The following are different types of traditional voluntary local self-governance of different caste

and ethnic groups; Grassroots Democracy of the Syangtan: Posang [1]

Posang is one of the best example of democracy voluntarily practiced by indigenous peoples is
that of the Syangtan (Panch Gaule), one of 61 indigenous nationalities of Nepal. They live in the
southern part, few hundred meters away at the south-west of the Jhongsamba ("Jomsom")
airport, of the Mustang District. The total number of households and population has always been
very low, that is about 100 households. Each and every Syangtan household automatically
becomes member of the Village Assembly called Yhul Jhompa. The whole community is divided
in two phajan or groups, the big group (phajan thyowa) and (phajan cyanpa), with different
clans. The Village Assembly meets every two years. Each group meets in separate but
adjoining courtyards. Each and every household must take responsibility of headmen sooner or
later. Aliens or non-Syangtan people may reside in the village but they can not take part in the
Village Assembly.
During the Village Assembly, each group elects headman for the other group from among the
households who have volunteered to take the responsibility for the next two years. As stones
are used as ballots, the candidates who receive maximum number of stones are declared
elected. The announcement is made during the after lunch plenary. Between the two headmen
elected, whoever is elder becomes thyumi thyowa (senior headman) and junior thyumi cyangpa
(junior headman). Headmen take oath at the end of the tenure. According to Vinding
(1998:255), "The outgoing headmen take an oath (kyang chinpa) by placing a hand on a
religious text and promising that they have not done anything wrong during their tenure." During
the plenary the outgoing headmen are kept locked in adjoining rooms and public auditing is
done by the plenary. If the members have any complain against wrong doings by the headmen,
these issues would be thoroughly discussed and if found guilty they determine punishment
accordingly. Then only the headmen are brought back to plenary, charged with the wrong
doings, declared punishments and they are given an opportunity to defend themselves. If the
plenary should still find them guilty, they would be punished—theoretically it may be as extreme
as a death punishment, that is, put in a sack and throw in the nearby Kaligandaki river.
The Assembly also meets every year to appoint village workers and every three-year to take
Census of the community. The community members are divided in three groups based on age
groups. The headmen along with village workers are responsible for everything of the
community, including agriculture, irrigation, pasture, food security, animal husbandry, marriage,
festivals, worship, justice, and so on.
During the autocratic partyless Panchayat rule, the imposition of local bodies such as the Village
Panchayat and after the re-establishment of multi-party political system in 1990 the Village
development Committee (VDC), traditional voluntary organizations such as Posang has been
marginalized.
Bheja [2]
Bheja is a multipurpose voluntary organization of the Magars of Western Nepal. One or more
than one community may forma a Bheja. Each household of the community becomes member.
If a member does not attend a puja (worship) organized by the Bheja, the member is either
suspended or purged (Dhakal 1996:40). There are different types of Bheja which includes
Susupak Bheja ("General Assembly"), Riti-Thiti-Baslane-Bheja ("Rules and regulation
establishment") and Chandi Bheja ("Discussion about Villagers' Concerns"). Bheja is headed by
an elected Mukhiya and religious activities are taken care by Poojari. Bheja performs many
functions that pertain to religion, agriculture, resource management, entertainment, and conflict
management. Although Bheja has begun disappearing, Dhakal (1996:48) writes, "All, however,
is not lost yet. Revival and renovation can still put back life into this time-honored institution."
Land Management: Kipat [3]
Land, water, forest, and pasture are life and blood of indigenous peoples. Mahesh Chandra
Regmi (1998:534) writes, "Land is held on a tribal, village, kindred or family basis, and
individuals have definite rights in this land by virtue of their membership in the rlevant social
unit. Hence, title to land has a communal character and it is usufructuary, rather than absolute."
Regmi (1978:538) writes, "the Indo-Aryans have migrated from the Indian plains to the south
and from the sub-Himalayan hill areas to the west of Nepal, it is also probable that the Kipat
system in its present form is a relic of the customary land tenure that the Mongolian
communities established in the areas occupied by them prior to Indo-Aryan penetration."
According to Mahesh Chandra Regmi (1998:88), the Kipat owning communities included Limbu,
Rai, Majhiya, Bhote, Yakha, Tamang, Hayu, Chepang, Baramu, Danuwar, Sunuwar, Kumhal,
Pahari, Thami, Sherpa, Majhi, and Lepcha. However, the State reconfirmed "traditional customs
and privileges" in 1961 but Kipat was abolished, that is turned into Raikar, through back door in
the name of land reform in 1968.
"Although we have conquered your country by dint of our valor, we have afforded you and your
kinsmen protection. We hereby pardon all of your crimes, and confirm all the customs and
traditions, rights and privileges of your country. . . . Enjoy the land from generation to
generation, as long as it remains in existence. . . . In case we confiscate your lands . . . may our
ancestral gods destroy our kingdom." (Regmi 1978:540).
Regmi has quoted Prithvi Narayan Shah swearing for destruction of the "kingdom" but in Nepali
text made public by Mr. Bir Nembang, the leader of the Limbuan Liberation Front, the swearing
is for the destruction of the "descent." It may be merely a coincidence that King Birendra's
desecent was destroyed indeed on June 1, 2001.
The main actors of the Kipat system were Subba, Karta, Karbari, Budhauli, Bhaiyad, Thari and
Raiti/Sukumbasi. The main activities included tax collection, settlement (Raiti basaune), land
translator, dispute resolution, distribution natural resources/ management, legal
(dejure/defaeto), chardam/ kharchari (Raiti, Subba relation), thekibethi/ beth/ begar, bhag /
bandhaki (bad / badkara), chhinti / pharse / rajinama (16 ane / damasahi/ tiro ), hale / kodale (
raikar) and occupational tiro.
Forest Management: Mirchang of Marphalis [4]
Mirchang (the Committee of 15 Members) is a traditional voultary organization of the Marhpatan
(Pacnhgaule), one of the indigenous nationalities of Nepal. They live in the southern part of
Mustang adjoining the Thakalis of further south. They are divided into four clans: Hirachan,
Lalchan, Pannachan and Juharchan. More than 100 households are in Marpha.
Mirchang's main responsibility is management of natural resources, including forest. All four
clan groups are equally represented in Mirchang. As forest is very precious for these people,
Mirchang makes rules and regulations concerning the use of the forest. No one can enter forest
without its permission. They have authority to fine if members violate rules. They are supervised
by the Village Headman. If they too violate rules, headman is authorized to carry out
investigation. Village headman, just like in Syang, take oath at the end of his tenure. Mirchang
used to function well even without any written laws, rules and regulations. According to Dr.
Sumitra Manandhar-Gurung (2000), Mirchang was "weakened and lost" after implementation of
much publicized but failed USAID funded project called Resource Conservation and Utilization
Project (RCUP) in 1978.
Economic Management: Dhikur [5]
Dhikur originated with the three indigenous nationalities, namely, Thakalis, Gurungs and Bhotes
of the western mountain and Hill. Dhikur has been a prime example of voluntary credit
associations that has sustained for centuries and still continue to expand to other different
communities, including the Dalits and professional groups, including teachers. It is estimated
that the volume of transaction exceeds transactions through banking system. One may compare
Dhikur with the western credit card system, the former is informal and group-trust based while
the latter is formal and high-tech based.
Dhikur actually originated with the collection of food grains but it has turned into a mechanism to
raise capital for investment in trade and business. Traditionally, relatives of an individual who
desperately need some capital to run a business becomes ghopa and find out interested
relatives and other community members to participate in the Dhikur. Within few days, organizer
finds out enough number of participants to raise enough capital. If the number of interested
volunteers are many, the amount of installment would be less and if the number is less the
amount would be high. They volunteer group may meet at certain specified interval of time, say
for example, every month. Every month each volunteer deposit money and all money collected
would be given to one of the participants, first with the most needy ones. The interest rate is low
compared to profit made after its investment. As the turn completes the volunteer Dhikur group
automatically terminates.
Thus, Ghopa (Coordinator) invite members, call meetings, keep records, collect installments,
distribute the fund, collect fines, settle disputes and make the Dhikur a success. Close relatives,
other relatives, friends, and acquaintances are invited for membership. Jamani (Guarantor)
functions as collateral. The size and amount of Dhikur differs from one Dhikur to another but in
each Dhikur both are fixed. Those who get funds pay shiku (interest). The order of recipient of
the fund is determined by giving first turn to the organizer (ghopa) and the subsequent funds to
needy shareholders or whoever is lucky to win lottery or open bidding or closed bidding. Each
constellation of Dhikur terminates with end of the cycle. New constellations of Dhikurs with new
members are created. It goes on and on.
Agriculture Management: Chaatis Mauja Irrigation System of the Tharus [6]
The Tharus who lived in the Chatis Mauja area in Rupandehi district had developed a voluntary
irrigation system about 150 years ago. Until the fifties it was owned and controlled by the
Tharus. As hill to Terai migration became intensified since the sixties and Butwal and Bhairawa
became trading centers, many hill caste and ethnic groups migrated to this area. Thus the
Chatis Mauja irrigation system has now been run and controlled by mixed groups. After 1979
the rules and regulations has been formalized. The entire activities concerning operation and
maintenance of the irrigation system are done by the villagers themselves.
At the grass roots level, groups are formed with 2-5 members. They elect a headman (these
days the position is referred to as Chairperson) of the irrigation system is called Mukhtiyar in
annual meetings for one year. They also elect vice-chairperson and nine regional members.
Two Meth Mukhtiyars, a Secretary and two messengers are appointed by the committee.
The Committee decides rules and implements accordingly. The Committee is responsible for
water distribution, labor contribution, and other needed works.
Prof. Norman Uphoff (1986) has cited Chattis Mauja Iirrigation Sytem as one of the four best
model of irrigation system in the world.
Labor Management: Parma/Nogyar/Porima
Voluntary labor organization called Nogyar by the Gurungs, Porima by the Limbus and Parma
by the caste groups are most ubiquitous in the Hills. It basically a reciprocal labor exchange
system used mostly during peak agricultural season. The basis of recruitment, according to
Messerschimdt (1981:43), includes neighborhood, gender, age, clan and moiety.
Socio-cultural Forum: Khel [7]
Khel is a voluntary social organization of the Tharus of mid-western Terai region of Nepal. Many
Tharus are not aware about such organization. It, therefore, indicates that it is close to
extinction. It is basically an organization where community members participate in various social
and cultural activities.
Religious cum Social Management: Guthi the Newars [8]
Newars are the indigenous nationalities of the Kathmandu Valley. They are one of the very few
indigenous nationalities who have been urban oriented and made great success in politics,
bureaucracy, arts and architecture. Guthi by now has been associated with a kind of land tenure
system, religious and philanthropic endowments, foundations, trusts, oil-processing
cooperatives etc. (Messerschmidt 1981:42). The traditional Newar Guthis are basically of three
types: clan based, lineage based and territory based. There are many varieties of Guthis which
includes Si Guthi realted to death rituals, Dewali Guthi related to worship of the clan deity, Nasa
Guthi related to music and so on. Each and every Newar household voluntarily becomes
member of one or the other Guthis, often of multiple Guthis. They are called Guthiyars and the
headman is called Thakali. If members violate norms and values they would be denied of
services or of participation and social boycott as an extreme punishment.
Local Administration: Choho of Tamang [9]
Tamangs are the indigenous nationalities who reside in adjoining parts of the Kathmandu
Valley. Their traditional homeland is called as Tambasaling. Their one of the important
traditional voluntary local governance system is called Choho. Choho is a way of life of the
Tamangs. Also, Choho is a clan leader first selected by the community members and later
continue with heredity succession. Choho plays multiple roles, including that of the
administrator, judiciary and spiritual leader. For his voluntary services, the community members
give gifts of alcohol and head of sacrificed animal.
Socio-economic Management: Ttho of the Gurungs [10]
Ttho is a social organization of the Guurngs where membership is voluntary and have no
officials as such. According to Gurung (1999:39) it is the indigenous village assembly of the
Gurung community. Resources are generated through voluntary contributions of food grains,
called Ttho Syor, by its members. Such contributions are used mainly for community priests
such as Lama, Gyabre, Jhankri and community messenger called katuwal. They spend some of
these resources for socio-cultural activities, including life cycle rituals. Ttho strictly follow the
traditional unwritten rules and regulations concerning natural resource management, agriculture
and irrigation, animal husbandry, repair of trails and collection of honey.
Gola functions within the Ttho organization. Gola is based primarily on volunteer cooperative
labor mobilization (Gurung 1999:40). Each Ttho has its own Gola. Ttho members contribute
their labor voluntarily if they should build house, construct trails, resting places such as chautari
and pati-pauwa. Gola members have now begun to save money and use it for needy members
or for emergency services. Gola is rapidly disappearing in the Gurung community.
Socialization and Information Management: Ro-Dhin ("Rodi") of the Gurungs
Both teenagers and young adult boys and girls voluntarily gather in a specific house in the
evening. They enjoy singing, dancing, story telling, etc. This functions like a media center where
all boys and girls share information about firewood and fodder collection, pasture, animal
husbandry, agriculture, irrigation, forest, etc. During the day time all of them get engaged in
different household and agricultural works. They, therefore, cannot communicate with each
other. Older members also attend and most of them do works related to weaving wollen
blankets called radi pakhi. Sometimes, boys and girls who like each other do get married. This
is the reason why some western anthropologists have portrayed Rodi as a dormitory
organization with offensive meaning in the Nepalese cultural context.
Social Welfare Management: Aama Samuha (Mother's Group)
Mother's groups is perhaps one of the most universalized traditional voluntary organizations in
Nepal. It first started with the Gurungs of Western Nepal. As most of the Gurung men used to
join in the British Army, and more recently, in Indian Army, for the last two centuries, Gurung
women formed mother's group to sing, dance, and organize cultural activities in the evening.
One of the most interesting activities they perform is to welcome returnee Lahures and guest
visitors. They Lahures (returnee British or Indian Army Men) and guest visitors donate money to
the Aama Samuha. Ama Samuha usually organize signing and dancing programs in the
evening and collected money is used to build trails, temples, etc. Many INGOs and NGOs have
formed and promoted Aama Samuha across the country among different caste and ethnic
groups. The Aama Samuha of Bahun-Chhetri castes have very aggressively raised anti-alcohol
movement in the villages.