Male and female recipients of unwanted sexual contact in a college student sample:

prevalence rates, alcohol use, and depression symptoms

Date: 1999

Author: Mary E. Larimer, Amy R. Lydum, Britt K. Anderson, Aaron P. Turner

Publication: Sex Roles: A Journal of Research. Volume: 40. Issue: 3-4

It is typically assumed that acquaintance rape and other forms of unwanted sexual contact
among adults involve male perpetrators (instigators) and female victims (recipients). In
fact, until 1992 the Federal Bureau of Investigation defined rape as "carnal knowledge of
a female forcibly and without her consent" (FBI, 1996). Additionally, many studies have
documented the high percentage of young women who experience sexual coercion or
force in dating situations (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisnieswski, 1987; Abbey, 1991). The
majority of these studies either exclude men entirely, or include them only as perpetrators
(Porter, & Critelli, 1992).

While reports of sexual victimization of men by women have appeared in the literature
since at least the 1970s (Struckman-Johnson, 1988), the assumption that females are
always the victims is so institutionalized, that the majority of surveys assessing the
prevalence of unwanted sexual contact use gender-biased measures. Typically, women
have been asked to report whether and how often they have been the victims of such
contact and men have been asked to report whether and how often they have been the
perpetrators of these actions. The Sexual Experiences Survey (SES) developed by Koss
and Oros (1982) is one example of such a measure which has been widely used to study
the prevalence of sexual aggression among young adults. This measure assesses several
types of sexual coercion, including psychological pressure, physical force, failure to
consent due to intoxication from alcohol or drugs, and combinations of these. It has been
argued that each of these types of coercion represent a form of rape, despite findings that
many women who acknowledge one or more incidents do not self-report as rape victims.

In recent years, some states have adopted laws defining rape in gender-neutral terms in
which both males and females can be either victims or assailants (Struckman-Johnson &
Struckman-Johnson, 1991a; Donat & D'Emilio, 1992). Similarly, researchers have
expanded their assessment of sexual aggression to include men as potential victims
(Hannon, Kuntz, Van Laar, Williams, & Hall, 1996; Struckman-Johnson &
Struckman-Johnson, 1994a). College student surveys focused on male victimization
indicate that 12-16% of males have felt forced into sexual intercourse by women
(Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson, 1991b). In addition, 34% of men report
experiencing some form of sexual coercion from female acquaintances since the age of 16
(Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson, 1994a). Similar results are reported by
Waldner-Haugrud and Magruder (1995) in their more recent survey of college students at
one campus. A survey utilizing a gender-neutralized version of the SES found that 38.5%
of men have reported some degree of unwanted sexual aggression (Hannon, Kuntz, Van
Laar, Williams, & Hall, 1996). The types of sexual pressure that women have reportedly
used include verbal inducement, using alcohol, physical force, and threats of force with or
without a weapon (Anderson & Aymami, 1993; Struckman-Johnson &
Struckman-Johnson, 1994b).

Despite these recent reports suggesting few gender differences in the prevalence of
unwanted sexual contact, there continues to be relatively little attention focused on the
phenomenon of male victimization. In part, this may be the result of societal beliefs that
men cannot really be coerced into having sex against their will, or concerns that
discussing male victimization may de-emphasize the focus on prevention of female
victimization. It has also been suggested that, even when men do experience sexual
coercion or force by a female, they suffer fewer negative consequences
(Struckman-Johnson, 1988), perhaps due to the greater role-congruence for having sexual
intercourse. For example, men who reported experiencing unwanted sex were more likely
than women to report they had neutral (rather than negative) feelings following the event
(Struckman-Johnson, 1988). Unlike women, when shown vignettes representing forms of
female sexual aggression, men were much less likely to describe the behavior as negative
or threatening (Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson, 1993). Similarly,
Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson (1994b) reported men who read sexually
aggressive vignettes depicting female perpetrators reported even high levels of force were
acceptable as long as the perpetrators were attractive. However, responses in this fantasy
situation cannot necessarily be assumed to mirror responses to sexually coercive or
forcible situations in real life, and there are currently insufficient data available to dismiss
male reports of unwanted sexual contact as inconsequential.

Another area in which research is lacking is in the investigation of the role alcohol plays
in male victimization. The use of alcohol is particularly relevant in the research of sexual
aggression. Alcohol has been suggested to be both a precipitant of and an excuse for
sexually-aggressive behavior by men (Richardson & Hammock, 1991; Berkowitz, 1992;
Richardson & Campbell, 1982). In a summary of literature addressing the link between
the consumption of alcohol and aggressive behaviors, Seto & Barbaree (1995) point out
that alcohol appears to have a disinhibiting effect on perpetration of sexual aggression.
Alcohol use has also been studied as a risk factor for sexual victimization, due in part to
lowered awareness of risky situations and impaired ability to resist assault (Abbey, 1991;
Berkowitz, 1992). However, the history of research in this area has focused on men in the
role of aggressors and women as victims (Richardson & Hammock, 1991). The impact
that alcohol may have on female aggressors or male victims is unclear.

As heavy alcohol use in college social situations is generally perceived as normative and
socially acceptable (Baer, Stacy, & Latimer, 1991), the role of alcohol use in sexual
aggression is particularly salient to this population. In fact, Muehlenhard and Linton
(1987) found that 55% of college men who self-reported sexual aggression while on a
date were under the influence of alcohol at the time of the attack. For women who
reported experiencing sexual aggression on a date, 53% indicated they were under the
influence of alcohol at the time. It has been posited that members of college Greek
systems (fraternities and sororities) are at particularly high-risk for involvement in
acquaintance rape, due to the well-documented heavy drinking in this setting, but results
of research on this topic have been inconclusive (Copenhaver & Grauerholz, 1991; Kalof,
1993; Koss & Gaines, 1993). While high rates of alcohol consumption at Greek social
events may be used to justify typically unacceptable sexually aggressive behavior
(Nurius, Norris, Dimeff, & Graham, 1996), research also suggests that membership in a
sorority may act as a protective factor, minimizing the experience of negative
alcohol-related consequences (Latimer, Anderson, Baer & Marlatt, Under review).
Unfortunately, as with the general population, studies addressing sexual aggression and
alcohol consumption in the overall college environment or within Greek systems have
typically focused on men as heavy-drinking perpetrators and women as the victims (Koss
& Gaines, 1993; Martin & Hummer, 1989; Abby, 1991; Berkowitz, 1992). Therefore,
little is known about men's prevalence of experiencing unwanted sexual contact in these
settings, or the role that alcohol may play in these events.

The current study was designed to address these questions, by documenting the
prevalence of unwanted sexual contact and the role of alcohol in such events in a college
student sample composed of fraternity and sorority members. In addition, we sought to
examine whether men and women in this sample who reported experiencing unwanted
sexual contact would report more depressive symptoms than those who had not had such
an experience.

METHODS

Participants

Participants were 165 male and 131 female new (pledge class) members of 12 fraternities
and 6 sororities at a large, West-coast, public university. All participants were enrolled in
a larger longitudinal study of alcohol abuse prevention in their organizations. Ethnicity of
the sample was largely Caucasian (82%) or Asian (13%), with the remaining students
being of other ethnic backgrounds (5%). The average age of the sample was 19 years, and
subjects were primarily freshmen (74%) or sophomores (18%), with considerably smaller
representation of juniors (6.7%) and only one senior (.3%). This is consistent with the
tendency of students to join Greek letter societies either directly from high school or
within their first year on campus. The majority of both male (98.2%) and female (96.9%)
participants lived in their fraternity or sorority.

Measures & Procedures

Participants completed study measures during Fall or Winter quarter of the 1996-97
academic year, as part of a baseline assessment for the larger study for which they were
paid $20.00. Measures were completed in a small group setting at a campus research
facility by 94% of participants. An additional 6% of participants returned questionnaires
via mail. All measures and procedures were reviewed and approved by the local
institutional review board.

The Sexual Experiences Survey (SES; Koss & Oros, 1982) was modified for use in the
present study. Specifically, rather than administering separate forms of the SES for males
(perpetrators) and females (victims), items were combined and the scale was made gender
neutral, such that both male and female participants responded to both types of items.
Items are presented in Table I.

Five additional items are drawn from the Young Adult Alcohol Problem Severity Test
(YAAPST; Wood, Johnson, & Sher, 1992). These include prevalence (due to drinking) of
having gotten into a sexual situation which was later regretted, having had sex when the
participant really didn't want to, having had sex with someone he/she wouldn't ordinarily
have sex with, having been pressured or forced to have sex due to being too drunk to
prevent it, and having pressured or forced someone to have sex after having been
drinking. Exact wording of items is included in Table I.

Alcohol use was assessed using the Daily Drinking Questionnaire (Collins, Parks, &
Marlatt, 1985), which provides information about alcohol consumption on each day of a
typical week, averaged over a three-month retrospective period. The scale has
demonstrated modest convergent validity with other measures of college student
drinking, with multi-method correlations ranging from .5-.6 despite differences in time
frame assessed (Baer, Stacy, & Latimer, 1991; Collins, Parks, & Marlatt, 1985; Larimer,
Irvine, Kilmer, & Marlatt, 1997). In addition, both quantity and frequency scores on the
DDQ scale have been shown to correlate significantly with measures of negative alcohol
consequences (Latimer, 1992). For the present study, average quantity consumed per
drinking day and average weekly frequency of drinking were utilized.

Two measures of alcohol-related negative consequences were included in the study. The
Rutgers Alcohol Problem Inventory (White & Labouvie, 1989) is a 23-item measure
designed to assess the frequency and severity of alcohol consequences in adolescent
samples. The scale has demonstrated high internal consistency ([Alpha] = .92) and
accurately distinguishes between normal and clinical samples. The Alcohol Dependence
Scale (Skinner & Horn, 1984) is a 29-item measure of alcohol-dependency symptoms.
This scale also has high internal consistency ([Alpha] = .90) and test-retest reliability (r =
.92). A cut-off score of 11 is typically used to discriminate clinical from normal samples.

The Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977) was
utilized as a measure of depressive symptoms in this sample. This 20-item self-report
scale has been found to be a reliable and valid instrument for measuring depressive
symptoms among the general adult population (Radloff, 1977) and has been shown to
have similar high internal consistency ([Alpha] = .87) when used with college students
(Radloff, 1991; Roberts, Andrews, Lewisohn, & Hops, 1990).

RESULTS

Prevalence Rates

Overall, 34 men (20.7%) and 36 women (27.5%) reported being the recipients of one or
more of the five types of unwanted sexual contact on the SES, whereas 17 men (10.3%)
and 7 women (5.3%) reported instigating one or more of these types of unwanted sexual
contact. Gender differences in overall preferences were not statistically significant.

Figure 1 indicates the percentage of male and female participants who reported being the
recipients of each type of unwanted sexual contact from the SES. Chi-square analyses
were conducted to identify significant gender differences in prevalence of these events.
Results indicated there were no significant gender differences in reported prevalence of
unwanted intercourse due to partner being too aroused to stop, due to feeling pressured by
a partner's continual arguments, or due to being given alcohol or drugs by the partner.
However, women were more likely than men to report having had physical force used
against them in an attempt to obtain intercourse ([X.sup.2] (1) = 4.96, p [less than] .05),
and they were more likely to report they had been given alcohol or drugs by a partner
with the intent of promoting intercourse but intercourse did not take place ([X.sup.2](1) =
3.88, p [less than] .05).

Figure 2 indicates the percentage of male and female participants who reported having
instigated each type of unwanted sexual contact on the SES. Chi-square analyses again
indicated no significant gender difference in instigating unwanted intercourse with a
partner due to participant being too aroused to stop, due to participant pressuring partner
with continual arguments, due to participant using physical force, or due to giving alcohol
or other drugs to a partner to promote intercourse (although this latter category
approached significance; [X.sup.2] (1) = 3.24, p = .072). Men were more likely than
women to report giving drugs and alcohol to a partner in an attempt to promote
intercourse ([X.sup.2](1) = 6.55, p [less than] .01). It is important to note that no women
subjects reported using force or using drugs or alcohol to promote intercourse, and only
one woman reported pressuring a partner to have sex. The failure to find significant
gender differences is likely due to very low base rates of these behaviors in this sample.

Alcohol Use Among Recipients of Unwanted Sexual Contact

Analysis of variance procedures were conducted separately by gender to compare rates of

alcohol use and alcohol-related negative consequences between students who had been
recipients of one or more incidents of unwanted sexual contact from the SES and those
who had not been recipients of unwanted sexual contact. As illustrated in Table II, results
indicated both male and female recipients reported more alcohol quantity per occasion,
greater numbers of alcohol-related negative consequences on the RAPI, and more alcohol
dependence symptoms from the ADS. In addition, female recipients reported higher
weekly drinking frequency.

[TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE II OMITTED]

Alcohol-Specific Unplanned or Unwanted Sexual Experiences

Figure 3 indicates lifetime prevalence of experiencing each of the five alcohol-related

sexual events from the YAAPST. Chi-square analyses indicated no gender differences for
any of the five events. As illustrated, alcohol-related high-risk sexual activity, including
sexual coercion, is fairly frequent in this population for both men and women.
Depressive Symptoms

Analysis of variance was used to compare students who had and had not been the
recipients of unwanted sexual contact on depression scores from the CES-D. These
analyses were conducted separately by gender. As illustrated in Table III, men who
reported having been recipients of unwanted sexual contact reported more depressive
symptoms than did non-recipients. There were no differences on this measure for women.

Table III. Differences in Depression Between Students Reporting

Unwanted Sexual Contact and Students Reporting No Unwanted Sexual
Contact(a)
M SD dfs F p
Male
Unwanted Contact 12.09 7.92 1,152 10.902 .001
No Unwanted Contact 7.95 5.83
Female
Unwanted Contact 12.00 8.26 1,121 .108 .743
No Unwanted Contact 11.44 8.55
a N = 296.
DISCUSSION The present study compared prevalence rates of unwanted sexual contact
between men and women in a college Greek system sample. Results indicated that when
a commonly utilized measure of unwanted sexual contact was made gender neutral, men
were as likely as women to report being recipients of several types of sexual coercion. In
particular, both men and women reported experiences of feeling it was useless to stop an
aroused partner, feeling pressured to have sex by their partner's continual arguments, and
having sexual intercourse after having been given drugs or alcohol. Women, however,
were more likely to report having been the victims of physical force (despite small base
rates in this population), and report they are more often given drugs or alcohol in an
attempt to promote intercourse. Both men and women reported instigating unwanted
sexual intercourse as well, although women reported only one type of sexual coercion and
did not report any use of force or drugs/alcohol to promote intercourse. A substantial
percentage of both male and female participants reported engaging in unplanned or
unwanted sexual activity as a result of their use of alcohol, but there were no gender
differences.

Alcohol use appears to play a substantial role in sexual victimization experiences for men
as well as for women. Both men and women who had been recipients of sexual coercion
or force reported higher alcohol use and more alcohol related problems than did their
counterparts who had not had these experiences. Due to the cross-sectional design of the
current study, it is unknown whether this difference preceded or followed the event.
Increased alcohol use and problems may represent a consequence or sequela of the
unwanted sexual event, as was reported by Sorensen and Siegal (1992). For example,
Sorenson & Siegal (1992) found that men who had been sexually assaulted were more
likely to develop alcohol dependence following the assault. Alternatively, research with
female victims has suggested alcohol use often coincides with incidents of unwanted
sexual contact and represents a risk factor for sexual assault (Koss, Gidycz, &
Wisnieswski, 1987).

Finally, it has been suggested that men who are recipients of sexual coercion or force by
women are unlikely to suffer negative emotional consequences, perhaps due to role
socialization or other factors (Struckman-Johnson, 1988). In this study, men who reported
having been recipients of these events reported more depressive symptoms than did men
who had not experienced these events. Both groups of men report symptoms below the
clinical threshold of 16 on the CES-D, and the difference in depressive symptoms is
small, representing mild to moderate symptoms for men who have been recipients of
unwanted sexual contact compared to minimal symptoms for their peers (Sayetta &
Johnson, 1980). In addition, the cross-sectional nature of the data again limit the
conclusions that can be drawn. It's possible, for example, that men who have more
depressive symptoms or a more pessimistic view of the world are more likely to view
sexual events as unwanted. However, these findings suggest the need for more definitive
research on the emotional consequences of unwanted sexual contact for men.

Data from this study are limited in several ways. First, the data are cross-sectional rather
than longitudinal, and reports of unwanted sexual contact are of necessity retrospective
and therefore subject to problems of recall. In addition, the base rates of many of the
events from the Sexual Experiences Survey, particularly the more severe events, were
quite small, suggesting the failure to find gender differences for some of these more
extreme events may be due to a lack of statistical power. In addition, while the sample
was designed to be representative of Greek system pledge members, it is not necessarily
representative of the broader campus population. All data were based on self-report,
which can be subject to problems with reliability and validity.

An additional limitation of the study involves the use of the Sexual Experiences Survey,
some versions of which have been criticized in the literature as vague and open to a
variety of item interpretations, only some of which are consistent with a definition of
sexual coercion (Ross & Allgeier, 1996). Currently, insufficient information exists
regarding the extent to which men & women mean the same thing when they respond
"yes" or "no" to these items. Further research on refining the measurement of sexual
coercion for both men and women is needed.

Despite limitations, these findings suggest the importance of assessing both the
experience of and the instigation of unwanted sexual contact for both men and women in
college student samples. In addition, these data suggest the need to further explore the
perception of these events by men and women. Further clarification regarding the
meaning of these events for men and women is needed. Acquaintance rape and other
types of sexual coercion are serious and potentially very harmful events in the lives of
these young people, and it is important to have a clear understanding of these events and
their impact. Anecdotally, several male participants in the present study reported shame,
sadness, and other negative emotional reactions after being the recipient of these events,
in addition to feelings of victimization. Conversely, several women in the sample
reported no adverse emotional reactions despite experiencing events which presumably
represent rape. Further empirical study of the emotional consequences of these events and
the context surrounding them for both genders is warranted.

Table I. Alcohol and Sexual Aggression Items

Sexual Experiences Survey (Koss & Oros, 1982)

1. In the past year, have you been in a situation where your partner became so sexually
aroused that you felt it was useless to stop them even though you DID NOT want to have
sexual intercourse?

2. In the past year, have you been in a situation where you became so sexually aroused
that you could not stop yourself even though your partner wanted to stop?

3. In the past year, have you had sexual intercourse with someone when YOU DIDN'T
REALLY WANT TO because you felt pressured by their continual arguments?

4. In the past year, have you had sexual intercourse with someone when they REALLY
DIDN'T WANT TO because they felt pressured by your continual arguments?

5. In the past year, have you been in a situation where someone used some degree of
PHYSICAL FORCE (twisting your arm, holding you down, etc.) to get you to have
sexual intercourse with them when YOU DIDN'T WANT TO, WHETHER OR NOT
INTERCOURSE ACTUALLY OCCURRED?

6. In the past year, have you been in a situation where you used some degree of
PHYSICAL FORCE (twisting an arm, holding them down, etc.) to try to get someone to
have sexual intercourse with you when THEY DIDN'T WANT TO, WHETHER OR
NOT INTERCOURSE ACTUALLY OCCURRED?

7. In the past year, have you had someone ATTEMPT sexual intercourse with you by
giving you alcohol or other drugs, but intercourse did not occur?

8. In the past year, have you ATTEMPTED sexual intercourse with a person when they
didn't want to by giving them alcohol or other drugs, but intercourse did not occur?

9. In the past year, have you had sexual intercourse when YOU DIDN'T WANT TO
because a person gave you alcohol or drugs?

10. In the past year, have you had sexual intercourse with a person when THEY DIDN'T
WANT TO by giving them alcohol or drugs?

Young Adult Alcohol Problem Severity Test (Wood, Johnson, & Sher, 1992)
1. Has drinking ever gotten you into sexual situations which you later regretted?

2. Because you had been drinking, have you ever had sex when you really didn't want to?

3. Because you had been drinking, have you ever had sex with someone you wouldn't
ordinarily have sex with?

4. Have you ever been pressured or forced to have sex with someone because you were
too drunk to prevent it?

5. Have you ever pressured or forced someone to have sex with you after you had been
drinking?

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