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Barbarians"
Author(s): Troy Urquhart
Source: Twentieth Century Literature, Vol. 52, No. 1 (Spring, 2006), pp. 1-21
Published by: Hofstra University
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20479751 .
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TroyUrquhart
I never wished it for the barbarians that they should have the
history of Empire laid upon them.
-J. M. Coetzee (WaitingfortheBarbarians151)
Literature
Twentieth-Century 52.1 Spring 2006 1
The justice that theTRC seeks for South Africa does not attempt to heal
the victim at the expense of the perpetrator.Rather, theTRC's goal is to
heal the perpetrator alongside the victim, tomake the perpetrator a viable
part of a new South African society that values both the victim and the
perpetrator equally.According to the Promotion of National Unity and
Reconciliation Act of 1995, the legislation that established theTRC, its
stated purpose is fourfold.' First, theTRC is charged with creating "as
complete a picture as possible" of the atrocities of apartheid by recording
both "the perspectives of the victims and themotives and perspectives of
the persons responsible" for those atrocities. Second, theTRC serves to
facilitate the "granting of amnesty" to thosewho "make full disclosure"of
their involvement in human rights violations.Third, theTRC is to restore
the "human and civil dignity" of the victims of atrocities "by granting
them an opportunity to relate their own accounts" and "by recommend
ing reparationmeasures." Finally, theTRC is to construct a narrative of
apartheidbased on its findings thatprovides "ascomprehensive an account
as possible" and recommends "measures to prevent the future violations
of human rights" (2.3.1).Although part of its task is tomake recommen
dations about reparations, theTRC's primary concern is to foster social
healing that reconciles the divisions in South African society and allows
it to carry on as a unified state.This social healing, in theTRC's view,
constitutes justice, a new type ofjustice thatArchbishop Desmond Tutu,
the chair of theTRC, terms "restorativejustice" (54).2
Clearly, part of Tutu's goal in pursuing restorative justice is to avoid
the violence historically inherent both in the traditional exacting of
justice and in decolonization. TheWretched of theEarth, Frantz Fanon's
manifesto forAfrican revolution, declares that "decolonization is always
a violent phenomenon" (35), and it is this violence thatTutu fears.3He
claims that"Wemake themistake of conflating all justice into retributive
justice,whereas there is something called restorativejustice, and this is the
justice we have chosen" (qtd. inRyan). The central concern of this type
of justice, asTutu defines it, is
the healing of breaches, the redressingof imbalances, the restora
tion of broken relationships, a seeking to rehabilitateboth the
victim and the perpetrator,who should be given the opportu
nity to be reintegrated into the community he has injured by his
offense. (54-55)
Tutu's goal of restoring "broken relationships" implies an Edenic South
African past. It romantically suggests both that a return to this prelapsar
ian state is possible and that such a return can come about through the
TRC's work. Describing thiswork as "restorative,"then, is an attempt to
revise the history of South Africa and thereby to revise public opinion
about the South African state itself.
Narrative can help cure trauma,of course, but the victim whom
theTRC is attempting to heal is not the individual traumatized under
apartheid but the South African state.While we should surely draw a
distinction between the present South African government and its op
pressive predecessor,we should also acknowledge that the former oppres
sors in South Africa still hold a significant portion of the nation's capital,
and that an attempt to redistribute this capitalwould risk inverting the
old hierarchy.The new South African government thus redefines justice
as "restorative" rather than retributive or reparative to avoid becoming
another version of the hierarchal political system it is replacing. In this
light, theTRC's primary task, to "promote national unity and reconcili
ation," is telling, for it suggests thatwhat theTRC is establishingwith
its restorative justice is the power and political legitimacy of the South
anchored in his search for knowledge about the experience of the victims
of Empire. He collects artifacts of those silenced by Empire, fragments
of their experiences, and even though he cannot read them, his desire
to oppose the Empire by giving a voice to the oppressed is so intense
that,when given the opportunity, he pretends to construct their history.
Gallagher's description of theMagistrate as a "father-interpreter"who
can give the absent voice of the victim a "temporary presence" (285) sug
gests the hope that restorativejusticewill work, that justicewill prevail in
South Africa, yet it accounts for neither the investment of theMagistrate
in his own act of interpretation nor the impossibility of his accurately
interpreting the voice of the oppressed.
In attempting to speak for the barbarians, what the Magistrate
achieves isnot reparationbut penance, not justice but justification of his
own complicity in the atrocities of Empire.6 He wants to believe he is
motivated by a desire to serve justice but does not acknowledge the desire
to expunge his own guilt. In imagining that he can read the fragmentary
evidence of Empire's victims and in attempting to read themark of Em
pire on the body of the barbariangirl he prostitutes, he confuses penance
with reparation, confuses his desire to heal himself with a desire to heal
the victims. As he seeks restorative rather than retributive justice, he sup
presses his own complicity in the violent oppression of others.
10
with the barbarian girl, theMagistrate claims his motives are honorable:
"Iwanted to do what was right, Iwanted tomake reparation: Iwill not
deny thisdecent impulse,howevermixed with more questionablemotives:
theremust alwaysbe a place for penance and reparation" (79).
Although theMagistrate's "questionablemotives" may be interpreted
as including his muted and largely impotent sexual fascinationwith the
girl, they also include his desire to save himself from the shame of his
involvement in theworkings of Empire.When thrown in prison, at first
he feels elated because he believes that his "alliancewith the guardians
of the Empire is over" (76) (recallingHenry David Thoreau's view that
"[u]nder a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for
a justman is also a prison" [859]), yet he quickly understands that his op
position to the Empire is not based on principle but rather on thewish
that it could be based on principle: "In my opposition there is nothing
heroic-let me not for an instant forget that" (77).He wants to be the
"One JustMan" of Empire, but he sees that his treatment of the barbar
ians,while different in intention, is not so different in effect from the
treatment they receive at the hands ofJoll. Early on, as he first faces the
physicalmark of Empire, themark on the body leftby torture,he entreats
a boy takenprisoner by Colonel Joll to confess:"Listen:you must tell the
officer the truth.That is all he wants to hear from you-the truth.Once
he is sureyou are telling the truth he will not hurt you. But you must tell
him everything you know" (7).Although he intends to help the boy, and
although he tries to speak to him from a position other than the Empire's,
he almost immediately recognizes that he is as involved in the torture of
this boy, in the process of exacting truth, asJoll is.He "cannot pretend to
be any better than amother comforting a child between his father's spells
of wrath," and he recognizes that "an interrogator can wear two masks,
speakwith two voices, one harsh, one seductive" (7).Later,he reahzes that
he is "the lie thatEmpire tells itselfwhen times are easy; [Joll] the truth
thatEmpire tellswhen harshwinds blow."He and Joll are "[t]wo sides of
imperial rule, no more, no less" (133).The Magistrate, the old man who
serves aspeacetime governor for this town, recognizes that in spite of his
best intentions and his desire to be a just leader,his voice is the seductive
side of the voice of torture, and his speech serves the Empire whose acts
of violence he detests.
In the face of his own complicity, he begins to confuse justice with
penance; he confuses his desire to save the victim of Empire with his de
11
12
13
14
15
oncile opposing parties, but they can be less interested in healing victims
than in preserving the stability of the state that committed or condoned
the actions they now condemn. The remembering undertaken through
restorative justice becomes away to demonstrate the state'smoral legiti
macy. It confuses penance with reparation,and it gives the victims a voice
primarily to legitimize the power of government. Restorative justice is
finally not about the victim but about restoration of the state.
Notes
1. South Africa's Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act of 1995
establishes the TRC and charges itwith the following task:
ing which transcends the conflicts and divisions of the past by?
(b) facilitating the granting of amnesty to persons who make full dis
closure of all the relevant facts to acts associated with a
relating political
a as an account as pos
(d) compiling report providing comprehensive
sible of the activities and findings of the Commission contemplated
in paragraphs (a), (b) and (c), and which contains recommendations of
measures to prevent the future violations of human rights. (2.3.1)
2. Some writers have the of truth to serve as For
challenged ability justice.
instance, Suzanne observes that even "the believers say that truth
Daley though
is at least half of justice," truth commissions do not provide justice but rather
serve in its stead when retributive justice would be politically too difficult for
16
justice in South Africa as "schizophrenia" and remarks that "[t]ruth, not justice,
is the best new South Africa can offer."
The restorative justice that the TRC seeks through the exposure of truth
should be contrasted to both retributive justice and reparative justice. Retribu
tive justice, grounded in ideas descended from Hammurabi's code, would de
mand a to or in excess of the crime. In and
punishment comparable Disdpline
Punish, Foucault observes that this type of punishment evolved into a political
ritual inwhich the crime was often theatrically reproduced on the body of
the perpetrator in "a not of measure, but of imbalance and excess"
spectacle
(49) in order to redress both the wrong done to the victim and the affront
to the person of the who embodies the law. Reparative on
sovereign, justice,
the other hand, is concerned not with the proverbial for an
extracting "eye
from the perpetrator but with demanding another form of
eye" compensation
from the perpetrator for the victim that does not
repays?but reproduce?the
crime. As noted above, the TRC does include the establishment of reparations
as one of its objectives, but its pursuit of reparative justice is clearly secondary
to its pursuit of restorative justice, inwhich the narration of the truth about
the crime reconciles victim and perpetrator, both parties
supposedly restoring
to their former, status.
precrime
3. A 1996 Finandal Times article quotes Tutu's statement that "if justice alone
were allowed to take its course, the country would be reduced to ashes" ("For
giving").
5. Even then, of course, we are not the voice of the barbarian victim,
hearing
but aWestern
interpretation ofthat voice. As Iwill argue, this is not necessarily
a or accurate
meaningful representation.
6. In Complidties, Mark Sanders points out: "The duty to speak out is linked
with awill or desire not to be an accomplice" (4).
17
9. Sanders notes that in speaking for the victims of Empire, "there is always,
a contamination of the other with an other"
necessarily, (17).
10. In John 13.4?5, Jesus "rose from supper, laid aside his garments, and girded
himself with a towel. Then he water into a basin, and to wash
poured began
the disciples' feet, and to wipe them with the towel with which he was girded"
(
Oxford Annotated Bible).
18
wet his feet with her tears, and wiped them with the hair of her head,
and kissed his feet, and anointed them with the ointment.
(OxfordAnnotated Bible)
After "the ritual of the washing" inWaiting for theBarbarians, theMagistrate
"rub[s] her body with almond oil" (30).
12. Foucault 's of government-sponsored torture in and Pun
analysis Disdpline
ish asserts that in systems of punishment "it is always the body that is at issue,"
that punishment is "situated in a certain 'political economy' of the body," and
that the "power relations" of a society "have an immediate hold upon [the
body]; they invest it, mark it, train it, torture it, force it to carry out tasks, to
only would this understanding allow him to speak for the barbarian girl, but it
would also allow him to know something about the power of the government
he serves and about the crimes for which he needs to be redeemed.
I am indebted toRobin Blyn and Katherine Romack for their careful readings
and which this essay. Many thanks also to Mary
provocative questions, inspired
Lowe-Evans and the department of English at the University of West Florida
for their support of my work, and to the editors of Twentieth-Century Literature
Works cited
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Braid, Africa Buries Its Past." 23 Oct. 1996, essay sec:
Mary."South Independent
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Daley, Suzanne. "Bitter Medicine: Settling for Truth in the Quest for Justice."
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Gallagher, Susan VanZanten. "Torture and the Novel: J.M. Coetzee's Waiting for
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