MUGHAL COMPOSITE CLASS

The reign of Akbar is remarkable for a lot of things and these were not the workings of one day but have
evolved over the course of his reign, as Abul Fazl puts it, that the growth of various polices and
institutions pursued by Akbar can be seen in terms of his unfolding personality. One of these policies are
those of Akbar’s relation with the landed elite, which can be seen through more than one historical
context. It can be seen in terms of Akbar’s ambition of securing Mughal power territorially; the evolution
of his religious policies and the mansabdari system as also a need for accommodation, both on the parts of
Akbar as well as the landed elites. The attempt of Akbar was to build a state not only based on toleration
between various segments of society, but to build a ruling apparatus, a ruling class, where members from
various religions could have an honoured place. However, at many times, Akbar’s policy towards these
landed elites is mistaken to be his policy towards the Rajputs. However, Akbar didn’t have a general
policy towards the Rajputs, he dealt with the Rajput states individually.
Nurul Hasan has spoken about the various kinds of landed interests during the time of the Mughal
period, which can be broadly divided into three categories:
(1) the autonomous chieftains;
(2) the intermediary zamindars; and the
(3) primary zamindars.
However, the term “zamindars” figured most prominently in the Persian chronicles and these chiefs had
formed a formidable class. With time, Akbar evolved a policy towards this class which continued without
any basic changes till the decline of the Mughal Empire. The last two categories of zamindars had
become an integral part of the Mughal land revenue system and were thus under the control and horizon
of the Imperial Administration and were treated as mere subjects of the emperor.
Iqtidar Alam Khan mentions that the evolution of a homogeneous nobility out of the multiracial and
religious heterogeneous elements was an important trait of the transformation brought about by Akbar in
the nature and functioning of the institutions of the Mughal Empire in the 16th century.
The nobility left behind by Humayun had consisted chiefly of two foreign racial groups: the Persians and
the Turanis; of which the Turanis enjoyed a predominant position. This composition of the nobility had
remained unaltered during the regime of Bairam Khan but gradually changed thereafter.
In the early phase of his reign, Akbar felt threatened sometimes from these Turani and Irani nobles and
had to depend on one if the other created problems or revolted. To create a more lasting equilibrium,
Akbar decided to recruit some more racial groups into his nobility. Between 1560 and 1575, two new
elements of local origin entered the imperial service- the Rajput chiefs and the Indian Muslims (mostly
Shaikhzadas) besides also incorporating Afghan nobles.
However, preferred the Rajputs to the Afghans because the Mughals had seized political power from the
Afghans and he was well aware of how the Afghans had created a confederacy with the Rajputs and the
Shaikhzadas against the Mughals. Akbar was advised to establish friendly relations with the Rajputs
rather than with the Afghans for the reason that the Rajputs were zamindars without whose subjugation it
would be difficult to survive in India.
Rajputana was not only in proximity but also strategically located with the Aravallis providing a natural
barrier. It was the gateway to Sindh and a link to the Western coast. Economic factors also played an
important role in having motivated Akbar’s policy. As these local chieftains were well versed with the
existing conditions in their locality, with the culture and language of the people and would be more
acceptable in their eyes, they could serve to be important arms of the Mughal Revenue Administration
and ensure the efficient and full collection of revenue.
Norman P. Ziegler explains that some Rajputs viewed Mughal rule as an era of tolerance and national
unification in which they participated under the banners of their clan leaders to whom they directed
primary allegiances as soldiers and administrators because of the prestige and benefits they gained
through association with the Mughal throne. The Mughal State also did not interfere in the administration
of the Rajput Ranas. Akbar showed his appreciation of the services of the Rajput chiefs by promoting
them to higher mansabs and increasing their jagirs, the income from these being far more than from their
erstwhile chiefdoms, however, did not accord any special treatment to the erstwhile principalities, treating
these as part and parcel of the Mughal Empire.
I.A. Khan also pointed out that Akbar did not confine the recruitment only to the chiefs of the clan but
also gave mansabs and offices to other members of the clan in an attempt to break tribal solidarity, a
strategy he consistently followed without making any distinction between the Turani, Irani or Rajput
tribes.
At the social plane also, Akbar treated them like other racial groups of his nobility. From the very
beginning, Akbar established matrimonial relations with the Rajputs as he did with the Turani, Irani and
Shaikhzada families. The real intention behind this relation was to cement the bond of friendship with the
local zamindars. Both the Akbarnama and the Baburnama explicitly maintain that marriages were
contracted with the girls of local zamindar families 'to conciliate' or 'to soothe the mind' of the zamindars.
Noteworthy is also the fact that Akbar had employed varied methods to integrate the Rajputs into the
Mughal Empire. He was soft towards those who submitted easily and tough to those who had opposed.
Akbar preferred the soft method in dealing with the Rajputs but opted for the hard method when that
failed. Asif Qandhari explained why Akbar opted for the soft method. He said that there were two to
three hundred rajas who possessed very strong forts. If each fort took one or half a year to conquer, it
would have been impossible for any Emperor of Hindustan to conquer all the rajas by force during his
lifetime. Therefore, conciliation was thought to be a better course by Akbar. Satish Chandra has
classified the history of Mughal-Rajput relations under the Akbar into three broad phases:
first phase (1556 – 1567)
most Rajput rajas, accepted Mughal Suzerainty and were considered loyal allies in their existing role as
the rulers of their principalities. They were expected to perform military service in or around their
principalities but not outside Rajasthan. This was a rather difficult phase for Akbar who was facing
rebellions from – 1) his foster family, 2) Turani nobles 3) Uzbeks. He concluded that he needed the
strength of the Rajputs to break the power of the Turanis. Rajputs were employed in the conquest of
Mertha in 1562 and Jodhpur in 1563 but not against the larger Rajput states like Chittor and
Ranthambore. Matrimonial alliances took on a new significance as they became important in developing
an alliance with the Rajputs on a permanent basis. It was in 1562 that Akbar entered into relations with
Bhara Mal’s daughter Harkha Bai. In the 1560s, Akbar tried to attract the Rajputs by putting forward
liberal measures like the abolition of the Pilgrimage tax and Jaziya between 1562 and 1564. However,
despite these measures, it didn’t lead to an alliance with other Rajput states or create an atmosphere of
total peace between the Mughals and the Rajputs. It nevertheless provided a platform for the second phase
of Akbar’s policy towards the Rajputs.
second phase (1568 – 1580)
period after the conquest of Chittor during which the relations with the Rajputs were further established.
During this period, Akbar adopted a hard-line approach, accompanied by the use of force through which
he compelled the Rajputs to accept alliances. Akbar also used diplomatic means as he knew that the
peaceful submission of the Rajput states was important. The more violent and conflictual narratives of
Mughal-Rajput relations include –
i. Akbar’s campaign against Rana Uday Singh of Mewar
 ii. the barricading of Chittor in 1567 and Ranthambhor in 1569
iii. prolonged campaign against Rana Pratap (1567-68)
The Rajputs were inducted in large numbers into the Mughal courts and the Rajput chiefs rose to become
the military wall of defence for the Mughals. They rose from friends and loyal associates to allies who
actively assisted in the expansion of the empire. By 1570, most Rajput states had entered into an alliance
with Akbar.
The Rana of Mewar did not agree to personal submission and wanted to regain Chittor, further
emphasized as there was new resistance by the Sisodias led by Rana Pratap in the famous battle of
Haldighati in 1575. It was not a struggle between Hindus and Muslims but was the pronouncement of the
ideal of regional independence. Before this, Akbar had still tried to win over the Sisodias by sending
emissaries such as Man Singh and Bhagwan Das but the Sisodias did not relent. Akbar was successful in
the Battle of Haldighati but despite this, Mewar did not enter into an alliance with Akbar and continued to
resist. Nevertheless, this inflicted a severe jolt on the Rana’s power.
third phase (1580 to the end of Akbar’s reign)
The Rajputs enjoyed an enhanced prestige as nobles and Akbar was sympathetic to them as they were an
integral part of his court. In 1580, Akbar faced a Turani revolt in Bengal and Bihar. The Turanis were
supported by Akbar’s half-brother Mirza Hakim. The rebellion led Akbar to promote Rajputs in large
numbers and they were deployed in the battle. They emerged as the support arm of the Mughal state and
began to be accorded important administrative assignments. Thus, from allies they now emerged as
partners in the kingdom. Akbar’s relations with the more powerful states of Mewar and Jodhpur always
remained strained but on the contrary, his relations with the not so powerful chieftains were always
cordial. Most Rajput kings recognised Akbar’s supremacy as they actively helped him in expanding and
consolidating the Mughal Empire. Rajputs like Raja Birbal and Raja Man Singh were his most trusted
officials. With the growing interaction between Akbar and the Rajput chiefs, it became clear that their
interests were identical and complementary. Experiencing equal status and treatment at the Mughal court,
the Rajputs did not look back and wholeheartedly participated in the territorial expansion of Akbar's
Empire. They knew that the expansion of the Empire would also enhance their share in political power as
well as in the surplus income accruing to the Empire.
S. Inayat Ali Zaidi explains the Mughal Rajput relations in terms of the integration of the Rajputs into
the Mughal state through the Jagirdari system which was mutually beneficial for both. Thus, the rights
and privileges of Rajput chiefs were substantially continued, with the difference that privileges that were
earlier independent now became imperial endowments. Moreover, Akbar also started the practice of
granting jagirs to Rajputs in areas other than their watan. Akbar recognized the sentimental attachments
of the Rajput chiefs to their patrimonies and hence refrained from unnecessarily uprooting the old chiefs
from their watans, he yet systematically integrated their principalities into the empire. The chiefs were
reconciled to this by the offers of jagirs and administrative offices in other parts of the empire.
On the outset, we can see that the integration of the Rajputs into the Mughal Empire had significant
impact. However, there are different critical assessments on this. Satish Chandra opines that the role of
the marriage with the Kachchawaha family has been rather overestimated because during this early phase,
although Bhagwant Das and Man Singh were close to Akbar, we do not find any largescale involvement
of the Rajputs in the fighting which goes on at the time. Also, he says that it was not unique as such
alliances were part of the political horse-trading which had developed from the fifteenth century onwards.
Nevertheless, the significance of these matrimonial alliances during Akbar’s reign cannot be ruled out as
never in the past did matrimonial alliances last for so long or develop into a stable kind of relationship as
witnessed during Akbar’s reign.
Even then, Satish Chandra questions whether the Mughal-Rajput alliance was a hindrance in the process
because the Mughal-Rajput alliance could still be viewed as an alliance between elites. The Mughal-
Rajput alliance was also considered by some historians to be a ‘suzerain-vassal’ relationship. This is
important because it was this quality through which indigenous rulers, including Muslims and Hindus
could be inducted into the polity. Akbar seems to have been quite sensitive and emotional in his approach
towards the Rajputs chiefs and tried his best to give a personal touch to it. Acceptance of Mughal
overlordship by these Rajput chiefs was acclaimed by the bards. To prove their loyalty, the Rajputs even
fought against their kith and kin. Sacrifice of life in the battlefield by the Rajput chiefs and of their
contingents was considered as the highest expression of their loyalty to their master, Akbar.
The significance of Akbar relations with the indigenous nobility, particularly the Rajputs, lie not merely
in the territorial and political expansion of the Mughal Empire but more importantly in the enduring
social and cultural interaction among the various social groups of the different regions. The social
contacts established by the Rajputs with the local people wherever they were posted, such as by
establishing matrimonial relations with the local ruling families, served to a great extent to cement the
concept of oneness and solidarity in the political, administrative, social and cultural realms during
Akbar’s regime.