Violence

10.1177/1077801205277358
Gross et al.
Against
/ Sexual
WV omen
iolence Against College W omen

Violence Against Women

Research Notes Volume 12 Number 3
March 2006 288-300
© 2006 Sage Publications

An Examination of 10.1177/1077801205277358
http://vaw.sagepub.com
hosted at
Sexual Violence Against http://online.sagepub.com

College Women
Alan M. Gross
Andrea Winslett
Miguel Roberts
Carol L. Gohm
University of Mississippi

This investigation examined college women’s experiences with unwanted sexual con-
tact. Participants completed a questionnaire assessing the incidence of various types of
forced sexual contact the women had experienced since enrolling in college. Demo-
graphic and situational variables associated with these incidents of sexual violence were
also obtained. It was observed that since enrolling in college, 27% of the sample had
experienced unwanted sexual contact ranging from kissing and petting to oral, anal, or
vaginal intercourse. Type of sexual violence, perpetrator characteristics, and racial dif-
ferences regarding types of unwanted sexual contact were examined. The implications of
the data are discussed.

Keywords: date rape; sexual assault; sexual victimization

D ate rape, nonconsensual sex that occurs between two people who are dating
(Bechhofer & Parrot, 1991), is a major social problem. Young adults, especially
those in colleges and universities, constitute a large portion of those affected by date
rape (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1986). In fact, the Bureau of Justice Statistics
indicates that women between ages 16 and 24 years are at greatest risk for rape (U.S.
Department of Justice, 2000). Moreover, the 2003 Bureau of Justice Statistics report
on violent victimization of college students indicates that between 1995 and 2000,
74% of rapes and sexual assaults were committed by someone known to the victim
(U.S. Department of Justice, 2003). The National College Women Sexual Victimiza-
tion Survey estimated that 9 of 10 college women knew the man who raped them
(Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). Abbey, Ross, McDuffie, and McAuslan (1996)
found that 95% of sexual assaults against college women were perpetrated by an
acquaintance. Moreover, date rape is suggested to be underreported with as few as 8%

Authors’ Note: The authors thank Leigh Anne Faul and Laura Ely for their valuable assistance with data
collection.

288

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 Gross et al. / Sexual Violence Against College Women 289

of women who were victimized reporting the experience to police (Koss & Oros,
1982). The Bureau of Justice Statistics (U.S. Department of Justice, 2002) suggested
that rape is the most underreported violent crime in the United States.
In what is viewed by many as the touchstone study on date rape, Koss, Gidycz, and
Wisniewski (1987) surveyed more than 6,000 students enrolled in 32 colleges and uni-
versities across the United States to assess the prevalence of sexual aggression and
date rape. Results revealed that more than 50% of the women reported having experi-
enced some form of sexual aggression since age 14 years. Rape was reported by
approximately 27.5% of the women. In a subsequent study involving over 2,700 col-
lege women, Koss and Dinero (1989) found that approximately 15% of the women
had experienced rape and 12% had experienced attempted rape occurring since age 14
years. Brener, McMahon, Warren, and Douglas (1999) also found 15% of a large sam-
ple of college students reporting forced sexual intercourse experiences after age 15
years. Other investigators have reported similar rates of sexual victimization of col-
lege women (Abbey et al., 1996; Himelein, 1995; Miller & Marshall, 1987; Ogletree,
1993; Yegidis, 1986).
Researchers have identified a number of risk factors and correlates of sexual vic-
timization. Several studies have reported early sexual victimization as being associ-
ated with victimization later in life (Gidycz, Coble, Latham, & Layman, 1993; Koss &
Dinero, 1989). Muehlenhard, Friedman, and Thomas (1985) reported that college
men viewed forced sexual intercourse as more justified when a woman initiates the
date, and when the man pays dating expenses. Alcohol consumption (Testa &
Dermen, 1999) and having a relatively high number of sexual partners are also associ-
ated with sexual victimization (Mandoki & Burkhart, 1989).
Testa and Dermen (1999) noted that most investigations concerned with identify-
ing correlates of sexual victimization group a broad range of sexual assault experi-
ences together as an outcome measure. They suggested that sexual assaults involving
force (rape, attempted rape) are qualitatively different than forced sexual intercourse
resulting from verbal and emotional pressure (sexual coercion). To test this hypothe-
sis, they examined the differential correlates of sexual coercion and rape in a popula-
tion of women who were high risk. The sample consisted of women between ages 20
and 35 years, with high risk being defined as having more than one male sexual partner
within the past year, having had sexual intercourse within the past month, and at least
one time per week drinking three to four drinks of alcohol. It was reported that both
types of victimization experiences were associated with higher levels of sexual activ-
ity and alcohol consumption, and low levels of self-esteem and assertiveness. How-
ever, only sexual coercion experiences were related to alcohol expectancies. In a simi-
lar investigation using college students, Abbey et al. (1996) reported that relative to
coercive events, rape was more likely to involve alcohol. It was also noted that steady
partners were most frequently the perpetrators of sexual coercion, whereas strangers
and acquaintances were the perpetrators of rape.
Racial differences in female sexual victimization have also been investigated.
Unfortunately, little consistency is seen in this literature. For example, Koss et al.

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290 Violence Against Women

(1987) reported that in her large sample of college women rape was more common
among White women relative to African American, Hispanic, and Asian women.
Highest reports of rape were seen among the Native American women. However, in a
sample that consisted of White, African American, Hispanic, Asian, and Native
American women, Testa and Dermen (1999) found higher reports of rape among
women who were not of European heritage. They also noted that sexual coercion was
not associated with race. In their large sample of female college students, Brener et al.
(1999) failed to find a relationship between rape prevalence and race and/or ethnicity.
Additional research is necessary to clarify this issue.
Although there is considerable evidence that sexual victimization of college
women is relatively common, examination of this literature reveals methodological
concerns. Little consistency is seen across studies regarding the definition of sexual
victimization (Craig, 1990). Frequently, few distinctions are drawn between sexual
victimization involving sexual coercion (sexual intercourse resulting from verbal and
emotional pressure) and sexual assaults involving force (rape, attempted rape). Com-
pleted rape and incomplete attempts at intercourse are also not consistently differenti-
ated (Craig, 1990). These problems of definition make it difficult to identify and inter-
pret risk factors and correlates of female sexual victimization.
The prevalence of sexual victimization of women on college campuses suggests the
importance of continuing to identify correlates of female sexual victimization among
college students. Identifying relationships between risk factors and various forms of
sexual aggression would allow for prevention programs to target directly variables rel-
evant to this population. Research indicates that different sexual victimization experi-
ences (e.g., forced kissing, attempted rape, rape) may be differentially associated with
various risk factors. However, most of the research has focused primarily on women’s
experience with sexual coercion and rape. In addition, studies involving college
women frequently involve reports of experiences of sexual aggression since age 14
years, limiting conclusions that can be drawn about the occurrence of sexual victim-
ization during college. Moreover, the relationship of race to experiences of sexual
aggression during college also is unclear.
The current study examines the occurrence and correlates of a wide range of forms
of sexual victimization in a population of women since enrolling in college. Racial dif-
ferences in sexual victimization experiences are also examined. It is expected that,
similar to previous studies, unwanted sexual contact will be relatively common among
this sample of women, with perpetrator status being related to type of victimization
experience. Unwanted sexual contact not involving completed rape is expected to be
the most frequently reported form of victimization. It is also expected that relatively
few incidents of completed acts of rape will involve physical force, and that acts of
sexual assault will go largely unreported. Victim and perpetrator alcohol consumption
is also predicted to play a role in sexual victimization.

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 Gross et al. / Sexual Violence Against College Women 291

Method

Participants
Participants in the current study included 935 undergraduate female college stu-
dents enrolled at a state university located in the southeastern United States. This con-
venience sample of students consisted of volunteers recruited from introductory psy-
chology classes and the membership of sororities located on campus. Because the
majority of students in introductory psychology classes are freshmen or sophomores,
volunteers were recruited from sororities in an attempt to obtain data from juniors and
seniors. Participants enrolled in psychology classes earned required course credit for
research participation. The initial sample consisted of 822 Whites, 93 African Ameri-
cans, 2 Latinas, 2 Native Americans, 10 Asian and/or Pacific Islanders, 3 multiracial
women, 2 others, and 1 who did not report her race. Only data from White and African
American participants were included in the analyses because of the extremely limited
number of individuals from other ethnic and/or racial groups in the sample. Data from
participants older than age 25 were also eliminated to make the sample more represen-
tative of traditional college-age women. The final sample of 903 women (817 White,
86 African American; the sample was 10.5% African American, and the university
student body is 11% African American) ranged in age from 17 to 25 years with a mean
of 19.5 (SD = 1.32; White mean = 19.4, African American mean = 19.8). There were
391 freshman, 228 sophomores, 153 juniors, 130 seniors, and 1 graduate student in the
final data set. Whereas 35% of the female student body are members of sororities,
60% of the sample were sorority members.

Measures
Participants’ unwanted sexual experiences were assessed using a questionnaire
developed by the Washington State University Sexual Assault Task Force. The assess-
ment instrument employed was a composite created from two other assessment instru-
ments, the Sexual Experience Survey (Miller & Marshall, 1987), and the Sexual Expe-
riences Survey (Koss & Gidycz, 1985), a widely used and well-validated assessment
device. The instrument employed was chosen because it was designed to identify a
variety of different types of unwanted sexual contact experiences and considerable
identifying data about perpetrators. In addition to gathering demographic data, the
questionnaire contains nine questions designed to tap various levels of unwanted sex-
ual experience. Each coercive experience question is followed by a series of queries
designed to obtain information regarding the following factors: where the event
occurred, length of time she had been at the university when the coercive event took
place, whether she told anyone about the experience, who she told, whether this event
occurred more than one time, whether she considered it an act of rape, who the perpe-
trator was, and whether alcohol and drugs were involved. Table 1 lists the nine ques-
tions presented on the questionnaire addressing unwanted sexual experiences.

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292 Violence Against Women

Procedure
The survey was administered to students in a small group format. Survey adminis-
tration was conducted in a medium-sized classroom, and participants were instructed
to sit separately from one another to ensure privacy when responding to survey items.
It was explained that there would be anonymity concerning their responses. No names
were placed on surveys. Participants inserted completed surveys in a large envelope as
they left the classroom. Participants were instructed to complete the questionnaire
based on their experiences since entering the university. For students enrolled in psy-
chology classes, administration times were announced to classes and posted on class-
room bulletin boards. Two-hour administration periods were established 4 days per
week, and students were told that they could come and complete the survey during
these time periods.
Survey data were also collected in sorority houses. Graduate research assistants
administered the questionnaire to participants in small groups. Data collection
occurred following monthly sorority business meetings and followed procedures sim-
ilar to those outlined above.

Results

Table 1 shows the percentage of women in the sample who reported having experi-
enced sexual coercion since enrolling in college; 27.2% of the participants reported
unwanted sexual experiences, with 37% (n = 91) of these individuals indicating hav-
ing experienced more than one type of sexual aggression. Of the sample, 36% of the
African American women and 26.3% of the White women reported unwanted sexual
experiences. A Fisher’s Exact Test (used to control for unequal sample sizes) revealed
this difference to be marginally significant (p = .057).
Being physically forced to engage in kissing or petting was the most commonly
reported coercive experience with 13.3% of the sample reporting this experience. An
alarmingly high 9.1% of the respondents also reported having engaged in unwanted
sexual intercourse because they felt it was useless to try to stop their partner’s sexual
advances. The percentages of women who engaged in oral or anal (2.7%) or vaginal
(3.2%) intercourse as a result of a man using his strength to hold her and force her to
engage in these acts were relatively low. Combining responses to Questions 9, 10, 12,
15, 16, and 17, while controlling for individuals reporting more than one type of coer-
cive experience, revealed that 18.8% (n = 170) of the sample experienced forced vagi-
nal (n = 157) or anal or oral (n = 13) intercourse.
Comparing White and African American participants revealed that significantly
more African American women engaged in sexual intercourse because they felt it was
useless to try to stop their partner (Fisher’s Exact Test, p < .03), or as a result of emo-
tional pressure (Fisher’s Exact Test, p < .002). African Americans also reported signif-
icantly higher levels of vaginal intercourse as a result of their partner’s employing
physical strength to force sexual compliance (Fisher’s Exact Test, p < .015).

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 Gross et al. / Sexual Violence Against College Women 293

Of the women, 39% reported having consumed alcohol at the time of their coercive
sexual experience, 45.1% of the abusive experiences were reportedly associated with
male alcohol consumption. Significantly more White women (44% vs. 3.2%, Fisher’s
Exact Test, p < .001) and their sexually aggressive partner (50.7% vs. 6.5%, Fisher’s
Exact Test, p < .001) were consuming alcohol at the time of the sexually aggressive
act.
Participants reported boyfriends as the most common sexual aggressor (n = 101,
41.1%). Friends (n = 73, 29.7%) and acquaintances (n = 52, 21.1%) were also fre-
quently identified as perpetrators. Relatively few strangers (n = 5, 2%), husbands (n =
1, .4%), and others (professors, supervisors, n = 5, 2.0%) were noted as aggressors;
however, 9 participants did not identify their aggressor. Moreover, of the five strangers
reported, three were identified as fellow college students.
A closer examination of perpetrators by type of coercive experience revealed that
when women experienced unwanted sexual intercourse because their partner
appeared too aroused for them to try to stop him, the perpetrator (Q 9) was identified as
a boyfriend 47.5% of the time. Acquaintances and friends were the perpetrators 21.3%
and 27.5%, respectively. When kissing and petting occurred as a result of the man’s
use of physical force (Q 11), boyfriends were the perpetrator 23.5% of the time,
whereas friends and acquaintances were the perpetrators 36.5% and 32.2% of the
time, respectively. Finally, in instances where sexual intercourse occurred when the
woman was incapacitated by alcohol or other drugs (Q 12), boyfriends were the perpe-
trators 24.6% of the time. Friends and acquaintances were the perpetrators 26.2% and
42.6%, respectively.
The experience of having a man use his strength to hold her so that he could engage
in intercourse (Q 16) was viewed as an act of rape by 78.3% of these victims. Sexual
intercourse resulting from a man threatening bodily harm if she did not cooperate (Q
15) was viewed as an act of rape by 25% of these women. An experience of having a
man attempt to coerce sexual intercourse by threatening bodily harm (Q 13) was con-
sidered an act of rape by 46.7%, while an attempt to coerce sexual intercourse using
physical force (Q 14) was seen as an act of rape by 42.9% of these victims. It is surpris-
ing to note, only 15.1% of the women who had intercourse when they did not want to
because they felt their partner was too aroused to try to stop him (Q 9) viewed the expe-
rience as an act of rape. Moreover, only 4 of the 246 women reporting coercive experi-
ences reported the incident to the police.
Time of occurrence of the coercive experience was also explored. Only 24.4% of
juniors and seniors reporting coercive experiences indicated that they occurred after
their fourth semester on campus, while 66.7% of sophomore victims reported that
their victimization occurred in their first or second semester on campus. Combining
sophomores, juniors, and seniors revealed that 84.4% of victims experienced the coer-
cive sexual incident sometime during their first four semesters on campus.

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 294
Table 1
Percentage of Participants Reporting Unwanted Sexual Experiences
African
White American Total
(n = 817) (n = 86) (N = 903)

Q. 9 Had sexual (vaginal) intercourse with a man because he became so sexually aroused that you
felt it was useless to try to stop him even though you did not want to have sexual intercourse? *p < .03 8.3 (68) 16.3 (14) 9.1 (82)
Q. 10 Had sexual (vaginal) intercourse with a man when you did not want to because he used
emotional pressure, such as threatening to end your relationship? *p < .002 2.7 (22) 10.5 (9) 3.5 (31)
Q. 11 Been in a situation where a man used some degree of physical force, for example, twisting your arm,
to make you engage in kissing or petting when you didn’t want to (but sexual intercourse did not occur)? 13.1 (107) 15.1 (13) 13.3 (120)
Q. 12 Had sexual (vaginal) intercourse with a man when you were unaware until afterwards that it was
occurring, or were unable to object because you were incapacitated by alcohol or other drugs? 7.3 (60) 3.5 (3) 7.0 (63)
Q. 13 Been in a situation where a man tried to make you have sexual (vaginal) intercourse with him by
threatening bodily harm if you did not cooperate (but sexual intercourse did not occur)? 1.8 (15) 3.5 (3) 2.0 (18)
Q. 14 Been in a situation where a man used some degree of physical force, for example, twisting your arm,
to make you have sexual (vaginal) intercourse with him (but sexual intercourse did not occur)? 2.7 (22) 4.7 (4) 2.9 (26)
Q. 15 Had sexual (vaginal) intercourse with a man because he threatened bodily harm if you did not
cooperate (but physical force was not used)? 0.5 (4) 0 (0) 0.4 (4)
Q. 16 Been in a situation where you had sexual (vaginal) intercourse with a man because he used his
strength to force you, for example, by holding you down with his hands or legs? *p < .015 2.7 (22) 8.2 (7) 3.2 (29)
Q. 17 Been in a situation where a man obtained sexual acts from you such as anal or oral intercourse

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by using physical strength or threatening bodily harm? 2.8 (23) 1.2 (1) 2.7 (24)

Note: *p = significant racial differences.

 Gross et al. / Sexual Violence Against College Women 295

Discussion

The purpose of this investigation was to examine the incidence of unwanted sexual
experiences in a sample of women since enrolling in college. Women completed a
detailed questionnaire regarding a variety of sexual activities. The questionnaire also
assessed perpetrator and situational characteristics associated with forced sexual
interactions. It was observed that since enrolling in college, 27% of the sample had
experienced unwanted sexual contact ranging from kissing and petting to oral, anal, or
vaginal intercourse. Moreover, more than one third (37%) of these victims reported
multiple forced sexual experiences.
The finding that almost 19% of these women had experienced forced oral, anal, or
vaginal intercourse is consistent with previous reports. As noted above, similar rates
of rape among samples of college women have been reported by others (Brener et al.,
1999; Koss & Dinero, 1989). In those studies, women were asked to report victimiza-
tion experiences since age 14 years. In the current study, reporting was limited to vic-
timization occurring since enrolling in college. Although we did not assess precollege
sexual victimization, more than one third of our victims of sexual assault reported
more than one instance of unwanted sexual contact, consistent with reports showing a
correlation between prior sexual victimization experiences and risk for future victim-
ization (Gidycz et al., 1993; Gidycz, Hanson, & Layman, 1995; Greene, & Navarro,
1998; Testa & Dermen, 1999). Himelein (1995) found that 21% of her sample of
women college students who had sexual victimization experiences prior to college
experienced attempted rape or completed rape after enrolling in college. Collectively,
these data suggest that rape rates among college women have remained relatively sta-
ble in the 17 years since Koss et al.’s (1987) seminal investigation.
Our findings that, relative to White women, African American women reported
higher rates of sexual aggression differ from some previous reports—one involving a
nationally representative sample of college students and the other a community sam-
ple—indicating that rape prevalence does not differ by race or ethnicity (Brener et al.,
1999; Serbanescu & Rochat, 1996). However, others have suggested African Ameri-
can female adolescents experience higher levels of sexual victimization relative to
White adolescents (Nagy, DiClemente, & Nagy, 1994). It is possible that the composi-
tion of our sample needs to be considered in interpreting these findings. Although it is
likely that African American college students may not be representative of all women
in that minority group (Brener et al., 1999), demographic factors may also need to be
considered when comparing samples of African American college women. For exam-
ple, evidence suggests that ethnic and poor women are disproportionately at risk for
crime victimization (Goodman, Koss, Fitzgerald, Russo, & Keita, 1993). Of the Afri-
can American student body at our university, 91% receive some type of financial aid as
compared to 70% of White students.
Racial differences also were observed regarding type of forced sexual experience.
Relative to White women, African American women reported higher rates of un-
wanted sexual intercourse resulting from partners using physical force, emotional
pressure, or perceiving their partner as being too aroused to stop his advances.

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296 Violence Against Women

Although it might be suggested that the frequent stereotyped representation in popular

culture (e.g., music videos) of young male African Americans speaking and behaving
in a misogynistic manner may be a significant factor in sexual aggression in this popu-
lation, it is necessary to remember that similar models exist for White males. Clearly,
additional research focusing on this issue is warranted.
Recent surveys reveal that alcohol use by perpetrators and/or victims occurs in
approximately one half of acquaintance and date rape incidents (Abbey et al., 1996;
Testa & Parks, 1996; Ullman, Karabatsos, & Koss, 1999). Overall, our data are consis-
tent with these reports. Alcohol myopia theory predicts that intoxication may result in
people ignoring peripheral cues while attending to the most salient situational cues
(Steele & Josephs, 1990). In a dating situation, male alcohol consumption may dis-
inhibit response conflict associated with less use of inhibiting cues; that is, in situa-
tions in which inhibitory and disinhibitory cues for sexual behavior coexist, this
disinhibition may lead to inappropriate sexual behavior (Marx, Gross, & Adams,
1999). Similarly, alcohol myopia might adversely affect women’s ability to properly
weigh inhibitory cues when responding to unwanted sexual advances.
We found racial differences regarding the involvement of alcohol and the occur-
rence of sexual aggression. Alcohol use at the time of sexual victimization was signifi-
cantly higher among Whites relative to African Americans. Although this finding is
somewhat surprising, it has been reported that relative to African American college
students, White college students exhibit significantly higher levels of binge drinking
(Wechsler & Nelson, 2001).
Examination of perpetrator characteristics also suggests interesting findings. Over-
all, boyfriends (41%) were the most frequently identified perpetrators of sexual
aggression, followed by friends (29%) and acquaintances (21%). This finding is con-
sistent with the findings of Abbey et al. (1996). It is alarming to note that boyfriends
were the most commonly identified perpetrators in instances involving intercourse as
a result of the victim feeling that because of the man’s level of sexual arousal it was
useless to try to stop his sexual advances. This finding is troubling and difficult to
interpret. Although discrimination of sexual interest increases with familiarity with a
dating partner, men and women are certainly able to identify sexual refusal cues
(Gross, Weed, & Lawson, 1998). Clearly, this finding should not be interpreted as
reflecting an absence of assertive behavior or ignorance of male sexuality on the part
of the victim (victim blaming). It is likely that many women submitted to these
unwanted sexual advances out of fear of experiencing additional physical violence if
they displayed increasingly forceful refusals. However, this group may also contain
women in committed relationships involving a history of consensual sexual intimacy
with their boyfriends. The question that needs to be addressed is whether this type of
unwanted sexual intercourse experience differs qualitatively from other types of
forced sexual intercourse; that is, some of these women may have acquiesced to their
boyfriends’ sexual demands to avoid relationship conflict, arguing about sex, or hurt-
ing their boyfriend’s feelings. Any experience of unwanted sexual activity is unac-
ceptable. However, a better understanding of this type of sexual victimization might
provide information useful to the design of prevention programs.

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 Gross et al. / Sexual Violence Against College Women 297

When sexual intercourse occurred when the victim was incapacitated by alcohol or
other drugs acquaintances were the most frequently reported perpetrators. This find-
ing is consistent with reports indicating that women who have consumed alcohol are
frequently viewed by men as sexually available (Abbey, Zawacki, & McAuslan, 2000;
Testa & Parks, 1996). Sexual predators may target women who have been drinking
(Abbey, Zawacki, Buck, Clinton, & McAuslan, 2004). It is also likely that alcohol
intoxication adversely affects a woman’s ability to recognize risk (e.g., identified her
date’s misperception of her sexual interest), as well as resist unwanted sexual
advances (Abbey et al., 2004). Although the message is not new, it once again rein-
forces the idea that college women consuming alcohol in social situations are at ele-
vated risk for sexual victimization.
A number of researchers have suggested that the incidence of date rape is
underreported (Koss, 1988). Our findings are also consistent with this notion. We
found that of the 246 women reporting unwanted sexual contact, including 158 who
experienced completed intercourse, only 4 individuals reported the victimization to
police.
Victims of date rape often fail to acknowledge or correctly label their experiences
(Mills & Granoff, 1992). In the current investigation, relatively few women identified
their experience of sexual aggression as rape. For example, only 15% of women who
submitted to unwanted sexual intercourse because they felt their partner’s level of sex-
ual arousal made it useless to try to stop his advances considered this an act of rape.
When unwanted sexual intercourse involved the man physically restraining the
woman, almost 80% of the victims labeled this an act of rape. However, when men
employed physical force and verbal coercion in their attempts to obtain intercourse,
but intercourse did not occur, fewer than 50% of the victims viewed these acts as rape.
These data suggest that many of these women may be defining rape in a stereotypic
manner requiring the occurrence of physical force and/or violence together with com-
pleted intercourse. It is also likely that some of these individuals did not label their
experience as rape because they are assuming some responsibility for their
victimization.
Although the current sample contained more freshmen and sophomores than
juniors and seniors, it is apparent that the majority of women experienced sexual
aggression very early in their time on campus. This may be because of a relatively high
dating frequency associated with early campus activities such as fraternity and soror-
ity recruiting. Increased freedom allowing for easier access to and experimentation
with alcohol and the lack of a curfew may also contribute to this problem.
It is important to note some limitations associated with this investigation. The
assessment instrument employed was a composite created from two other assessment
instruments; the measure consisted of items selected from these two assessment
devices. As noted above, the benefit of this instrument is that it not only obtains self-
report data concerning the informant’s experience of sexual aggression, it also pro-
vides information about the woman’s assailant. Although psychometric data are not
available for this instrument, it is noteworthy that the incidence of sexual victimization
observed in the current study is comparable to a number of prior reports (Brener et al.,

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298 Violence Against Women

1999; Himelein, 1995; Koss & Dinero, 1989). Regardless of this similarity, the use of
a new instrument suggests the need for caution when comparing the current results
with those of prior investigations. Another issue concerns the relatively large propor-
tion of participants who were members of sororities. It has been suggested that a rela-
tively permissive attitude toward sexual activity characterizes fraternity and sorority
members (Schwartz & DeKeseredy, 1997). However, the overall rate of sexual vio-
lence observed in the current sample is comparable to levels reported in other surveys
of college women (Brener et al., 1999; Koss & Dinero, 1989). Similarly, although our
finding concerning the relationship between alcohol and unwanted sexual experiences
is consistent with prior reports, the literature suggests that relative to college women,
sorority women consume more alcohol (Wechsler & Nelson, 2001).
A number of implications for prevention efforts are suggested by these data. In par-
ticular, consideration of the findings concerning racial differences suggest the poten-
tial benefits of tailoring education and/or prevention efforts according to population
characteristics. For example, programs including a major emphasis on the role of alco-
hol in sexual aggression may be more relevant for White college students than African
American students. The relationship between perpetrator characteristics and type of
sexually aggressive act also indicates targets for differential attention. For example,
because efforts to curb alcohol consumption among college students have yet to pro-
duce consistently significant reductions in this behavior, it might be beneficial for pre-
vention efforts to emphasize to men that the behavior of a woman who is drinking does
not necessarily reflect sexual interest. Prevention efforts also might inform women
who, in a drinking situation, might represent their most significant sexual threat. In
addition, the current findings may suggest potential benefits associated with teaching
college students to assertively establish sexual boundaries within the context of their
various social relationships. The data on when college women are most likely to expe-
rience sexual aggression suggest the critical importance of early prevention efforts. In
addition, the women’s failure to identify unwanted sexual contact as sexual aggression
indicates the importance for health care providers—college health service workers in
particular—of questioning women about this issue and improving campus awareness
of what constitutes sexual aggression and rape. Moreover, the extremely low fre-
quency of reporting these acts of sexual violence to the authorities may lead college
administrators to underestimate the magnitude of this problem on their campus. Cor-
recting this misperception can help to ensure the allocation of resources to combat the
problem of sexual violence against college women.

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Alan M. Gross, PhD, is a professor of psychology and director of clinical training at the University of Mis-
sissippi. His research interests include sexual aggression and behavior problems in children.

Andrea Winslett, MA, is a clinical psychology doctoral student at the University of Mississippi.

Miguel Roberts, MA is a clinical psychology intern at the University of Alabama–Birmingham Medical Cen-
ter. He is a doctoral candidate at the University of Mississippi.

Carol Gohm, PhD, is an assistant professor of psychology at the University of Mississippi. Her research
focuses on individual differences related to the experience of emotion, such as, emotional intensity, clarity
about emotions, and attention to emotion.

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