Name: Hanifah (15/383961/SA/18068)

The “ethnic” in Indonesia’s communal conflicts: Violence in Ambon, Poso and Sambas

This article gives opinion about communal violence in Ambon, Poso and Sambas from a
comparative perspective. At 1998, Indonesia upsurge in Islamist, separatist and communal
violence. All three conflict in Ambon, Poso and Sambas had multiple causes: ethnic, religious,
political, social and economic. In all three conflicts there were clear links between the violence
and local politics both in terms of timing and mobilization. This article examines the “ethnic”
dimension from a comparative perspective, starting with the question of whether the Ambon and
Poso conflicts were indeed less ethnic than Sambas. Ethnic refers to the identity markers of a
particular suku such as adat as well as common ancestry, culture, history, and beliefs. The analysis
of ethnic dimension focuses on (1) ethnic causes, (2) ethnic narratives and (3) ethnic violence.

Ethnic Causes

The inmigration of other ethnic groups changed the demographic balance leading to (a) the
marginalization of the indigenous, (b) resulted in the loss of ancestral land, and (c) eroded local
customary adat structures.

The loss of adat land had a traumatic impact on the indigenous communities in both Central
Sulawesi and West Kalimantan as land was intrinsically connected to the ancestral religions. In
these animistic belief systems soil, trees, plants, stones, and rivers were imbued with spirits living
in harmony with man, constituting a greater whole. Nature and resources were not economic
assests and not subordinate to man but existed in harmony. This interconnectedness with the land
had not changed when the Pamona, Lore, and Mori had become Protestants or when the Dayak
had become Catholics. The land was still considered sacral. It was the ‘proof of the existence of
their ancestors before them, a base on which to continue life at present, a future heirloom to be
handed down to the next generation.

While the loss of ancestral lands was central only to the growing ethnic tensions in West
Kalimantan and Central Sulawesi, the ‘loss’ of adat or violation of adat played a key role in the
eruption of violence in all three conflicts. During the New Order local adat was systematically
undermined by the state’s nation-building efforts through centralization, ‘uniformisation’ and
bringing all constituent elements of the Indonesian nation in line with the New Order’s national
imaginary, which had a Javanese and modern face. The policy which had the greatest impact on
local adat was Law on Village Governance. Its purpose was to standardize village government
across the archipelago as well as to replace ‘outdated’ traditional village systems with a modern
one. This was detrimental for the vast majority of cummunities in Indonesia as this legislation was
not ethnically neutral; it imposed the Javanese system, as the chosen model, on non-Javanese areas.
As can be seen, Ambon, Poso and Sambas conflicts clearly drew upon ‘ethnic’ grievances resulting
from in-migration, the loss of ancestral land, and the erosion or violation of local adat in the years
preceding the violence. The cumulative effect was a direct cultural ot ethnic threat which was a
key cause of all three conflicts.

Ethnic Violence

To assess the extent to which the violence in Ambon, Poso and Sambas was ethnic it is
useful to look at the targets, the motivation and the modus operandi. In all three conflicts there
was ethnic targeting. (1) In Ambon conflict this was most visible during the first few days when,
in the context of the broader conflict in which violence was perpetrated against both Christians
and Muslims, Christian Ambonese systematically attacked the BBM. (2) Ethnic targeting also
occurred in the Poso conflict, in this case by both indigenous and migrants. In first two phases (24-
29 December 1998 and 15-20 April 2000) street battles were fought between the migrant Bugis
residents of Kayamanya and the Pamona and Mori residents of the Sayo and Lombogia
neighbourhoods of Poso city. The thirs phase in May-June 2000, was an organized and planned
attack by the Pamona. (3) The Sambas conflict, too, saw ethnic targeting. The conflict erupted
when some 200 Madurese attacked the Malay village of Paretsetia over the detention of a
Madurese who had been caught burgling a house the previous day. The reasons for targeting the
Madurese in Sambas shared many similarities with reasons for targeting migrants in Poso and
Ambon: economic competition , disrespect of local adat, usurpation of indigenous land.
 Conflict Narratives: Ethnic VS Religious

The violence which erupted in Poso, Ambon and Sambas in 1998/1999 clearly had an
ethnic dimension as the above demonstrates. It also, had a religious dimension. The ethnic
narrative appealed for three key reasons: (1) First, it more accurately reflected the multiple
grievances and complex causes of the conflicts rather than reducing them to religion as the sole
factor. (2) Second, it allowed the Christians to frame their fears with respect to the Islamic
resurgence in a way they believed would not upset indigenous Muslims with whom relations were
largely harmonious, aided by the fact that they had a shared local history, culture, and even
ancestors. (3) Third, it allowed them to put forward their grievances in a neutral way in country in
which the Islamisation had considerably narrowed the space for Christians to advance a religious
narrative as many Muslims associated Christians not just with colonial history but the more recent
appearance of aggressive evangelical missionaries and the policies of ‘western imperialists”.

Conclusion

More generally, the comparison of these three conflicts has shown the impact and
importance of national and even global dynamics on the shaping of local conflict narratives as well
as why some narratives have historical durability. It has also illustrated that narratives, particularly
in protracted, on-going conflicts are often reframed to reflect development on the ground or
strategic needs, resulting in the emergence of a particular narrative even when a different one was
equally valid. And finally, it has been demonstrated that the competing interests of the actors result
in a contest of narrative framing. It is this area which has considerable scope for further research
by delving more deeply into the question of which actors get to frame or reframe the narrative,
which ones are excluded from the process and why.