INTRODUCTION

Colonial Intervention in India is generally considered as a sharp break in the

history of India. This is evident in socio economic transformation which affected
the land system and social relations. Bengal acted as the bridge head of British
colonial intrusion in India. The concerns of the British were tailored to their
economic interests in its two components: land and commerce. Starting with the
status of “The Merchant Zaminadars” the East India Company brought about
changes in both agrarian and commercial sectors. The process of regulated
imperialism started by Lord Cornwallis remodeled the land system by introducing
the Permanent Settlement in 1793. In the process a new land owning class called
“Zamindars” came into shape. The Zamindars became the main social base of
Bengal’s agrarian system. But the world of trade and commerce came under total
colonial hegemony. Much work has been done on the study of Bengal’s land
system and land relations. There are also specific studies on Zamindar families in
different localities in Bengal.
In my study I have proposed to look at the role of landlord class at
the macro level in the sense I have not confined my research work to any
particulars landlord family. The entire Bengal Presidency has come under the
purview of my work. The post 1793 agrarian scene in Bengal marked by infra-
structural changes has, no doubt, claimed my attention. The major thrust of my
study is located not just in agrarian relations but to show how the landlord class in
Bengal attempted to move beyond the fold of agrarian economy or commercial
pursuits. In fact, the crux of my approach is not related to either agrarian economy
or commercial system, but to unfold janus-like interaction between land and
commerce at the behest of landlords. I have explored the prospect of indigenous

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entrepreneurship in Bengal under Zamindars in their capacity as natural leaders of
society. It has been postulated that capitalist development could be worked out by
feudal aristocracy. D.A. Washbrook thinks that the pre colonial India had a great
potential for economic development. This was utilized by the British in implanting
colonial economic set up. No doubt the landlords were the product of colonial
restructuring in the land system. There is a big question mark on whether landlords
would be able to chart out their own role in non-agricultural sector. This is the
basic tenor of my research work explicating the role of landlords in the domain of
commercial and industrial investment. As to the time span of my work I have taken
up 1830s as the beginning of my study and the First World War marking the
concluding period. It is interesting to note that Bengal was poised to become the
trend setter to indigenous capitalist development. It was Dwarkanath Tagore who
made the unique experiment of landlord intervention in commercial and industrial
enterprise. He did it not by confrontation but by partnership. But this model was
discontinued. At the end of the period of my study I have shown how the leading
Bengal landlords not only assumed the role of social leadership but turned to
entrepreneurship. In fact Bengal was witness the possibility of industrial
development through landlord class. This experiment, however failed to have
decisive impact in Bengal economy as commercial and industrial sectors largely
remained under the grip of the British investors.
Existing literature:
My research work has two distinct components –Landlordism under colonial rule:
its emergence, growth and eventual stagnation and its efforts to intervene in
commercial and industrial pursuits. The existing literature is given below first on
land system and social relations followed by an overview of works already done on
commercial and industrial sectors in Bengal during the period of my study.

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 Bengali landlords have become a focal point of long drawn historical
controversies. It was Peary Chand Mitra who first attempted to study the role of
landlords and peasants in the context of the permanent settlement His article “The
Zamindar and the Ryots” appeared in The Calcutta Review in 1846. It was Mitra,
again who wrote about, Bengal’s commercial system in his article “Notes on early
commerce in Bengal” in The Calcutta Review.
Mitra’s brother Kishori Chand brought out investigative studies of important
Zamindar families in a series of articles in the Calcutta in 1872 and 1874. The
history of families like Burdwan Raj, Nadia Raj, Rajsahi Raj and Kandi Raj family
were included in the series. Kishori Chand Mitra more or less applauded
paternalistic role of the Zamindars in their estates. Another study on the Bengal
landlords was done by Loknath Ghosh in his work The Modern History of the
Indian Chiefs, Rajas, Zamindars etc published in 1881. The book is a mine of
information about celebrated landlords and chieftains of different states. But the
study does not provide a critical analysis of the role of Zamindars and Rajas. In
fact the Bengal Zamindars had to encounter a number of constraints which include
inefficient estate management reckless extravagance and intra cum inter level
feuds among the Zamindars still some Zamindars presented a multifaceted portrait
gallery. This is evident from the leading personalities of Cossimbazar Raj family.
While it is customary to regard the Zamindar as the sole beneficiary of the new
land revenue system constructed by the Permanent Settlement. This they did by
way of surplus extraction through rent and revenue ignoring the interest of the state
and mass of cultivators. It was in this context, public opinion turned around to the
interest of the peasants. Though Zamindar Darpan written by Mir Mosaraf
Hossain (published in 1873) was a piece of literature it provides a grim picture of
oppression of peasants by landlords. Not only in literature, and contemporary
journals like Gram Varta Prakasika edited by Kangal Harinath reported the plight
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of peasantry in rural Bengal. The Pabna disturbances in 1870s provided the
background of Ramesh Chandra Dutt’s pioneering work Peasantry of Bengal
published in 1874. As a civil servant, Dutt had firsthand knowledge about ruthless
conduct of the Zamindars. Dutt had located the roots of the malaise in the nature of
the Permanent Settlement which enabled the Zamindars to harass the ryots. He has
critical of the role of the Zamindars and commented “servitude, silent,
unmurmuring, voiceless servitude was the order of the day oppression called fourth
no resistance ”. An identical view has been expressed by novelist Bankim Chandra
Chatterjee in an essay entitled
Bangadesher Krishak (Peasantry of Bengal) published in 1872-73 in his journal
Bangadarshan.
In recent years a good number of research works has been done on
both important Zamindar families as well as Bengal’s agrarian relations in colonial
Bengal. The Permanent Settlement of 1793 known as the sheet anchor of Bengal’s
land revenue system was the mechanism by which a fixed revenue system was
imposed. The British Company also intended to regulate relation between the
tenants and new land owners. While most of the great traditional Zamindars were
swept away in the aftermath of the Permanent Settlement, a new class of landlords
grew as beneficiaries of the colonial system. Among specific studies on the
Zamindar families Nilmoni Mukherjee made an indepth study on Joykrishna
Mukherjee the landlord of Uttarpara in his book A Bengal Zamindar ,Jaykrishna
Mukherjee of Uttarpara and His Times (published in 1975) . Mukherjee has
focused on the role of a individual who single handedly established a top landlord
family which had significant role in Bengal Society.
Apart from study of particular landlord families, historians have also
attempted to assess the general nature of land revenue system and realities of
agrarian relations Administrative Reports of the Government of Bengal and the
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Land Revenue Commission Report contained important data on land revenue
structure. Regarding land relations a number of studies have been undertaken. Of
these the following deserve special mention Sirajul Islam in his book The
Permanent Settlement, A Study of its Operations, 1790-1819, published in 1979
seeks to investigate the impact of the Permanent Settlement on the agrarian system
and the emergence of an ever –increasing layer of intermediaries. Ratnalekha Roy
in her Change in Bengal Agrarian Society (published in 1979) has shown how the
pre-modern agrarian structure in Bengal had been evolved into Permanent
Settlement. She has focused on the forces of continuity and change in Bengal’s
Agrarian Society. Both Sirajul Islam and Ratnalekha Roy have emphasized the
stratified character of land system in Bengal in Post 1793 period. They have
focused the growing role of rich peasantry at the expense of big Zamindars.
Chittabrata Palit in his book Tensions in Bengal Rural Society (published in 1975)
has come to conclusion that rich peasants consolidated their position both at the
cost of landlords and cultivators. Somendra Chandra Nandy’s Magnum Opus on
the Cossimbazar Family throws light not on a single individual but has dealt with
life and achievements of the leading Zamindars of the family ranging from Krishna
Chandra Nandy the founder of the family down to Shris Chamdra Nandy. The
study on the history of the family began with Life and Timesof Cantoo Babo, the
Banian of Warren Hastings Vol-I (published in 1978) and Vol-II (published in
1981) covering the period between 1742 -1804. Somendra Chandra Nandy
thereafter authored a two volume work entitled History of Cossimbazar Raj
(published in 1986 and 1992). The first volume deals with Cantoo Baboo’s
grandson, Raja Haranath Roy Bahadur, his great grandson, Raja Krishnanath Roy
Bahadur and Krishnanath Roy’s wife Maharani Swarnamoyee. The volume Two
carries the study till the middle of twentieth century centering round life and
contributions of Maharaja Manindra Chandra Nandy and his son Shris Chandra
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Nandy. Though this was primarily concerned with a particular Zamindar family
but the history of Bengal under colonial stage could not ignore land management
and social development under top landlords. J.R. Mc Lane has made an intensive
Study on the evolution of Burdwan Raj in his Book Land and Local Kingship in
Eighteenth Century Bengal (published in 1993). Mc Lane has shown how the
landlords were able to establish profound hold not only over landed estates but also
on the overall socio cultural sphere. In fact the Zamindars enjoyed paternalistic
overlordship over his tenants. Maclane has also analyzed the phenomenon of
subinfeudation. Chitta Panda, however, takes a different approach in his book The
decline of the Zamindars: Midnapore 1870-1920 published in 1996. He has
investigated the steady decline of Zamindars in Midnapore district. Panda has
located the roots of decline of the Zamindars in the district of Midnapore right
from the early years of of Company’s rule. The biggest Zamindars of the district of
Midnapore the Kasijora Raj declined to accept the new assessment. The pattern
was followed subsequently.
Though the landlords in general displayed loyalist approach to the
colonial state, there are instances of anti British attitudes of landlords in some
areas. The decline of the landlords and economic impoverishment of the peasants
significantly contributed to the politics of protest and resistance. For example
landlords took an explicitly anti British and pro-tenant stand during the Indigo
Rebellion. At the same time extortion by landlords and their officials provoked
peasant upsurge as reflected during the Pabna uprising. This propelled the colonial
state to bolster its state power. Ranjan Chakrabarti in his work Authority and
Violence in Colonial Bengal: 1800-1860 published in 1997 has portrayed growing
combativeness of state power in quelling the rural discontent. No wonder the
British enacted Criminal Tribes Act to ensure colonial rule against popular revolt.
Chakrabarti has shown how dacoits had received support from landlords and
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common people. Sanhita Sen in her work Tradition and Modernity of the Elite: A
Saga of the Acharyyas of Muktagachha and The Paikpara Raj, 1857-
1947(published in 2009) has explored the history of two leading Zamindari
families in Bengal and their correlation with colonial power. Sen has shown how
the Zamindars of two families upheld their identity and even provided welfare
measures to the tenants.
Turning from land system to non agricultural sector, it is to be admitted that
Bengal had been forerunner in the evolution of commerce and industry since pre
British time. This has been acknowledged by the Indian Industrial Commission in
its preface to the Report. Francis Buchanan in his writing a century and a quarter
ago referred to high quality tools used for Indian industries. R.M Martin in his
book Eastern India (published in 1838) refused to agree that India was merely an
agricultural country and had shown remarkable progress as a manufacturing
country. Bengal had a big place in manufacturing and commercial economy with
her material resources, wealth, banking, shipping and entrepreneur ability. There
are a number of studies on the specific role of Bengali investors. These include
Motilal Seal by Kishari Chand Mitra in The Calcutta Review (1868), Biography of
Dwarkanath Tagore by Mitra(1870), A Lecture on the Life of Ramdoolal Dey,
The Bengalee Millonarie by Girish Chandra Ghosh (1868). A number of general
work on Bengals commerce and industry came out which include K.M. Mullick’s
A Brief History of Bengal Commerce from the Years 1814 to 1870, Calcutta 1871-
73. This provoked sharp reaction from Bholanath Chandra In his essay “A voice for
the Commerce and Manufactures of India”, published in The Mukherji’s Magazine
between 1873 and 1876 Chandra had appealed to his countrymen to
consider industrialization as “the ocean to the rivers of all their thoughts”.

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 The emerging concept of economic nationalism came into surface since
the beginning of the twentieth century. Among these mention may be made of
Dadabhai Naoroji’s Poverty and Un British Rule in India, (London 1901),
R.C.Dutt’s Economic History of India 2 Vols (London 1901, 1903), and
W.Digby’s Prosperous British India (London 1901). This line of thinking has been
refuted by L.C.A. Knowles in his, Economic Development of the British Overseas
Empire (London 1928) and also by V.Anstey in Economic Development of India
(Third Edition 1949). Before this J.G.Cumming wrote an official report entitled
Review of the Industrial position and prospects of Bengal in 1908 (Calcutta 1908)
giving a detailed description of Industrial Development in Bengal. This was
followed by J.A.L Swan’s Report on the Industrial Development of Bengal,
Calcutta 1915. The reports of Bengal Chamber of Commerce and Bengal National
Chamber of Commerce give us the interests and aspirations of British and Indian
commercial groups.
Geoffrey W. Tyson in his book The Bengal Chamber of Commerce and
Industry 1853-1953 :A Century Survey throws light on organizational network of
British private entrepreneurs who collectively wanted to hold on to their control
over Indian economy even at the cost of India’s development.
Subsequently a huge corpus of Historical Literature has come out from
1960’s reflecting on wider economic policies governing the pattern of commercial
and industrial development in India and also on economic development in Bengal.
The economic transformation of Bengal may be found in an article on economic
enterprise by Sunil Kumar Sen in Studies in The Bengal Renaissance edited by
Atul Chadra Gupta (1958). Amales Tripathi in his book Trade and Finance in
Bengal Presidency (published in 1956) has studied the economic situation in
Bengal in the context of wider historical perspective and referred to the
interdependences of British and Bengali investors. Bipan Chandra in his seminal
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work The Rise and Growth of Economic Nationalism in India-Economic Policies
of Indian National Leadership 1880-1905 (New Delhi 1966) has shown with
massive materials the emerging trends of the concept of economic nationalism in
the last quarter of nineteenth century. Bipan Chandra had used the nationalist press
to establish the need for industrialization as the panacea for India’s economic
impoverishment. The History of Bengal 1757-1905 edited by N.K. Sinha (Calcutta
1967) provides a profile of the changing nature of socio economic condition in
Bengal. N. K.Sinha in his Economic History of Bengal, Vol-I and III (Calcutta
1961 and 1970) attempts to provides clear picture of economic transformation in
Bengal under East India Company and has shown how the Bengali business class
provided full co-operation to the British. In his paper Indian Business Enterprises:
Its Failure in Calcutta (1800-1848) ,Bengal Past and Present, Diamond Jubilee
Number published in 1967 analyzed the failure of the Bengali merchants to achieve
enduring success and had to make room for British investors. Amiya Kumar
Bagchi’s book Private investment in India (Cambridge 1972) is by far the most
exhaustive and thorough going study on the pattern of investment in India by both
foreign and Indian investors. Bagchis work also gives the best analysis of the
differential growth of Indian capitalism and its roots under colonial constraint.
Specific studies have been undertaken by C.P.Simmons in Indigenous Enterprise
in the Indian Coal-Mining Industry1835-1939 (IESHR, 1976) as well as two works
by Soviet Scholars i.e. V.Pavlov Indian Capitalist Class (New Delhi, 1964) and
A.Levkovski Capitalism in India (New Delhi 1966). Dilip Basu in his paper The
Banian and the British in Calcutta 1800-1850 in Bengal Past and Present
published in 1973 has analyzed the role of the Indian Merchants in Calcutta in the
context of expansive international commerce and became the source of strength of
the commercial interest of the East India Company. Blair Kling, Partner in
Empire, Dwarkanath Tagore and the Age of Enterprise in Eastern India (Berkley
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1976) is by far the best work on Dwarkanath Tagore who evolved the master
strategy of Indo British partnership for commercial and industrial venture. Sumit
Sarkar in his book The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal (published in 1973) has
studied economic and social developments in Bengal and also at all India level he
has worked an indepth study on Swadeshi enterprise based on wide ranging
sources both primary and secondary. He has analyzed different aspects of
industrial enterprises in the context of Swadeshi movement. The Cambridge
Economic History of India Vol-II (Cambridge 1982) contains a number of articles
on the nature of India’s economic transformation under the Raj. Among these
Morris D. Morris in his article The Growth of Large Scale Industry to 1947
(Chapter-VI) dwells on India’s sustained economic growth owing to India’s access
to the framework of worldwide capitalist system. Amit Bhattacharya in his books
Swadeshi Enterprise in Bengal 1900-1920, (Calcutta -1986) and Swadeshi
Enterprise in Bengal The Second Phase 1921-1947, (Calcutta 1995) has covered
specific industries in which nationalist enterprise achieved substantial
advancement. He has highlighted the role of both important landlords and
professional elements in industrial investment. Chittabrata Palit in his book Growth
of Commerce and Industry in Bengal (published in1999) traces the role of Bengal
National Chamber of Commerce and industry in Bengal’s commercial and
industrial evolution and its opposition to the European dominated Bengal Chamber
of Commerce. Recently Amiya Kumar Bagchi in his paper “Towards a people
centred History of Finance” (Journal of the Asiatic Society Vol XLIX 2007)
analyzes the imbalanced nature of Indian economy with the concentration of
money supply under foreign investors. In contrast Indian merchants and landlords
had to encounter crunch of finance capital.

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The Texture of the Work:
The entire research work has been executed in five distinct chapters on thematic
basis. The chapter-wise break up and its contents are dealt with in the following
manner.
Chapter-I
Landlordism in Bengal under British Rule :
Landlordism, commerce and industrialization constituted major components of
British imperial system in India. The logic of commercial prospect was the
gateway to British political power in India. Starting as an institutional apparatus for
trade and commerce the East India Company unfolded, the grand design of
empire building in India to twin strategy of collaboration and conflict. Following
the acquisition of Dewani(1765), the British moved on to consolidate their hold in
Bengal Presidency.
From the late eighteenth century, an attempt was made to create a
network of allies in the rural world of Bengal. After various experiments, the
British finally opted for a permanently settled land revenue system in Bengal in
1793. The Permanent Settlement brought about a fundamental shift in the agrarian
relations in Bengal. The Zamindars became the beneficiary of the new land
system. Though the Permanent Settlement introduced property right on hereditary
basis, the strict execution of revenue claims in the light of Sale Law known as the
Sunset Law seriously unsettled the existing land owing classes. As the revenue
demand was heavily assessed, most of the traditional Zamindars virtually lost their
estates for having defaulted in payment of stipulated revenue claim. By 1820 it has
been estimated that about one half of their venue yielding lands changed hands to
the new owners. In the process, Bengal presented a fragmented land structure. Out
of 38 districts of Bihar and Bengal not more than 3.4% estates had an area of

11
20,000 acres and above. In contrast, estates with an area of 500 acres and below
constituted 89.44% of land in the Bengal Presidency.
Chapter-II
Emerging Pattern in Bengal’s Economy :
From early nineteenth century land became the most attractive source of
investment. Merchants and businessmen had aspired to buy Zamindaries for sure
and stable income. The foundation of the Cossimbazar estate is an example
of such investment in landed property. In similar manner Zamindars of Natore,
Uttarpara and the Tagore family became big landlords. Secondly as the British
tightened their grip over economic and political spheres Calcutta became the focal
point of trading and commercial ventures first by the British East India Company
and then by free traders. The Chatter Act of 1813 marked water shed in the history
of colonial India by throwing open trading facilities with India to all British
subjects. Calcutta, the capital of British India attracted both affluent Indian families
and British investors and emerged as touch stone of commerce and industry. It has
been shown how the Bengal Zamindars who had their heyday in the first half of
the Nineteenth Century started looking beyond land and took to commercial
ventures. It is no wonder that by 1834 the city of Calcutta flourished as a Port and
as a Mart. It seems that “the specter of a second Lancashire” was in the making on
the bank of the Hooghly. Even before this banians like Ramdulal De Sarkar had
begun to play a significant role in the field of trade and commerce. The example of
Ramdulal De Sarkar was emulated by persons like Motilal Seal and Ram Gopal
Ghosh. Among the resourceful Zamindars Joykrishna Mukherjee of Uttarpara and
Maharani Swarnamoyee mainly concentrated on management of landlordism
Dwarkanath Tagore (1794-1846) started his unique experiment for independent
economic enterprise on the basis of Indo British partnership. The most important

12
step taken by Dwarkanath was the foundation of Carr Tagore Company on Indo-
British partnership.
In his letter to Bentinck on 20th August 1834 Tagore stated “It is so far a
remarkable one in the commercial history of Bengal as it is the first instance in
which an open and avowed partnership has been established between the European
and Bengal merchant with the capital of the latter “Dwarkanath invested in a
number of enterprises including Calcutta Docking Company, indigo, sugar etc.
Dwarkanath also realized the necessity of banking organization and contributed to
the formation of Union Bank. Again Dwarkanath organized the Calcutta Chamber
of Commerce which subsequently came to be known as the Bengal Chamber of
Commerce. He was leading entrepreneur of his time. He was convinced of the
utility of free trade for economic development in India. But he lacked historical
foresight. Very soon free trade imperialism would be a threat to indigenous
industrial development of India particularly in Eastern India.
Chapter-III
Zamindars –Landlordism and Social; Leadership :
The Bengali society was dominated by a galaxy of landed aristocrats. Though Raja
Radhakanta Deb of Shobhabazar was the unquestioned leader of Calcutta’s social
world, but Satyacharan and Shibcharan Ghosal of Bhukailash, Raja Srish Chandra
of Nadia, Jaykrishna Mukherjee of Uttarpara, Raja Prasannanath of Dighapotia ,the
Laha family of Calcutta, the Sinha family of Paikpara, the Muktagacha Raj family
and above all Maharani Swaranamayee of Cossimbazar were leading lights of
landlordism in Bengal. In Calcutta Rajendra Mallick of Chorbagan and
Prasanna Kumar Tagore of Pathuriaghata made their mark as philanthropist and
conveyors of culture. There lies a distinction between high landlords commonly
labeled as nobles and Bengali Bhadralok class. While the Bhadraloks relied
heavily on education and profession, the nobles were exclusively high landlords
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and title holders. They considered themselves as an exclusive and dignified group.
By early twentieth century, there were only seventy odd noble families in Bengal.
From their pompous life style and privileges it is apparent that the nobles of
Bengal formed a status group as defined by Max Weber.
As the premier landlords the nobles were acknowledged as obvious
leaders by the smaller Zamindars. In fact the land system in Bengal had a
pyramidic hierarchy comprising twenty to thirty tenure holders. The picture of
relative comfort and security portrayed by J.C. Jack does testify to this
formulation. Yet the nobles not only had grip over land structure, they had played a
formidable role in the entire socio economic life in Bengal.
Chapter-IV
Road to National Idendity:Economic and Political :
The concept of Economic Nationalism provided the theoretical framework for
national enterprise. The old partnership approach was now discarded in favour of
National identity in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Landlordism
encountered institutional crisis at the close of the century. Income from land
registered a down ward trend. The Tenancy Act of 1885 enforced tenancy rights to
occupancy ryots. Apart from economic constraints, there began a change in the
realms of ideas. The concept of Economic Nationalism came into surface in the
last quarter of the nineteenth century as a reaction to British control over trade and
industry. Nationalist press highlighted the need for industrialization in India
Bholanath Chandra in his articles in The Mukherjee’s Magazine (1873-1876) had
asked his countrymen to take up the cause of industrialization. At the same time
he had called for Boycott of British goods. At all India level there was a growing
desire for India’s industrialization on her own strength. But the most important
brake on India’s industrial development was lack of capital. Both the British
merchants and the Govt. of India were interested in the flow of foreign capital.
14
This is sine qua non to the national development of India. Indian leaders like
Dadabhai Naoroji ,M.G.Ranade ,Bipin Chandra Pal, R.C. Dutt .G Subramaniya
Iyer etc. stoutly opposed the anti-Indian policies of the British Government.
Chapter-V
Swadeshi Movement and the role of the Landlords:
The Partition of Bengal affected the interests of different social groups including
the land-lords in Eastern Bengal Sitanath Roy Zamindar of Bhgyakul in his
Memorandum in February 1904 as Secretary of Bengal National Chamber of
Commerce clearly underlined the difficulties of the landlords- “ Several of
the Zamindar of Dacca and Mymensingh have extensive Zamindaris in other
districts, especially in Barisal, Faridpur and Pabna and so have the Zamindars in
Calcutta and in other parts of western Bengal extensive estates in Dacca and
Mymensingh particularly, and even there are estates bearing Touzi numbers on the
Revenue Rolls of Dacca or Mymensingh Collectorate. …………….Consequently
it would be a positive disadvantages to such to have their estates in two different
provinces under two different administrations.” Bengal Landholders Association
under the leadership of Ashutosh Chowdhury rallied the landholders to anti
partition views. Leading landholders especially in Eastern Bengal took a pro active
stand.
The Swadeshi movement had two inter related aspects i .e. boycott
of British goods and Swadeshi enterprise for growth or indigenous industries.
During the Annual Conference of the Indian National Congress in Benaras in
December 1905, the first Indian Industrial conference was held. In his presidential
address R.C.Dutt hoped that the Swadeshi spirit should encourage and foster
home industries and suggested that home manufactures be encouraged in
preference to foreign manufactures. But Swadeshi enterprise had to encounter
some inbuilt difficulties. P.N.Bose, a contemporary Geologist and entrepreneur,
15
rightly underlined the three major constraints –lack of capital, dearth of technical
education and absence of any policy of protection.
Meanwhile, lack of capital which impeded growth of Swadeshi enterprises was
somewhat surmounted by the big Zamindars of Bengal i.e. Cossimbazar Raj,
Gouripur, Muktagacha and Bhagyakul took the lead in industrial ventures.
However Calcutta being the hub of British commercial investment was under “well
entrenched foreign domination”. This put a severe brake on substantial growth in
Swadeshi industries. Two case studies clearly reflect how land and capital did not
move in opposite direction and had a symbiotic relationship.
Maharaja Manindra Chandra Nandy showed his organizational skill in
setting up a number of industries. Apart from traditional industries, he concerned
himself with innovative ventures. Among these manufacture of white porcelain
deserves mention. China-clay had been discovered in 1901 at Mangal hat near
Rajmahal which fell within the Zamindari jurisdiction of the Cossimbazar Raj. A
private company called the Calcutta Pottery Works was established in 1908. The
Administrative Reports of the Government of India 1911-12 referred to this
industry “owned and managed entirely by Indians”. The ceramic industry was truly
a Swadeshi industry and the credit goes to Manindra Chandra Nandy.
With the assistance of a few prominent Indian merchants notably his
brother Janaki Nath Roy and Chandi Lal Singh, Sita Nath Roy organized the
Bengal National Chamber of Commerce in 1887 and served that institution as
Honorary Secretary till his death in 1920.Sita Nath Roy and his brothers are the
pioneers of Indian steamer Enterprise in Bengal. They were the largest
shareholders and sole agents of a steamer company called “The East Bengal River
Steam Service” with fully equipped dock .Apart from Nandy and Roy, a good
number of landlords participated in industrial enterprise in Bengal which also

16
included a number of Muslim landlords like Abdus Sobhan of Bogra and A.H.
Ghuznavi of Tangail.
Concluding Note :
A Failed Experiment?
National enterprise was laudable in spirit and was marked by idealism and a sense
of creativity. However it did not reflect a success story. Industrial ventures by
leading Zamindars were increasingly marginalized. The tightening grip of British
investment could not be lessened. Concerns like Andrew Yule, Martin –Burn, Bird
Company etc. continued to monopolies the commercial and industrial system in
Bengal. No wonder Indians like Sir Rajendra Nath Mukherjee and Birla Brothers
did carve out their position in Bengal only on the basis of partnership and
collaboration with the British Firms.
The historic failure of the Bengali in general and the landlord class in
particular to plunge into a vigorous drive towards industrial enterprise is the
central focus of my study. I have attempted to locate this failure to the
disjunction of the landlord class from trading and industrial entrepreneurship. They
had the requisite capital as well as social standing. But they mostly relied on
income from landed property. They were allured by lavish life-style and some of
them even indulged in frivolous vocations. As natural leaders of society they could
have engaged themselves in matters of village reconstruction for the welfare of the
people. But this historical task was mostly neglected barring a few. In the process,
they neglected the primary task of agricultural development. When the British
enterprise in Bengal were adroitly realizing the potentialities of the Managing
Agency Houses with a view to interlocking individual efforts through a collective
mechanism, the Bengali landlords failed to seize this historical opportunity. Yet the
abortive and disparate experiments of some leading Bengali landholders for
industrial entrepreneurship no doubt demolish the myth that landlordism put a
17
brake on Bengal’s indigenous industrial venture. It is, however, unfortunate that
the landlords could not totally depart from tradition of landlordism. It was
against this background that Bengal did remarkably well in politics and culture, but
trailed behind in the field of economic self development.

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