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Evolution of the Dog in China

Over thousands of years, China’s relationship with the dog was shaped by various

historical events. Notoriously known for their tradition of eating dogs, China’s rekindled love for

pets reveals remaining tensions between modern and traditional views of the role of dogs in

society.

It is reported that dogs were domesticated in southern China as early as 12,000 BCE—

making them one of the first animals to be domesticated in not only China. Similar to other parts

of the world, it is assumed that the dog, in some sense, domesticated itself. It is hypothesized that

the friendlier dogs began to approach settlements in search of food and then were gradually

accepted as a part of the community. Furthermore, “proof of the casual nature of the relationship

between the dog and man” is explained by the fact that in classical Chinese literature refers to a

creator of horses, but fails to mention a creator of dogs (58, Morgan). Transitioning into the early

ancient Chinese society, dogs were found to fulfill four main functions: ritual, food, protection,

and hunting.

Beginning in the Shang Dynasty, many animals, including the dog, played an important

role in various ancient Chinese rituals. A multitude of dog skeletons were found in the Shang

Dynasty’s tombs and foundations of buildings—exemplifying the dog’s sacrificial purpose in

ancient China (Bullings). It is documented that “there is hardly a tomb, regular or royal, or a

building of any kind that was concluded without the sacrifice of a dog” (59, Morgan). The

chronology of the domestication of the dog before its appointed use for ritualistic purposes

suggests that the familiarity of the dog transitioned the dogs’ role into a popular sacrifice in the

Shang Dynasty. Additionally, a number of Shang oracle bones specifically required dogs as

sacrificial victims (Bullings). As an important component in some of ancient China’s sacrificial

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practices, the dog’s role in society naturally trickled to other parts of their daily lives. It is

observed that around the same era, in pre-Han China, “it was customary to use as sacrificial

victims only animals whose flesh was habitually eaten” (61, Morgan).

In pre-Han China, dog meat constituted a major source of protein in certain regions of

China. “Han Chinese in (specifically) northern and southern China traditionally ate dog meat”

(Wangyun). As a popular choice of protein, the ancient Chinese people in these regions also

believed dog meat possessed other powers, leading to its popularity in the royal setting. The

Emperor was known to be required to eat dog meat for three months following his endowment

since dog meat was “credited with the power of reducing fatigue and was even recommended for

scholars sitting for their examinations” (62, Morgan). Additionally, dog meat was a common

dish in ceremonial practices—“dog’s broth and glutinous rice were considered a great delicacy”

(62, Morgan). Dog meat also had broader cultural implications that applied to all classes and was

believed to provide warmth during cold winters (Hobbs). The tradition of eating dog meat

persisted in China for its benefits other than a source of food.

After the Sui and Tang dynasties of the first millennium, however, people in northern

China began to abstain from eating dogs (Wangyun). Also around this time was when Buddhism

and Islam, two religions that forbade eating certain animals, including dogs, emerged in China.

“Cantonese housewives were said to refuse to prepare dogs” at this time, since dog eating

disobeyed the practice of Buddhism (312, Simoons). Similarly, it was not until Buddhism was

firmly established in China that stories indicating canine loyalty and devotion to man appears in

history (65, Morgan). The Buddhist and Islamic practices influenced the Chinese attitude

towards dogs—leading the dog towards a more companionate role in the ancient Chinese society.
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As a result, dog eating gradually became more of a social taboo as the consideration of dogs

rose.

As the habit of consuming dog meat dwindled, dogs’ utilitarian role in ancient China

persisted. The dog was widely known for their protective nature, so much so, their role as a

protector went beyond their death. Dog remains were buried in front of main home or city gates

to ward off disease or bad luck (60, Morgan). Further utilizing the natural talents of the dog, the

dog’s loyalty and acute sense of smell made them great hunting partners. The popularity of

hunting small game rose in the Ming and Qing dynasties and proved to be an enjoyable pastime

for the nobility (Wangyun). The prevalence of the hunting dog in ancient China is further

reasoned from the fact that most words for hunting were written with the radical for dog (64,

Morgan). It is also inferred that around this time, in the Late Imperial Period, wealthy Chinese

people began to adopt dogs as house pets due to the loyalty they provided in both hunting

practices and the home.

It is presumed that the Pekingese dog was bred in the Chinese imperial court as early as

the Han Dynasty (Coren). While the exact time the Pekingese dog began to be domesticated can

only be theorized, due to the lack of artifact, there is plenty of evidence indicating how dogs

were pampered especially in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. The Pekingese was the most popular

breed in the royal court during this time. The prevalence of the Pekingese dog in artwork during

this the Ming and Qing Dynasties provides a glimpse into the relationship between the ancient

Chinese society and the Pekingese dog. It is inferred that, with the overwhelming amount of

artifacts found in the Forbidden City, that the Pekingese dog exclusively associated with royalty.

A silk coat, embroidered with an oriental floral pattern, was once worn by a royal dog who lived

in the Forbidden City. The rich texture and vibrant colors of the delicate coat demonstrate the
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luxurious treatment the dog received living in the palace (Jarus). Furthermore, a brass dog cage

embellished with jade rings and dragons that were exclusive to the imperial court exhibits the

extravagance of the palace in the Qing dynasty court under Emperor Qianlong (Learning from

Asian Art). The pampering of dogs, enabled by the wealth of the time period, did not last for

long, however. When the Qing dynasty was overthrown by the Boxer Rebellion, in 1900, the

royal class’ relationship with the Pekingese dog disappeared as the Forbidden City was stripped

of its wealth.

A couple of centuries later, during the Cultural Revolution, the dog’s role in society met

its next transformation. In Mao Zedong’s attempt to “transform (China’s) agrarian economy to a

socialist, industrialized state”, Mao created mass famine and severe oppression (Swenson). Like

in many other instances in history, people turned to dog meat when food was scarce—all meat,

including dog meat became a rarity. In turn, dog meat became even more commonly eaten than

before as a result of the mass food shortage. While the lower class faced starvation, the upper

class was also met with conflict—further transforming the dogs’ complicated relationship in the

China. Even though dogs were more likely to be a utilitarian object than companion in the

communist era, the upper-class, like royalty hundreds of years before, were more likely to own

dogs for their pleasure. As another result of Mao’s attempt to transform China into his

communized vision of the country, in the 1980s, the ruling government prohibited pet dogs as a

“bourgeois pastime” and accused pet owners as elitists (Hobbs). For the rest of the communist

rule, dogs were seldom found as pets and more commonly found as a source of food.

Following China’s advancements in economic and political conditions, dog meat is no

longer sought after, but the experiences from the turbulent past carried on throughout the culture.

With the new ability to afford the upkeep of dogs, the popularity of pet dogs in China has spiked.
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Certain breeds of dogs, most notably the Tibetan Mastiff, have emerged as status symbols for

China’s flourishing millionaire class. A purebred Tibetan Mastiff is worth up to $600,000 USD

due to their traditional “reputation as holy animals that provide blessings for home and security”

(McBride). Dog are quickly transitioning into a fashionable companion adoptable by the middle

class in China.

While pet dogs have firmly implanted their place in the modern Chinese society, it is

clear that the younger generation in China has contrasting attitudes towards dogs from their

parent’s generation. Compared to the older generation, who regarded dogs and other animals as

working tools, the new generation accepts the dog as a loving companion. It is also reported that

the “majority of cat and dog owners are in their 20s and 30s” in the more developed areas of

China (Yang). Chinese dog owners view their pets as family members and at times even

extravagantly pamper them. With the rise of dog owners specifically in the younger citizens of

China, it can be deduced that as the older generation’s beliefs fade away, the popularity of the

pet dogs will only continue to increase. Beneath China’s newfound craze over pet dogs,

however, many restraints are still held in place as a consequence of the Cultural Revolution’s

impact on the human-dog relationship in China.

Though many dog restrictions were gradually loosened after China’s economic reforms

in the 1980s, there are still traces of dog hostility. In Beijing, for example, restrictions on dog

ownership are a residual effect of the communist rule. In 1994, Beijing officials relaxed their no-

dog policy to only restrict dogs. Today in Beijing, all dogs must be officially registered with the

government and city dogs are limited to no more than 14 inches in height (Kuhn). The

government claims these laws are in place to ensure safety in the city limits. It is reported that

daily, thousands of large-dog owners wait until midnight, when police officers are sparse, to
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walk their beloved dogs (Wines). The unacceptance of the restrictive laws on dogs by the people

of China reflect the continuing tension over the role of dogs in the Chinese society.

The Lychee and Dog Meat Festival in Yulin, Guangxi, China, where thousands of dogs

are slaughtered each year for their meat, has sparked outrage in the animal rights groups in China

and abroad. With the changes in attitudes towards dogs in China, the Yulin Dog Meat festival

created extreme controversy within the country itself. As the consideration of dogs becomes

stronger in China, an increasing amount of dog-supporters rise in protest of inhumane treatment

of their now-beloved fluffy friends. Animal welfare groups such as Humane Society

International and Duo Duo Animal Welfare Project were told in early 2017 that the government

was “considering a ban” on dog meat sales at the festival (Greshko). However, these animal

rights groups were outraged to find out the government took no action regarding their challenges

to the festival, since dog meat is not prohibited in China. The protest of the Lychee and Dog

Meat Festival is a concrete example of the clash between traditional and progressive views of the

place of dogs in Chinese society.

As depicted in China’s opposition to harsh laws towards dogs and protests against dog-

slaughter, the majority population of China has grown fond of pet dogs, and the government has

yet to catch up on these beliefs. The restrictive laws leftover from the communist rule have a

profound impact on where the dog stands in the eyes of the Chinese government. Dog meat in

China is still legal, further solidifying the government’s traditional features in law. Nevertheless,

China’s stance on dogs remains dichotomous between an urban population with more

progressive views and a historically conservative government still trying to evolve towards a

more liberal world perspective. The dog is one monument of the recovery from China from

Mao’s recent communist rule.

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The change in attitude towards dogs may also be aided by the connection technology

provides to those who can afford it. While Beijing and other developed cities are steadily

becoming progressive, more traditional practices are retained in rural areas of the country. With a

lower exposure to the outside world and a lack of technology, few outsider perspectives flow

through isolated areas such as the countryside in China—where they are more likely to still be

found eating dog meat. Contained in a bubble, traditional perspectives are more steadily passed

down generation to generation when there are few external factors to knock the cycle off

balance. For this reason, dog meat is primarily consumed in the regions it originates—specific

areas of northern and southern China.

The evolution of the dog from food, to a working tool, and finally a pet has proved to be

a rocky journey. While the arrival of the Buddhism and the Qing Dynasty’s love for dogs created

a closer bond between the Chinese and dogs, events such as the fall of the Qing Dynasty and the

communist rule drew the pair further. In modern day China, the dog has largely transitioned into

a companion, but traditional views of the dog—most notably dog eating—are still observed in

certain areas of the country. Similarly, the Chinese government retains restrictive laws instilled

on dogs by the past communist rule. While it may no longer be common to bury dogs in front of

sacred buildings for protection, dogs have found a lasting place in the heart of the Chinese

society.
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