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Abstract
Scholars have raised concerns about the social costs of the transition from state
socialism to capitalism in Central and Eastern Europe, and geographers are particularly
interested in the spatial expressions and implications of these costs, including apparently
increasing residential segregation. Applying a range of segregation measures to
1992 and 2002 census data, this contribution studies socio-occupational residential
segregation in Bucharest. The conclusion is that Bucharest was relatively socio-spatially
mixed at both times; in fact, a modest, yet fully legible, decreasing overall trend is
observable. This is at odds with many popular assumptions of the past 20 years.
Introduction
Research on socio-spatial change in Central and Eastern European (CEE) cities is
gradually making its way into urban theory (Gentile et al., 2012; Marcińczak et al.,
2012; Sýkora and Bouzarovski, 2012). With the experience of real socialism slowly
fading away, these cities are now characterized by a variety of paths of socio-spatial
development that are not easily captured by the frequently advanced categorizations
post-socialism, post-communism and transition. As our article will show, Bucharest, the
near two-million strong capital of Romania and a major metropolis of the Balkans,
exemplifies this.
A widely held view is that the demise of state socialism brought about a change in
the rules of the game almost overnight, as CEE countries embarked on a trajectory of
neoliberal socioeconomic development promoted by international funding agencies
(Smith and Pickles, 1998; Bradshaw and Stenning, 2004; Tosics, 2005; Smith and Timár,
2010; Sýkora and Bouzarovski, 2012). In parallel, social and income inequalities rose
conspicuously across the entire region, albeit at different rates and with different
consequences, while unemployment, which was virtually unheard of under socialism,
became increasingly widespread. However, this view requires some qualification: the
reform strategies chosen, as well as the tempo of their implementation, vary across
countries and have produced increasingly divergent macroeconomic outcomes (Åslund,
Szymon Marcińczak thanks the Łódź University Foundation (Fundacja Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego) for
supporting this research with a Young Scholar’s Award (Nagroda Naukowa Fundacji Uniwersytetu
Łódzkiego), and Michael Gentile likewise thanks Umeå University for its generous support in the form
of a Young Scholar’s Award (Karriärbidrag).
© 2013 Urban Research Publications Limited. Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd. 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4
2DQ, UK and 350 Main St, Malden, MA 02148, USA
2 Szymon Marcińczak, Michael Gentile, Samuel Rufat and Liviu Chelcea
2002). Also, in some countries (e.g. Uzbekistan) the willingness and ability to reform
have been stifled by the continued presence of non-democratic forms of government
(Koch, 2011).
Many scholars have raised concerns about the social costs of transition (e.g. Dunford
and Smith, 2000; Stenning, 2004; Smith et al., 2008; Smith and Timár, 2010), and
geographers are particularly concerned with the spatial expressions and implications of
these costs. With this in mind, many scholars — though certainly not all, as opposed to
what Kostreš and Reba (2010: 331) opine — have associated social and/or income
polarization with mirroring developments in urban space (Vendina, 1997; We˛cławowicz,
1998; Sailer-Fliege, 1999; Brade et al., 2009; Polanska, 2011). However, systematic
attempts at socio-spatial pattern description have been produced only recently (e.g.
Sýkora et al., 2006; Prelogović, 2009; Marcińczak and Sagan, 2011; Marcińczak, 2012;
Marcińczak et al., 2013). Many of the findings from these studies cast some doubt on the
suggestion that there would be a clear correlation between socioeconomic polarization and
residential segregation. Moreover, when such a correlation exists at all, it appears to be
negative for the time being.
Thus far, most research on socioeconomic segregation after communism has
side-stepped the developments that have taken place outside the fast-track reforming
countries (Sýkora, 2009; Marcińczak et al., 2012). Studying segregation in Bucharest
allows us to gain valuable new knowledge of this phenomenon within the gradualist
context of transition, to which Romania is generally considered to have adhered
(Bradshaw and Stenning, 2004; Turnock, 2007). Moreover, the Romanian experience
of communist rule is generally regarded as having been characterized by a ‘hardline’
approach for considerably longer than elsewhere in the socialist bloc (Turnock,
2007).
Two characteristics make the Romanian road to communism distinctive. First, when
Nicolae Ceauşescu secured control over Romania (in the late 1960s), the country
embarked on a sui generis path of development, at least when compared to its socialist
brethren. Romania thus avoided full-scale Soviet control over its economy and foreign
policy and opened up to West-European credit, investment and technology. However,
it did this by cultivating an increasingly brutal Stalinist regime, garnished with elements
of the North Korean Juche ideology, starting from the mid-1970s and ending abruptly
with Ceauşescu’s Christmas execution in 1989. Second, as urban development and
planning were central to the creation of socialist Romania (Church, 1979; Sampson,
1979; Ronnås, 1982; 1984), Bucharest became the autocratic regime’s ‘Ceauşesque
playground’: ‘Perhaps no present-day city exhibits the imprints of an individual to
the extent that Bucharest shows the effect of Nicolae Ceauşescu’ (Danta, 1993:
170).
This contribution assesses the dynamics, levels and patterns of socioeconomic
residential segregation in Bucharest. We define socioeconomic segregation as the
separation and concentration of the population according to socio-professional status (cf.
Musterd, 2005). Specifically, we measure the changes in segregation patterns in the
context of the recent large-scale socialist redevelopment of the city and of ‘delayed’
systemic transformation (Turnock, 2007). By doing so, we elaborate on the relationship
between socialist spatial planning, different forms of post-socialist transformation and the
ensuing patterns of socioeconomic segregation after 1990. This way we will extend the
frontier of segregation research on post-communist Europe, offering a contribution to
theory that draws on the experience of a region that undeservedly remains outside the
purview of urban scholarship.
The following two sections outline the state of the art in segregation research under
socialism and after. Next, we introduce the Bucharest context, followed by a concise
description of the research materials and methods used in the study. Then we present the
changing global and local patterns of socio-occupational segregation in Bucharest after
Ceauşescu, interpreting them within the wider framework of the literature. Finally, we
present our conclusions.
2010b).1 Sixth, there were several forms of housing tenure under socialism, and these
tended to be associated with the residents’ socioeconomic characteristics (French,
1995; Domański, 1997). The main forms were state-owned, private (on state land in
most cases) and cooperative (or ‘semi-private’, cf. Hall, 1987). Typically, the share of
state-owned housing, which was the most subsidized because of nominal rents and
insignificant fees for utilities, increased with city size (Andrusz, 1984). Finally, the
socialist institutions in many, though not all, countries produced an ‘unhousable’
underclass that was, in fact, both segregated and highly deprived. This underclass
included not only political offenders, former prison inmates and so-called (societal)
‘parasites’, but also temporary rural migrants who were not granted the full privilege
of urban life (see Gentile, 2003; Marcińczak and Sagan, 2011).
Socialist and early post-socialist segregation in Southeastern European (SEE) cities is
an entirely unexplored topic in the English-language literature. Some retrospective hints
about it appear in more recent work on urban inequalities in the region (Vesselinov, 2004;
2005; Vesselinov and Logan, 2005; Speveć and Klempić-Bogadi, 2009; Petrovici, 2012),
but these do not report the ‘hard facts’ of segregation under socialism.
1 Occasionally an additional source of segregation surfaced during the early years of socialism, when
housing nationalization programs were implemented. In this process, some people found themselves
being displaced or forced to accept an unwelcome ‘flat-sharing’ agreement. Displacement meant
relocation. In some cases political and defense-related considerations gained the upper hand. For
example, as Chelcea (2012) shows, employees of the new defense ministry in Bucharest were
clustered nearby, at the expense of the sitting tenants who were forced to accept accommodation
elsewhere.
the SEE city’s spatial changes target singular spatial expressions of socioeconomic
decompression (e.g. the proliferation of gated communities for the upper and upper-
middle classes).
The pace, scale and extent of the socioeconomic changes embedded in transition are
shaped by the historically developed and path-dependent characteristics of cities, regions
and nation-states (Marcińczak and Sagan, 2011; Sýkora and Bouzarovski, 2012).
The fusion of pre-socialist and socialist legacies with the post-socialist reform
therapies triggered increased labor-market segmentation, growing income inequalities,
unemployment, the gradual withdrawal of the welfare state and, accordingly, a new order
of social stratification (Smith and Pickles, 1998; Bandelj and Mahutga, 2010; Stenning
et al., 2010). The capital cities had a pioneering role in these processes (We˛cławowicz,
1998), making them ideal objects for the investigation of the spatial manifestation of the
new order (Stenning, 2004).
Residential segregation in SEE cities after socialism has been the subject of a handful
of studies. Petrovici (2012) uses factor analysis to illustrate the social geography of
the Romanian mid-sized city of Cluj, finding modest evidence of socio-spatial
differentiation explained, in part, by the idiosyncrasies of nationalist local government.
However, the socio-spatial configurations observed defy generalization other than the
observation that the elderly and relatively disadvantaged seem to be overrepresented in
the inner-city areas in a way similar to many other cities in CEE, especially under
socialism and in the decade that followed (cf. Szelényi, 1983; Kovács, 1998; Marcińczak
et al., 2012; 2013). Also using factor analysis, this time applied to data from the Croatian
census, Prelogović (2009) shows that Zagreb’s residential socioeconomic spatial pattern
in the early 2000s assumed a somewhat sectoral form. Using the same data source at a
more aggregated level, Speveć and Klempić-Bogadi (2009) describe the residential
geographies of the population of Zagreb and Split by education, reporting a certain
educational distance decay effect (with the more highly educated settling in central
locations). Ethnic segregation in three mid-sized Romanian cities with significant
Magyar minorities has been the focus of a recent study by Tátrai (2011), who found low
and stable levels of segregation using global segregation measures.
Summing up, there is little knowledge of residential segregation patterns in the
post-socialist SEE city, and even less is known about the situation under socialism.
Moreover, while generally supporting the notion that segregation levels are/were low, the
results are not uniform.
Figure 1 Land use map of Bucharest showing age of housing stock (sources: Direcţia
Urbanism şi Amenajarea Teritoriului 2000; National Institute of Statistics, 2002)
basic amenities, even though higher and denser housing estates were hastily constructed
in the proximity of the industrial areas, e.g. the Obor (1966), Militari (1968) and Rahova
(1970) housing complexes. Initially, the overall quality of the housing estates was low,
but it improved subsequently.
Unlike elsewhere in metropolitan Central and Eastern Europe, where inner-city
redevelopment was seriously initiated in the 1950s (Carter, 1979; Bater, 1980; Smith,
1996), the reconstruction of Bucharest’s centre did not take off until the early 1980s, at
a time when several socialist regimes, especially in Poland and Hungary, had started to
look shaky. Ceauşescu’s grand project was completed shortly after the fall of his regime
in the early 1990s. Because this massive scale intervention into the existing urban fabric
is portrayed elsewhere (Turnock, 1990; Danta, 1993; Cavalcanti, 1997), it suffices to say
that it was the flagship project of the Romanian ‘systematization’ program, which aimed
at the socialist modernization of society, economy and space through countrywide
homogenization and the diffusion of the benefits of urbanism (Ronnås, 1984; Danta,
1993). Eventually, about a quarter of the historical core was razed and more than
40,000 people were displaced to accommodate Ceauşescu’s monumental visions.
Former low-density housing with socially mixed populations was torn down to provide
room for the immense House of the Republic, spacious squares, and a wide boulevard
whose length exceeds that of the Champs-Elysées in Paris. This boulevard was — and
still is — lined with trees, fountains and gargantuan apartment buildings designed
to house high-ranking members of the military, secret police (the securitate) and
nomenklatura (Behr, 1991). Needless to say, this flamboyant project stood in sharp
contrast to the overall poverty of the Romanian population (O’Neill, 2009).
The pace and character of Romania’s post-socialist transition differed from those of
its CEE counterparts. First, the country’s regime and economy in 1989 were still largely
Stalinist; second, Romania was virtually foreign-debt-free because of Ceauşescu’s
insistence on economic autarky. The virtual nonexistence of anti-communist opposition
enabled the previous regime’s cream of the crop to take full advantage of the new
circumstances (Gabányi, 2004). Until 1996 when the liberals won the elections with a
program of reforms, privatization and euro-modernization, the pace of the reforms was
dawdling, the inflow of foreign investment was slender, and employment in large
state-owned enterprises remained more or less intact (Turnock, 2007). The new round of
reforms did not come until 2003 when the new constitution secured private property
rights. Regardless of the massive housing privatization to sitting tenants and the
subsequent formation of a ‘hyper-ownership’ structure (Ball, 2006), residential mobility
was low, and the mortgage market insignificantly small. Crudely, the first decade of
transition brought slower economic development for Bucharest and its SEE counterparts
(see Tsenkova, 2008), than for comparable cities in northern CEE countries.
Research design
Data and geography
Our analysis relies on census materials — currently the best source of population data in
Romania. We use data on the socio-occupational structure of the population in 1992 and
2002. The sub-city district, the smallest available spatial unit (hereafter called a census
tract, cf. Rufat 2013), constitutes the prime level of analysis. The Bucharest census tracts
— of which there were 160 in 1992 and 151 in 2002 — are relatively small and compact
units, typically both functionally and morphologically homogenous, with an average
population of about 10,000 inhabitants. Unfortunately, the boundaries of the 1992 and
2002 census tracts do not entirely overlap. Yet, if interpreted with care, these two datasets
are sufficiently similar to enable meaningful comparison across time.
The analysis of the global and local patterns of socioeconomic segregation rests on
the division of the economically active population (population aged 15–65) into seven
major socio-professional groups: (1) managers, (2) professionals, (3) technicians, (4)
administrative, service and sales workers, (5) skilled workers, (6) unskilled workers and
(7) first-time job-seekers. This classification reflects the main lines of social and income
divisions in contemporary Romania, and it is also congruent with the taxonomies
employed in similar studies in other parts of Europe (Butler et al., 2008; Musterd, 2005;
Marcińczak et al., 2012) and North America (Scott, 1988). Therefore, it allows us to
trace the overall changes in the city’s socio-professional structure, pinning down their
spatial dimensions and effects.
analysis. The first approach, whose roots date back to the Chicago School (Peach, 2009),
involves the assessment of global patterns, and is dominated by single-number indices that
summarize the (un)evenness in a given group’s distribution within a wider population
or in relation to other group(s) (Simpson, 2007). The more recent second approach
emphasizes actual (principally local) patterns of ethnic (social) residential concentration
and mixing. By doing so, it generally downplays the role of the global indices (Johnston
et al., 2010) and injects more geography into the study of segregation (Johnston et al.,
2009).
For easier comparison with existing studies and in order not to confuse the two
meanings of segregation patterns, we will refer to the global and local patterns of
segregation throughout the article, scrutinizing them separately. Consequently, this study
proceeds in two stages. In the first stage, together with an assessment of the overall trends
in the socio-occupational composition of the Bucharest population during the inter-census
period, we measure the global levels of socioeconomic segregation in 1992 and 2002 using
the single number indices. The dissimilarity index (ID),2 the segregation index (IS),3 the
isolation index (II)4 and its modified version that takes into account the relative size of a
group (MII)5 are calculated for each of the seven socio-professional categories. In the
second stage, we turn to the geography of the phenomenon by exploring the local patterns
of social segregation. This analysis rests on the location quotient (LQ).6 To tease out the
places of concentration and significant concentration of each of the socio-professional
groups, the LQ thresholds are based on the properties of the binomial distribution. LQs are
calculated independently and scaled for each socio-professional group distinguished.
Results
Segregation dynamics at the global scale
Despite the postponement of ‘shock therapy’, the first decade of transition triggered
profound changes in the overall occupational structure of Bucharest, with two main
trends emerging (Table 1). The first trend is represented by a significant drop in the total
number of the economically active population, with the most substantial decrease having
2 The index of dissimilarity is calculated as: ID = (0.5* Σ[|xi/X * yi/Y|])*100 where: xi is the number of
people in category X in spatial unit i; X is the total number of people in category X; yi is the number
of people in category Y in spatial unit i; Y is the total number of people in category Y. The index
varies from 0 to 1 and indicates the degree of (un)evenness in the spatial distributions of two groups
being compared. Values that are less than 30 are usually interpreted as low whereas those that are
greater than 60 are interpreted as high.
3 The index of segregation (IS) is a variant of the dissimilarity index. IS explicitly compares the
distribution of a social/ethnic group with the remainder of the population. The formula is almost
identical to the ID. The only difference is that yi refers to the remainder of the population in spatial
unit i, and Y refers to the remainder of the population in a city. IS varies from 0 to 1 and illustrates
how (un)evenly an ethnic/social group is distributed compared to the remainder of the population.
The values of the IS are interpreted in the same way as those of the ID.
4 The index of isolation is calculated as: II = (Σ [(xi/X) * (xi/ti)])*100 where xi is the number of people
in category X in spatial unit i, X is the total number of people in category X, ti is the total population
of unit i. II varies from 0 to 1 and is interpreted as the probability that a person of category X meets
someone else of category X in spatial unit i. The values of II are interpreted in the same way as those
of ID and IS.
5 The modified index of isolation is calculated as: MII = (I — (X/T))*100 where II is the index of isolation
for people in category X, X is the total number of people in category X, T is the total population of
the city (Sin, 2002). The values of MII are interpreted in the same way as those of II.
6 The Location Quotient is calculated as: LQ = (xi/ti)/(X/T) where xi is the number of people in category
X in spatial unit i, ti is the total population of unit i, X is the total X population, and T is the total
population of a city/region.
taken place within industry, which is illustrated by the absolute and relative (-15%)
decline in the number of skilled industrial workers. This trend follows the overall
population shrinkage of Bucharest, which was largely caused by out-migration. The
second trend is the noticeable expansion of the white-collar occupations, which largely
represent the higher socio-professional echelons (managers and professionals): this
category grew by almost 11 percentage points. Conversely, no such expansion took place
at the bottom of the socio-occupational hierarchy. Moreover, the middle category (clerks
and services workers) also expanded during the period studied. The coarse analysis of the
changing socio-professional composition (SPC) of Bucharest’s population thus sheds
some new light on the social effects of post-socialist transition. Simply stated, we do not
find support for the social polarization arguments that have been advanced since the
mid-1990s (We˛cławowicz, 1998; Smith and Timár, 2010). The overall trends indicate
neither relative nor absolute social polarization (cf. Sassen, 1991), but rather
professionalization: in other words, the developments in Bucharest resemble those taking
place elsewhere in the European capitals (Hamnett, 1994; Butler et al., 2008). Instead of
assuming an hourglass shape, Bucharest’s SPC arguably looks like an upside-down pear.
The results of the analysis of the single-number indices summarize the spatial effects
of the overall socio-occupational change. The indices of segregation (ISs) indicate a low
level of residential segregation in both 1992 and 2002. Despite the constraints that stem
from the use of spatially incompatible data sets in comparative segregation research —
the modifiable areal unit problem, essentially (Wong, 2009) — some indications from
the figures are strong enough to draw general conclusions. The IS values are all below
30, and this pattern is stable over time (Table 2). It also appears that the irregular
‘U profile’ segregation curves at both dates are in line with the ‘universal’ pattern
of socio-occupational residential distribution, which seems to be insensitive to the
prevailing socioeconomic system (Duncan and Duncan, 1955; Dangschat, 1987;
Ladányi, 1989; Musterd, 2005; Marcińczak et al., 2012); fundamentally, the higher
social strata are more segregated than the lower strata. Moreover, a legible trajectory of
change becomes evident: the professionalization of Bucharest’s SPC seems to contribute
to lowering segregation, with a more even spatial distribution of managers and
professionals, and a concomitant increase in residential segregation among lower social
groups. Yet, the pace of these changes is very slow.
The index of isolation (II) and its modified version (MII) describe the absolute and
relative concentration of the socio-professional categories, respectively. The global
concentration measures indicate a somewhat divergent path. Despite having a more
even spatial distribution, as the IS values indicate, growth at the top end of the
Modified
Segregation Index Isolation Index Isolation Index
Socio-professional Groups 1992 2002 1992 2002 1992 2002
Managers, legislators, senior officials 23.2 21.1 3.8 10.5 1.08 2.24
Professionals 28.6 23.5 21.1 24.9 6.24 4.74
Technicians 10.3 8.9 18.0 16.7 1.34 1.01
Clerks and service workers 6.0 8.4 15.8 20.9 0.64 1.13
Skilled industrial workers 18.3 18.8 46.0 30.9 3.99 3.83
Unskilled workers 14.5 17.8 6.8 7.8 0.99 1.59
Never worked 11.6 17.9 2.7 3.2 0.26 0.57
Source: National Institute of Statistics (2002)
7 The ID is sensitive to the spatial scale used for its calculation, meaning that fine-grained spatial
resolutions return higher values (Wong, 1997).
Bucharest was greater than that observed in major Polish cities (cf. Marcińczak et al.,
2012).
Conclusion
This article’s main conclusion is that Bucharest, by West European standards (cf.
Musterd, 2005), was a relatively socio-spatially mixed city both at the onset of transition
(1992) and after it had ‘ripened’ during the first post-socialist inter-census decade (2002).
There is no eye-catching evidence of increased residential segregation during this period,
at least not at the meso-scale level of analysis deployed in this study; quite the contrary,
we found a modest, yet fully legible, decreasing overall trend, though this mix may well
involve sharp local socio-spatial contrasts. Specifically, the global trend in residential
segregation patterning indicates an increase in socio-occupational mixing, mirroring
recent results from the Czech Republic and Poland (Sýkora, 2009; Marcińczak, 2012),
countries known as ‘leaders’ in the process of transition (Bradshaw and Stenning, 2004).
Accordingly, it casts doubt on the popular notion that there is an inherent association
between social stratification and residential segregation (cf. We˛cławowicz, 1998;
Sailer-Fliege, 1999; Brade et al., 2009; Polanska, 2011). In fact, increasing income
inequalities and substantial changes in the overall socio-occupational composition have
not translated into socio-spatial — or even just social — polarization. Specifically, the
city’s social composition has not changed in the direction of the hourglass structure
typical of socially polarized societies (cf. Sassen 1991); rather, we suggest that it reflects
growing professionalization, similar to what has been noted in, not least, London (Butler
et al., 2008). The developments in Bucharest lend support to the notion of the paradox
of post-socialist segregation (Sýkora, 2007), whereby socioeconomic inequalities and
residential segregation move in opposite directions. This situation may or may not
change, of course. The question is when, and under which influences of local cultural,
socioeconomic and geographic context.
By the low level of CEE standards, however, residential segregation in Bucharest
seems to be on the high side. Also, its local geographical characteristics stand out when
compared to similar studies from Poland and the Czech Republic (Marcińczak et al.,
2012; Sýkora et al., 2006; Sýkora, 2009). Instead, and similar to the Albanian case (Aliaj
et al., 2003; Deda and Tsenkova, 2006), Bucharest’s outer zone has largely attracted low
social categories often housed in poor-quality illegally constructed housing (cf. Marin,
2005). Conversely, the significant presence of members of the higher social strata in the
inner-city districts follows a wider tendency of socio-spatial patterning in the SEE city
(Vesselinov and Logan, 2005; Speveć and Klempić-Bogadi, 2009).
While society as a whole went through comprehensive changes — not least owing to
rapid population growth and targeted spatial development policies under socialism — the
socio-spatial patterns observed in Bucharest are firmly rooted in the city’s past. Decades
of hardline socialist rule did not fully manage to offset the longue durée of the pre-war
bourgeois socio-spatial structures. In fact, both the socialist nomenklatura and the
subsequent post-socialist elites cluster(ed) in areas with spacious pre-war villas and
apartment buildings; the prestige and popularity of such areas has become consolidated
since the demise of communism (Chelcea, 2006). However, because the vast majority of
Bucharest’s residents are housed in socialist-era structures (Marin, 2005), the imprint of
the urban (re)development programs of this period is at least as important in determining
the configuration of socio-spatial sorting after socialism. Intriguingly, our results chime
in with the notion that socialist regimes produced legible social segregation (cf. Szelényi,
1983; Domański, 1997; Gentile and Sjöberg, 2006), which is elegantly epitomized
by Ceauşescu’s extravagant project in the city centre: whereas the new Ceauşesque
apartment complexes became the stronghold of the higher social segments, dwellings
in aging tenements targeted for ‘systematized’ demolition (in an alternative future that
was never to be) were ‘temporarily’ allocated to deprived Roma families (Chelcea,
2006). Already under socialism, this strategy led to localized socio-spatially ‘mixed’
polarization, where compact lines of relatively high-quality apartment blocks directly
neighbored — and to a certain extent ‘walled off’ — the city’s pockets of poverty. The
first, hesitant, decade of transition ossified this pattern.
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