A Policy Maker’s Guide

With funding support from

 OUR WORK
ACEMP promotes innovations that foster the complementary
coexistence of the extractives industry, agriculture and
pastoralism to improve food security in Uganda.
Irresponsible extraction of mineral
and petroleum resources can
destroy productive soils, pollute
farmlands and destabilise livestock
ultimately escalating food shortage. OUR TARGET
By 2021, conduct two action studies in petroleum and mining
regions to inform policy and suggest alternatives that promote the
coexistence of the extractives industry and agro-pastoralism
A Policy Maker’s Guide

With funding support from:

Implemented by:

1
 Table of Contents

03 Acknowledgements 23 4.0 Status of Mining

in Amudat

05
4.1 Impact of mining on Agriculture 27
4.1.1 Worker Mobility: from Farmers to Miners 28
1.0 Introduction 4.1.2 Water Quality & Pollution 29
4.1.3 Story detailing mining at river Chepkararat 30
4.1.4 Agriculture & Mined Minerals 32

33 5.0 Policy
1.1 Research problem, Objectives and Justification 7

Gaps Around
09 2.0 Methodology
and Scope
Mining, Pastoralism
and Agriculture
5.1 Land and land-use competition 34
2.1 Study Area 10
2.2 Approach and Data collection methods 10 5.2 Knowledge of mining laws 35
2.3 Literature Review 10 5.3 Legal issues affecting mining 35
2.4 Interviews 10 5.4 Supervision of agreements 36
2.5 Site Visits/Observation 10 5.5 Social effects 36
5.6 Emerging issues 37

11
5.7 Environmental degradation, pollution,
3.0 Results safety and hazards 37

3.1 Population in Amudat District 12

3.2 Land use in Amudat District 12
3.3 Classification of Livelihood and Climatic Zones 13
39 6.0 Recommendations
3.4 Agro-Ecological Zones in Amudat District 14

43 References
3.5 Livestock Production 15
3.6 Livestock Labour- Grain Livestock 16
3.7 Pastoralism and mobility of animals 17
3.8 Crop Production 18
3.9 An example of a failed government
policy on Agriculture 19
3.10 Demonstration Farm 19
3.11 Sources of water 20

2

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The Africa Centre for Energy and Mineral Policy (ACEMP) appreciates the
Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa (OSIEA) for financially supporting
this study. This study was carried out under the project: “Securing Agro-
Pastoral livelihoods in the Mineral development of Karamoja”

3
1.0 INTRODUCTION

5
T he discovery of minerals in Uganda offers a
significant opportunity for the country with
potential to contribute to social and economic
development. This includes fulfilling Uganda’s
2040 Vision and the National Development Plan
II 2014/15–2019/201 targets. The challenge is
that the mining sector will require investments in
infrastructure and other technologies to be effective.
Such investments require land, affect land use and
must be carefully thought through so as not to create
or fuel existing tensions in the communities where
mining is taking place.
Despite the steady growth in the mining sector’s
annual production value, underlying tensions remain
over ownership and access to land and resources.
For instance, communities in Amudat District are
confronted by different types of mining-related
conflicts, which are either inter-communal or intra-
communal, but all relating to how the communities
find themselves interacting with other groups,
individuals, communities, state or corporate actors.
Issues related to mineral resources include:- disputes
ignited by the speculation activities of commercial
companies or even individuals; conflict between
private mining companies and communal land
resource users due to changing livelihoods; conflicts
among small-scale miners themselves driven mainly
by jealousy and the need for access to perceived areas
of better mining results, as well as sharing of proceeds.
Conflicts between small-scale miners and investors
are driven by the need for control of mining activities,
land, unclear terms of operation, and the perception
that investors came to know of the minerals before
local people.
The partitioning of the Amudat District into parcels of
mining concessions is threatening the agro-pastoral
livelihoods of the indigenous communities occupying
mineral-bearing communal lands by putting more
pressure on agro-pastoral land and water resources.
Mining deprives pastoral communities of much
needed grazing lands and water sources due to
encroachment by mining companies that are also
competing for the same resources. The companies’
mining operations not only cause harsh disturbances
of the area’s ecosystem, but also disrupt cattle
1 The goal of the NDP is to propel the country towards middle
income status by 2020 through strengthening the country’s
competitiveness for sustainable wealth creation, employment
and inclusive growth.
6
OBJECTIVES:
࿤࿤ To assess the state of
agriculture, pastoralism and
mining in Amudat District
࿤࿤ To establish the impact
of mining on agro-
pastoral livelihoods in
Amudat District
࿤࿤ To identify policy gaps
around mining, pastoralism
and agriculture that
are directly affecting
community livelihoods
in Amudat District
corridors and restrict access to watering points
as companies fence off vast areas of land for their
exploration and mining operations. This is increasing
food insecurity in the region, depriving pastoralists’
free access to pastoral lands for livestock grazing and
violating the socio-economic and cultural rights of
the local communities in Amudat District.
Much as the 2013 Land Policy made attempts to
protect customary land owners’ rights to land, little has
been done to give legal effect to that policy direction.
The current mining legal framework leans towards
exclusive surface use rights for the mining companies
rather than communal land ownership rights for the
predominantly nomadic pastoral Pokot communities.
Not only is this a threat to land ownership, but also
the Pokot traditional way of life which thrives on
unlimited free access to grazing land and water by
all, including women, pastoralists and indigenous
customary land owners. There is no engagement or
adequate consultations with communal land owners
to give their Free Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC)2
regarding mineral development activities that have
an impact on their lands and livelihoods.
Consequently, mining has made it difficult for
communities to practice agriculture and pastoralism,
and forced them to either obtain employment in the
mining companies or opt for artisanal mining which
gives daily returns and is not dependent on access to
vast chunks of land or frequency of rains. According
to some UNDP studies, at least 18,000 Pokot men,
women and children depend on mining as a means of
livelihood. This has continuously and systematically
diverted the necessary agricultural labour force to
mining, in the process contributing to increased food
insecurity and showing early-stage characteristics of
a Resource Curse in Amudat District.
2 Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) is a specific right
that pertains to indigenous peoples and is recognised in
the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples (UNDRIP). It allows them to give or withhold
consent to a project that may affect them or their territories.
Once they have given their consent, they can withdraw it
at any stage. Furthermore, FPIC enables them to negotiate
the conditions under which the project will be designed,
implemented, monitored and evaluated.  This is also
embedded within the universal right to self-determination.
(FAO)
1.1 Research problem and
justification
Although some studies have been done to understand
the relationship between mining, community relations
and livelihood in Uganda, the available literature runs
short of specific evidence on the effect of mining on
agro-pastoral systems. The available information is
still generalized, scanty and even outdated. As the
mining sector continues to be one of the Government
of Uganda’s priorities, it was justified to carry out an
action research to generate data and inform not only
policy formulation, but also the design of government
programs. There has been no accurate information
on the impact of the mining sector on agro-pastoral
livelihoods in Amudat district – Karamoja region.
This action research aimed at generating baseline
data on the impact of mining on agriculture and
pastoralism in order to inform intervention strategies
for development of mining in the area.
7
2.0 METHODOLOGY
AND SCOPE

9
2.1 Study area
Amudat is located in the North Eastern region of
Uganda. It is bordered by Moroto District to the north,
the Republic of Kenya to the east, Bukwo and Kween
Districts to the south and Nakapiripirit District to the
west. Amudat town, where the district headquarters
are located, lies approximately 38 Kilometers (24 mi),
by road, northeast of Nakapiripirit, the nearest large
town. This location is approximately 400 kilometers
(250  mi), by road, northeast of Kampala, Uganda’s
capital and largest city. The coordinates of the
district are: 01 57N, 34 57E (Latitude:1.9500;
Longitude: 34.9500). The district has a total area
of 1,638.4  km2 (623.7  sq  mi), and stands at an
elevation of 1,280 m (4,200 ft).
2.2 Approach and data collection
methods
The researchers used both qualitative and
quantitative approaches of data collection. Although
the issues associated with extractive industry
projects and livelihoods are numerous, this study
focused specifically on the impact of mining on agro-
pastoral livelihoods in Amudat District.
2.3 Literature review
The researchers reviewed literature including but
not limited to ACEMP’s Extractive Industries work
in Karamoja, their strategic plans and programs,
the policies and laws applicable to Mining in
Uganda, land acquisition in Uganda, publications by
reputable researchers, academia, Non-Governmental
Organizations, Government of Uganda reports and
media articles relating to the general objective of this
study. There is already a wide range of publications
regarding mining in Uganda as well as interaction of
the sector with other resources such as land. Both
print and electronic literature was reviewed.
10
2.4 Interviews
Primary and secondary data were collected at district,
community and household levels. Focus Group
Discussions with district leaders, community elders,
mining leaders, women leaders, and others were
conducted. Secondly, in-depth discussions were
conducted regarding the land tenure system, status
of mining, status of agriculture, the performance
of crop and livestock production, challenges and
opportunities of different sectors, and priority areas
of interventions. In total 10 focus group discussions
were conducted using semi structured questionnaires
with fair representations of men and women. The
average number of participants in each focus group
discussion was 6 People.
A total 20 Individual key informant interviews were
conducted using semi-structured questionnaires
and check lists. The interviews achieved fair
representations of gender and age. The interviews
provided a deeper insight and analysis into the
household economy, mining and livelihood, production
patterns, crop and livestock production, and policies.
Key informant interviews were conducted with officials
from district and sub-county administrations, district
production departments, staff of different NGOs and
agro-pastoral civil society groups of Amudat District.
The Household Economy Approach (HEA) and
sustainable livelihood framework were considered to
assess the livelihoods context and identify linkages
among different variables.
2.5 Site visits/observation
The researchers conducted site visits with a view of
assessing the physical evidence of data especially
on land use activities and impact. During the visits,
observation was used hand in hand with in depth
interviews. Pictures were also taken on site. The
qualitative data from interviews was transcribed,
organized into sub-themes and presented as
a narrative. The researchers only considered
information that was relevant for answering the
research questions. Pictures and any other evidence
from the observation have been presented in the
report as evidence.
3.0 RESULTS

11
3.1 Population in Amudat District noticed in 1980, when large numbers of Artisanal and
Small Scale Miners (ASMs) arrived from Busia.3 The
Table 1. Total population by age group and sex, total amount of land used in mining is relatively small
Amudat District, 2014 compared with agriculture.
Fig.2 Land use practices in Amudat District
Age Male Female Total
group Land Under
Land Under crop
Agriculture
0-9 19,937 19,882 39,819 Mining
9% 10% Land occupied
by Forest
10-19 15,719 13,586 29,305 Reserves
1% Land under
20-39 12,074 13,103 25,177 commercial
farming:
40-59 4,547 3,636 8,183 0%
60+ 1,969 1,316 3,285
District 54,246 51,523 105,769 Land Under
Pastoralism
80%
Figure 1. Population Distribution by Sub-county

Source: Amudat Statistical

Abstract 2013

For example, the land used for agriculture is 10%

of land area whereas mining disturbs only 9% of
land. The biggest area of the land (80%) is used for
Popn Distribution pastoralism. If pastoralism is also expressed as part
11786-17081
17082-22375 of agriculture, this would imply that agriculture in
22376-27670
27671-32964 Amudat covers 90% of the land compared to 9%.
The remaining part of the land (1%) is occupied by
forest reserves. The district has about 157 square
kilometers of game reserve and about 3,600 square
kilometers of controlled hunting area, leaving less
than 1,000 square kilometers for people.

In many countries the land used for mining has been

Source: National Planning And Housing
Census 2014. Area Specific Profiles
3.2 Land use in Amudat District
In Amudat district, the key land use practices are
agriculture and mining. Mining and agriculture have
also been linked through their use of land and water
resources. Agriculture comprises of crop and animal
husbandry, as well as apiary. Evidence from the study
indicates that mining and agriculture have co-existed
for a very long time although the main rush was
less compared to agriculture. In Canada, 0.01% of
land has been used for mining4 compared with 7%
of land used for agriculture5.In Peru, although 12%
of the total land is under mining concessions,6 only
0.08% of the country’s total land is being mined7.
In Brazil, less than 0.45% of the total land is under
mining concessions, and in Australia mining sites
disturbed less than 0.26% of total land mass8
3 A District in Eastern Uganda known for artisanal gold
mining
4 Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] (2011). The World
Factbook: Peru. Accessed: https://www.cia.gov/library/
publications / the-world-factbook/geos/pe.html
5 Ibid
6 Ibid
7 Ibid
8 Ibid

12
Despite the small footprint of mining as a fraction
of total land use, conflict can arise at the local
level where mining is perceived as competing with
agriculture and livestock grazing or other traditional
land uses. Displacement and resettlement of farmers
from mining areas has also caused conflict where
comparable land could not be purchased or share-
croppers and farmers without land title are excluded.
In Chepkararat, Karita sub-county, land has been
gazetted for the game reserve. The remaining land
has also been bought off. Most locals are squatters.
Apiary can be developed alongside mining because
there are many trees in the mining areas. The land
system in Amudat is range land management. Some
land is left vacant to enable animals graze even during
dry seasons.
At the time of this research in February 2018, almost
50,000 Pokot from Kenya had migrated with their
livestock into Uganda and were grazing on the
free range land. This ultimately was exerting more
pressure on the land and limiting grazing land for
livestock from Amudat. In Kween, cows that cross
over from Amudat to graze are taxed. Each cow is
charged 1,000 Uganda Shillings to graze in Kween.
On the contrary, traders from Kween collect sand from
Karita in Amudat District for free. Some respondents
claim that the sand contains gold and therefore they
are losing much more than a mere building material.
According to the Kalita Sub-County Chief, there
have been attempts to tax the sand trade as well as
murrum, soil, firewood and charcoal that goes out of
Amudat District. This move is also aimed at deterring
the business as a way of protecting the environment.
At the time of the research, consultations were
going on by the District Council on how to develop a
framework of setting up levies and issuing licenses to
the dealers in order to control the trade.
In Auruma and Komermer, land was excavated and
deep holes left. Because of this, agriculture can
no longer happen in the affected areas. Because of
mining, Greek River has also been affected. The water
has been contaminated with mercury and the gold
ore washed into the river. The study also established
that people usually abandon agriculture for mining in
pursuit of quick returns. Respondents explained that
with agriculture, they have to wait for up to 6 months
to harvest yet they can get a daily income from the
gold mines.
3.3 Classification of livelihood
and climatic zones
Amudat can be classified into three livelihood
zones linked to the degree of aridity and associated
dependence on livestock: 1) Northern cattle zone – a
semi arid zone characterized by a prolonged dry season
and erratic rainfall9, Livestock production is the main
economic activity supplemented by opportunistic
farming; 2) Agro-pastoral zone – with an average
annual rainfall of 500 – 800mm10. The zone is highly
dependent on livestock production and rain-fed crop
production; and 3) Agricultural zone – running along
the South with average annual rainfall of 700 – 1000
mm, capable of supporting most tropical food crops.
The District is generally characterized by poor rainfall
distribution and reliability manifested through
prolonged dry spells and flash floods. The magnitude,
frequency and severity of these hazards have
increased over the past decades seriously eroding the
productive assets and traditional coping capacities
that support livelihoods.
Figure 3. Agricultural Activities
in Amudat District
Crop & livestock
14,470
livestock farming 13.920
growing of Matooke 115
sweet potatoes 145
growing of millet 559
growing of beans 9,417
coffee growing 3
maize growing 13,156
crop growing 13,448
Source: Amudat District Local Government
9 Lies in the centre of Amudat District
10 Lies in the South of Amudat District
13
3.4 Agro-Ecological Zones in
Amudat District
Evidence11 from the study indicates that Amudat is
divided into three agro-ecological zones namely; -
The Northern cattle maize zone, the Central Zone and
the Southern zone.
a. The Northern cattle maize zone comprises
of mostly the parishes in Loroo Sub-County
bordering Moroto District. Cattle keeping and
maize growing are the main economic activities.
People depend on livestock and grow maize
alongside beans. The area is quite fertile. It has
loam soils that favour production of maize. The
maize is exported to Kenya and Mbale town.
Cattle trade is active and quite often, most
animals are exported to Kenya. There is a bit of
artisanal gold mining towards the border with
Moroto as well as deposits of marble.
b. The Central pastoral zone (Amudat, Katabok,
Loburin Parish) is mainly for cattle keeping. It
consists of Amudat Sub-County and Amudat
town council. The Central and northern cattle
maize zones take advantage of river Kanyangaren
for water for their animals and crops. Livestock
and crops both benefit from the watershed.
c. The Southern zone - Karita Sub-County
which borders Kween district is agro-pastoral
in nature. It comprises of Losidok, Karita and
Lokales Parishes. Cattle keeping, mining as well
as agriculture are the main economic activities.
Most mining is found in this area. The area has
a green belt which favours both crop agriculture
and animal rearing. Evidence from the study
indicated co-existence of both agriculture and
mining with reliance on the same water sources.
Land opening is by use of tractors, which is quite
unusual in a pastoral community. This is because the
Pokot cherish their animals so much that they would
not wish to use them for traction purposes. In most
cases you find villagers using tractors to open up land,
although the more vulnerable ones still use hand hoes.
The rainfall pattern in Amudat is quite unpredictable.
A total of 800mm of rainfall is received annually.
11 Key informant interviews with District Agricultural Office
14
February 2018, about
50,000 Pokot
from Kenya had migrated
with their livestock into
Uganda
The area is extremely hot and somewhat semi-arid.
The beauty with the Pokot is they rarely cut trees.
Traditional systems have ensured that trees and
bushes are not tampered with. A few outsiders have
come and recently introduced charcoal burning in the
district especially around Lokales in Karita near the
Greek river. The areas around residential homes and
offices remain bushy because people do no cut trees.
During the hot season, animals tend to migrate
westwards towards Nakapiripirit and Kween Districts
looking for pasture and water. Availability of water for
agriculture, people and animals is one of the biggest
issues in Amudat.
One key informant aptly described the Pokot livelihood
system as a “sorghum and cattle economy.” Crop
and livestock production, or agro-pastoralism, are
the dominant economic activities both as sources of
food and income. However, the degree of importance
attached to each varies between groups and
according to location. Generally from west to east the
weather becomes increasingly dry, hence emphasis
shifts from crop to livestock production.
The long term average rainfall data shows that the
area receives between 500 to 800 millimeters of
rainfall per year which makes Amudat District one
of the wettest areas occupied by pastoralists in the
Horn of Africa. However, the variability, measured as
deviation from mean, is very high. This uncertainty
of rainfall is the main reason why most households
do not depend solely on cultivation. Livestock can
more effectively exploit the temporal and spatial
variability in natural resources. Therefore, most of the
population in Amudat District relies on livestock and
crop production.
The soils are predominantly sandy loam with areas
of black clay, sand and clay alluvial. The main
crops are those that can withstand relatively drier
conditions including sorghum, bulrush/pearl millet,
finger millet, maize, beans, groundnut, sunflower,
cucumber, and pumpkins.12 Intercropping of these
different crops in one garden is another feature of the
crop production system. Intercropping, in contrast
to mono-cropping, is a risk diversification strategy
which is practiced to optimize production from small
plots of land. Utilization of modern agricultural inputs
such as fertilizers, pesticides and hybrid seeds is non-
existent. Grains, vegetables and oil seeds from own
production are sources of food for households. Grain
sale is practiced in small quantity at different times
when the need for other items is raised and augments
household income.
Table 1. Household Economy and Welfare
࿤࿤ Household Economy Number Percent
and Welfare
࿤࿤ Households
that depend on
subsistence farming 12,024 77.6
as a main source
of livelihood
࿤࿤ Households with at
least one member
engaged in a 8,910 92.7
non-agricultural
household based
enterprise
3.5 Livestock Production
Cattle dominate livestock production, followed by
goats and sheep. Livestock production has undergone
the process of intensification through selection of
breeds which are well adapted to the climate of the
area. The small-sized Pokot Zebu (compared to other
East African Zebu cattle, e.g. the Boran of Kenya
and Ethiopia), Blackhead Persian Sheep and Nubian
Goats are valued not only as sources of food and
income but also for their ability to trek long distances
during the dry season, resistance to certain diseases,
and fairly good performance under water and feed
12 Smith (1986) cited in Wilson and Rowland (2001) Land and
Agriculture in Amudat District.
stress.13 Animals provide food such as meat, milk,
and blood for household consumption. Sale of animal
products like milk, butter, skin, and live animals are
also sources of income.
Livestock production, particularly cattle, is at the
centre of Pokot socio-economic life. Extensive
grazing land is the main source of feed for livestock
and access to this resource depends on membership
to a certain clan. The production system involves
seasonal migration of animals and humans in search
of water and pasture. This movement enables herders
to exploit the seasonal variability of natural resources
and is crucial to maintaining household food security.
Religion, tradition, culture, and economic activities
are interwoven with cattle production. It is not only
a mode of production but a mode of perception as
well14 Small ruminants such as goats and sheep are
also integral parts of the production system.
Livestock raiding is an adaptive strategy common
among pastoralists of the Horn of Africa as a means
of wealth redistribution.15 Ecologists even appreciate
the rationale of livestock redistribution when practiced
from high to low livestock pressure areas and
peacefully, for example as payment of large herds for
dowry or gifts to families and friends. During the study,
Information from focus group discussions with elders
indicated that, the intensification of raiding in Amudat
District since the 1970s has led to livestock asset
depletion and aggravated household food insecurity.
The frontal sub-counties of Loroo have lost their
livestock assets due to intensive raiding. Incessant
raids and counter raids, coupled with diseases, have
led to remarkable reductions in livestock numbers.
Using comparisons with the Pokot ideal viable herd
size of 60 per household (i.e. 6 cattle per capita)16,
Novelli (1999) provides historical analysis of changes
13 Smith (1986) cited in Wilson and Rowland (2001) Land and
Agriculture in Amudat District.
14 Novelli (1999) Pokot Traditional Religion a Contribution.
Camboni Missionaries, Kampala.
15 Blench and Marriage (1999) cited in Ahmed et al (undated)
Post-Drought Recovery Strategies among Pastoral
Households in the Horn of Africa: A Review. Development
Research Report Series (No. 3).
16 6 cattle per adult would provide 4.2Tropical Livestock Units
(TLU) per adult, which is sufficient to maintain a pastoral
adult life (3.5-4 TLU/adult). For Agropastoralists, 1.5-2 TLU/
adult are suggested, which would translate into 3 cattle per
adult.
15
in herd sizes.17 In 1959 the per capita herd size was
2.69 total livestock units (TLU) per capita; in 1969
it decreased slightly to 2 TLU/capita; and during
the 1980 famine it reduced significantly to 0.74
TLU/capita due to drought, epidemics, and raids18
Today, there is a high probability that the number will
reduce even further, erode household resilience, and
contribute to vulnerability.
The combination of livestock loss and high
dependence on erratic rain fed crop production is at
the heart of vulnerability to food insecurity in Amudat
District. In the agro-pastoral production system,
households who can achieve and maintain a balance
between crop and livestock production perform better
and remain more resilient. Skewed dependence in
one of the two production systems will increase
vulnerability to climatic and market shocks, especially
if dependent on crop production.
It was also observed by community leaders that
mining has for long been an alternative source of
livelihood, in times when pastoralism is a challenge.
It was noted that after massive cattle raids and loss
of cattle, the Pokot would resort to mining especially
gold. The income obtained from selling gold would
then be used to buy and re-stock animals. In some
cases gold would be exchanged for cows and sheep.
It was also observed that, because of the value
attached to pastoralism, after accumulating more
cows, the miners would then abandon mining and
resort to animal rearing which was deemed less risky.
17 Novelli (1999) Pokot Traditional Religion: A Contribution.
Camboni Missionaries. Kampala, Uganda.
18 UBOS (Uganda Bureau of Statistics) recently conducted
livestock a census in the country and they are in the process
of report writing. Results are expected to be released at the
end of the year or early 2009.
16
During the disarmament
exercise in the Obote II
regime, all livestock was
taken away from the people.
People resorted to mining.
Government then offered
cows for guns.
Wanjala Patrick LC I Chepkararat
3.6 Livestock labour- grain
livestock
In this, livestock are exchanged for labour which
produces grain, which can be further exchanged
for livestock or the production of more grain. This
strategy eases pressure on herds through high
requirement of animal products. The economic
rationale of raiding to pay bride wealth lies in this
analysis. Those men who are unable to pay the high
prices of bride dowry attempt to appropriate it from
an ‘enemy production unit’ to invest in productive
process. Another livelihood strategy is the exchange
of herdsmen labour for animal products.
Livestock Labour Animal products are used to buy
labour, which in return will increase migration of the
herds to ensure better access to pasture and water.
The migration helps improve animal conditions (due
to regular water and pasture), which in exchange
increases income from animals but as well the animal
reproduction and hence the real capital. Therefore,
investment in labour can be directly linked to improved
herds and head numbers. Women also implement
another analogous livelihood strategy, with important
implications for both the household economy and the
surrounding social fabric.
3.7 Pastoralism and mobility of
animals
During dry spells, all cows are driven to Kween District
or Nabilatuk (along Moroto road). However, when
a comparison is done of the period Amudat cows
spend in Amudat or neighbouring areas, the time in
Amudat is quite short. The cows are always away
looking for pasture. The people of Amudat generally
believe their soil cannot produce anything. However,
when you look at the demonstration gardens, they
have been able to produce some crops which include
bananas, sugarcane and vegetables among others.
This indicates that more work has to be done to
demonstrate to the locals that their soils can be as
productive as anywhere else.
To curb violence and insecurity, the government
launched voluntary disarmament in 2002. However,
lack of protection for the disarmed population
reversed the initial success of the programme. After
a lull in 2006 the government again launched a more
controversial forced disarmament programme using
military personnel in cordon and search operations.
Protected kraal have since been established in every
sub-county, situated beside military barracks to
protect livestock from raiders.
One key informant in Amudat sub-county reported
that there would be up to 30,000 cattle in one
protected kraal. Even if conducted with good
intentions, respondents reported that the system
reduced household access to livestock products as
well as their ability to purchase food through animal
sales. The kraals also fostered disease transmission
and increased pressure on pasture and water
resources as herders were forced to remain within a
day’s walk from the kraal to be able to return with the
animals in the evening before the kraals were closed.
Local government officials interviewed during the
assessment did not seem to have a plan for the dry
season when pasture becomes scarce and the need
for movement arises, although popular perception
was that the kraal would be relocated during the dry
season. Despite these sacrifices to ensure livestock
protection, however, raiding continues even in that
kraal under army defence. The overall effect of this
kraal therefore is the disruption of livestock production,
which contributes to households’ vulnerability across
all wealth groups.
Extensive pastureland use is the main source of feed
for livestock, and all members of the same clan have
equal access on a first come, first serve basis. Herding
involves seasonal movement of livestock and their
keepers between wet and dry season pastures. Pokot
herdsmen previously went as far as the neighbouring
sub-regions of settled agriculturalists in Teso, Lango,
and Acholi. This seasonal movement was beneficial
for both communities.
While the herdsmen gained from availability of
pasture for their livestock (mainly crop residues in
the fields), the settled agriculturalists benefit from
availability of animal products, market opportunities,
and natural fertilization of agricultural fields. The
symbiotic relationship was interrupted as a result
of animosity fomented by Pokot raids in these
regions and subsequent restrictions imposed by the
Government. Seasonal cross border movement of
herds and humans into neighboring countries is also
an integral part of the system.
During focus group discussions
with community elders, half
identified livestock raids as the
leading problem disrupting
their livestock production,
followed by diseases
(30%)
and seasonal shortages of
pasture and water
(20%)
17
The Matheniko migration to Turkana (Kenya) and the
Tepeth to Pokot (Kenya) contribute to household food
security through exploitation of seasonal variability
of natural vegetation and market opportunities. The
imposition of restrictions on livestock movement
between districts and across borders due to insecurity,
and measures taken to control it, curtail household
access to grain and livestock market opportunities.
Moreover, due to the risk of sudden attack from
bordering clans, vast pastureland is also wasted as
a buffer zone and this contributes to the shortage
of pasture and consequently poor performance of
livestock. Contagious and fatal livestock diseases
combined with weak veterinary services result in
decreased animal numbers and production while
reducing household food and income sources.
3.8 Crop Production
In Amudat District, crop cultivation was exclusively
a female role until recently. The participation of
men in crop production is a recent phenomenon
apparently attributable to the reduction of livestock
numbers and the growing importance of agriculture
in the household economy. For example The Pokot,
call sorghum the “cattle of women,” illustrating two
issues; the agricultural significance of sorghum in
terms of coverage and total production, as well as the
gender division of labour in the household.
Crop cultivation is practiced during the wet season
away from the manyatta homestead. Each manyatta
also has its own garden and is managed by women.
Family labour is the main input to the production
process. All cultivation practices, from land
preparation to harvest, are done manually. Coupled
with the requirement for labour in herding, this exerts
high labour demand on households. Availability of
early rain and labour are the factors that determine
the area under cultivation. It is a common practice
to save some sorghum from the previous harvest and
process it into quete19 in order to purchase labour for
food crop cultivation. Crop failure resulting from late
or insufficient rain is a common phenomenon and,
one of the central features of household vulnerability
in the region – particularly for households with less
livestock.
19 A locally prepared traditional brew made from a mixture of
Millet and Sorghum
18
Simple agricultural tools such as hoes, machetes, and
in some cases ox ploughs are used in the production
process. Utilization of modern farm inputs such as
fertilizers, pesticides, and hybrid seeds are virtually
absent. Interestingly even manure, which is abundant,
is not widely utilized to fertilize food crops (or as a
cooking fuel).
By comparison, manure apparently is more commonly
used for tobacco cultivation in the immediate
manyatta vicinity. This raises a lingering question
deserving further investigation, as dung seemingly
could fulfill a hugely beneficial role in household
cultivation. Respondents seem aware of the potential
benefits, but it is not yet clear what the underlying
reasons are for avoiding use of dung to fertilize field
crops. Coupled with the absence of crop residue cut
and carry practices, this suggests that the Pokot agro
pastoral system is at an early stage of intensification.
Intercropping (often sorghum, millet, beans,
sunflower, cucumber, pumpkin, and cabbages) in one
field is a common practice in local crop production.
This technique is used to optimize production by
diversifying risks such as erratic rainfall; pest attacks,
and market price fluctuations. The harvest of each
year is used for seed material for the following season.
Storage is facilitated on household level, with the use
of local granaries. In bad years, with early hunger
season, grains envisioned for seed material, might be
consumed.
The study found out that the southern part of the
district is wetter than the east and more favorable
for crop production. Productivity (kg/acre) is very low,
however, even in normal years, due to widespread
pest attacks and the absence of modern farm inputs.
Households have expressed a range of reasons for
poor agriculture performance and the main challenges
they face. Drought and insecurity are the highest
mentioned, reflecting either a problem with access
to land for cultivation or insufficient rain to ensure
crop maturity. Access to agricultural inputs and pest
control follow in rank, posing further challenges to
production.
However an interview, with the District Resident
Commissioner, indicated that, the main challenge to
crop and livestock productivity is limited knowledge
and high illiteracy levels. This frustrates the ability to 3.10 Demonstration Farm: A
uptake modern agricultural and farming methods.
Successful Attempt at
A tractor charges 170,000 per acre. An acre can Irrigation
produce 10 bags of maize at 100,000 each bag. The research team visited a Demonstration Farm
There is limited knowledge on policies. Illiteracy levels along river Kanyareg Amudat subcounty, Nabokotom.
are very high. For this reason, people do not know The farm relies on irrigation during the dry season.
what is going on and what to do. From Amudat, over The farmers use a foot water pump, to pump water
1,000 cows are sold to Kenya on a weekly basis, but from the river to the farm. The farm is approximately
this money is not invested in productive ventures. two acres in size and has sugarcane, egg plants,
Although there is a problem of water in the district, sukuma, oranges and pawpaws. The firm is owned
revenues from Livestock could partly be invested by a group of 15 People, who claim to make a profit
in water technologies such as irrigation and water of 100,000 shillings per harvest. In each Month,
harvesting. Each eco-system has its own uniqueness they are able to make two harvests, translating to
and opportunities. “Amudat District is unique and 200,000 shillings per month as additional income.
capable of developing. Amudat has, for example, The farmers observed that this is just extra income
sandalwood trees which are used as a preservative on top of what they obtain from grazing their cows.
for food. We only need to wake up. We can even
consider putting in place a man-made lake.” Deputy
CAO Angum Moses The proponents of the farm/ farming believe there
is no point in working so hard to get so little. A story
was told of two people that left agriculture to go load
3.9 An example of a failed Marble in order to make quick money but ended up
government policy on dying when the stones rolled back. Because of this,
they believe mining has many more risks compared to
Agriculture agriculture and inspite of the quick income, it is not a
worthwhile venture.
Government tends to plan for the region without
consulting stakeholders. For example, Government
once brought goats (reportedly from Mubende District)
to Amudat. These goats eat grass and yet Amudat local
goats eat leaves which are readily available. Because of
this, they could not survive. Friesian cows which cannot
resist the conditions in the region were also brought
as well as cassava cuttings. The cuttings were heaped
and abandoned at the barracks. The community does
not know what cassava is and they do not even know
how to plant it or how it is cooked. Pigs were brought
to Amudat. People mistook them for a rare species of
goats. Some were shot with arrows before they were
sent back. People in Amudat do not eat pigs.

In another case, 30,000 seedlings of grafted

oranges and mangoes were brought to Amudat.
However, many did not survive largely because
they needed a lot of watering. Across the Kenyan,
border in Sigor, 20 km (West Pokot) which is way
hotter than Amudat, the best oranges and mangoes
are being produced. The government should set up
demonstration farms to equip the people with skills to
improve agriculture.
19
3.11 Sources of water
In Amudat, District seasonal rivers are main sources of
water for humans and livestock and access is free of
charge. During wet season, these sources are full and
the problem of shortage of water ceases. However,
during dry periods the rivers become dry and herders
dig traditional wells on river beds to water their
animals. Micro dams constructed by the government
and NGOs are also sources of water retention for
Figure 4. The major sources of water in Amudat
livestock and human consumption during dry as well
as wet seasons. Water troughs which connect with
boreholes are also found in some parishes. They are
managed by the community.
Conflict may also arise between agriculture and
mining over access to water resources. Concerns
relate to both the total amount of water used,
especially in areas with limited fresh water resources,
and changes in water quality due to mining activities.

Bore hole River Rainfall Stream Valley Tank Pond Tap

3% 2%

7%
8%

10%
55%

15%

Some people dig river beds to access water during walk an average of 1.5 km and 1.0 km to reach the
dry seasons. The main water source is boreholes; ¾ primary water point. 89% of the households have 20
of the district depend on the few existing boreholes. litres or less water stored in the household (2.8 litres
Households collect an average of 40 litres per day per person, assuming a seven person household)
(an average of 5.7 l/p/d, assuming a seven person
household). The study also found out that households
Figure 5. Sources of Drinking water

Bore hole 8,532

Access to piped water 247

20
Figure 6. Percentage number of households without safe drinking water

In Amudat District, there is a heavy reliance on

boreholes for domestic water. However, there is
a low amount of water available to the population
from the existing boreholes, not much water is
collected, and not much water is stored inside the
house. Streams/rivers are the primary sources of
water for livestock, with boreholes a secondary
HHs Without Safe Water(%) source. More data needs to be collected on the
24.8-32.7
32.8-40.7
seasonality of these water points.
40.8-48.6
48,7-56.6

Agriculture is dependent on rainfall, which calls

for a need for water point mapping - consolidation
of existing information on borehole locations
and state of repair, data collection to identify
non-borehole water points (dams, earthpans,
Source: National
etc.), identification of key water points. The
Planning and district needs also to carry out analysis of the
Housing Census hydrogeological context to understand temporal
2014. Area Specific water level changes and level of sustainable
Profiles, Amudat extraction.

Water from a mining site flowing into a garden in Chepkararat.

Source: ACEMP

21
22
4.0 STATUS OF MINING
IN AMUDAT

23
 A miner in Karita drilling gold containing rocks
Source: ACEMP
Amudat is one of the seven districts of the mineral-
rich Karamoja Region which was first mapped at a
scale of 1:250,000 and published in the ‘Geology
of Karamoja’ by Macdonald (1961, 1966), Williams
(1966), Elepu et al. (2012) and Baglow et al.
(2012). These mappings sub-divided the rocks
of the Karamoja region into the Karamoja and the
Karasuk. The Karamoja group is made up of a mixed
assemblage of granite gneiss, migmatite, biotite
gneiss, banded biotite and garnet gneiss, granulite
and charnockite, leucocratic granite gneiss, and
minor intrusive rocks. The Karasuk group consists of
a mixture of undifferentiated granite gneiss, quartzite
with amphibolite bands and marble .
The major minerals that are mined in Amudat District
are gold, marble and sand; although according to a
detailed minerals survey carried out by a firm from
24
the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in 1994,
the district also has potential for limestone, iron ore,
diamond, gems and rubies.
Karita Sub-county hosts the highest number of
artisanal miners engaged in gold extraction. The gold
mining and processing operations are largely found
in Lokales Parish- Chepkararat about 78km south
of Amudat town. Extraction methods are extremely
manual, and include the use of sticks, in some cases
iron rods. The area is littered with deep abandoned
pits, some collapsed and/or covered by soil. This
renders livestock grazing and free passage of humans
difficult, if not impossible, at both abandoned and
active ASM sites because of the risk of falling into
pits.
At the time of conducting this study, there were at
least four abandoned open cyanide tanks. Locals
reported that they had lost seven goats which died
after drinking the cyanide solution in the tanks.
Artisanal gold mining in Amudat is often practiced by
an entire family as a means of survival. It involves the
husband, wife (or wives) and children. At the sites,
there is no use of personal protective equipment or
protective gear by the miners and workers. Children
freely participate in mining activities, with some
helping their parents.
Over the last two years, there has been a steady influx
of foreigners coming into Karita sub-county to mine
gold. Information from the Directorate of Geological
Survey and Mines in the Ministry of Energy and
Mineral Development indicate that by the end of
April 2018, there were 10 applications for exploration
and location licenses yet to be granted over different
areas in Amudat District for gold, Base Metals, Rare
Earth Elements, Uranium and ‘precious metals.’ Four
exploration licenses were active in Amudat for gold,
base metals, silica/glass sand, cobalt, copper and
precious metals.
There are at least two medium scale mining operations
taking place in the mountain where locals report the
use of explosives. No one seems to know the identity
of the company although there are rumours that the
proprietors are well-connected individuals politically.
Respondents revealed that when the local leaders
tried to question the operations of the company, a call
came from a “higher office” warning the leaders not
to interrupt the mining operations.
We are not well versed with
information on extractive companies
in the district. I heard of a company
in Karita but I do not know the
name. I heard of it after they were
closed for using mercury. The District
Local Government does not work
with miners.
DCDO Sylvester Moses Lokiru
The District Local Government of Amudat continues
to face the challenge of weak enforcement of mining
regulations especially around the management of the
environment by miners as well as their health and
safety. The Local Government has also been unable to
track and levy applicable fees on mineral production
in the district.
The mining sector operates in a
secretive manner. Whatever comes
out is not very clear to the District.
I am told royalties are paid at a
higher level. At district level, we do
not receive royalties. In most cases
no revenue comes out of the sector.
What we see are usually direct
earnings by those loading and the
ones involved in the excavation.
It is the community where mining
takes place and the people from the
community involved in mining who
benefit. The district does not benefit
from mining.
Elijah, production office
“We have few people with prospecting licenses
prospecting forever. They do not pay taxes. They do
not pay royalties to government. We just see them
carrying away stones, we do not know how much they
are taking away.” Elijah, production office
However, whenever information reaches the District
Local Government, the leaders take steps to ensure
that mining operations do not cause harm to the
population. For example, the District leadership had
resolved to shut down a mining operation in Karita
where mercury was being used and the waste water
discarded into a nearby fresh water stream.
25
There is a legal requirement that all applications for
licenses must be cleared by the Chief Administrative
Officer of the district. However, according to the
CAO, whereas the applicants demonstrate in their
applications that they will follow all the environmental
and social guidelines as required by the law, they do
not execute those commitments when they obtain
the licenses.

“You find that people come with good documents

stating their contribution to safeguarding the
environment and other social issues seeking
licenses. However, many end up doing nothing for the
community at the end of the day. They simply exploit
the community and go. The district has no capacity to
monitor and do follow ups.” Deputy CAO Angum Moses

The Karamoja Region is also estimated to host over

300 million tonnes of pure white, smoky white and
pink commercial marble deposits, some of which is
found in Amudat’s Loroo sub-county. The marble is
mined mostly by the ASMs using hoes, sticks , iron A miner in Karita displaying gold containing rocks
bars and hammers. During the rainy season, the Source: ACEMP
market is scarce due to poor roads and therefore
marble is sold cheaply unlike the dry seasons when
demand is high.

There is a booming sand trade in Amudat District as Every trip of sand extracted
well. Most of the sand is taken to the neighbouring
districts. A mutual understanding was reached with
is free of charge. Only a tax
neighbours to have animals graze from Kween District
while the people of Kween mine sand and get logs for
construction. However, this has not come to pass as
of 5,000 shillings per
the people of Kween tax 1,000 uganda shillings per truck is paid to the district
cow from Amudat to graze on their land. On the other
hand, the leadership of Amudat is still failing to find
administrator. Sand loaders are
an appropriate taxation system for sand mining in the paid by the owner of the truck.
district.
Each group of loaders is made

up of 6 people. 80,000
shillings is paid for 20tones

and 20,000 for smaller

trucks.

26
 4.1 Impact of mining on
Agriculture
This study established that the impact of mining
on agriculture is not yet significant but is gradually
becoming a concern given the high interest in the
district’s mineral resources. The key informant
interviews indicated that mining has not affected
agricultural productivity yet because the two are
practiced at different times. Because of the climatic
conditions, people tend to move to mining activities
during dry seasons when there is less to do in
Agriculture. There was also evidence that the two
sectors exist symbiotically in communities where
minerals occur.
A dry river bed which is a source of sand and gold
Source: ACEMP Communications Desk
Ours is not to exclude the mining sector but to see how
the two parties can co-exist. The challenges we are
seeing as a result of mining is lack of transparency on
the side of those mining. There is no equity. The locals
are being exploited. Women alongside their children
take part in mining and gender issues are ignored.
In many cases we have people earning from mining
in a dry season, who later invest their proceeds in
agricultural production when the rains come. Elijah,
Production Office
There was evidence of occupational hazards largely
because the miners do not use protective gear. Some
of the respondents claimed that the protective gear
was an additional cost and yet they were not getting
much from the mineral trade to afford the gear.
In most cases, areas with mines encroach on
agricultural land and grazing areas while in areas
where investors have mining rights, no agriculture or
grazing of animals is permitted.
In mining areas, water meant for livestock is affected.
For example in Karita around (Lokales Parish), the
district leadership resolved to shut down a gold
processing operation because of their use of mercury.
There were reports that the mercury was ending up in
the fresh water sources and hence a high likelihood it
was endangering humans and livestock.
We recently closed a gold mining
site in Chepkararat where people
were using mercury. There was a
site where they dug a pit in which
they used mercury to trap the gold.
However, the water was being
washed into a river which flows
through Amudat and Kween. In the
same river, people are collecting
water for domestic use, children
are playing and cattle are drinking
the same water. It was a horrible
situation so we closed the site. It
has been a jungle but at least at
the end of the day, we gave sanity.
Angum Moses Deputy CAO
27
 Case Study: An example of a successful relationship between mining and agriculture
Australian mining company Base Titanium
commenced operations in Kwale County, Kenya
in 2013, and demonstrated commitment to
working with local communities to improve living
standards and livelihood opportunities.
The company engaged Business for Development,
an Australian NGO, to design and implement
smallholder cotton farming community
development program that would outlast the life
of the mine. They introduced the Cotton On Group
as an off-take partner in 2014 to pilot a program
to off-take cotton sourced directly from farmers
near Bases’ mine in Kwale.
The program has yielded strong results having
now impacted 1,600 households with a specific
A cyanide plant situated next to a farm in Chepkararat
Source: ACEMP
An abandoned cyanide containing pit
Source: ACEMP
28
focus on women. Kwale Cotton is integral
to meeting the Cotton On Group’s strategic
objective of having 100 percent sustainable
cotton in their supply chain by 2023. To meet
this demand, the program is set to exponentially
grow and impact 10,000 farmers. For Base
Titanium, investment in the community through
the Kwale Cotton initiative is central to its
business objectives and has contributed to the
expansion of the company’s mining concession
as issued by the Kenyan Government. In addition,
the development outcomes achieved through
the Kwale program will help establish Base
Titanium’s as a “miner of choice” for national
governments as the company looks to expand
its operations in Africa.
4.1.1 Worker Mobility: from Farmers to Miners
We should also bear in mind that
gold is like a hot cake. People leave
agriculture and go after the gold
because they know there is quicker
money while agriculture on the other
hand has only one season of which the
harvest is after 3-4 months. People do
not look at the risks from gold mining
such as cancer because of mercury
use. We need to correlate agriculture,
pastoralism and mining. At the end of
the day, we need to get a mid-point.
How can we help and guide the people
of Amudat District so that households
and individuals are economically
stable and household income
increases. If people are able to engage
in all the three possible economic
activities without having one activity
outweighing another, well and good.
Angum Moses Deputy CAO
Mining can adversely affect agriculture indirectly
when workers switch from one industry to the
other. Farmers in Amudat engage in artisanal
mining seasonally, to supplement farm incomes,
or leave farming for mining altogether. In Amudat
District, there is no decline in agrarian activities due
to increased mining activities. However, potential
major discoveries of large mineral deposits could be
perceived to present significant income opportunities
to divert the population from agro-pastoralism to
mining.
In Karita Parish, there was evidence of mining fuelling
alcoholism and miners not investing their proceeds
in agriculture or any other productive activities. The
promise of a daily income appears to have weakened
their ability to plan for the future because they believe
gold will always be there.
“We have also realised that when the miners
get quick money, they rush to Kenya. They go
there to drink and come back. This is because
they know they can easily make the money. It
is similar to landing sites. People have money.
They make money and yet they remain poor.
They do not reinvest the money into anything
productive like educating their children.”
Angum Moses Deputy CAO
gold flows back into the river and farms. There are
allegations that plants around the area take time to
grow. During rainy seasons mud fish are found dead
in swamps and rivers. It is likely that mercury is a
contributing factor.
Artisanal and small scale miners operate without
environmental safeguards, which leads to
sedimentation, Acid Mine Drainage (AMD), and
pollution. In Karita for example, an abandoned mineral
processing site containing remains of cyanide has
continued to pollute long after closure. Some miners
used chemicals that killed goats of a farmer.
In areas where there is increased turn over from
mining, people move from agriculture to mining and
the opposite is true.
Despite local allegations of water pollution, there are
no studies to demonstrate that mining practices are
significantly damaging water quality, and currently
there is no scientific evidence to indicate substantial
environmental damage.

4.1.2 Water Quality & Pollution

Quality concerns regarding the use of water in mining
are more complex to assess. Mining operations in
Amudat must comply with environmental legislation
that normally requires an assessment of potential
environmental impacts, and a plan for mitigation or
remediation of these impacts prior to a mine being
permitted. However, for the case of Amudat District,
mining is still Artisanal, Small scale and not regulated.
This makes it difficult to ensure compliance with
Environmental laws. Water discharged from mines
during operations must also meet country standards.
However, the capacity of Amudat District to enforce
environmental legislation is questionable.

Greek river aka Girigir river water has reduced. The

miners keep channelling the water to aid their
activities. Because of this, boundaries have been
lost. Water from the zed machine used to process

29
4.1.3 A snapshot of mining at river Chepkararat
Amudat District is known for its seasonal
rivers. They flood during the rainy season but
completely dry up when the rains cease. Due to
the mountainous rocky terrain of the Region, the
floods can be quite violent, many times washing
away bridges and homes. The water flows down
from the steep mountains, gaining speed as it
approaches the low lands carrying rocks and
huge boulders with it. When the rains cease and
the rivers dry, huge rocks are left lying along
the river path, along with all the sand and soil
that is washed from upstream which contain one
important item: gold!
Grace Rotich mining gold from a dry river bed
Source: ACEMP
As the water tumbles down through the
mountains to the low lands, it passes by several
gold mining and processing centres. Water is
a critical ingredient for any gold miner and
therefore many gold mining and processing sites
are strategically located near rivers for easy
access to water. The waste that is disposed into
the river by these sites is carried downstream
along with the sand and rocks and deposited
along the river bed as the river dries up. It is here
that the locals come in.
30
At Chepkararat village, Lokales Parish, Karita
sub-county in Amudat District, locals have
long survived on the gold in the sands of the
Chepkararat river bed. Grace Rotich, a 39-year old
mother of six, has eked a living from these sands for
years. The entire family works here. Her husband
and early teenage son dig up the riverbeds and
pass on the sand to her for panning-a process
where water is passed over the sands, draining it of
soils and small stones, in order to expose the gold
particles. Gold is a heavy metal and tends to stay at
the bottom of the solution when water is added to
the sand.
I found Grace at work in the
blistering afternoon heat.
Amudat sun can be unforgiving,
but this family has to stand
the heat in order to feed. Her
less than one year daughter is
sleeping under a tree, while two
of her older siblings tend to her.
I ask her if she has found any
gold. With a smile, she brings the
metallic pan closer to my face
and shows me two miniscule
particles, one shiny silver in
colour and the other yellowish
brown. That is her catch for the
day. Two tiny pebbles of gold. She
explains that the silver one has
mercury in it and she will have
to burn it when she gets home to
remove the mercury. This leaves
me wondering how much of the gold then will be
left.
“People up (stream) use mercury, it comes down
with the water and sand. We pick it then burn
it at home,” says Grace, oblivious of the dangers
of burning mercury in her house to her life and
family. The processing sites upstream the river use
mercury to trap gold and dispose the waste into
the river.
I ask her whether she has found joy in this gold
hunt and her answer is even more interesting.
According to the miners here, gold money should
not be saved or invested. All the daily earnings
must be spent that very day or else the miner will
not find any gold the following day. The gold will
“hide” she says.
“I don’t call it money,” she explains. “Money
we get today, we eat today. When you save the
money, tomorrow you will not get gold. I don’t
know who made this gold,” she adds in seeming
bemusement. She confesses it is hard work, and
the returns are very low. Today in particular
has been very difficult. She anticipates to earn
about one thousand shillings from her catch. The
previous day was much better. She made 540
Kenyan Shillings (16,000 Ugandan shillings). She
used some of the money to buy food and saved
100 Kenyan Shillings. She now believes the gold
has eluded her because of the saving she made.
“It is as if it (gold) doesn’t want you to save,” she
says.
Chepkararat is a budding gold town, full of life
at night, my tour guide tells me. It has been nick-
named ‘Dubai’ because of its vibrant life style
and gold trade. It is here that gold buyers, both
local and from across the border in Kenya, come
to buy what the miners have collected for the
day. When the transactions are done and money
has exchanged hands, the miners indulge in the
night life, spending all that they have made or
else risk not getting anything at all the following
day.
But for women like Grace, it is a matter of life
and death. The river bed has fuelled her family’s
survival for years as the harsh Amudat sun
leaves her with few options for agriculture. “It is
hard work,” she tells me while shaking her head
as she returns to the heap of sand next to her to
‘wash’ it for more gold.
in seeming bemusement. She confesses it is hard
work, and the returns are very low. Today in
particular has been very difficult. She anticipates
to earn about one thousand shillings from her
catch. The previous day was much better. She
made 540 Kenyan Shillings (16,000 Ugandan
shillings). She used some of the money to buy
food and saved 100 Kenyan Shillings. She now
believes the gold has eluded her because of the
saving she made. “It is as if it (gold) doesn’t want
you to save,” she says.
Chepkararat is a budding gold town, full of life
at night, my tour guide tells me. It has been nick-
named ‘Dubai’ because of its vibrant life style
and gold trade. It is here that gold buyers, both
local and from across the border in Kenya, come
to buy what the miners have collected for the
day. When the transactions are done and money
has exchanged hands, the miners indulge in the
night life, spending all that they have made or
else risk not getting anything at all the following
day.
But for women like Grace, it is a matter of life
and death. The river bed has fuelled her family’s
survival for years as the harsh Amudat sun
leaves her with few options for agriculture. “It is
hard work,” she tells me while shaking her head
as she returns to the heap of sand next to her to
‘wash’ it for more gold.
As I walk away, I look at my watch and it is 4 PM.
I wonder whether the day will get any better for
her with nightfall only a few hours away.
source: www.plexii.org
31
4.1.4 Agriculture & Mined Minerals
Modern agriculture depends upon mined products
used in crop fertilizers and animal feed supplements.
Plants rely on three essential nutrients: nitrogen;
potassium, and phosphorus. While nitrogen is
renewable and can be captured from the air,
potassium and phosphorus are mined and applied
through fertilizer where they are not present in
adequate quantities in the soil. At one of the zed
processing site, it was observed that the neighbours
are agriculturalists and the water from the mine is
believed to help the farmers during the dry season.
Both agriculture and mining
belong to us. So we must make
sure they co-exist in order to
benefit from each other.
Ibrahim Maruti Chairman
Case Study: Paladin Energy Ltd
The Kayelekera uranium deposit is located in
northern Malawi, southern Africa, 52km west of
the township of Karonga. When development of the
mine began, Karonga was a provincial town of less
than 15,000 people. It has more than doubled in
size as a result of the mine’s development and now
has a population of about 50,000.
In 2007, at the beginning of the construction of
the mine, Paladin made the bold decision to feed
its entire workforce from locally grown food. In
the construction phase, this meant feeding up to
2,000 workers for two years, requiring 40 tonnes
of foodstuff to prepare up to 120,000 meals every
month. This decision injected USD2.5 million into
the local economy each year.
The initiative began by establishing an agricultural
training project, resourced by a consultant farmer
and a local agronomist. The two advisers were
hired by Paladin to work with local farmers to
improve their practices and establish and repair
necessary infrastructure such as irrigation
systems. These efforts focused on local cooperatives
and widows groups. Paladin also provided
vegetable seedlings, fruit trees, seeds, fertilisers
and implements. By October 2009, Paladin had
distributed more than 6,600 fruit trees and
6,000 trees to local primary schools to promote
reforestation.
32
There is also a high number of women and children
in mining. The schools are very far, because of this,
children would rather accompany their mothers to the
mines as opposed to walking long distances to school.
Previous studies have also highlighted the need
for co- existence of both Agriculture and mining.
An International Council on Mining & Metals
(ICMM) study suggests that mining complements
agriculture, and that there are growing synergies
between these sectors near Ancash, Peru and BHP
Billiton’s Antamina mine. In Argentina, the amount of
land under cultivation in communities near Barrick’s
Veladero mine increased between 2001 and 2007
despite mine construction and operation. Modern
agriculture depends upon mined products used in
crop fertilizers and animal feed supplements. Plants
rely on three essential nutrients: nitrogen; potassium,
and phosphorus. While nitrogen is renewable and can
be captured from the air, potassium and phosphorus
are mined and applied through fertilizer where they
are not present in adequate quantities in the soil.
Now that the mine is in operation with 600
employees, Kayelekera mine buys some 5 tonnes of
beef, chicken and fish, 10 tonnes of rice and maize
flour, and 5 tonnes of fruit and vegetables each
month from 26 suppliers through a competitive
tendering process. Of these, 23 suppliers are
locally based. This results in local spending of USD
200,000 each month. Local suppliers are now able
to sell their produce to a growing and richer local
community. Their businesses have grown, even
though Kayelekera is buying less of the output
than during the development phase. Paladin
has ensured that suppliers are developing real
businesses, not charities, and are able to compete
on the open market.
Key lessons reported by Paladin include the
recognition that while local food purchasing is a
logistic headache, it is the best method to ensure
that the benefits of mining are spread throughout
the community. Paladin has also learnt that it is
worth the effort to support food security for the
local community not only to help them develop
cash crops. Finally, Paladin has found great value
in engaging agricultural specialists to take part;
John Boshoff reports that “there is a definite need
for professionals to assist in delivering modest
programs”.
5.0 POLICY GAPS AROUND
MINING, PASTORALISM
AND AGRICULTURE

33
This section sets out the main issues identified in
the research related to the potential impact of mining
activities on conflict and division in mining-affected
areas. It also analyses to what extent policies
contribute to – or mitigate – such conflicts and
divisions.
The legal and policy framework regulating the mining
sector in Uganda consists of the Constitution of
the Republic of Uganda, the Mineral Policy (2001),
The Land Acquisition Act, Cap 226, the Mining Act
(2003) and the Mining Regulations (2004), Policy
on Land Acquisition and resettlement Framework,
The physical planning act. Others include program
documents such as the National Development Plan
(NDP 11), and the Vision 2040
There are also other laws that have an impact on the
mining sector, such as the National Environment Act,
The Local Government Act 1995, The water Act, the
Income Tax Act and the Land Act. Other relevant
international frameworks and instruments related to
Agriculture and Mining include;-
࿤࿤ International Covenant on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights. The convent came
into force in 1966 and was
ratified by Uganda in 1987
࿤࿤ The UN Basic Principles and
Guidelines on Development-Based
Evictions and Displacement.
࿤࿤ The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)
Guidelines on Compulsory Acquisition of Land
and Compensation. Applicable to FAO members
(Uganda is a member as of November 1963).
࿤࿤ The International Finance Corporation (IFC)
Performance Standards – In
particular, IFC Performance
Standard 5, Applicable to clients
of the IFC (companies) 2012.
࿤࿤ The World Bank Operations Manual (Applicable
to governments) – In
particular, Operational Policy 4.12,
Applicable since December 2001.
࿤࿤ The African Development Bank
(ADB) Involuntary Resettlement
Policy, applicable since 2003
34
࿤࿤ The Equator Principles Member financial
institutions (There include
Barclays, Citi, etc)
These frameworks are analyzed in more detail below.
Access to and ownership of land is a known cause
of conflict in Uganda. Conflicts over land manifest in
some regions more than others, depending on specific
trigger factors such as ethnicity and acquisition of
land for development and mining. Mining companies
and individuals experience challenges in accessing or
acquiring land for prospecting, exploration and mining
operations. This is because the customary tenure
system is not explicit on ownership rights and because
land administrative and management institutions
are inefficient. Companies and the district local
government also find it challenging to assess and pay
appropriate compensation. This has occurred in cases
where mining activities restrict land use or deprive
communities of their land because of inefficiencies in
administration and financial constraints.
5.1 Land and land-use competition
In Amudat District, the customary tenure system
that allocates land according to use (grazing,
worship shrines, hunting grounds, homesteads and
gardens) gives a false picture of land ownership and
availability to ‘outsiders’ because of the presence of
apparently unoccupied areas. In Amudat sub-county,
the community elders interviewed said that there
was no free land in Amudat District and that land
had become their main source of livelihood since
surrendering their guns and stopping cattle rustling.
They therefore feel that they cannot sell their land
to the mining companies because it is all in use and
threatened to shed blood if ‘foreigners’ (people from
other parts of Uganda and other countries) continue
to come after their land. However opinions are varied;
in another focus group discussion, one middle
aged participant of the 6 participants, proposed an
arrangement whereby companies could buy gold from
their small-scale mining activities instead of setting
up big operations.
The government recognizes that there are challenges
in land acquisition for mining operations. However,
the Mining Act (2003) does not provide clear
mechanisms to regulate access or acquisition of land
by mineral licence holders to carry out prospecting,
exploration and mining operations. The dispute and
compensation mechanisms for disturbance of land
use to land owners as provided for in the Mining
Act (2003) are insufficient. The district leaders
interviewed were aware of the presence of a legal
regime for the mining sector. They however noted
that in some instances companies were found to
implement their activities disregarding the law
because of weak enforcement.
Evidence from key informants also indicated that
the mechanisms meant to enforce the mining legal
regime are weak. According to a senior Amudat
district official, some companies claim to have been
sent by government. The inability of the government
to supervise and reprimand the mining companies
due to weak enforcement and inadequate financial
resources has reportedly increased animosity between
communities and the government and continued to
affect the relationship between the two.
Artisanal and small-scale miners interviewed were
vaguely aware of the existence of the mining law but
had no information about its content. In Karita for
instance, some of the artisans admitted ignorance.
They revealed that they went to mine in Karira illegally
after high competition in Busia and after being
evicted from Mubende. Other small-scale miners
and artisanal miners were reported to have come to
the area as speculators who eventually turned into
investors.
5.2 Knowledge of mining laws
The communities not involved in mining that were
interviewed around mining areas said they were
not aware of any laws governing mining. They were
vaguely aware that mining should not be done
without a licence and that someone’s minerals
should not be taken without payment. To them,
everyone involved in mining has been licensed and
therefore the government is aware of their operations.
The focus group discussion participants were also
in disagreement with the constitutional provision
that places minerals in the hands of government
yet the land on or under which the minerals are
found belongs to the people. Within the current
policy framework the provisions for community
consultations and participation are weak. Uganda’s
licensing laws require limited consultation for surface
rights agreements, perhaps because they are not
clearly defined in the Mining Act 2003, and none
whatsoever for exploration. There is clearly need to
create awareness among communities and artisanal
and small-scale miners on the law and the need for
companies and individual investors to consult local
communities and implement according to the law.
Due to a lack of awareness about the law, artisanal
miners and community-level respondents that were
interviewed during the study could not identify or
articulate legal issues affecting their operations,
apart from the process of issuing licences which they
saw as “unclear and unfair” to them. The failure by
the ministry in charge of mining to popularise the
process and to issue them with a licence has made
government lose a lot of revenue. This is made worse
by little transparency during the application process
and over-centralised management of licensing
– assigned only to the Department of Geological
Survey and Mines. This view is shared by Amudat
District Leadership who said artisanal miners are not
registered; they enter and exit the business at will;
there’s no record of their business and therefore the
government underestimates the production of certain
minerals and their market in Uganda.
There are insufficient requirements in the law for
local authorities to introduce licensed companies
to the communities so that mechanisms for
cooperating with artisanal and small-scale miners
can be discussed and agreed. Such a process would
also empower communities to ask questions related
especially to engagement of local resources.
5.3 Legal issues affecting mining
The responsibility for the issuing, supervision and
enforcement of mining agreements lies with the
Department of Geological Survey and Mines (DGSM),
which results in enforcement loopholes partly due
to financial constraints and inadequate coordination
with sister agencies. The DGSM is responsible for
the supervision of mining agreements. This includes
issuing, monitoring, and enforcing licences and their
holders. However DGSM activities and plans do not
35
always take into account the policy and plans of other
departments related to the same area and sometimes
directly contradict them. For example, the National
Forestry and Tree Planting Act prohibits activities
that are not in line with the work plan of a particular
reserve, yet DGSM allows mining companies to
access such resources without notifying the National
Forestry Authority (NFA). According to the Amudat
District CAO, different sections of mining agreements
should be supervised by coordinated sections of
government not solely by the DGSM. The Districts
role in the mining sector should also be streamlined
in the laws.
However, mining agreements are signed in Kampala
without the involvement of district stakeholders
in the location of the mines. This creates a conflict
because in most cases the district will not know
what is contained in the agreement and therefore
cannot enforce its implementation while some
companies will also have limited knowledge of the
context. Furthermore, there is no platform for periodic
meetings of stakeholders to share and address
complaints at the district level, which denies district
officials the opportunity to help mining companies
address their community challenges. This confusion
and contradiction over roles, responsibilities and
authority increases the risk of exacerbating tensions
between local government, companies and individual
investors, and communities.
5.4 Supervision of agreements
The study reveals that mining has played both a
positive and negative role in the lives of mining
communities. Respondents acknowledged several
positive impacts, including expanding business and
employment opportunities. The same communities
also highlighted concerns such as: the sexual
exploitation of workers in mines; price exploitation
of local artisanal miners and employees by mineral
dealers and small-scale miners and mining companies;
failure to provide protective gear and medical care to
local miners; injuries on the mining sites; corruption;
failure to provide employment to local people; and
discrimination against local employees.
Communities also complained about the increasing
social discord and the erosion of moral values in
36
mining areas. They point to increased prostitution,
alcoholism, HIV/Aids, sexual abuse of young girls
and family breakdown as causes of conflict from
increased capital flowing into mining areas as a result
of a mining activities and emigration. In chepkarat,
children have dropped out of school to provide cheap
labour in the unregulated artisanal and small-scale
mining activities. Young boys and girls participate in
digging the pits, collecting and washing the soil and
selling the gold harvested. Most of the children spend
their earnings on drinking alcohol and participating in
illegal activities such as gambling, which are possible
causes of conflict.
5.5 Social effects
The role of the local government and communities
in the implementation of mining agreements is not
well stipulated in the existing mining laws. Local
government officials are not empowered by the law
to take action on mining irregularities. Although local
government structures are the closest to the mining
locations, they have not been resourced or equipped
with the knowledge to monitor and supervise mining
activities. There are no mechanisms at the local
level for authorizing action on mineral license holder
oversights. According to the District Environment
Officer, the companies have connections with people
in high offices of government who prevent the local
government officials from taking action against
errant mining companies For instance: mining
companies are by law supposed to notify the chief
administration officer in each district, be introduced
to the communities and to share their work plans and
reports with the relevant local government officials.
However, due to weak monitoring mechanisms, most
companies do not. Unfortunately, the draft Green
Paper on Minerals and Mining Policy (2016), while
recognizing the need to strengthen supervision and
coordination of mining activities in the institutional
framework, still does not define a specific role for
local governments at the district level.
5.6 Emerging issues
The government is expected to establish and maintain
infrastructure, especially roads, in the mining areas.
Respondents from both communities and mining
companies expressed disappointment with the
state of roads in all mining areas. Communities
complained that their roads are damaged by the
heavy flow of traffic transporting minerals, yet they
get nothing in return. The individuals and companies
doing the mining also complained that the bad road
infrastructure increased the cost of business because
they often had to spend money on creating roads
that connect their mining areas to the main roads
to transport their workers, materials, equipment and
minerals. In Amudat Town Council, a road block was
stationed to control overloading of trucks of marble
by Tororo Cement. The trucks stubbornly made a
diversion. By the time of this study, the Amudat
District Leadership had already scheduled a meeting
with Tororo Cement to discuss the issue.
governments are not necessarily spent on prioritized
activities that would result in the socio-economic
development of mineral-hosting communities. The
provisions in the current mining law do not clearly
address how royalties should be spent. The Mining
Act (2003) Section 98(2) distributes royalties
as follows: central government 80 per cent, local
government 17 per cent, and landowner 3 per cent.
According to the key informants interviewed: first,
there are insufficient mechanisms to establish the
total value from which to calculate the royalties, and
second the percentage returning to the individual
land owner is very low, while for communal land it is
difficult to ascertain the particular owner of the land.
In addition, they believe there is a need to determine
how, in practice, royalties payable to the central
government revert to the affected communities.

5.7 Environmental degradation,

pollution, safety and hazards
Post-closure management (which occurs once the
mineral resource at a working mine is exhausted, or
operations are no longer profitable) was reportedly
neglected with mining companies and individuals not
implementing the post-closure plans they submit
Cattle consuming water from a bore hole in Amudat.
together with their mining licence applications. Deep
Source: ACEMP
pits are visible in places where mining has been
abandoned. The rehabilitation is not completed and
the pits cause a risk to people and property, especially
around cattle grazing corridors. There are no periodic
assessments or independent auditing of mine closure
plans by the DGSM and the National Environment
Management Authority once the area is no longer
needed for mining due to financial constraints.
Respondents reported that apart from individual
benefits like income to some of the respondents,
mining activities have resulted in little benefits for
communities.

The percentage of overall profit given to mining

communities is too low to contribute significantly to
their development. Moreover, the royalties (placed
in a pool of the government’s consolidated funds Mining in Amudat.
Source: ACEMP
and allocated according to sector priorities) to local

37
38
6.0 RECOMMENDATIONS

39
 ࿤࿤ Support to GoU’s policies for the
development of Amudat
Development Partners reiterate their commitment to
support the transition from humanitarian aid to long-
term development in Amudat and the implementation
of existing GoU policies for the region. They recognize
the need to develop a policy on pastoralism and agro-
pastoralism and stand ready to support the GoU in this
effort. Considering the specific ecological and social
conditions of Amudat District, which are distinct
from the rest of the country, Development Partners
encourage the GoU to benefit from the experience
and expertise developed in other arid and semi-arid
regions/countries in Africa, and to agree on common
policies with neighboring Kenya.
࿤࿤ Respecting people’s choice
Any policy on development in Amudat should allow
the local people to decide for themselves and pay
due respect to their culture. The Pokot a dominant
Ethinic group in Amudat knows their land better than
anybody else. Supporting them to make well-informed
and voluntary choices and promoting consultation
among all stakeholders will be crucial to maximise the
benefits and minimize the negative impacts.
࿤࿤ The importance of pastoralism
and animal productions
Pastoral and agro-pastoral production systems
are the basis for food security and livelihoods in
Amudat: development policies should recognize
this importance. The economic potential of
animal production is largely under-exploited. The
commercialization of animal production can bring
substantial economic benefits and become an
important source of income for the people of Amudat.
Support measures are needed, particularly in
the following areas: introduction of improved
herd management tools and skills, standardized
livestock branding and tracking, fodder production,
strengthened District Veterinary Offices and
Community Animal Health Workers, expanded
advisory services, increased vaccination coverage,
management of livestock mobility linking water
supply and grazing routes, diversification of animal
productions (poultry, pigs,…), improved marketing
strategies (selling younger, higher quality stock,
pre-drought destocking), and investment in market
infrastructure and livestock insurance, among others.
There are potential complementarities between the
drier sub-regions (suitable for livestock reproduction/
40
calving) and the more humid areas of the green belt
and neighboring districts, suitable for fattening/
finishing.
࿤࿤ The key role of mobility
Mobility is broadly recognized as a key element for the
productivity and sustainability of animal production
in arid and semi-arid areas. It is a rational response
to the scattered and uncertain distribution of natural
resources, in environments where it is impossible to
graze animals year after year on the same pasture.
Movement allows herders to use a variety of pastures
and browse, water points and other resources such as
natural salt licks, and is a sophisticated adaptation
to the challenges of risky environments. Attempts
to improve the pastoral system by settling herders
in West Africa have met with limited success.
Restrictions to mobility can lead to lower productivity,
higher livestock mortality and land degradation due to
overgrazing. Mobility can pose particular challenges
for social service delivery, local administration and, in
Amudat District, the provision of security, although
alternative delivery systems (such as Alternative Basic
Education for Amudat District (ABEK), Community
Animal Health Workers, etc.) have been promoted with
success. In the medium to long-term, most nomadic
and semi-nomadic populations tend to sedentarise
spontaneously. This process is also observed in
Amudat; it should, however be gradual and part of
normal social evolution, as mobility is a central feature
of the culture and livelihood of the people. Mobility
in Amudat mostly takes the form of transhumance,
which entails seasonal and organized movement of
livestock to grazing grounds from a semi-permanent
settlement to search for pasture in the neighboring
district of Kween. It should be emphasized that a
mobile production system based on transhumance
is not incompatible with the progressive settlement
of the population. Herds are still moved in the cattle
corridor in Western Uganda. Herd mobility is practiced
in some 150 countries worldwide, including 7 of the
G8 richest nations. Numerous rich countries are now
investing in re-opening transhumance where it has
collapsed, because of the biodiversity dividends that
mobility brings.
࿤࿤ T he need to diversify and
promote crop production
Besides animal production, supporting the
diversification of crop enterprises is vital for
promoting long-term food security and development.
Most people in Amudat combine some form of crop
and animal production. Short maturing, high yielding
and drought tolerant crops should be promoted where
possible around the manyattas and in the areas with
potential, most notably the green belt. The integration
of crop and animal productions, in agro-pastoral
systems, can bring substantial benefits in terms of
productivity and sustainability.
࿤࿤ Water as a key production factor
Water is key to the development of the mining
sector, animal and crop production. Strategically
located, and carefully designed and managed water
sources (reservoirs, valley ponds, traditional valley
dams, sub-surface dams and check dams in the
riverbeds) will allow a better management and use of
large grazing areas. Various techniques of water and
soil conservation, including water harvesting, and,
where feasible, irrigation are key to sustainable crop
production as well as mining. Large scale irrigation
schemes for commercial production implemented
over the last 50 years in similar agro-ecological-social
settings in Africa have proved to be unsustainable
and to have negative impacts on pastoralists and
their environment.
࿤࿤ Careful land-use planning and zoning
Promoting the sustainable use of Amudat’s natural
resources in a context of climate change and rapidly
growing population requires careful land-use planning.
The exploitation of the green belt, vital for maintaining
livestock during dry periods, needs to be carefully
planned and well thought out, taking into account
the specific needs of the various stakeholders.. If
well planned, there is potential for a harmonious and
peaceful integration of animal and crop production
especially around the manyattas and in the areas with
potential where the pastoralist benefits from the crop
products, residues and by-products and the farmer
from animal products, manure and draught power.
࿤࿤ No development without peace and security
The diffuse conflict and insecurity situation is
probably the main constraint to development in the
region. Development Partners support GoU efforts
to improve security, but are extremely concerned
about the protection of human rights in Amudat.
Widespread loss of livestock by the Pokot as a result of
insecurity, large-scale raids and confiscation threaten
the asset base of the affected population and expose
them to higher vulnerability, possibly generating
further humanitarian crises and tensions. It is the
responsibility of the Government to provide security
in Amudat and protect the assets of its population.
Development Partners and key key stakeholders
should work towards providing support in order to
improve the security situation. The diffuse conflicts
are often difficult to understand for outsiders; they
should however be factored into all policies and
interventions in the area and great care must be taken
in order to avoid exacerbating them. This is most
effectively done by applying the principles of “do-no-
harm” and stressing conflict-sensitive approaches
for all activities in the region.
࿤࿤ Cross-border cooperation for promotion of
Extractives sector, and Agro-pastoralism
Some of the issues mentioned above are of regional
nature. Developing durable solutions for food security,
pastoralism, mobility and security in Amudat
requires cooperation and coordinated action with the
neighboring countries. It is evident that, due porous
borders there is easy flow of population from Kenya
orchestrated by the fact that the Pokot in Western
Kenya have the same culture and lifestyle. These
share a lot in common, including sharing resources.
It was noted that most of the gold buyers and
some Artisanal Small scale Miners come from the
neibouring Kenya, while also the Pokot from Amudat
in Uganda move to Kenya to access services.
࿤࿤ The mining sector should be in position to take
care of the nomadic nature of the people. At
a certain time, grazing areas should be given
the ultimate importance. Migratory routes for
livestock should be observed despite of the
restrictive nature of the licenses. Support miners
to support agriculture e.g. water harvesting
“water alone cannot sustain cows” Ibrahim
࿤࿤ Pastoral rights should be taken into
consideration. Miners should not disrupt the
nature of the communities otherwise it will be
disastrous.
࿤࿤ Considerations should be given for watering
points for livestock. Zoning should be done
to ensure some people focus on agriculture,
others on mining and others should focus on
pastoralism. People in Nabotokom should major
in Agriculture
࿤࿤ Policies may have to be revisited. This is because
some of the areas have developed over time and
many of the existent policies may be irrelevant.
41
42
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43
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 OUR WORK
ACEMP advocates for transparency, accountability and
inclusiveness while promoting public access to information
that enhances just governance of the extractives sector.

There is a well-documented
connection between the oil, gas and
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illicit financing, bribery, exclusion
OUR TARGET
and human rights violations.
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governance of the extractives sector.

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