urban history has shaped our understanding of Scottish industry and its
often negative social consequences. Yet the big-city perspective obscures
the fact that many of those who worked in industry were found in villages
and small towns the length of the country, from fish-processing, coalmining,
and quarrying centres of Caithness to the Borders tweed burghs.
Moreover, engagement in industrial entrepreneurship was not just the
preserve of the self-made businessmen…who attract scholarly attention. In
Scotland, more than in England, much rural industrial employment was
promoted by aristocrats.
Industrial employment only exceeded agriculture in the second half of the
century, but industry touched most lives. It was a more intensely present
phenomenon in Scotland than in England, because the small size of the
country and the wide distribution of industry meant that even those parts of
the population that were not involved in industrial work saw it close at hand. a place in which no
development or progress
There was no such phenomenon in Scotland, even in remote areas of backwater
takes place

disconnection from the experience of industry – as there was in England, obscures overshadows, makes
difficult to see
where industry and its’ attendant problems were in the ‘north’ and alien to extract stone from large
quarrying
much of the rich and powerful in the ‘south’. In Scotland, the rich and the deep pit

powerful, and they did not come more rich or powerful than Scottish Caithness a county in Scotland's
Highlands
aristocrats, were intimately connected with industry. Borders a section of Scotland with
many counties on the
(Scotland)
border between England
a rough-surfaced
tweed woolen cloth, originally
produced in Scotland
a town with some power
burgh that is subdivided from
the county

phenomenon
a remarkbale event
understanding in a way
intimately that requires detailed
knowledge