The University of Chicago Press The Library Quarterly: Information, Community, Policy

Regulations Relating to the Book Trade in London from 1357 to 1586
Author(s): Howard W. Winger

Source: The Library Quarterly: Information, Community, Policy, Vol. 26, No. 3 (Jul.,
1956), pp. 157-195
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
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THE LIBRARY QUARTERLY
Volume XXVI JULY 1956 Number 3
REGULATIONS RELATING TO THE BOOK TRADE

IN LONDON FROM 1357 TO 1586
HOWARD W. WINGER
rr9_HE book trade, like any trade, is afrom general statements of poli-
ranging
cy to the
structured concourse of buyers and written order of an official dis-
I sellers. The makers and distribu- posing of a specific book or of the man
tors of books put them on the market in involved in its publication. Often con-
the hope of attracting buyers. The book, cerned with the suppression of books and
however, differs from most articles in the punishment of individuals connected
commerce: it serves primarily as an in- with printing or selling them, they, on
strument of communication. Therefore, the other hand, can be used to promote
any attempt at the regulation of the book books and to reward certain people with
trade-that is, to determine what books the exclusive or most favorable privilege
and how many can be sold to whom by of handling them. There is no aspect of
whom -is concerned with the twin as- the book trade with which they may not
pects of the book. Like any item in be concerned, but the regulations of the
trade, it is subject to rules for the rate of book trade are at the same time not quite
production, agreements for apportioning so broad as the questions of its control.
the market, physical standards of work- The ultimate control of the book trade
manship, and requirements for entry into may be said to rest in the entire social
the benefits of the trade. But, because it context. General conditions of economics
is more than a piece of cheese or a bolt of and prosperity which bear no unique re-
cloth, it is subject to another kind of reg- lationship to the book trade may obvi-
ulation which is concerned with the ideas ously affect the market for books. The
a book carries as a vehicle of communica- general cultural level may determine
tion. Books, subject to other trade regu- what it is possible for a man to think, or
lations, may be restricted or promoted it may impose unstated sanctions which
because of the ideas they carry. restrict his freedom of expression and
Regulations can be considered some- publication without his even being aware
what narrowly as statements made by of them. Factors like these are hidden in
individuals or agencies with the authori- the obscurity of the accepted order of
ty and power to enforce rules on the things. Regulations are explicit state-
trade. They may be diverse in form, ments from authoritative agencies, and
157
158 THE LIBRARY QUARTERLY
they are the terminus where the in- mercial aspects of the book trade.
scrutable vagaries of the commonplace Though it was probably in existence in
crystallize into units susceptible of study 1357 and was definitely organized in
and analysis. 1403, it came late on the scene as an im-
In London between 1357 and 1586 portant record-keeping body. Earliest
there were three main sources of authori- indications of its existence are found in
ty for controlling the book trade. These the records of the Corporation of Lon-
were the church, the Crown, and the don. After the royal charter of 1557, rec-
Stationers' Company of London. In that ords were kept in greater detail, most of
late medieval city the church was a per- which have been published by scholars
vasive and influential social agency su- like E. E. Arber and W. W. Greg. As the
pervising human activity. It was moti- company became better recognized, the
vated by a core of clearly defined beliefs church and the Crown grew increasingly
and was deeply concerned with keeping concerned with its affairs. This resulted
them intact and free from changes which in parallel records about the commercial
might be introduced through books. Its activities of the trade, illustrated by the
hierarchical organization was designed to Star Chamber Decree for Order in Print-
make rules effective in all its parishes. ing in 1586.
The province of Canterbury and the dio- As an area covered by the regulation
cese of London were particularly active of the book trade, London boundaries
in supervising the lives of London citi- widened during the period. Confined at
zens. All the church offices kept written first to the city proper, extended by act
records of rules and decisions, many of of Parliament in 1523 to the suburbs,
which qualify as regulations relating to after the charter for the incorporation of
the book trade. These records have been the Stationers' Company in 1557 the
copiously published by ecclesiastical London book trade became analogous
historians. with the book trade of all England -with
The power of the Crown was develop- the minor exception of university pub-
ing during the period so that, by 1586, lishing-because the Stationers' Com-
hardly any phase of English life escaped pany of London was granted a monopoly
its notice or its theoretical power to cor- of the trade.
rect. It worked through various agencies. London is a fruitful area in the period
The sovereign issued proclamations mentioned for the study of the regula-
which had the force of law, wrote ad- tions relating to the book trade. As the
ministrative letters, and awarded patents chief trading city in England, it had from
of privilege for trade. Parliament made the beginning, perhaps, the most impor-
statutes. The Privy Council and the tant book trade of the country. It was
Court of Star Chamber considered and the center of many events of great im-
acted on a multitude of matters. Docu- portance: the increasing power of the
ments emanating from these sources middle class, the growth of the vernacu-
have been calendared and published by lar, the rise and extinction of Lollardy,
the British government and by studentsthe Wars of the Roses, the development
of the book trade. of printing, the English reformation,
The Stationers' Companiy of London etc. These rapi(d changes were pro(luctive
was the craft guild ordained by the Cor- of the type of regulation which arises
poration of London to supervise the com- when conflict crumples the accepted
REGULATIONS RELATING TO THE BOOK TRADE 159
order of things. The attention of the stu- city's trade guilds.' The guilds supervised
dent of the regulation of the book trade, the training, set standards of workman-
however, is necessarily limited to the ship, and apportioned trading privileges.
specific connections that these back- By authority of the charter they con-
ground events can be shown to have with trolled entry to trade as well. A man
emerging trade regulations. In assembling might belong to a guild (or company, or
the records of all these regulations and mistery, as it was also called) through
studying them together, an answer may patrimony, apprenticeship, purchase, or
be sought to the following questions: as the recipient of a political plum, but
(1) XVith what consistency did the vari- belong in some way he must.2
ous agencies attempt to control the book Among the London merchants in cloth
trade in the 230-year period? (2) What and victuals and the artisans in wood,
theory or theories of control motivated wool, and metal in the mid-fourteenth
the attempts to regulate the book trade? century, there were some barely distin-
(3) What was the success or failure of the guishable individuals who traded in
measures taken to regulate the book books. The survival of extant copies of
trade in light of the theory of control? books traded in London is the chief evi-
(4) What reasons can be assigned to the dence of the existence of the trade.3
success or failure? Richard De Bury in his Philobiblion re-
counted his measures for purchasing
BOOK TRADE ORGANIZATION IN THE
books, both at home and abroad. Rec-
MANUSCRIPT PERIOD
ords of book prices, book pledges,
Situated on the north bank of the scribes' wages, and the trade in paper and
Thames, London in 1357 occupied 675 vellum are further evidence of a book
acres surrounded by an ancient wall. Al- trade.4 Nor should it be forgotten that
though near Westminster, where the king compositions in Latin, French, and
frequently held Parliament, and though
it was the seat of a bishop, the city de- 1 London, Corporation, Munimentae Gildhallae
Londoniensis, Vol. II: Liber custumarum ("Rerum
rived its greatest importance from trade,
Britannicarum medii aevi scriptores" [London:
and the typical Londoner was an artisan or Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, 1860]),
merchant who belonged to one of the Part I, p. 268. Certain areas within the walls were
exempt from corporation control, providing a
guilds of the city. Since Roman times the sanctuary for foreign merchants. Until 1523 the
merchants of London had acquired much authority of the corporation did not extend to such
of the negotiable wealth of the kingdom; nearby suburbs as Southwark and Westminster.
and from the time of William the Con- 2 An authoritative account of the place of the
guild in London life from 1100 to 1700 is presented
queror they had used their commercial
in George Unwin, The Gilds and Companies of Lon-
power to bargain with the king for spe- don (London: Methuen & Co., 1908).
cial rights and privileges. They possessed 3 Cf. Albrecht Kirchhoff, "Die Handschriften-
a royal charter, granted them in 1319, hindler des Mittelalters," Serapeum, XIII (Sep-
which allowed them to elect a mayor, tember 15-October 31, 1852), 315: "tYber den
englischen Handschriftenhandel sind zwar keine
aldermen, common councilors, sheriffs, directen statuarischen Bestimmungen nachweis-
and a representative to Parliament. Just bar, doch lassen sich aus einer Anzahl von Buch-
erinscripten einige Gebrauche und Gewohnheiten
as important, the charter recognized the
folgern."
authority of the city's trade organiza-
4 J. E. T. Rogers, A History of Agriculiture and
tions by requiring any man who engaged Prices in England (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
in trade in London to belong to one of the 1866-1902), Vol. I, passim.
English were available free to any scribe ers of text-hand and the limners were
for copying. The acknowledged early craftsmen engaged in the making of
masters of both English poetry and prose books. Although the reasons why they,
-Geoffrey Chaucer and John Wycliffe along with the notaries and barbers, were
flourished in the latter fourteenth cen- excused from jury service are only con-
tury, and capable writers in Latin and jectural, the order makes clear that they
French represented an older tradition. were recognizably engaged in trade in
Potential buyers and users were at London. Other actions recorded before
hand to absorb the production of books, 1400 show the actual functioning of a
although their precise identification is guild of limners and text-writers. In 1389
hard to establish. Book-buying among the master of the limners gave judgment
scholars was typical enough for Chaucer in a case between a limner and a "scri-
to endow his clerk of Oxford with a pri- veyn" (text-writer) because the former
vate library, won though it was at such disobeyed the "ordinances of his mys-
great sacrifice. Some sumptuous volumes tery."8 A suit in the Mayor's Court in
with noble owners have survived with a 1393 exonerated a youth from his ap-
full record of their provenance. Of sim- prenticeship to a text-writer,9 a typical
pler owners and humbler books it is pos- instance of guild operation. Finally, the
sible only to say that literacy was gaining mayor and aldermen in 1403 unanimous-
among them and that their wages left ly confirmed the ordinances of the "writ-
means to purchase books if they so ers of text-letters, limners, and others
desired.5 who bind and sell books," allowing them
It was a nondescript, bespoke trade. the rights (1) to elect two wardens an-
The eventual owner of a book hired a nually, (2) to have their wardens sworn
scribe to copy a work of his own choice, by the mayor, (3) to hold meetings for
hired a limner to illuminate the text, per- governing the city and the trade, and
haps, and hired yet another man to bind (4) to present defaulters to the city for
the book. No records indicate that this correction and punishment.10 The Letter-
trade was voluminous, but it was enough Books of the Court of Common Council
to draw the making of books outside the show wardens sworn for the limners in
monastery walls, where it had resided for 1393 and 1394 and for the stationers nine
eight hundred years, into the markets of times between 1416 and 1441.
such places as London. Graham Pollard
REGULATING THE CONTENTS OF
in his convincing article on "The Com-
MANUSCRIPT BOOKS
pany of Stationers before 1557" takes an
order of the mayor and aldermen made While trade regulation was forming,
on May 20, 1357, to have some relation the activities of John Wycliffe and his
to an organized book trade." This order 7 London, Corporation, Memorials of London and
excused "the writers of court-hand and London Life in the XIIIth XIVth, and X Vth Cen-
text, the limners, and barbers dwelling turies, trans. H. T. Riley (London: Longmans,
1868), p. 265.
within the City of London" from jury
8 London, Corporation, Calendar of Plea and
service in the sheriffs' courts.7 The writ- Memoranda Rolls (Cambridge: At the University
Press, 1926 ), III, 148.
J. E. T. Rogers, Six Centuries of Work and
Wages (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1884), 9 Ibid.,p. 199.
pp. 165, 326-27.
10 London, Corporation, Alemorials of Londont,
a Library, 4th ser., XVIII (June, 1937), 1-38. pp. 557-58.
followers induced a lively interest in reg- for the arrest of unlicensed preachers.'2
ulating the content of manuscript books. Richard II authorized the archbishop to
Wycliffe was a doctor of theology who, imprison heretics,13 and he proscribed the
before 1377, published some Latin trea- books of Wycliffe and his associate Nich-
tises attacking the scheme of church gov-olas De Hereford."4 The royal order failed
ernment, supporting the secular against to halt the circulation of Wycliffe's
the ecclesiastical power, and advising books, however, and the royal council in
both clergy and laymen to refuse pay- 1388 proscribed them again.'5
ment of tithes and first fruits. Sum- The close co-operation between the
moned to the archbishop's court at St. secular and ecclesiastical authon'ties in
Paul's in 1377 to answer for his writings,the case of Wycliffe is noteworthy. The
he escaped punishment because he was crime of heresy was ecclesiastical, at
backed by the powerful John of Gaunt. least in the determination of it. But the
Encouraged by the triumph, instead of king was not blind to its possible connec-
following the pattern of previous churchtion with the disturbances in Kent. It
reformers in establishing a new order of was not necessary to invent a charge of
friars, he took a new and radical step. treason against the rebels there. The
He began to write in English and to Crown aided in the suppression on the
appeal to a popular audience -the poor charge of heresy.
clerks who could not read Latin and lay- The complete co-operation between
men. He also began a translation of the church and state was necessary for the
Bible into English. From that point it suppression of objectionable opinions. In
was not possible to absorb his movement practice, the church provided the judg-
into the prevailing orthodoxy. In oppos- ments which the Crown executed. Rich-
ing him, the church, abetted by the ard II tried, but he was too weak and too
Crown, tried to destroy all his books and beset with political enemies to be effec-
set a pattern of book suppression that re- tive. As his reign was tottering to a close,
mained standard for the succeeding the followers of Wycliffe under the name
centuries. of Lollards were gaining strength. In
Five years after the unsuccessful at- 1395 certain Lollard lords in Parliament
tempt to silence Wycliffe, some rebel- framed a series of petitions which they
lious peasants in Kent lynched the arch- posted on the door of St. Paul's Cathe-
bishop of Canterbury. The new arch- dral.-' The dissident gentlemen de-
bishop convoked the clergy on May 19, nounced the material wealth, pomp, and
1382, to consider the writings of John extravagance of the church. They denied
Wycliffe. When an earthquake interrupt- the power of the priesthood to perform
ed the proceedings, they took it as a sign
12 5 Richard II, c. 5. References to statutes are
to cast out unclean things, and they con- made in the conventional manner of citing the regnal
demned all his theological opinions.11 At year of the monarch and the chapter in the statutes.
this time the clergy had secular backing. "3Netter of Walden, op. cit., pp. 313-14.
The Lords in Parliament passed a bill, 14 John Foxe, The Acts and Monuments of the
the Commons not assenting, providing Martyrs ("Church Histories of England" [3d ed.
rev.; London, 1870]), III, 39.
11 Thomas Netter of Walden, Fasciculi Zizani- " Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar
orum Magistri Johannis Wyclif ("Rerum Britannica- of Patent Rolls, Richard II, Vol. III: 1385-89 (Lon-
rum medii aevi scriptores" [London: Longrmans, don: Her Majesty's Stationer's Office, 1900), p. 427.
18581), p. 273. 1" Foxe, op. cit., III, 203-6.
the miracle of the Mass and to grant ab- proved by designated cenisors and bore
solution from auricular confession. They the license of the archbishop. Books so
accused monks and nuns of lust and licensed were to be delivered to "the sta-
lechery and derided the efficacy of their tioners, to be copied out an(l the same to
prayers for the dead (the justification for be sold at a reasonable price." Thus the
extensive monastic endowments). They rule, in addition to repressing heretical
condemned shrines and pilgrimages. books, provided for the favorable circu-
Finally, they demanded the removal of lation of approved books through the
priests from positions of state. They book trade."9 The seventh constitution
could hardly have framed a more devas- specifically banned scriptural transla-
tating attack on the whole religious es- tions into English without a special li-
tablishment, but, because of the un- cense.20 To leave nothing to doubt, the
settled times, the church was not strong convocation in June proscribed six of
enough to bring the lords to trial. Wycliffe's works by title.21
Henry IV, with the help of the bishops, The statute for burning heretics and
deposed Richard II in 1399 and restored the constitutions of 1409 established the
the power of the Crown. A series of en- working relationship between the church
actments to repress the Lollards followed and the Crown on the matters of heresy
this development. At the behest of the and at the same time centered attention
bishops, Parliament in February, 1400/1, on books and the book trade. The church
passed the law for burning heretics."7 named books that were heretical -by
Since books are so often the vehicles of class and by title. The Crown was the
opinion, the grim statute would have had secular arm which punished offenders
an application to the book trade, even against the determinations of the church.
with no specific mention of books. How- The remaining acts of the manuscript
ever, books were specifically mentioned. period provided for more efficient execu-
The law made the making, writing, or tion of these general provisions. In 1414,
possessing of books "contrary to the after the revolt of the Lollard Lord Cob-
Catholic faith or against the determina- ham, Sir John Oldcastle, Parliament
tion of holy church" primary evidence of passed a law which required sheriffs and
heresy. justices of civil courts to apprehend
Eight years later the clergy of Canter- heretics for the ecclesiastical judges and
bury met in convocation to frame con- to search out the sustainers of heretics.
stitutions for the good governance of the Another far-reaching provision of the
church. In January, 1408/9, they adopt- law ordered the land and property of
ed thirteen constitutions, the sixth and condemned heretics seized for the
the seventh of which affected the book 19 The AMirror of the Life of Christ, then ascribed
trade.18 The sixth constitution set up a to St. Bonaventura, published by Caxton in 1486,
system of licensing books. It forbade bore the Latin license of 1410, translated as "for
the edification of the faithful and the confutation
anyone in the province of Canterbury (in of Lollards and heretics" (Sig. A. iiiir).
which London was located) to read books 20 According to Margaret Deansley, Tle Lollard
written by Wycliffe or others of his time Bible and Other Medieval Biblical Versions (Cam-
or since unless the copy had been ap- bridge: At the University Press, 1920), p. 319,
there is no record of such a license ever being given.
'7 2 Henry IV, c. 15. 21 Raphael Holinshed, Chronicles of England,

Scotland, and Irelaizd (London: J. Johnson, 1807-8),
18 Foxe, op. cit., III, 245. III, 47-48.
Crown.22 In 1416 the archbishop of Can- THE GROWTH OF PRINTING, 1477-1519
terbury, Henry Chichesly, issued an in-

The introduction of printing to Eng-
junction for semiannual inquisitions in
land upset the organization of the book
each parish to search into the location of
trade. Evidence of the sweeping changes
heretical books and their readers.23 The
in personnel is not hard to find. While
archbishop particularly called the in-
there are some records of the existence of
junction to the attention of the bishop of
the Stationers' Company26 in the forty
London for enforcement in his diocese.
years after Caxton first printed at West-
Working from episcopal registers, John
minster in 1477, there is no record that
Foxe recorded prosecutions for heresy in-
any printer was a member of the Sta-
volving the London book trade between
tioners. Probably the company continued
1413 and 1458. Seven heresy trials im-
as a guardian of the manuscript trade,
plicated the London trade, and three men
which was not squeezed out at the first
involved were executed. Other trials and
pull of the press.
executions outside the London area may
Whatever may have been the constit-
have had some connection with the Lon-
uency of the manuscript trade, printers
don area. The eventual effectiveness of
and dealers in print comprise a new class
the restrictions may be judged by the
of people in the London book trade. Ex-
records of the Wycliffe Bible. Although
cept for Caxton and perhaps the anony-
about 170 copies are extant, most of
mous schoolmaster of St. Albans, all the
them were copied before 1450.24
printers in England before 1500 were
In one case a crime other than heresy
aliens. Caxton, though English, was a
was charged against writings. During the
Jack Cade rebellion in Kent in 1450 the
mercer rather than a stationer. H. R.
rebels posted what the king was pleased Plomer's investigation of the customs
to call libels on the church doors and in rolls for the port of London has revealed
other conspicuous places. Henry VI pro- that importers of books were likewise
claimed against these seditious bills, for- foreigners or members of other com-
bidding any to read, pronounce, deliver panies.27 They were not exactly unorgan-
or show, copy or cause to be copied, or ized. Caxton, for example, was subject
impart to any man secretly or openly to the authority of the mercers and to
any seditious schedule or bill, but to burn
any such bill which came to his hand.25 26 Pollard, op. cit., pp. 10-11, notes that the com-
pany sent representatives to greet royalty or to
This, however, was a proclamation for a attend coronations four times between 1464 and
special occasion, not involving books in 1487. When Richard Nele in 1526 appealed for
the usual sense. The restrictions against translation to the Ironmongers' Company, he
claimed that he had been admitted to the freedom
heresy, on the other hand, were a con- of the city by the Stationers in 1510 (London,
sistent program based on a planned ad- Stationers Company, A Transcript of the Registers of
ministrative scheme. the Company of Stationers of London, ed. Edward
Arber [London and Birmingham: Privately printed,
22 2 Henry V, c. 7. 1877-941, I, xxi; from the Repertory of the Court of
Alderrnen).
23 Foxe, op. cit., III, 535.
27 "The Importation of Books into England in the
24Wycliffe, Holy Bible (1450) (Oxford: At the
15th and 16th Centuries," Library, 4th ser., IV
University Press, 1850), I, xxxix-lxiv.
(September, 1923), 146-50; "The Importation of
25 Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar Low-Country and French Books into England,
of Close Rolls of Henry VI, Vol. V: 1447-54 (London: 1480 and 1502-3," ibid., IX (September, 1928)
His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1941), pp. 194-95. 164-68.
their ordinances, but the old book-trade in editions of the statutes published in
organization was not in evidence. 1503.32 From 1509 on, Richard Pynson
The spectacle of the new and unorgan- claimed to be the printer to King Henry
ized trade appealed to the intervention VIII, and he was granted an annuity by
of the Crown. This occurred mostly in the king on June 20, 1512.33 No patent of
the form of protection and patronage. In privilege has survived to show the pre-
the beginning this was most significant in rogatives attached to the office of royal
the defense given the alien printers printer, and Faques is known as such
against the Londoners over the city's only by the publication of 1503. How-
jealousy of the intrusion of alien crafts- ever, after 1509 until his death Pynson
men and merchants. In 1483 Parliament alone published the unabridged statutes,
specifically protected the book trade and the right to publish them may have
against the provisions of an act to pre- been a privilege of his office as royal
vent foreigners from selling at retail or printer.
employing foreign apprentices in Lon- In 1518 Pynson published two books,
don.28 When the Corporation of London Oratio in pace nuperrime composita by
passed an ordinance on February 1, Richard Pace and In laudem matrimonji
1486/7, prohibiting the freemen of Lon- oratio by Cuthbert Tunstall, bearing in
don from trading at country fairs, Par- their colophons a royal privilege prohib-
liament, taking note that citizens of all iting anyone else from printing the books
stations had been wont to resort to the or importing them for sale during a peri-
fairs to buy many useful things, among od of two years. A year later, William
which were books, annulled the ordi- Horman's Vulgaria, presumably a book
nance. 2 In 1500 the Court of Star Cham- of more enduring interest, proclaimed a
ber, which had been established by Hen- privilege of five years granted to the
ry VII to override local influences, pro- author. These patents of privilege, in ad-
tected the Norman printer Richard Pyn- dition to illustrating a new connection of
son against the prejudiced judgment of the Crown with the press, are indicative
a London court.30 of the altered state of printing in Eng-
Another development was the ap- land. Unlike the situation of 1483, when
pointment of royal stationers and print- a parliamentary statute encouraged more
ers. Henry VII in 1485 appointed Peter printers to immigrate and share the mar-
Actonrs "Stationer to the King,"'" with ket, the events of thirty-five years made
the right to import both printed and restrictions to insure profit look reason-
manuscript books without paying cus- able.
toms. Both Richard Pynson and William Regulating the contents of printed books.
Faques claimed to be the king's printer -Early printers in England were com-
28 1 Richard III, c. 9. mercial entrepreneurs eager to exploit a
29 3 Henry VII, c. 9. 32A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave (comps.),

30 Great Britain, Court of Star Chamber, Select A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England,
Cases before the King's Council in Star Chamber, ed. Scotland, and Ireland and English Books Printed
for the Selden Society by I. S. Leadham (London: Abroad, 1475-1640 (London: Bibliographical So-
B. Quaritch, 1903-11), I, 114-18. ciety, 1950), Nos. 9356-57. Hereafter cited as
"STC."
"' E. G. Duff, A Century of the English Book
Trade (London: Bibliographical Society, 1905), 33 Great Britain, Public Record Office, Letter
and Papers of Henry VIII (London, 1862-1910), I,
p. xiii. In spite of the patent, Plomer found Actoris
declaring for the customs in 1490-91. 364.
safe existing market with a new inven- der the statute of 1414, Hun's family was
tion. They were not religious or political by such a judgment attainted in blood
crusaders. They pnrnted no troublesome and all his property forfeit to the Crown.
books and took what advantage they Parliament, however, restored the blood
could of the patronage of books in the of the family and gave back Hun's prop-
way of dedications, special licenses, etc. erty to them. This was clearly a breach
Although the laws against Lollardy were in the system of control where the close
still in effect and resulted in some trials co-operation of church and Crown ex-
and executions, only manuscript books, tirpated the Lollards and all but extir-
probably dating from the early fifteenth pated the heresy. It was only an incident,
century, were involved. not a permanent departure, but it may
If there was any development in the have been indicative of future revolt, al-
regulation of books for content between though for the time no other accused
1477 and 1519, it was in the greater in- heretic received parliamentary aid.
dependence of action displayed by the
THE NEW HERESY, 1520-1534
Crown after Henry VII consolidated the
royal power. The Crown continued to Print enjoyed no exemption from the
abet ecclesiastical censorship and carriedregulations against heretical books. No
out executions of condemned heretics. printed books figured in London heresy
But two incidents reflect a divergence of cases before 1520 because the heretical
policy. books were the manuscript survivals of
In the first such instance, king and the century-old "Lollard lore." Martin
council ordered four men seized from Luther, beginning in Germany in 1517,
sanctuary in 1494/5 to stand charges of was to change this. Luther and his fol-
distributing seditious books to the slan- lowers originated and pursued a program
der of their high dignities.34 One male- which was in some respects comparable
factor was successful in pleading his to the Lollard petitions of 1395. Like the
clergy, but the other three were executed.Lollards, they attacked the corruptions
This was an act to suppress books for of the clergy, the institutions of monas-
reasons other than heresy. Indeed, the ticism, and the wealth of the church. Al-
Crown flouted the ecclesiastical authori- though they eventually succeeded in
ty by dragging the men from the sanctu- leading the way to the founding of vari-
ary of St. Martin Le Grand. The second ous Protestant churches, there was no
case concerned a London merchant, acceptance among English officialdom in
Richard Hun, accused of owning, read- 1520 of the idea of more than one Chris-
ing, and teaching "Wickliff's damnable tian church. They equated Christianity
works."35 After some proceedings, Hun with the Roman Catholic church and re-
was found hanged in his cell. The clergy garded Lutheran opinions, condemned
claimed suicide, but the populace cried by the church of Rome, as merely an-
murder. Following mutual recrimina- other heresy.
tions between the dead man's friends andEnglish churchmen, with 125 years of
the clergy, a bishop's court convicted experience, felt that they knew how to
Hun of heresy and burned his body. Un- deal with heresy. The anti-Lollard meas-
ures, designed to prevent all expression
34 Holinshed, op. cit., III, 508. of heretical opinions, had been successful
36 Foxe, op. cit., III, 183-205. in preserving English orthodoxy. As they
faced the Lutheran attack, they resorted at Paul's Cross, where Jolhni Fisher
to the same measures with some changes preached a sermon against heresy as
in tactics called for by circumstances Luther's books were burned in the
which were altered in three significant churchyard.39 This was followed two
ways. First, the Reformation was an days later by an English mandate against
alien, rather than an indigenous, move- Luther, in whichl Cardinal Wolsey, with
ment. English authorities had no power the concurrence of King 1-fenry VIII and
to seize and silence the foreign divines or Warham, ordered all booksellers and
such Englishmen as fled to foreign sanc- other laymen as well as ecclesiastics to
tuaries. Thus denied access to the pes- surrender all books by Martin Luther
tilent sources, they had to concentrate on and his followers -in whatever language
the prevention of the importation of written and whether printed or in man u-
books. Second, the invention of printing script-by August 1 or stand charges of
had tremendously multiplied the number heresy.40 These efforts in the first year of
of copies of objectionable books. The the campaign against Luther embody all
Lutherans and other reformers were its features. They included general pro-
adroit at exploiting the printing press. scriptions,lists of books proscribed,4" pub-
Third, the London book trade was more lic demonstrations, indications of clerical
extensive than it had been in 1400. Its interest in the heresy, and special atten-
organization was more to be taken action to booksellers.
count of, and its patronage included a The organized book trade and heresy.-
greater variety and number of people. The The role played by the organized book
superior organization of the trade sug- trade of London in the efforts to restrict
gested a device for the control of the sale heresy is of special interest. Records
of books, but the wider-spread habit of exist which indicate that the trade was
reading made the control more difficult. strongly organized. In an action of 1520,
The first shot directed specifically at Thomas Cots, stationer, seized some
Lutheran books was a bull proclaimed copies of a Greek grammar from a Cam-
by Pope Leo X on June 15, 1520. The bridge book dealer, alleging that they
pope forbade any person to hold, read, were being sold in London contrary to
print, publish, or in any way defend the rights of the Stationers' Company.42
Luther's books in whatsoever language In another instance, the city records
written.36 As long as the English ac-
38 John Strype, Annals of the Reformation (new
knowledged the authority of Rome, this ed.; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1824), I,
bull was law for the London book trade. Part I, 254.
It was supplemented by local enact- 39 Foxe, op. cit., V, 418.
ments. In March, 1520/1, Archbishop 40 David Wilkins (ed.), Conciliae Magnae
Warham of Canterbury wrote to Cardi- Britanniae et Hiberniae (Londinia: 1737), III, 690.
nal Wolsey asking for a list of banned 41 Various historians have recorded six lists of
books.37 In April ne requested a list of proscribed books between 1526 and 1531, two con-
nected with prosecutions for heresy, two in royal
the associates of Luther for the purpose proclamations, one in convocation proceedings,
of compiling an index.38 On May 12 he and one (recorded by Foxe but doubted by Steele)
ordered a demonstration against Luther in an episcopal injunction. The lists are discussed by
Robert Steele, "Notes on English Books Printed
36 Foxe, op. cit., V, 669. Abroad, 1525-48," Transactions of the Biblio-
graphical Society, XI (1912), 189-236.
3 J. H. Blunt, The Reformation of the Church of
England (London: Longmans, 1897), I, 74-76. 42 Pollard, op. cit., p. 25.
show that in 1526 two wardens, Henry entangle(l with the technicalities by
Pepwell and Lewis Suttoin, the former a which the rules were applied.
printer, were sworn for the stationers." Although the books which bothered
Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of London the bishop of London were imported, the
from 1522 to 1531, early thought of de- most troublesome were written by an
manding the support of the booksellers. Englishman, William Tyndale, from a
While in Germany in 1520/1 he wrote to refuge in the Low Countries. Like his
Cardinal Wolsey about Luther's books, predecessor, John Wycliffe, Tyndale
urging him to call before him "the print- wrote pamphlets addressed to a popular
ers and bokesellers and gyff them a audience and translated the Bible. Eng-
strayte charge that they bring noon off lish officials were scarcely more receptive
his bokes into. englond, nor that they to the vernacular Scriptures than they
translate noon of them into english, lest had been in Lollard times, and Tyndale's
therby myght ensue grete troble to the translations were considered the most
realme and church of englond, as is now pernicious of all his banned works. His
her.""4 In 1524, as bishop of London, he New Testament was printed at Cologne
called the booksellers and printers to- and Worms in 1525 and 1526, reportedly
gether in an upper room of his palace and in two editions of three thousand copies
gave them his straight charge, forbidding each. The most strenuous attempts were
them either to import Lutheran books made to prevent the importation of the
or to sell any they might already have book into England.47 Bishops enjoined
brought in.45 He further commanded and the king proclaimed against it,
them to secure a license for any book Henry promising an accurate translation
they imported. In 1526 he repeated the when his wise men thought the people fit
monition, adding the requirement that for it. Agents were sent abroad to influ-
they secure an episcopal license for any ence foreign governments to act against
book they printed, unless it had already Tyndale. Some apparently even tried to
been approved by the church.46 buy up and destroy copies of the New
The preponderance of evidence indi- Testament. Eventually, Tyndale was
cates that the booksellers co-operated arrested, tried, and executed at Brussels
willingly with the bishop. Although some in 1535, but not before he had translated
were called on to answer for publishing and published the Pentateuch in English
books contrary to instructions and with- as well as the New Testament.
out license, the cases revealed no inten- In spite of the efforts to prevent it,
tion on the part of the printers to evade Tyndale's New Testament and other
the rules. None was accused of heresy, banned books were smuggled into Eng-
and their trifling offenses lay in becoming land from the active presses on the Con-
43 London, Stationers' Company, op. cit., I, xxi,

tinent. Some cases connected with the
citing London, Corporation, Letter Book 0, fol. 17b. clandestine trade reveal the dealers in
44 Charles Sturge, Cuthbert Tunstall: Churchman' heretical books, showing that they were
Scholar, Statesman (London: Longmans, 1938), pp. poor scholars, obscure peddlers, and
360-62.
47 A. W. Pollard, Records of the English Bible:
4" A. W. Reed, "The Regulation of the Book
The Documents Relating to the Translation and Publi-
Trade before the Proclamation of 1538," Transac-
cation of the Bible in English, 1525-1611 (London:
tions of the Bibliographical Society, XV (November,
Henry Froude, 1911), a careful account of Bible
1918), 162-63.
publishing, including reproductions of documents
46Ibid., p. 170. concerned with its regulation.
aliens.48 The regular book trade was not heretics. However, his respect for the
involved. popular audience at which his polemic
Book promotion by authority. -The was aimed was not high. Concerning the
Lutheran controversy was barely under need for an English Bible, he declared
way when official publishing was under- that "farre more then four partes of all
taken to present true opinions and op- the whole [of the English people] dyuyd-
pose false ones. Henry VIII himself took ed into tenn could never rede englyshe
up the pen. A younger son who succeeded yet."150
to the throne only because of the death Grauissimae totius Italiae et Galliae
of his elder brother, Henry had begun to academiarum, published in 1530, strikes
receive scholarly training before it was a different note as an example of special
known that he was to become a king. pleading. It was a collection of scholarly
Proud of the learning inadvertently opinions favoring Henry's divorce suit
acquired, Henry did not hesitate to write against Katherine of Aragon. Presented
a pamphlet on heresy. His A ssertio septem and read to Parliament,51 it was really
Sacramentorum, published by Pinson, the directed at the European court of opin-
royal printer, in 1521, was a defense of ion. As all the world knows, it was not
orthodoxy and an attack on Luther. A unrelated to the religious controversy,
grateful pope awarded Henry the title of but not directly related to the Lutheran
Defender of the Faith. He might rather issue.
have regarded with foreboding the day One final thing should be said about the
when an English king set himself as a restrictions against heretical books be-
judge of heresy and wrote a pamphlet tween 1520 and 1534: they were enforced
about it; it was properly a matter for the with vigor. Working from episcopal reg-
clergy. Henry continued to mix in the isters, Foxe has recorded the names and
conflict, issuing proclamations and order- cases of men who were burned for the
ing a convocation of the clergy to deal books they read. Sometimes when the
with heresy. victim escaped the stake, the penalty was
Other official books followed the As- still heavy. Two men were fined the ex-
sertio. The sermons preached at demon- orbitant sum of ?1,840 for selling Tyn-
strations against heretical books were dale Bibles in 1529.52 Thomas Alwaye
published by the royal printer. The bish- complained to Anne Boleyn in 1531 that
ops also enlisted the brilliant humanist after he had served a prison sentence for
and distinguished civil servant Sir Thom- buying prohibited books the bishop of
as More to wield his pen in favor of or- Lincoln kept him from gaining any em-
thodoxy. Tunstall issued a special license ployment.53 The secular arm of the state
to More in March, 1527/8, allowing him vigorously upheld the church in its en-
to read banned books for the purpose of forcements.
answering them.49 More's Dialog, an Commercial regulation. -In the midst
English work, was published in 1528 as
50 The Apologye of Syr Thomas More Knyghi, ed.
an answer to Tyndale and the other A. I. Taft (London: Early English Text Society,
48 John Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials (Oxford:1930), p. 13.
Clarendon Press, 1822), I, 488-93; II, 50-65. John 6' Blunt, op. cit., 1, 161.
Gough was apprehended but was judged innocent
by Tunstall (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, "2J. S. Burn, The Star Chamber (London: J. R.
IV, Part II, 1778-79, 1803). Smith, 1870), p. 47.
41 Sturge, op. cit., pp. 362-63, text of the license. 63 Sturge, op. cit., p. 141.
of the program to repress heresy, the and waiting for the binder in wholesale
commercial aspects of the book trade lots may have been easier to control than
were not forgotten. Henry VIII was a like number of copies ready for the re-
greatly impressed with the trade as a tail market. Alien religious reformers had
business. Commenting on a proposal by been active in selling Tyndale, and the
Bishop Longland in 1526 to require exclusion of all aliens from the retail
booksellers to submit a cash bond to market made them more manageable.
guarantee their compliance with the Yet the law offered the stationers of Lon-
regulations against heretical books, he don a commercial advantage, and it is
surmised that no more effective measure not beyond reason to suppose that they
was conceivable."4 Royal privileges con- utilized the heresy issue and their own
tinued to appear in books, and in 1533 predominant compliance with regula-
Wynken De Worde sued Peter Treveris tions to win privileges for themselves.
for infringing his patent to print Whit-
ROYAL CONTROL OF THE BOOK
tinton's Syntaxis.15 This is the earliest
TRADE, 1534-47
record of a legal action to enforce an
exclusive privilege for a book. English history from 1534 to 1547 is
In 1534, Parliament passed an Act for distinguished by the strong personal gov-
Printers and Binders of Books.56 Accord- ernment of Henry VIII. Although he
ing to the preamble of the statute, the worked through established governmen-
law of 1483, which had given alien print- tal agencies such as Parliament and the
ers and booksellers a favorable position Convocation of Canterbury and although
in the London trade, had resulted in for- he placed power and responsibility in the
eigners' importing and selling great num- hands of chosen ministers, his personal
bers of books to the hurt of native Eng- control is evident in most things. Parlia-
lish printers, booksellers, and binders. As ment passed conflicting statutes when
a remedy, Parliament forbade the impor- Henry changed his mind, and ministers
tation of bound books and prohibited who differed from him or who embar-
aliens from selling books at retail. An of- rassed him lost their heads. A central in-
fense against either provision was pun- terest during this period was a controlled
ishable by a fine, half of which went to revolution in the English church. Books
the Crown, the other half to the inform- were vital to this, so books received a
er. Lest London booksellers charge exor- share of the royal attention.
bitant prices because of the newly gained The activities of the Crown in the con-
protection, the lord chancellor was em- trol of ideas were broadened by two acts
powered to levy a fine on each book sold of Parliament in 1534. By the Act of
at too high a price. Supremacy Henry became head of the
Ostensibly to protect craftsmen, the English church, with power to frame an
statute by restricting imports and ex- orthodoxy of his own and to determine
cluding aliens from the retail trade in heresy or offenses against that ortho-
books had some bearing on the religious doxy.57 A sequel-a treasons act-made it
controversy. Books imported in sheets a capital offense to publish books against
Henry's religious settlement or to refuse
64 Reed, op. cit., p. 108.
loyalty to it.58 This act shortly found two
" C. B. Judge, Elizabethan Book Pirates (Cam-
bridge: Harvard University Press, 1934), p. 30. 67 25 Henry VIII, c. 19.
66 25 Henry VIII, c. 15. 68 26 Henry VIII, c. 13.
Roman Catholic champions, Bishop John thereon."'"I In the same item he warned
Fisher and Sir Thomas More, going to the readers to preserve a sober behavior
the block. But in the same year of 1535 in their reading, not disputing about the
William Tyndale was burned at Brussels hard passages but referring them in-
with Henry's full approval. The execu- stead to the learned clergy. Following
tions illustrate Henry's religious policy. this, James Nycholson of Southwark, the
It offered death both to the Lutheran re- publisher of the Coverdale Bible, issued
formers and to the Roman Catholics. two new editions; but, to meet the de-
In forging a new church, however, mand for an authorized version, Henry
Henry had to do more than prohibit ex- at the behest of Cranmer and Cromwell
pression against it. He had to give ex- approved the translation known as the
pression to the new orthodoxy. This led Matthew Bible.62
him into a program of officially sponsored Henry's authorization of the Matthew
publication. These matters were the con- Bible is puzzling. Supposedly the trans-
cern of the Vicegerent for Matters Eccle- lation of Thomas Matthew, it was really
siastical (Thomas Cromwell before he the version of William Tyndale, retaining
was beheaded) and Thomas Cranmer, his controversial renderings and his often
the archbishop of Canterbury. They in- proscribed prologues. Since Henry never
volved Bible publishing, liturgical pub- overcame his early antipathy for Tyn-
lishing, confessions of faith, and meas- dale, it is fairly certain that he author-
ures taken to insure reading. ized the translation on the advice of his
Bible publishing. -One of Henry's first ministers without reading it.63 The pro-
problems after the passage of the Act of logues, marginal glosses, extreme Prot-
Supremacy was that of Bible publishing. estant renderings, and the calendar
On December 19, 1534, the Convocation showing Tyndale as a martyr did not
of Canterbury appealed to him for an long go unnoticed, however. As a result
authorized English version.59 He allowed of dissatisfactions, Richard Grafton and
Cranmer at that time to appoint ten Edward Whitchurch, the English pub-
scholars to produce an authorized trans- lishers of the Matthew Bible which had
lation, but nothing ever came of the been printed in Antwerp, began work on
project.60 However, the translation of the publication of a new version with
Miles Coverdale, published in October, Miles Coverdale. Since no press in Eng-
1535, was allowed to circulate, although land was capable of the undertaking,
the king never formally approved it. Grafton and Coverdale went to Paris to
In 1536 the need for an authorized
61 Church of England, Visitation Articles and
Bible became more urgent because Crom-
Injunctions of the Period of the Reformation (London:
well issued injunctions requiring every Longmans, 1910), II, 9.
parish church to have a copy of the 62 Cranmer, op. cit., Pl) 345-46.
"whole Bible, both in Latin and also in 03 Cranmer wrote in 1537 that Henry's customary
English, and lay the same in the choir for way of dealing with a book was to give it to two of
every man that will to look and read his ministers and act on their report about it (Origi-
nal Letters Relative to the English Reformation,
" Wilkins, op. cit., III, 770. Written during the Reigns of King Henry VIII,
60 Thomas Cranmer, Miscellaneous WritingsKing
and Edward VI, and Queen Afary, Chiefly from the
Letters (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1846), Archives of Zurich, trans. and ed. Hastings Robin-
pp. 344-45. In 1537 Cranmer lamented that he did son ["Parker Society Publications," Vols. LIII-
not think the bishops would come forth with a trans- LIV" (Cambridge: At the University Press,
lation "till the day after Domesday." 1846-47)], LIII, 15).
supervise the printing theremation in the for the control of printing. The
offices
of Francis Regnault, who had had much wording of the proclamation shows his
experience in printing service books for displeasure with the Matthew Bible.65
England.64 When the work there was He described the books which prompted
fairly well forward, Cromwell again is- the proclamation as follows: ". . . sondry
sued injunctions requiring each parish to printed bokes, in the english tonge that
procure an English Bible of the largest be brought from outward parties, and by
volume, apparently depending on the pro- such lyke bokes as haue bene prynted
jected folio edition. When French offi- within this realme, set forth with priui-
cials stopped the printing, however, thelege, containing annotations and addi-
great Bible was not issued until 1539. tions in the margins, prologes, and calen-
Later editions followed, and this re- dars, imagined and inuented as well by
mained the accepted version during the the makers, deuysers, and printers of the
reign of Henry VIII. same bokes." To avoid a recurrence of
Bible publishing involved large ex- such evil publishing practices, the king
penditures because of the size of the book proclaimed five new regulations: (1) He
and the expense of editing, but the mar- forbade the importation of English books
ket was assured because of official regu- for distribution by sale, gift, or utterance
lation, and, with proper guaranties, without a royal license. (2) He required
Bible publishing offered a great profit. all printers of English books to obtain a
The proper guaranties were of a dual na- license. Having obtained such a license,
ture. The publisher had to be assured the printer was not to use the phrase cum
that the version was acceptable. If it privilegio regali without adding the words
were condemned after publication, con- ad impremendum solum. (3) He restricted
fiscation of the stock might bring ruin to English Bibles to the plain text, whether
the publisher at the very least, with pros- printed in England or abroad. (4) He re-
pects of even direr punishment, and thequired all translators to sign their work,
publishers of the Matthew Bible, as Pol- else he would hold the printer respon-
lard has recorded their correspondence, sible for it. (5) He ruled that all English
had some bad moments about it. Sec- Scriptures published in the realm had to
ond, with so much invested in a single be approved by the king, a privy coun-
book, publishers were anxious to be pro- cilor, or a bishop. The penalty for the
tected from commercial competition. violation of any of these provisions was
The first was a matter of license, wherein the forfeiture of goods and imprison-
authorized officials read a manuscript ment.
and approved its contents for publica- According to the letters published by
tion. The second was a matter of privi- A. W. Pollard in his Records of the English
lege, which was a grant of exclusive rightsBible, the proclamation struck conster-
of publication. License and privileges nation into the hearts of Grafton and
were both in the hands of the king. Coverdale where they were working in
Following the experience with the Paris. The former was fearful because he
Matthew Bible, Henry took this matter "IJohn Strype, Memorials of Cranmer (Oxford:
in hand in 1538 when he issued a procla- Oxford University Press, 1840), Vol. II, Appendix
VII. This rendering of the text indicates the cor-
64 A. W. Pollard, op. cit. The details of the rections made in the original draft in Henry's own
various biblical versions are clearly recorded in hand. Reed (op. cit., pp. 177-81) analyzes the royal
this book. corrections.
had used the phrase cium gracia et privi- lishers ought to have 13s. 4d. to pay for
legio regis in a Coverdale New Testament their expenses. As a result of this differ-
he had just published without adding ad ence, Cranmer then petitioned Cromwell
impremendum solum. He also entered a to get a patent of privilege for the Bible,
humble protest to Cromwell that the for- which he did in his own name.
mula as applied to the Bible would give Cromwell's patent for Bible printing
people the impression that the king al- went further than the Great Bible being
lowed the printing but did not necessari- published at the time. It forbade any-
ly approve the content of the work. Cov- body except his agents to print any
erdale was distressed because the prohi- Bible. After his fall in 1540, the patent
bition of publishing anything but the was awarded to Anthony Marler.67 By
plain text of the Scriptures destroyed theterms of his patent, Marler had to sell the
ingenious system of signs he was prepar- Bible for 10s. unbound and 12s. bound
ing to illuminate the dark places of the and trimmed in bullion. To protect his
text. investment, the king ordered every
The interpretation of ad imprimendum church to buy a copy under pain of pay-
solum has been the cause of much conjec- ing a heavy fine.68 Of course, Henry re-
ture. Did it mean for printing only or the ceived something in return for this valu-
sole right of printing? Grammatically, the able commercial aid. Locating all Bible
former interpretation seems more proper, printing in the hands of one publisher
and that was Grafton's contemporary in- made it easier to control.
terpretation of it. However, the privilege Service books and other approved works.
formula was only one of five provisions, -When Henry embarked on his own re-
and a perusal of the whole proclamation ligious program, service books were of
leaves no place for the idea that Henry immediate concern to the clergy. This
intended to grant privileges for books was especially true because he planned a
that he would not license. limited reformation. He wanted to retain
The question of a special privilege for much the same form of service, but he
Bible publishing was raised by Grafton denied the authority of the pope. It was
in respect to the Matthew Bible. Ex- at once evident that something would
plaining that he had ?500 invested in the have to be done about the service books
edition of fifteen hundred copies, he in the churches, because they granted
petitioned Cromwell to require every papal authority. There was not enough
church to buy a copy. There was no reprinting equipment in England to permit
sponse to this, but the Star Chamber an immediate reprinting of the books.
shortly thereafter ordered justices of the Other measures were necessary. Conse-
peace to see that copies of the English quently, on June 1, 1535, Henry sent a
Bible were owned in their shires, withoutletter to all the bishops ordering them
specifying Grafton's edition.61 Later, "to cause all prayers, rubrics, canons of
when Grafton was working on the Paris Mass books, etc. wherein the Bishop of
edition, Cromwell insisted that the fin- Rome is named, or his presumptuous and
ished edition be sold for lOs. unbound, proud pomp mentioned to be utterly
although Cranmer thought that the pub- abolished and raised out; and his very
*7 R. Plomner, "Anthony Marler and the Great
6 C. Wriothesley, Chronicle of England during
Bible," Library, 3d ser. (April, 1910), pp. 200-206.
the Reigns of the Tudors (Westminster: Camden
Society, 1875), pp. 74-75. 68 Wilkins, op. cit., III, 856.
name and memory to be never more re- order of Edmund Bonner, bishop of Lon-
membered, except to his contumely and don, in April, 1542, to each member of
reproach."69 his clergy to buy and study the Institu-
The next step was the official publication of the Christian Man.74
tion of reformed religious books. As a Having been denied the privilege for
start, Henry licensed an English Primer, the Great Bible, Grafton and Whit-
published by W. Marshall in June, 1534, church were successful in January
and gave it a privilege for six years. In 1542/3, in getting a royal patent of privi-
July, 1536, ten articles of faith, entitled lege for publishing service books.75 Be-
Articles Devised by the Kinges Highnes fore 1534, French printers had supplied
Maiestie, were published, with a Preface service books for the English churches.
written by the king and under his order In granting the privilege, Henry asserted
for their promulgation in all the that this had injured the English in two
churches.70 In the same year Cromwell's ways. First, it deprived competent Eng-
injunctions contained an item ordering lish artisans of work. Second, it contrib-
all curates in their sermons to "deliber- uted to the setting-forth of the "Bys-
ately and plainly recite of the said Pater shopp of Romes usurped Auctoritie and
Noster, the articles of faith, and the Ten keping the same in contynuall Memorye,
Commandments, one clause or article contrary to the Decrees Statutes and
one day, another another day, till the Laws of this our Realme."
whole be taught and learned by little; Henry issued a new doctrinal exposi-
and shall deliver the same in writing, or tion in May, 1543, A Necessary Doctrine
show where printed books containing the and Erudition for Any Christian Man,
same be to be sold, to them that can read writing the Preface himself and threaten-
or will desire the same."'" The Godly and ing with severe punishment those who
Pious Institution of the Christian Man disagreed. In May, 1545, Grafton and
(sometimes called Henry's second con- Whitchurch published a new primer in
fession of faith) was published in 1537 English, carrying the king's injunction
with a most reserved royal license, stat- for teaching the primer and forbidding
ing that the king had found no time to the use of any other. The privilege which
ponder and weigh the book but that he accompanied the royal license not only
had approved it on the strength of the forbade other printers to publish the
Preface.72 Cranmer in 1539 approved a primer but also forbade subjects to buy
new primer by Bishop John Hilsey, also primers from unauthorized persons. Pre-
with reservations. It was published be- sumably, this double-edged order not
fore he saw it, and he complained that he only gave the favored printers a greater
might have made some salutary changes advantage but promised to be effective in
if he had been able to oversee the print- stopping the trade in unauthorized
ing.73 Illustrative of official measures primers.
taken to promote the sale and distribu- Restrictions, 1534-47. -Following
tion of approved religious books was the 1534, heresy and treason were the chief
*9 Church of England, op. cit., II, 109 n.

74 Church of England, op. cit., II, 83.
70 Blunt, op. Cit., I, 443.
"5 Great Britain, Public Record Office, Letters
71 Church of England, op. cit., II, 7.
and Papers of Henry VIII, Vol. XIX, Part I:
72 Cranmer, op. cit., p. 469. 1544 (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office,
73 Ibid., pp. 392-93. 1903), p. 524.
chastity, (5) the

causes for the restriction of efficacy of private
puiblication.
Religious policy was developiing, so her- masses, and (6) the necessity of auricular
esy was defined from time to time, but confession. The publication of opinions
the point of the king's supremacy re- contrary to the articles was punishable
mained constant. Resistance to that by burning to death for the doctrine of
point of the religious settlement was transubstantiation and by a felon's
treason. death, on second offense, for the remain-
Treasonable books caused concern ing five. A general magisterial and epis-
after the execution of More and Fisher. copal inquiry authorized by the act was
A pamphlet comparing Henry to Herod directed to seize books written against
was an unpalatable parallel. In January, the articles.
1535/6, Henry proscribed all the writings The act was implemented by procla-
of John Fisher, ordering any who held mations and injunctions. In March,
them to surrender their copies.76 Fisher's 1542, Henry drafted a proclamation ban-
writings were condemned because they ning books contrary to doctrine and re-
upheld the papal authority, and the pro- stricting Bible publishing.79 The procla-
scription caused some clerical book col- mation require(l a license for the impor-
lectors to inspect their books on canon tation of any religious books (not just
law. Thomas Stokesley, bishop of Lon- those in England) from beyond the sea.
don in 1536, wrote to Cromwell offering It also required printers to sign their
to surrender all such books which ad- works and give the name of the author
vanced papal claims,77 but no record has and day of publication. By this measure
come to light of the response to his offer. it became a crime to publish anonymous-
The 1538 proclamation for the control ly, and it left no defense for the publica-
of printing discussed in connection with tion of a banned author after the date of
Bible publication was an indication of his proscriptions
Henry's determination not to let the In April the bishop of London issued a
reformation get away from him and of list banning thirty-eight books of evan-
his continued disapproval of those Prot- gelical protestantism which were con-
estant reformers who had been pro- trary to the six articles, in addition to
scribed before 1534. In 1539 Parliament condemning all the works of Luther and
passed a stringent measure to enforce Calvin.80 Some of the banned books, such
conformity in religion.78 It set forth six as Marshall's primer and the Matthew
articles on which no diversity of opinion Bible, had been published with license
would be tolerated. Unquestioning belief and privilege since 1534, but most of
was required in (1) the doctrine of tran- them were published before the religious
substantiation, (2) communion in only settlement. Tyndale's name, as usual, led
one kind, (3) the necessary celibacy of theall the rest.
priesthood, (4) the validity of the vows of Parliament in January, 1542/3, passed
an act for the advancement of true reli-
76 STC, No. 7787.
gion.8' Inveighing against false books,
77 Great Britain, Public Record Office, Letters
79 Great Britain, Public Record Office, Letlers
and Papers of Henry VIII, Vol. VIII: 1535 (London:
and Papers of Henry VIII, Vol. XVIII: 1542 (Lon-
Longmans, 1885), p. 19.
don: Her Majesty's Stationery Oflice, 1900), p. 79.
78 31 Henry VIII, c. 14: "For abolishing of
80 Foxe, op. cit., Vol. V, Appendix X.
diversity of opinions in certain articles concerning
Christian religion." 81 34 and 35 Henry VIII, c. 1.
the legislators undertook a law "dredful higher classes, forbidding women, ar-
and penal." However, the act belied the tificers, apprentices, journieymen, serv-
language of its purpose by actually set- ingmen of the degree of yeomen and
ting milder penalties for publishing under, husbandmen, and laborers to read
against the six articles. It substituted the Bible either privately or openly. Men
graduated penalties fitting the number of
above that degree might read the Bible
offenses and the sacredness of the doc- to their families or households, and noble
trine attacked, making use of fines, con- ladies might read it privately, but public
fiscation of property, and prison sen- meetings and disturbances were not to be
tences of varying lengths. The maximum tolerated.
punishment was the forfeiture of all As Henry's reign drew to a close, other
goods and perpetual imprisonment- restrictions were made on publishing.
drastic but not so final as the stake and When pamphleteers in May, 1544, con-
the rope of the original act. At the same demned the action of the English armies
time, recognizing the vacillation of reli- which put Edinburgh to the torch,
gious policy, Parliament provided that Henry ordered the pamphlets seized and
there should be no punishment for dis- burned within 24 hours.83 Later the same
puting a doctrine until one month after year Parliament passed a law of succes-
it had been in print. Aimed at controver- sion, naming, in order of precedence,
sial religious books, it left statutes, proc- Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth, including
lamations, chronicles, biographies, psal- in the act a clause stating that "whoso-
ters, primers, and the works of Chaucer ever should, either in words or by writ-
and Gower exempt from its provisions ing, say anything contrary to this act, or
unless they were condemned by special to the peril and slander of the king's
proclamation. It also permitted the pos- heirs, limited in the act, was to be ad-
session of all Bibles but Tyndale's if the judged traitor."84 In July, 1546, Henry
annotations were blotted out. issued a proclamation which included a
Another provision of the act was a sub- list of banned books and required print-
stantial reversal of the policy on Bible ers to present the first copy of every book
reading as set forth in Cromwell's injunc-to the mayor of London and not to sell
tions in 1536 and 1538. Although Crom- any of the edition for two more days in
well had enjoined the clergy to encourage order to give the mayor time to read the
Bible reading, only cautioning the un- book.85 This was Henry's last proclama-
learned not to dispute about the hard tion about books. He died the following
places, experience had shown that the January.
Scriptures were heady reading for the The trade, 1534-47.-Matters of trade
crowd. Clergymen complained that when
and privilege are hard to separate from
Bibles were placed in the churches for
matters of license and content. This is
public reading, some people were wont to
illustrated by the controversy (still going
come and read loudly to a circle of dis-
putatious listeners even while service was 83 Great Britain, Public Record Office, Letters and
in progress.82 To reduce dissension, Par- Papers of Henry VIII, Vol. XIX, Part I: 1544
liament restricted Bible reading to the (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1903),
p. 524.
82 Gilbert Burnet, The History of the Reformation 84 35 Henry VIII, c. 1.

of the Church of England (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1829), I, 606. 86STC, No. 7809.
on) over the meaning offor license

the nearestand privi ever came
that tradesmen
lege engendered by the proclamation forto being charged with the licensing of
control of printing of 1538. There are, books during the reign of Henry VIII
however, some indications of a distinc- was in the proclamation of July, 1546,
tive trade organization concerned with which made the mayor of London re-
books as a business. Francis Regnault, sponsible for licensing.
the French printer of service books for Enforcement of restrictions, 1534-47.-
England, gave one report of the nature After Henry broke with Rome and while
of the London booksellers. In 1536 he he was busy trying to set up his own es-
complained to Lord Cromwell that the tablishment, there was vacillation of reli-
act of 1534 requiring all imported books gious policy and room for controversy to
to be bound in England was passed at the grow. There can be little doubt, never-
instigation of London booksellers for the theless, that the king and his ministers
express purpose of ruining him, who had believed that when a policy had been
still a large stock of books printed and stated and was in effect, it was a crime to
bound in France in London warehouses.86 oppose it in print. As time went on,
Regnault was trying to make a case for tenets became clearer, and laws dreadful
himself, but he had dwelt long in London and penal were passed to enforce confor-
and was acquainted with his English mity with them; but not all new regula-
competitors. In 1538 Robert Aylton, tions set forth new policies. Despite the
stationer, was in trouble for setting ap- confusion, certain books and ideas were
prentices over to an alien, contrary to the anathema throughout the period; yet the
trade act of 1523.87 This shows the sta- frequent restatement of policy about
tioners operating as a recognized com- them and the reiteration of lists of
pany in London. In 1539 the abbot of St. banned books were considered necessary.
Albans sent John Pryntare to London in Some books, in other words, were pub-
the custody of three stationers to stand lished in defiance of regulations. They
trial for printing a heretical book.88 It is posed the problem of the enforcement of
a moot point whether the Londoners restrictions.
were more concerned over the printing ofThe highest officials of the kingdom
heretical books or over provincial com- were intrusted with the duty of enforcing
petition. Some idea may have been form- restrictions against unlawful books. The
ing of putting the Stationers' Company letters and papers of the highest minis-
of London in charge of administering re- ters show them concerned with the mat-
strictions against books, for in March, ter. Informers were encouraged with a
1541/2, the Prolocutor of the Convoca- share of the fine money collected, but
tion of Canterbury raised the point of thewhen it came to final disposition of a
incorporation of the Company of Sta- case, it was likely to come before the
tioners.89 It was only a foreshadowing, Privy Council itself. The council investi-
gated printers not only for the books
86 Great Britain, Public Record Office, Letters and
Papers of Henry VIII, Vol. XI: 1536 (London: Her
they published about religion but also
Majesty's Stationery Office, 1888), p. 585. about their private religious beliefs; not
87 G. Pollard, op. cit., p. 18.
only about their publication of books
contrary to established policy but also
88 Great Britain, Public Record Office, Letters
and Papers of Henry VIII, Vol. XVII: 1542 (Lon-
about their printing slanderous invec-
don: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1900), p. 79. 89 Wilkins, op. cit., III, 862.
tives against one another.90 Yet even a they were in prison for a short while. But
casual investigation of official papers and they did not even lose their valuable
correspondence shows how comparative- patent.
ly little time these busy officials could de- The faulty enforcement of restrictive
vote to books. Burdened with more press- regulations may be seen not only in the
ing problems, they were involved with need to reiterate prohibitions but also in
books when things were getting out of complaints made from time to time
hand, but they enjoyed no well-organized about illegal books being hawked in the
system of administration to aid them in streets of London. The possibility of
this work. The lack of such a system was evading restrictions was so good that the
a serious drawback to the effectiveness of English Protestant, John B utler, was
the controls. General magisterial and able to write to Henry Bullinger, the
episcopal inquiries might be authorized, Swiss reformer, even after the passage of
as in the act of the six articles. A bishop the act of the six articles, as follows in
might follow the practice of Bonner in 1539/40: "Books of every kind may be
1542 in sending to his curates a list of exposed to sale: which fact is so impor-
banned books and directing them to seek tant to my excellent Froschover, that I
out the books in their parishes and to have thought to make him acquainted
report the names of the owners to him.9" with it."92 Such freedom as existed for
But these were extraordinary measures the publication of controversial books,
which did not provide an effective system however, resulted from faulty enforce-
of administration. ment of restrictions and not from any
The vacillation of the policy-making notion that freedom was desirable.
lords was reflected in the enforcement of
EDWARD VI AND THE COUNCIL
restrictions. On the one hand, books not
OF STATE
acceptable to one high official might be
allowed by another. The Matthew Bible Edward VI came to the throne as a
is the most noteworthy example. On the boy of nine. Because of his youth, Henry
other hand, there was an apparent lack had provided for a council of state to rule
of resolution in dealing out the penalties in his name. Dominated by Edward
provided by law. Death penalties were Seymour (the king's uncle, who for a
seldom applied, and in no case did an while seized power as Protector and duke
execution result from illegal publishing of Somerset), John Dudley (earl of War-
or bookselling alone. The reduced penal- wick, later duke of Northumberland, who
ties of the act for the advancement of brought about Somerset's downfall and
true religion were in accordance with en- execution), and Thomas Cranmer, arch-
forcement policies. Among the printers bishop of Canterbury, the council pur-
who were called before the Privy Council sued a more thorough religious reforma-
in 1543, for example, were Grafton and tion than Henry had, and their religious
Whitchurch, the service-book publishers. policy was reflected in the control of the
Charged with printing unlawful books, book trade. They began by replacing
Thomas Berthelet, who had served as
90 Great Britain, Privy Council, Acts of the royal printer since 1530, with two print-
Privy Council, 1542-1604 (new ser.; London: Her
Majesty's Stationery Office, 1890-1907), I, 107, ers more closely identified with the reli-
117, 121, 123. gious reformers-Reginald Wolfe and
"I Foxe, op. cit., Vol. V, Appendix X. 22 Origina Letters ... , LIV, 627.
Richard Grafton.93 Wolfe was appointed Nazianzen, Jerome, Ambrose, Chrysos-

for life to be the king's typographer and tom, Cyprian, Theophylact, Erasmus,
bookseller in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, "and other good writers' works." The
and Grafton had the exclusive right to clergy were ordered to buy and study the
print acts, statutes, proclamations, in- New Testament in Latin and English,
junctions, and other official papers of the read publicly from a prescribed book of
king.94 In November, 1547, Parliament homilies, and teach from Henry's primer
repealed all the statutes against heresy, of 1545 and from the king's Latin
including the laws against the Lollards, grammar.97
the 1539 act of conformity, and the 1543 The prayer book. -The council's most
act to restrict reading, retaining, how- notable book promotion was the publica-
ever, the prohibition against books deny- tion of the Book of Common Prayer. The
ing the royal supremacy.95 A visitation of problem of service books had been a vex-
the churches in the same year was aimed ing one since 1534. Two difficulties stood
at re-establishing the Cromwellian policy in the way of providing new books for the
of 1536 and 1538 on Bible reading. Ar- churches. The first and most difficult one
ticles inquired whether the clergy encour- was agreement on the text. The second
aged reading the Bible in English, abol- was the difficulty of getting such a book
ished references to Roman Catholic prac- printed quickly enough and in large
tices from the service books, and used the enough editions. When a text received
king's primer and grammar.96 official sanction in 1548, the council acted
The injunctions which followed the vigorously to solve the second problem.
visitation went further than the Crom- On December 18 they appointed Richard
wellian injunctions. They required each Grafton and Edward Whitchurch to
parish church to provide not only the print the book and gave them writs of
Great Bible for parishioners to read but assistance addressed to mayors, sheriffs,
also copies of the paraphrases which bailiffs, constables, and other officers
Erasmus had made on the New Testa- authorizing the publishers during a year
ment. Cathedral churches had to provide to take up as many printers, compositors,
more extensive libraries for public use, and founders as were needed for the
including two English Bibles instead of king's work in their offices and also
one, copies of the royal injunctions, the authorizing them to take paper, ink,
works of St. Augustine, Basil, Gregory presses, and matrixes, paying for them at
a reasonable rate, and to impress trans-
93 Wolfe had been granted freedom of the city
portation for the same.
at the instance of Anne Boleyn in the early days of
the reformation, and Grafton had been a publisher The text agreed on and the printing
of the Matthew Bible. provided for, Parliament in January,
94 T. Rymer, Foedera, Vol. VI (Hagae Comitis: 1548/9, passed an act of uniformity, re-
Apud Joannem Neaulme, 1741), Part III, pp. 157-
quiring all churches to get copies of the
58 (Wolfe); Great Britain, Public Record Office,
Calendar of Patent Rolls of Edward 'VI, Vol. I: Book of Common Prayer before Pentecost
1547-1548 (London: His Majesty's Stationery and to begin using them immediately.98
Office, 1924), pp. 100, 187 (Grafton).
Any person who refused to use the book
61 Edward VI, c. 12. Richard Smith, a Roman after Pentecost or who spoke against it
Catholic writer who published five books between
1546 and 1548, had to abjure and see his books was to suffer six months in jail. Speed in
bumed (Strype, Memorials, 795-99). 97 Ibid., pp. 117-19, 123, 129, 249.
96 Church of England, op. cit., II, 107-13. 98 2 and 3 Edward VI, c. 1.
publication was therefore urgent. With Enforcement of restrictions.-The

the aid of their writs, Grafton and Whit- change in religious policy was greeted
church turned out a first edition on with delight by those whom it favored.
March 7 and followed it with eight more Reformers reveled in the new freedom.
editions by June 30, 1549. However, as has been pointed out, the
Naturally, the new policy met with council never intended for the Roman
opposition. Parliament in January, 1549/ Catholic writers to have liberty to print.
50, passed a statute strengthening the There was no notion of allowing both
position of the prayer book.99 The new sides in a controversy to print with im-
law called for the surrender of all Latin punity. Perhaps the attitude of Peter
service books and for their destruction by Martyr, whose books had been banned in
bishops and mayors, providing penalties previous years, was typical when he
for officials who failed to co-operate. The wrote with satisfaction in January, 1550,
act also called for blotting out the invo- that books attempting to confute him
cation to the saints from Henry's 1545 were suppressed.'05 The council was vigi-
primer. It was followed by a royal in- lant to suppress any book that might
junction demanding the surrender of all contribute to civil dissension. Conse-
popish rituals.'00 Stephen Gardiner, Bish- quently, later in the same year of his tri-
op of Winchester, who opposed this and umph, Martyr found that the bishops
who also opposed the policy on Bible denied him permission to publish a
reading, was deposed and sent to the book.'06
Tower. The members of the council as well as
Despite opposition, the council pur- the bishops did not think it trivial to de-
sued its course. Parliament in 1552 vote attention to specific publications
passed a new treason act, providing the and writers. The extent of the council's
death penalty for printing that the king concern was shown by an order of August
or his lawful heirs was "an heretik, schis- 11, 1549, that "from hensforth no prenter
matic, tyrant, infidel, or usurper of the sholde prent or put to vente any Eng-
crown.''110 The same parliament author- lisshe books but suche as sholde first be
ized a radical revision of the prayer book, examined by Mr. Secretary Peter, Mr.
which it ordered all churches to acquire Secretary Smith, and Mr. Cicill, the one
and use.'02 Illustrative of the whole turnof them, and allowed by the same."107
of policy, the council in June, 1552, This was followed in April, 1551, by a
licensed Tyndale's New Testament,'03 royal proclamation requiring that anyone
while in the same year an attempt was importing books in English should have
made to attaint Cuthbert Tunstall,'04 the license of the king or six members of
Tyndale's original and unyielding an- the Privy Council.'08 Cranmer, who was
tagonist. busy trying to get the required signa-
99 3 and 4 Edward VI, c. 10.
tures for a book he was preparing to an-
swer an attack made on him by Gardiner,
100 E. Cardwell, Documentary Annals of the Re-
formed Cliurch of England (Oxford: Oxford Uni- 106 Original Letters . . ., LIV, 478-79.
versity Press, 1839), I, 85-88.
106 Ibid., p. 561.
101 5 and 6 Edward VI, c. 11.
107 Acts of the Privy Council, new ser., II, 312.
102 Ibid., C. 1.
108 A. W. Pollard, Shakespeare's Fight with the
103 Great Britain, Privy Council, op. cit., IV, 73.
Pirates (2d ed. rev.; Cambridge: At the University
104 Burnet, op. cit., II, 401. Press, 1937), p. 8.
wrote that all English books, whether Council of State, which had much to fear
printed in England or abroad, had to be from Catholic Mary, persuaded Edward
licensed by six members of the council.109 to will his crown to Lady Jane Grey. She
In keeping with such general regulations, was proclaimed Queen of England on
the council spent considerable time in- July 10, but when the country rallied to
vestigating specific cases. Mary, the council reversed itself and pro-
Trade and privilege. -Privilege was claimed her queen on July 19, Grafton
important in respect to the books that printing both proclamations. Mary did
the council wished to promote. Among not forget his proclamation of her rival,
its early acts of government was the so when she issued her own first procla-
appointment of the royal printers. The mation on July 28, against the spreading
council gave its protection to Stephen of seditious rumors, she chose John
Mierdman, a German bookseller, in 1550
Cawood to do her printing. Cawood later
and granted him exemption from the received the appointment of royal print-
trade restrictions on foreigners.110 In 1553 er, with all the privileges held by Grafton
they awarded the valuable patent for and the added promise of the reversion of
printing the ABC and cathechism to Wolfe's patent on his death.
John Day and the patent to print booksMary reversed the religious policy,
of common law to Richard Tottel.111 and this affected the right of publication.
The Stationers' Company has left two Protestant books were forbidden and
records from this period, pointing to theirRoman Catholic books promoted. In
activity as a corporate body.112 In 1550 August, 1553, the Privy Council dis-
they engaged Randle Cholmondely to be cussed "a proclamacion for reformacion
their counsel. In the same year Henry of busy medlers in matters of religion,
Smith left a bequest to Stationers' Hall. and for redress of prechars, pryntars, and
Both the occasion for a counsel and the players."'13 Published on August 18, the
possession of a hall argue for a going proclamation forbade anyone to "print
company. Stephen Mierdman's special and sell false fond books, ballettes,
patent was also necessary because of the rhymes, and other lewd treatises in the
jealousy of the company. None of the English tongue" without the queen's
known members of the company were in- license in writing.114 As an indication of
volved with the importation of trouble- the kinds of things which were to be dis-
some books or the printing of seditious couraged, the Court of Star Chamber
bills which were so vexing to the Privy began citing men like Cranmer to appear
Council. to answer for their books and speeches on
religious matters.
THE BOOK POLICY OF MARY TUDOR
In Mary's view, much that had hap-
When Edward died in July, 1553, his the reign of Edward needed
pened during
legal heir was Mary, daughter of Henry
undoing. To replace the destroyed Latin
VIII and Catherine of Aragon. The service books, she appointed John Way-
109 Cranmer, op. cit., pp. 429-30. land, giving him an exclusive patent of
'10 Calendar of Patent Rolls of Edward VI, Vol.
privilege for seven years to publish the
III: 1549-51 (London: His Majesty's Stationery primers and prayer books authorized by
Office, 1925), p. 314.
"I1 Ibid., Vol. V: 1549-53 (1926), pp. 43, 47. 113 Acts of the Privy Council, new ser., IV, 421.
112 G. Pollard, op. cit., pp. 30-31. It Wilkins, op. cit., IV, 86.
the clergy.115 The first act of Parliament The marriage with Philip of Spain. -
in October, 1553, was to repeal all the Before she had ruled a year, Mary be-
treason acts passed since 1534.116 The came the bride of Philip II of Spain, and
main purpose of those acts was to uphold he shared the throne with her. Many op-
royal supremacy in religion. Her next posed the marriage, so Parliament in
blow was aimed at the alien reformers November, 1554, passed a law against
who found Edward's policy so congenial. authors, dispersers, or printers of sedi-
In February, 1553/4, she ordered all tious words and rumors.120 The person
aliens resident in the kingdom, "either convicted of printing such objectionable
preacher, prynter, bokeseller, or other tales could be sentenced to have his right
artificer," to leave the realm within hand cut off. This was not a treason law,
twenty-four days.117 In the following however, and, when Sir Nicholas Throck-
May it was proclaimed in the streets ofmorton was tried for treason in respect to
London that "no man shuld not talk of the assistance he had given Sir Thomas
no thynges of the qwen."'18 These acts Wyatt in his revolt early in 1554,
were all a change in policy without a Throckmorton won acquittal with the
change in principle. Her choice in reading defense that all evidence against him con-
differed from her predecessors. cerned his use of words.121 Since the re-
Mary devised articles for her bishops peal of the treason acts, words were no
in 1554, ordering them to visit the longer treason. As a result of his acquit-
churches to restore the old canon law. tal, Parliament moved to plug the hole
She mentioned specifically the need for by passing a law making it treason to say
repressing and condemning corrupt and that Philip and Mary should not have
naughty books. Bishop Edmund Bon- the throne.'21 In the same session Parlia-
ner began the visitation of London in ment revived the heresy statutes.123 This
September, inquiring whether the Latin prepared the stake for reforming bishops
service books were in the churches, like Cranmer, Latimer, and Hooper, who
whether any laymen sold books contrary had written books which Mary's govern-
to the Christian religion, whether the ment pronounced heretical.
grammar of Henry VIII was in use, Philip and Mary issued two proclama-
whether there was a heretical grammar tions to strengthen the program of book
mentioning only two Sacraments, and suppression in 1555. On May 26 they or-
whether any teachers taught or read to dered all justices to enforce the heresy
their scholars any corrupt books or inter- statutes.124 This was followed on June 13
preted Scriptures to children.119 by a proclamation applying the heresy
I'l Joseph Ames, Typographical Antiquities, or statutes to specific books and to books
the History of Printing in England, Scotland, and in general.125 The latter proclamation
Ireland, Containing Memoirs of Our Ancient Printers
and a Register of Books Printed by Them, augmented 120 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, c. 3.
by William Herbert, now greatly enlarged by Thom-
"I Holinshed, op. cit., IV, 46, 74.
as Frognall Dibdin (London: Printed for William
Miller, 1810), III, 522. 122 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, c. 10.
116 1 Mary I, c. 1. 123 bid., c. 6.
117 Wilkins, op. cit., IV, 93. 124 James L. L. Crawford, Tudor and Stuart
Proclamations, 1485-1714, calendared by Robert
118 Henry Machyn, The Diary of Henry Machyn,
Citizen and Merchant Taylor (London: Camden Steele under the direction of the Earl of Crawford
Society, 1848), p. 62. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910), No. 459.
119 Church of England, op. cit., II, 342-56. 126 Wilkins, op. cit., IV, 128.
banned the importation of a long list of privileged to print. In March, 1555/6,

books by English and foreign religious re- they ordered William Byddel and Wil-
formers. English editions were not men- liam Copland to deliver to John Cawood,
tioned, although many were published in the royal printer, for burning, all the
England during the reign of Edward. copies they had printed of Cranmer's re-
Short of supposing that the sovereigns cantation and commanded the two print-
looked with less disfavor on local than on ers not to print anything written within
foreign error (a most unlikely assump- the preceding forty years without a li-
tion), one must conclude that the London cense from a bishop or a member of the
trade had obeyed the new regulations council.128 The Star Chamber, which dif-
and was not the source of trouble. A sec- fered little in composition from the
ond part of the proclamation forbade Privy Council, convicted Thomas
anyone to "wryte, prynt, vtter, sell, Marshe of violating privilege in the same
reade, or kepe or cause to be wrytten, year.129 In 1557 the council examined a
prynted, vttered, rede, or kept" the number of men implicated in the publica-
Book of Common Prayer-the notable tion of a libel, and it is reported that
book which Edward's advisers had been John Cappstock (who might have lost his
so industrious to promote. right hand for the offense) was sentenced
Despite the emphasis on heresy in the to have his ears nailed to the pillory and
restrictive measures of Philip and Mary, cut off.130 The council, the bishop of
there was in their time, as in earlier peri- London, and the king all took part in in-
ods, some confusion between the concept vestigating a young man accused of
of heresy and sedition. In the experience bringing lewd books and plays from
of the Renaissance rulers, disagreement Antwerp in 1557, and they even ordered
in matters of religion was a prelude to the shop of John Cawood searched. They
civil disobedience and revolt. Clearly ex- had Thomas Marshe and John Kingston
pressing this character of the situation before them on a matter of privilege, pre-
was the last proclamation Philip and sumably, in 1558.131 These were all small
Mary made about books. On June 6, matters to concern so important a body
1558, they proclaimed martial law and of men.
ordered the summary punishment as a The royal charter to the stationers. -The
rebel of anyone who, having "dyuers grant of a royal charter to the Company
bokes filled bothe with heresye, sedityon of Stationers of London on May 4, 1557,
and treason," failed to destroy them suggested itself to the sovereigns and
without showing them to anyone.126
127 Acts of the Privy Council, new ser., V, 8, 14, 52,
Administering the regulations. -Until
138; and H. J. Byrom, "John Wayland-Printer,
1557 the Privy Council was the chief Scrivener, and Litigant," Library, 4th ser., XI
agency concerned with enforcing the (December, 1930), 342.
rules against heretical and seditious 128 Acts of the Privy Council, new ser. V, 247-48.
books. In 1554 they examined nine men 129 Burn, op. cit., p. 55.
for printing unlicensed books, one of 130 Acts of the Privy Council, new ser., VI, 62-63,
whom was John Day, sent to the Tower 76, 144-45; and Burnet, op. cit., III, 457. The book
gratuitously advised Mary to let Philip have more
for printing "noythy books.'"127 Probably
power, in the hope that one whore could then satisfy
his naughty books were his ABC's and him instead of four.
catechisms which-. under ERdward. he was
131 Acts of the Privy Council, new ser., VI, 125,
126 London, Stationers' Company, op. cit., I, 92. 346-49; and Burnet, op. cit., III, 501.
their advisers as a solution to the admin- own property in London or the suburbs
istrative problems entailed in the over-all to the value of ?20. No person who was
supervision of the book trade. The com- not a member of the company was to
pany, so erratically recorded before, has engage in the book trade except for those
left its account books from 1554 onward who had royal patents. To enforce the
to indicate the scope of its activities. As company's rights, the master and war-
a social center for its members, the com- dens had the right at any time to make a
pany kept a hall, sponsored an annual search in "any place, shop, house, cham-
feast of gargantuan proportions, accom- ber, or building of any printer, binder or
panied the bodies of deceased members bookseller whatever within our kingdom
to the grave, and set aside small welfare of England or the dominions of the
funds for needy dependents. It adminis- same." They were to seize and destroy
tered the printing craft, charging fees for books they found which were contrary to
the acceptance of apprentices and fining any laws or regulations of the book trade.
members for printing without the license Violators and those who hindered
of the wardens. Therefore, the royal searches were subject to prison and fine,
charter of 1557 recognized an existing half the fine to go to the Crown and half
organization rather than created a new to the company.
one. For the added prestige and authori- The main interest of the Stationers'
ty that a royal charter gave the Station- Company in the control of the book
ers, the Crown expected some services in trade was unquestionably the cause of
return. These services are clearly de- privilege, and the charter they gained
scribed in the charter.'32 gave them very definite powers to control
The charter began with a greeting it. They established a register of copies
from the king and the queen. Following for members to record their books to re-
this was a recital of the evils that sedi- ceive the protection of the company. Yet
tious and heretical books, which were there is no evidence to indicate that they
daily published, caused in the kingdom. intended to slight their obligation to help
To provide a suitable remedy, the sov- the Crown in reducing the evils of sedi-
ereigns named ninety-four men to be tious and heretical publications. They
"the free men of the art or mistery of had always been amenable to suggestions
Stationery of our City of London, and in this respect and were not unlike the
the suburbs of the same." These station- other people of their time, none of whom
ers were incorporated in a perpetual com- had any idea of freedom of publication.
munity of one master and two keepers or No doubt they owed their charter to
wardens. Named to the offices for the their reputation for conformity. At the
following year were the men already same time, Philip and Mary, by making
serving: Thomas Dockwray, master, and it possible for the Stationers to control
John Cawood and Henry Cooke, war- the trade, enlisted a crew of experts
dens. The corporation was guaranteed whose interest and profit lay in support-
the right to sue and be sued, to have a ing the Crown.
common seal, to make ordinances, to
TILE ELIZABETHAN SHIFT IN POLICY
have lawful assemblies, to elect officers at
intervals of their own choosing, and to Although Philip and Mary were joint
132 London, Stationers' Company, op. cit., I, rulers, when Mary died in November,
xxvii-xxxii. 1558, Elizabeth became queen of Eng-
land under the terms of the

authorizing settlement
Elizabeth to appoint bishops of
Henry VIII. Since Elizabeth was the and make visitations.134 It followed this
daughter of Anne Boleyn, she was ex- with an act prescribing the ritual and
pected to reverse the religious policy es- authorizing the bishops to reform all of-
tablished by Mary. This fear was ex- fenders.135 These acts were the legal basis
pressed in Mary's funeral sermon by for the Court of High Commission in
Bishop White of Winchester. Looking Causes Ecclesiastical, a council of highly
fearfully abroad, where the Protestant placed clergymen, as the supreme reli-
clergymen had fled, he exclaimed: "The gious authority. The commission of the
wolves be coming out of Geneva and court referred specifically to books and to
other places of Germany, and have sent dealing with heretical books."36
their books before, full of pestilent doc- In the second of the acts cited, Parlia-
trines, blasphemy, and heresy to infect ment restored the Book of Common
the people."133 His fears were, of course, Prayer, which Mary's parliament had
understandable. Change in religion on banned. Elizabeth soon ordered a royal
the part of the monarch had in various visitation of the churches to inquire,
notable cases-Fisher, More, Cranmer, among other things, into the state of
Latimer, and Hooper, to mention a few Bible reading, the use of the king's gram-
-resulted in martyrdom for those who mar, the burning of the books of God,
were unable to change their views. On and the traffic in unlawful books.137 As
the other hand, the Protestant exiles usual, injunctions followed the visita-
viewed the change with exultation. In tion.138 The sixth and the sixteenth items
this mixed atmosphere of anxiety and ordered churches to purchase Bibles and
joy, Elizabeth moved circumspectly. Her the paraphrases of Erasmus for public
action in regard to royal printers is illus- reading and required the lower clergy to
trative of her latitude of view. She ap- have New Testaments in Latin and in
pointed a new printer without depriving English and the paraphrases. This was a
the old one, joining Richard Jugge, the revival of the Edwardian policy on Bible
printer who had been licensed by Ed- reading.
ward to print the Tyndale New Testa- Another item, the fifty-first, revived
ment, with John Cawood in the patent. the Edwardian policy on licensing. It
At nearly the same time she renewed for forbade any person to print anything in
life Richard Tottel's patent to print com- any language without a written license of
mon law, which he had first received the queen or six of the Privy Council or
from Edward but which had been con- two of the highest ecclesiastical officials
firmed by Mary. From these acts it ap- of the kingdom, including the ordinary
peared that printers could expect fairly of the place where the book was printed.
liberal treatment from the queen, what- Pamphlets, plays, and ballads had to be
ever their previous allegiances. licensed by the high commission. This
The religious issue was a pressing one, injunction removed from the Stationers'
and Elizabeth's first parliament acted on 134 1 Elizabeth I, c. 1. 13b Ibid., c. 2.
a policy. It restored the royal authority
136 Cardwell, op. cit., I, 257.
which Mary had returned to the pope,
137 Church of England, op. cit., III, 1-28.
133 R. W. Dixon, History of the Church of England 138 H. Gee and WV. J. Har(ly (eds.), Documents
from the Abolition of Roman Jurisdiction (Oxford: Illustrative of English Church History (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1895-1902), V, 9. Macmillan Co., 1896), pp. 421, 425, 436-37.
Company whatever licensing authority permit a much clearer picture of the

Mary had planned to intrust to them. At company's operation than is possible for
the same time, the specification that the the preceding periods. Actually, the ac-
ordinary of the place in which the book count books of the wardens are extant
was printed should license the book im- from 1554. These accounts, edited and
plied that books might be printed out- published by Arber, constitute the prin-
side London in other dioceses. cipal source of information about the
After taking up the religious issue, Stationers' Company between 1554 and
Parliament passed two statutes against 1576, from which year the records of the
treason and slander. An act made it Court of Assistants are also available.
treason to print that the queen ought not Although the wardens' accounts contain
to rule, and Mary's statute against slan- no copy of the ordinances under which
dering the queen was renewed.'39 the company operated, they contain a
Confirmation of the charter of the Sta- record of the officers of the company, and
tioners' Company.-Edward Arber in his the fines and fees paid indicate the rules
Transcript of the Registers has recorded under which they worked. Many infer-
the documents relevant to the confirma- ences can be drawn from account records.
tion of the charter of the Stationers' For instance, the fact that the master
Company. During the first year of Eliza- and wardens had to contribute a large
beth's reign the position of the company share toward the annual feast implies
was uncertain. Not only did she put in that only the prosperous members could
the hands of the high commission the afford to be officers. From 1562 onward,
authority for licensing all kinds of books, the information given with fees paid for
but she also began distributing patents the entry of apprentices provides a clue
with what promised to be a free hand. to the backgrounds of stationers. In that
Tottel's patent was renewed. In July, year, twenty-five boys were presented,
1559, William Seres received a royal ten from London, fourteen from other
patent for life to print primers and books places in England, and one from beyond
of private prayers. John Day resumed the sea. The fathers of the apprentices
the earlier practice of getting a royal followed (or had followed, for twelve
privilege for a single book, printing the were orphans) ten different trades. None
privilege at the end of John Cunning- were stationers, seven were husbandmen,
ham's Cosmographical Glasse, although and the other trades were represented by
he registered the same book with the one or two fathers. One apprentice was
company. In these circumstances the the son of a gentleman. The accounts also
company hired a counsel and petitioned show that the company paid to have a
for a renewal of its charter. This was copy of their constitution written in a
granted, and in February, 1559/60, the fair hand, but the copy is not extant.
company received the added distinction One of the most useful features of this
of a livery. In 1560 the high commission record is the account of fees paid when
made use of the company in staying cer- books were licensed. When a publisher
tain persons from printing primers, undertook to publish a book, he paid a
patented to William Seres. fee to have the title entered in the regis-
After the chartering of the Stationers' ter. This was not strictly a matter of
Company in 1557, the surviving records licensing, but it applied to trade privi-
139 1 Elizabeth I, c. 5 and c. 6. leges. The entry of a title in the register
marked the book as the property of the lads and books in prose or meter from
stationer who entered it. one to twenty-four sheets drew an an-
Not all printers or booksellers were guished protest: from the company. As it
members of the Stationers' Company. was, the most valuable works were as-
The custom of the city permitted a man signed, and such a patent would have left
who was free of any trade to practice any little unprivileged to print. The patent
other trade in London. This custom was was never granted.
confirmed for London while being abol- The religious issue, 1560-76.-Eliza-
ished in the rest of England in the Stat- beth attempted a moderate religious
ute of Artificers, passed in 1563.140 This settlement and ran into opposition from
left the way open for ironmongers, groc- two directions. The Roman Catholics
ers, and others to enter the craft of sta- could not accept the royal supremacy
tionery. Royal patentees, of course, by and the prayer book. Others resisted for-
terms of the Stationers' charter, were not malism and what they called "popish
required to be members of the company. practices"; this group came to be called
The granting of patents of privilege by "Puritans."'43 Both groups were trouble-
the Crown seriously reduced the authori- some. Apparently, some pressure was
ty of the Stationers' Company over pub- exercised from 1560 to prevent the publi-
lishing privileges and reduced the num- cation in England of the Geneva Bible,
ber of profitable copies available to print. the translation of the Marian exiles, for,
The royal printers had sole rights to stat- although John Bodley received two pat-
utes, proclamations, and injunctions. ents to publish it under the supervision
Tottel had common law, Seres had prim- of Canterbury and London, he never
ers and psalters. Arber has compiled a list brought it out. As early as 1561 Elizabeth
of many other royal patents awarded be- restricted the sale of sermons and reli-
fore 1576.141 Seres in 1571 received a re- gious expositions to those officially
version of his patent for his son, initiat- approved.
ing the practice of granting patents for The first major controversy was over
two lifetimes. Francis Flower was ap- clerical apparel. The Convocation of
pointed royal printer in Latin, Greek, Canterbury in 1563 narrowly missed
and Hebrew in 1573, with exclusive passing a resolution demanding simpler
rights to print Latin and Greek gram- vestments. Elizabeth stood fast and or-
mars. This was a valuable right, which dered Parker to visit the churches to see
Flower rented to assignees for ?100 a that the clergy complied with the ves-
year because he was not himself a print- tiary orders. In 1565 Parker, with joint
er. Thomas Tallis and William Byrd were supervision of Sir William Cecil, Eliza-
patented to print all books of music in beth's secretary, issued articles prescrib-
1575. In the same year Bible-printing ing vestments. This was the beginning of
rights were assigned to Richard Jugge, a controversy in print."' Clandestine
Christopher, and certain stationers.142 It publications, mostly printed abroad, ap-
is small wonder that a proposal in the 143 Elizabeth informed Matthew Parker, arch-
same year to grant a patent for all bal- bishop of Canterbury, in 1573 that she was becom-
ing very impatient with "puritan writings" (Corre-
140 5 Elizabeth I, c. 4. spondence of Matthew Parker, ed. John Bruce and
141 London, Stationers' Company, op. cit., II, 15.Thomas Thomason Perowne [Cambridge: At the
University Press, 1853], p. 426).
142 A. W. Pollard, Records of the English Bible,
pp. 314-26. 144 Cf. STC, Nos. 10387 ff.
peared attacking the orde r. The high books against the queen's supremacy and
commission ordered the Stationers' Com- government.149 During the next year the
pany to arrest and hold for bail certain bishop of London sent his chaplain to
stationers accused of selling such books search the study of John Stow, the anti-
in St. Paul's Churchyard.145 The queen quarian, for seditious books. In his re-
sent a personal letter to the bishop of port Watts said that Stow had a "greate
London, ordering him to seize seditious sorte of folish fabulous bokes of olde
books imported from beyond the seas.146 print" and "written Englisshe chronicles,
Parker upheld his part in the affair, pub- both in parchment and in paper som long
lishing his advertisements and complain- som shorte."'50 Although expressing
ing in his correspondence of the ecclesias- some wonder over the labor that the an-
tics abroad who had the effrontery to tiquarian bestowed on his writings, the
criticize the established church and their chaplain thought him a great favorer of
ruler.147 papistry. In March, 1569, Elizabeth is-
The disorders resulting from the ves- sued a proclamation against seditious
tiary controversy led to a Star Chamber books from overseas,15' charging that
decree for the control of printing on June such books were secretly distributed to
29, 1566.148 In six articles the decree for-mislead her subjects with attacks on her
bade anyone to print anything against and on the established religion. Forgiving
the statutes or laws, the queen's injunc-past offenses, she ordered all such books
tions, letters patent, or ordinances; or in
turned in for destruction on pain of her
violating or royal patents; it provided forgrievous indignation.
the destruction of books so printed and The Roman Catholic attack became
threatened the printers with permanent serious in February, 1570, when the pope
prohibition from their craft. The Station- issued a bull of deposition against Eliza-
ers' Company was authorized to search beth. This paper, denying the legitimacy
for contraband books, and all stationers of Elizabeth's claims to rule, was a vir-
had to provide surety bonds for good be- tual call to Catholics to rebel. John Fel-
havior. As later interpreted, this decree ton was apprehended for hanging a copy
was the legal basis for protecting printing of the bull on the bishop of London's
patents. gate, tortured for information, convicted
The next serious problem about publi- of treason, and hanged.152 Parliament re-
cation came from the Roman Catholics. acted to the danger by passing a law pro-
The Privy Council was never blind to the hibiting the publication of papal bulls,
possibility of opposition from this quar- and Elizabeth issued a proclamation
ter, and in September, 1568, they exam- threatening extreme punishments for dis-
ined William Roper, who was charged tributors of the bull and great rewards
with aiding exiled clergymen who printed for informers who aided in suppress-
141 London, Stationers' Company, A Short ing it.153
Account of the Worshipful Company of Stationers, 14" London, Parish Clerks' Company, Parish
by C. R. Rivington (London: The company, 1903), Clerks (London: Privately printed, 1893), p. 99.
pp. 26-27.
146 Wilkins, Op. cit., IV, 250.
1"0 London, Stationers' Company, Registers, I,
393-94.
117 Op. Cit., pp. 282-85.
161 Ibid., I, 430. 152 Dixon, op. cit., VI, 262-70.
148 London, Stationers' Company, A Transcript
13 13 Elizabeth I, c. 2; and London, Stationers'
of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of Lon-
don, I, 322, text. Company, Registers, I, 452.
The Acts of the Privy Council for this lishing in 1572. The Admonitions to Par-
period record heavy activity in the sup- liament (first and second) attacked the
pression of books and in attempting to church from the non-conforming Protes-
stamp out the bull. Several books were tant point of view, and the council was
called to the councilors' attention. Their unable to find the press that published
position was made more difficult because the books. Elizabeth made a proclama-
of the attack from two sides. Puritans tion ordering her people to surrender
happily wrote against the papal authori- their copies of the admonitions, but with
ty but could not resist criticizing some of little success.158 The Privy Council even
the ministers for leanings in that direc- had to reprimand the vice-chancellor of
tion, so their books had to be sup- Oxford for tellinig his students that they
pressed. The council strictly forbade themight keep the books which had been
publication of any books, "whatsoever proscribed."59
the argument thereof shalbe," until they Argument frequently descended to a
had been seen by the Privy Council or by personal level in sixteenth-century reli-
three members of the high commission.'54 gious controversy. Bitter attacks were
The Jesuits were connected with the made on Elizabeth's bishops and secre-
Roman counterattack, and Edmund taries, and those worthies often discussed
Campion and his fellows were preparing such verbal flailings in their letters. Some
to come as missionaries to England, de- weariness appears in Parker's corre-
spite the perilous nature of such an spondence, and he expressed a disposi-
effort. Perceiving the danger, Elizabeth tion to ignore some of the attacks. Eliza-
in 1570 proclaimed against seditious beth, however, (lid not take them lightly.
persons, traitorous books, and writings In September, 1573, she made a procla-
and threatened severe punishment to mation forbidding any but members of
any who were connected with them, the Privy Council or others with special
declaring that ignorance would be license to have books which attacked her
no excuse for fault.155 In the same ministers, threatening to punish any who
year the high commission was au- ignored the waming as "sowers of sedi-
thorized to fine and imprison at dis- tion and abettours to the same."'60
cretion.'56 As an example of the severe Parker's experience with publication
punishments, the Star Chamber fined justified a display of weariness. The Acts
three men ?500 for concealing the papal of the Privy Council reveal the frequent
bull.'57 This was a lofty and perhaps im- dealing of that body with various indi-
possible fine, but less severe than hanging viduals and specific books. The council
would have been. threatened and sentenced, but, except for
To add to the troubles of the govern- the papal bull, which they prosecuted
ment, a secret Puritan press began pub- with unremitting vigor, their approach
to the problem of book suppression was
164 London, Stationers' Company, Registers, V,
lxxvi. necessarily erratic. There were too many
155 Ibid., I, 453. 668 London, Stationers' Company, Registers, I,
464.
156J. S. Burn, The High Commission; Notices of
the Court and Its Proceedings (London: J. Russell 159 Acts of the Privy Council, new ser., VIII, 120.
Smith, 1865), p. 21.
160 London, Stationers' Company, Registers, I,
157 Burn, Star Chamber, p. 64. 461-62.
books and people involved with the ob- zeal and overseen with care, drawing fre-
jectionable publications for the highest quent references in the correspondence of
administrative council in the kingdom to bishops and ministers. The other part of
exercise daily supervision. Orders which official publishing was to answer attacks
were not pressed went unheeded by made on policy. Books of this sort were
many. As the bishop of London com- necessary because of the failure of at-
plained about Peter Cartwright's Second tempts to suppress such attacks. They
Admonition to Parliament, the large num- included such things as Bishop Jewel's
ber of copies of this proscribed book cir- Apology for the Church of England and,
culating in London was notorious, yet no significantly, his Defense of the Apology.
one surrendered any into his hands as There was such continual dissension
bidden, and the order to do so had result-
over papal bulls, clerical vestments, the
ed only in the publication of a new perform of the service, etc., that Parker was
sonal attack on him.161 hard put to it to find capable scholars to
Official publication.-As in previous write answers.
reigns, the effort to repress objectionable The stream of publishing in the first
books in the time of Elizabeth was only two decades of Elizabeth's reign certified
a part of the control of publication. a reality which had been growing since
Crown and church also promoted ap- the outbreak of religious dispute over
proved books. The treasury warrants for Luther's theses. Controversy in print was
the royal printers published by Arber a fact of life. Nobody recognized this
among the illustrative documents includ- state of affairs as desirable. Much energy
ed in his edition of the Stationers' regis- was expended in trying to stamp it out,
ters reveal how directly printers were and no one spoke in favor of allowing
employed to supply the need for ap- freedom of belief and expression, but the
proved publications.'62 The printers were shock was wearing off. Bishops even
paid by the sheet to print statutes, proc- talked of ignoring personal attacks and
lamations, and injunctions. They were sometimes questioned whether certain
also reimbursed for the office rent they attacks on doctrine required an answer,
incurred to carry on such work. For other because of their palpable foolishness.
approved books, printers were encour- Perhaps the germ of an idea was sprout-
aged with favorable trading privileges ing that common readers were capable of
and with official incitements to purchase. judging for themselves the wisdom of
Official publishing was twofold. On the arguments advanced in print.
one hand, there was the necessity of de-
CROWN, CHURCH, AND STATIONERS'
veloping an official policy on government
and religion. This led to the publication COMPANY, 1576-86
of legislative and administrative papers An assessment of the role played by
and to the setting-forth of lengthier state-
the Stationers' Company in matters of
ments of policy. Among the latter were license and privilege between 1558 and
books of homilies, an approved transla- 1576 is hampered by a lack of records of
tion of the Bible, liturgical works, cate- the company's activities. Between 1571
chisms, etc. They were labored on with and 1576 even the extant account books
161 Ibid., I, 466. consist only of summary yearly records.
162 INVd., I, 129, 564, 570, 576. Following 1576, however, the account
books resume in greater detail, and the the profits. Or they might illegally print
records of the Court of Assistants of the the privileged books. Perhaps a fourth
Stationers' Company are also avail- course (which they sometimes followed)
able.163 The fuller records supply evi- was also open. They could protest the in-
dence of the increasing importance ac- justice of the patents.
corded to the company by Crown and If the company had much to ask, the
church. members also had something to offer.
There were points of conflict between They were experts with books and print-
the stationers and the state and ecclesi- ing and capable of detecting all sorts of
astical authorities. By terms of its char- irregular printing of interest to the
ter, the Stationers' Company had author- Privy Council. They were organized to
ity over all printing in England, with the exploit this knowledge, as shown by a
right of search anywhere in the kingdom record of September 3, 1576, when
on suspicion that anyone was publishing searchers were appointed by the com-
contrary to its privileges. By the charter, pany to await the call of the master and
no one not a member of the company was wardens to search printing houses. 164
allowed to print except for those who Organized into twelve pairs, the search-
held royal patents. The stationers felt ers were to investigate five points:
their charter had been ineffective in sev- (1) what every printer printed, how
eral ways. First, some London trades- many copies he made of an impression,
men from other companies, appealing to and for whom the copies were made;
the custom of the city and to the Statute (2) the apprentices that each printer
for Artificers, both sold and printed kept; (3) whether he employed anybody
books. Second, the stationers of Oxford who was not an apprentice or a journey-
and Cambridge printed and sold books. man brother; (4) how many journeymen
Third, the royal patents of privilege had he kept in work; and (5) how many
become so extensive that their terms de- presses he had. This was an instrument
prived unprivileged members of the com- for regulation which Mary may have had
pany of any opportunity to print the in mind in chartering the company.
most profitable works. Privileges were Knowledge of what every printer print-
assigned for statutes, common law, ed, how many copies, for whom, and
school books, Bibles, catechisms, prim- with the aid of what persons, would have
ers, music, lined paper, psalms in meter, been a helpful thing to the Privy Council,
and nearly everything that a literate and the stationers were the best-qualified
community regards as necessities of life. men to gather such information.
Deprived of such bread-and-butter In spite of the possibilities for co-oper-
items, the unprivileged stationers had ation, there is no evidence to show that
only three practical courses open to the Stationers' Company and the Privy
them. They might work at wages for the
Council worked toward a common goal
privileged stationers. They might risk a at this time. The stationers were not un-
short book which was not covered in the ruly, but the interests of the two authori-
patents, taking a chance on the sale and ties did not parallel. When the council
was gravely concerned with the importa-
163 London, Stationers' Company, Records oftion
the of Roman Catholic books in 1576
Court of the Stationers' Company, 1576 to 1602, ed.
W. W. Greg and E. Boswell (London: Bibliographi- 164 London, Stationers' Company, Registers, II,
cal Society, 1930). 41.
and 1577, the stationers were petitioning vened in a suit brought against a book
for a redress of grievances caused by the binder who was free of the Fishmongers'
granting of too many royal patents.165 Company, explaining that the Statute of
The council ignored the petition, grant- Artificers requiring a man to be free of
ing John Day a reversion of his patent his trade did not apply to London."68
for the ABC and catechism for his son Thus in two cases the claim of the Sta-
Richard and shortly thereafter patentingtioners' Company to the right of regu-
Christopher Barker for all translations of lating all book trade in England and to
the Bible. When libels continued to ap- require all who followed the trade to be-
pear, che Privy Council ordered the long to the company were denied.
bishop of London to "charge all printers Censorship of books, 1579-83.-The
within the Cittie that they do not printe Privy Council continued to censor books.
anything which hathe not been before One case involved the publication of a
that printed without making him ac- book opposing the queen's projected
quainted therewith, except they shall be marriage to a French duke. The Dis-
warranted thereto either from her Majes- couerie of a Gaping Gulf Whereinto Eng-
tie or from her Privie Councell."'' There land Is Likely to Be Swallowed was pub-
was no mention of dealing officially with lished anonymously in 1579 to protest
the company in such cases, although the that such a marriage foreboded the re-
company was ordered to search for in- turn of England to Roman Catholicism.
fringers of the queen's printer's patents Elizabeth was incensed at such presump-
in 1578. tuousness and issued a proclamation
Other complaints of poor brethren against the book. The council ordered the
over the issue of patents and lack of work mayor of London to assemble the com-
are amply recorded in the Records of the panies to hear the proclamation read and
Court of Assistants, cited previously, and to receive assurances about religion. The
in the illustrative documents accom- clergy was ordered convoked for the
panying the Transcript of the Registers. same purpose. The perpetrators of the
In view of the eventual aims of the com- book were discovered. The author, John
pany, two other cases deserve mention. Stubbs, and the publisher, William Page,
The stationers of London had pursued a each had his right hand stricken off ac-
running feud with the booksellers of Ox- cording to Mary's statute against slan-
ford and Cambridge over the alleged in- dering the queen. The printer, Hugh
fringements of London privileges by the Singleton, was pardoned. The case illus-
university towns. The mayor and the trates the measure of responsibility then
aldermen seized books of the Cambridge leveled on various people engaged in the
booksellers, apparently at the instigation publication of a book.169
of the poor brethren of the stationers, 167 London, Corporation, Analytical Index to the
and an order from the Privy Council was Series of Records Known as the Remembrancia (Lon-
don: E. J. Francis & Co., 1878), pp. 144 45; and
required to restore the confiscated prop-
Acts of the Privy Council, new ser., XI, 144-47.
erty."67 In 1578 Sir William Cecil inter- 168 London, Corporation, Remembrancia, p. 91.
1$6 Acts of the Privy Council, new ser., IX, 248, l69 Cf. Strype, Annals, II, Part II, 232; London,
Corporation, Remembrancia, pp. 29-30; and Ed-
258, 284, 354, 375; and London, Stationers' Com-
mund Grindal, The Remains of Edmund Grindal,
pany, Registers, I, 111.
ed. for the Parker Society by William Nicholson
166 Acts of the Privy Council, new ser., X, 25-26,(Cambridge: At the University Press, 1843), pp.
382. 410-12.
There were other varied attacks on the period, butchered like pigs in a barnyard
established order, and books considered for the public to see. Their books were
to be presumptuous commented on the not utterly destroyed, however. A risky
administration. Elizabeth proclaimed import trade continued, and in 1582 the
against a new religious sect, The Family Roman Catholic translation of the New
of Love, which advanced some Low Testament in English was completed at
Country doctrines, and ordered their Rheims."7'
books destroyed in 1580. William Lam- The struggle for privilege, 1582-86. -
barde, complaining of the frivolity of By 1582 the unprivileged stationers had
cur-
rent publication, presented a bill to Par- added to their number some unruly
liament for the restraint of printing. He brethren, notably Roger Ward and a
proposed a commission composed of fishmonger, John Wolfe, who had served
London officials, ecclesiastics, and law- an apprenticeship to John Day. They did
yers to license everything printed, wheth- not stop at making complaints and peti-
er old or new. In 1581 the Privy Council tions against the patentees. Although
reprimanded Arthur Hall for his printing complaints and countercomplaints, suits
five years earlier of a book about the pro- and petitions, were numerous, the rebels
ceedings of Parliament. In June, 1583, boldly seized the initiative in wholesale
Elizabeth ordered the books of Robert piracy of privileged works. Star Chamber
Browne and Richard Harrison burned for cases indicated that they pirated as many
Puritan leanings.'70 as 45,000 copies of John Day's ABC's
Overshadowing other books in the and Catechism. Wolfe used daring lan-
concern of the council were the Roman guage, asserting his right to print any
Catholic publications. The English Jesuit lawful book, notwithstanding any com-
college in France contributed to the sup- mandment of the queen. While the basis
ply of such books. The bishop of London of this resistance was commercial and in-
apprehended William Carter at a secret volved disputes about the ownership of
Catholic press in 1579; apparently, the books rather than about their contents,
discovery was made through the assist- it was the first instance when native
ance of the Stationers' Company. In 1580 English printers stood fast and pro-
the company made a search for John claimed their right to print anything that
Newman's press, from which a pamphlet regulations denied them.172
supporting the pope had come. In 1581 Such disorder was forced on the atten-
Robert Parsons, the Jesuit, was in Eng- tion of the Privy Council. Thus the coun-
land, serving Catholic believers and oper- cil in 1582 appointed two commissioners
ating two secret presses. Relentless in to investigate printing. When the dis-
pursuit of these rebels, the council exam-
171 Cf. Acts of the Privy Council, new set., XIII,
ined various people under torture and 35-38, 98, 149-54, 170-71, 264, 301; A. J. Hawkes,
succeeded in arresting the leaders and "The Birchley Hall Secret Press," Library, 4th
ser., VII (September, 1926), 137-83; London, Cor-
discovering the presses they used. Ed-
poration, Remembrancia, pp. 30-32; and London,
mund Campion, William Carter, Alexan- Stationers' Company, Registers, II, 749-50.
der Brian, and Roger Sherwin were 172 Documents connected with these cases are
executed in the barbarous manner of the printed in the Transcripts of the Register, and the
Records of the Court of Assistants deal frequently
170 Cf. Wilkins, op. cit., IV, 297; London, Sta- with the cases. Cyril B. Judge has contributed an
tioners' Company, Registers, I, 502, II, 751-53; and analysis and reproduced many documents not else-
Acts of the Privy Council, new ser., XIII, 9. where available in his Elizabethan Book Pirates.
orders continued, the council appointed authority to grant copyrights and to en-
a new commission, headed by John force them with the right of search and
Aylmer, bishop of London, in 1583. The confiscation.
second commission reported in June and This order did not satisfy the rebels.
July of the same year. There were at that Seven patentees surrendered eighty-five
time twenty-three printing houses in copies in January, 1584, but only one of
London using fifty-three presses. Of the those surrendered had ever been thought
fifteen printers with more than one valuable enough to pirate. During the
press, John Day, the patentee, and John next two years, thirteen men were sued
Wolfe, the unruly fishmonger, had the for pirating books, particularly the ABC
largest plants, with five presses each. and Catechism, primers, psalters, and
These are small figures as compared with grammars. Their defense was simply that
contemporary Continental printing cen- of the right to work. After spending
ters such as Antwerp and Nuremberg, eight years as an apprentice and another
but the commission agreed with the five as a journeyman, one defendant ar-
privileged printers that a major source of gued that he had a right to pnrnt such
the trouble was too many presses, and it books as were lawful. Another com-
was recommended that the Stationers' plained that the printing of unprivileged
Company be empowered to forbid the es- books would not "suffice to maynteyne
tablishment of additional ones, requiring the printers not pryveledged and their
printers ambitious for their own shops to famylies ... with bread and water."'173
wait until a printing master died or re- After five years of unremitting attack,
signed and his place was vacant. The the patentees in May, 1586, appealed to
patentees were upheld, the commission- the Privy Council to take some measure
ers asserting that the effect of privileges for the reformation of the disorders in
had been to insure good type, sufficient printing. The measure taken was the
householders to employ journeymen, and Star Chamber Decree for Order in Print-
the printing of needed books. Some rec- ing of June 23, 1586.17"
ommendations were made to mitigate the The Star Chamber decree. -Charging in
hardship wrought by privileges on poor the preamble to the decree that printing
printers. It was recommended that each abuses abounded, were on the increase,
printer be required to hire one journey- and resulted in intolerable disturbances
man for every apprentice. It was recom- in church and state, the Court of Star
mended further that such general patents Chamber proposed a remedy in nine ar-
as that of Marshe and Vautrollier for ticles, as follows: (1) A report was to be
school books be restricted to specific made of all printing presses in the realm,
titles and that, except for service books, and no new press was to be established
no more such general patents be awarded. without reporting to the master and
Finally, the commissioners suggested wardens of the Stationers' Company.
that the Stationers' Company make a (2) Except for one press at each of the
charitable order for the poor with the two universities, printing was restricted
patentees, surrendering some of their to London and its suburbs. (3) To dimin-
copies for the relief of unprivileged ish and regulate the number of printing
brethren. For the rest, unprivileged
173 London, Stationers' Company, Registers, II,
printing, the commissioners supported 800-804.
the Stationers' Company as the proper 174 Ibid., II, 807-12, text.
presses allowed in London, it was ordered Stationers' Company. It is a distinctive

that any press established in the preced- decree, however, because it so clearly
ing six months be destroyed. When an es- states this philosophy and outlines the de-
tablished printer died or yielded his tails of its administration. There may
press, the archbishop of Canterbury and seem to be a softened approach, despite
the bishop of London might notify the the general rigor of the decree, in the
Stationers' Company to elect a new punishments for violation of the articles.
printer to the vacancy. (4) All books but Instead of fire, rope, or axe, the station-
lawbooks had to be licensed by Canter- ers were threatened with prison and the
bury or London, with lawbooks done es- sanctions of trade. The appropriateness
pecially for the queen licensed by the of similar penalties for tradesmen had
chief justices. Patent infringement and been suggested by Henry VIII. Their in-
publishing without license were both corporation in the decree was in part a
strictly forbidden. (5) Binders connected recognition that the stationers were not
with illegal publication were to be im- zealots inclined to disturb the peace for
prisoned for three months. (6) The Sta- the sake of an idea but that they were
tioners' Company was granted specific tradesmen seeking a livelihood.
powers of search and seizure in cases of
SOME CONCLUSIONS
illegal books and the obligation to send
offenders before the high commission for The foregoing account has been based
judgment. (7) The searchers had power on the regulations framed by the church,
to seize and destroy printing equipment. the state, and the Stationers' Company
(8) The number of apprentices allowed of London relating to the book trade in
stationers was regulated according to London between 1357 and 1586. In spite
their rank in the company. And (9) the of the irregularity of record-keeping and
university printers were restricted to one preservation for the earlier part of the
apprentice and two journeymen each. period, it seems reasonable to conclude
Appropriate prison terms were provided that these three agencies were alert
for offenders against articles. One of the throughout the period to regulate the
most notable features of the penalties London book trade with both license and
was the denial of bail; much of the pirat- trading privilege and that these two as-
ing had been done by men out on bail. pects of control were recognized through-
Printing in violation of a patent of privi- out the period.
lege was made as serious a crime as A second conclusion is that the efforts
printing proscribed books-the punish- to regulate the London book trade sprang
ment for either being total expulsion entirely from a tradition of restraint. The
from the printing trade and imprison- rulers feared the power of the book to
ment for six months. bring about social change and sought to
The ideas in this decree were not new. control it by suppressing all books op-
The decree was rather a reaffirmation of posed to their official point of view, es-
the Tudor philosophy of book control. pecially promoting books which ex-
This was a philosophy of complete cen- pressed that view and restricting book-
sorship under the supervision of the high-making to a selected group of men who
est ecclesiastics and complete trade con- could be counted on not to publish
trol through patents of privilege and the against the official view. There was no
protest against this as a principle, al- lards were more easily suppressed. Per-
though many objected to restrictions haps the largest number of objectionable
which hindered them personally. books were imported from beyond the
A third conclusion is that, in spite of sea. (5) Political and ecclesiastical lead-
the universal acceptance of the tradition ers began to lose resolution after years of
of restraint as the proper basis for regu- struggle. There were changes in policy at
lating the book trade, the principle could the very top, especially between reigns.
not be applied with complete success. Bishops became weary of replying and
Not even the Lollards were completely censoring. Penalties for unauthorized
crushed, and the failure of restraints publication became lighter and were less
after 1520 are notorious. Certain factors rigorously applied. (6) The program for
are identifiable as contributing to this restraint lacked an efficient bureaucracy
failure: (1) Strong allegiance to a belief in the sixteenth century. Such adminis-
can endow a man with a will to resist as- trative systems as existed were disrupted
saults on it that is hardly predictable on by changes in reigns and policies. Too
purely rational grounds. Many men much depended on the highest officers of
knowingly risked the most terrifying church and state to permit an efficient
death in order to give voice or pen to daily censoring of books. (7) Paradoxi-
such a belief. (2) Such is the general na- cally, the stationers' overwhelming con-
ture of reading and writing that dedicat- cern with the business of publishing may
ed amateurs can find some means to have militated toward a greater variety
make and disperse books without being of opinion in print than was generally
professional bookmen. The professional acknowledged as desirable. The Privy
stationer, interested chiefly in the suc- Council feared that men who could find
cess of his business, seldom engaged in nothing else profitable to print might
the trade of proscribed books. (3) Print- turn to heretical and seditious books.
ing or, more generally, a new and more This fear prompted the limitation of the
efficient method of book production number of presses in the Star Chamber
found the techniques of restraint lagging Decree of 1586. Such a measure in the
far behind. (4) Allied with printing, the decree is evidence that the council
Continental asylum for dissident Eng- thought that competition and the profit
lishmen increased the difficulties of re- motive tended toward a greater freedom
straining publication. The friendless Lol- of expression in publishing.

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Regulations Relating to the Book Trade in London from 1357 to 1586

Author(s): Howard W. Winger

REGULATIONS RELATING TO THE BOOK TRADE

'7 2 Henry IV, c. 15. 21 Raphael Holinshed, Chronicles of England,

Crown.22 In 1416 the archbishop of Can- THE GROWTH OF PRINTING, 1477-1519

terbury, Henry Chichesly, issued an in-

28 1 Richard III, c. 9. mercial entrepreneurs eager to exploit a

29 3 Henry VII, c. 9. 32A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave (comps.),

43 London, Stationers' Company, op. cit., I, xxi,

*9 Church of England, op. cit., II, 109 n.

chastity, (5) the

82 Gilbert Burnet, The History of the Reformation 84 35 Henry VIII, c. 1.

on) over the meaning offor license

Richard Grafton.93 Wolfe was appointed Nazianzen, Jerome, Ambrose, Chrysos-

96 Church of England, op. cit., II, 107-13. 98 2 and 3 Edward VI, c. 1.

publication was therefore urgent. With Enforcement of restrictions.-The

banned the importation of a long list of privileged to print. In March, 1555/6,

land under the terms of the

Company whatever licensing authority permit a much clearer picture of the

presses allowed in London, it was ordered Stationers' Company. It is a distinctive

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