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Role Models

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DOI: 10.1007/978-1-4419-1695-2_230

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Title: Role Models in Adolescent Development

Authors: Noelle M. Hurd1, Audrey Wittrup1, & Marc A. Zimmerman2

1
University of Virginia
Charlottesville, VA U.S.A.
2
University of Michigan
Ann Arbor, MI U.S.A.

Key words: role model, adolescents, adult influences

Overview:
Researchers have noted the importance of adults in adolescents’ lives, particularly citing adult
role models who adolescents can look to as they are forming their identities. Although
definitions of role models have varied, role models have traditionally been defined as adults to
whom youth look up to and desire to be like. While many have speculated on the significance of
role models in adolescents’ development, few researchers have investigated their potential to
influence adolescents’ outcomes. This essay provides a brief review of the literature on role
models and adolescent development. In addition to reviewing studies that have assessed for role
model influences on youth outcomes, this essay also reflects on relevant role model
characteristics and provides directions for future research.
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Introduction

Adults play a pivotal role in adolescents’ development. One influential role that adults

can play in adolescents’ lives is that of role model. Although academics, policymakers, and

politicians often make reference to the potential of role models to positively influence youth

outcomes, this proposed influence has received limited research attention. In addition,

researchers do not agree on a single definition of a role model. In fact, in some studies the terms

role model and mentor have been used interchangeably. Pleiss and Feldhusen (1995), suggest a

role model is a person who is perceived by others as worthy of imitation and who may or may

not have personal contact with the people who perceive him/her as a role model. In contrast, a

mentor is someone who guides, encourages, supports and interacts closely with his or her mentee

(Zimmerman, Bingheimer, & Notaro, 2002). Thus, mentors may often be role models, but role

models are not necessarily mentors. Beyond providing guidance and support, researchers

suggest that mentors have patterns of regular contact with mentees and also have relationships

with mentees that occur over long periods of time. Role models, on the other hand, can vary in

the amount of personal contact and interactions they have with youth. Pertaining to adolescent

development, the most important function of the role model is to model attitudes, values, and

behavior that the adolescent may incorporate into his/her own attitudes, values, and behavior.

Social cognitive theory

Bandura (1986) posits that it is easier for individuals to learn behavior by observing

others as opposed to learning from the consequences of their own behavior. Youth, for example,

may adopt many of their attitudes and behaviors as a result of watching the adults in their

environment. Beyond simple exposure, adolescents are likely to identify specific persons whose

behaviors they deem to be more worthy than others (role models). Adolescents who have role
 3

models may be more likely to attend to the actions of these identified role models than to others

in their immediate environment. Moreover, due to the fact that adolescence is a time in which

identity formation begins to take place, adolescents are particularly likely to look to adults in

order to determine appropriate and acceptable behavior, as well as to identify models of who

they want to be like (Erikson, 1968). Models who have been most effective in eliciting observer

modeling are those who are perceived as having high status, power, and prestige (Bandura,

1971). Yet, how the observer perceives these characteristics and the extent to which the observer

is influenced by their role model may vary depending on the population and the context.

Role models and adolescent outcomes

Several researchers have found an association between positive role models and more

positive outcomes among adolescents. Based on results from the Kauai Longitudinal Study,

Werner (1995) identified positive role models as protective factors that contributed to resilience

in high-risk youth. Werner (1995) found that resilient individuals tended to possess same sex

role models and that females had the most powerful model of identification in their consistently

employed mothers. Regardless of the source (family member, neighbor, peer, community

member, or school teacher), having a positive role model was a recurring theme for resilient

youth in her study. Bryant and Zimmerman (2003) reported that the possession of positive role

models within one’s immediate or extended family can protect adolescents from negative

psychosocial risks. Specifically, they found that urban, African American ninth-graders with

female (especially maternal) role models displayed more psychological well-being than those

without and that adolescents with male (especially paternal) role models had more positive

school outcomes than their counterparts without these role models. Yancey, Siegel, and

McDaniel (2002) studied role models and youth outcomes in a sample of 749 ethnically-diverse
 4

youth and found that adolescents with an identifiable role model received higher grades, had

higher self esteem, and reported stronger ethnic identity than their counterparts who lacked role

models. Notably, they found that these effects were stronger if adolescents personally knew their

role models. McMahon and colleagues (2004) found that having a role model was associated

with fewer aggressive behaviors and fewer anxiety and depressive symptoms among their sample

of 202 African American adolescents. Hurd, Zimmerman, and Xue (2009) found that among

African American adolescents who were exposed to negative non-parental adult influences, those

who had role models demonstrated less psychological distress, violence, and non-violent

delinquency. In addition, they found that adolescents with role models demonstrated more

positive academic outcomes.

Other studies have linked role model presence to health behaviors and outcomes. A

study of assets and community resources among 1350 randomly selected, low-income youth

indicated that the possession of role models protected against several health-risk behaviors

including the use of alcohol and drugs, involvement in sexual intercourse, and participation in

violence (Aspy et al., 2004; Oman et al., 2004; Oman, Vesely, Kegler, McLeroy, & Aspy, 2003).

Yancey et al. (2011) observed that identification of teachers and family members as role models

was significantly associated with positive health behaviors such as adequate fruit and vegetable

intake and regular physical activity among a large multiethnic sample of adolescents.

Additionally, Chen, Lee, and Cavey (2013) found that among 160 low-socioeconomic-status

youth, presence of a supportive role model buffered against cardiovascular risk. Collectively,

these findings suggest that having a role model may predict more positive psychosocial

outcomes among diverse groups of adolescents.

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Yet, not all adolescents have positive role models. A recent study of almost 100,000

middle and high school students found that approximately one-fourth of the students reported

having positive adult role models present in their lives (Scales et al., 2001). This finding

indicates that many adolescents either do not have role models to look up to or look up to adults

who model negative behaviors. In the event that adolescents are looking up to role models who

are modeling negative behaviors, it may be useful to consider potential negative influences. Just

as modeling may play a role in the acquisition of appropriate, socially acceptable behavior, it

may also lead to the acquisition of deviant behavior (Bandura, 1971). A small amount of

research has been conducted to support this hypothesis. In one particular study, researchers

analyzed associations between adolescents’ perceptions of the negative behavior of a very

important non-parental adult (VIP) and adolescents’ behavior. They found that perceptions of

VIP misconduct were predictive of adolescent misconduct (Greenberger, Chen, and Beam,

1998). Epstein and colleagues (1995) found that if an adolescent’s most admired person used

marijuana, the adolescent was more likely to intend to use marijuana, as well. Hurd,

Zimmerman, and Reischl (2010) asked adolescents about the behavior of their role models and

found that role model antisocial behavior was both directly and indirectly related to violence

participation through participants’ attitudes toward violence. Similarly, Sharma, Grover, and

Chaturvedi (2010), found that among 550 adolescent students aged 14-19, presence of a familial

role model who smoked tobacco was associated with increased adolescent tobacco use. Thus, the

findings of these studies indicate that looking up to someone who models deviant or health-risk

behaviors may have a negative influence on adolescents’ psychosocial outcomes.

Whether or not adolescents have a personal relationship with their role model may also

influence adolescent outcomes. In fact, Yancey and colleagues (2011) found that adolescents
 6

who reported an entertainer role model had 52% higher odds of smoking, nearly 40% higher

odds of marijuana use, and 56% higher odds of participating in a fight in the past 12 months

compared to teens with no role model. Consistent with this finding, a study with lesbian, gay,

bisexual, and transgender youth found that participants with inaccessible role models showed

increased psychological distress versus those with accessible or no role models (Bird, Kuhns, &

Garofalo, 2012). Thus, whether or not adolescents actually have a relationship with their role

models may influence youth outcomes. Moreover, these findings suggest there may be harm

associated with selecting celebrities or otherwise inaccessible adults as role models as opposed to

not having any role models. Thus, it appears that who youth consider role models and the

behaviors these role models engage in both may be of consequence for adolescent outcomes.

Racially-, ethnically- and gender- matched role models

Role model characteristics may be relevant to both the role model selection process and

the level of influence a role model has on adolescents’ outcomes. Social cognitive theory

suggests that individuals are more likely to select role models who they perceive as being similar

to themselves (Bandura & Walters, 1963). Thus, adolescents may be more inclined to look up to

adults who share their race, ethnicity, and gender. Zirkel (2002) argues that the availability of

racially-, ethnically-, and gender-matched role models is critical for adolescents because it is

during the period of adolescence in which individuals are trying to discover their identity and

role in society. Access to role models who share adolescents’ race, ethnicity, and gender can be

a key factor in adolescents’ identity development and can contribute to the development of their

future goals. Furthermore, researchers have suggested that for female youth and youth of

historically oppressed and disadvantaged ethnic and racial groups, seeing role models from their

same group(s) can provide youth with explicit examples of what members of their group(s), and
 7

by extension themselves, have the potential to achieve (Zirkel, 2002). This concept has been

referred to as the similarity hypothesis (Bandura, 1986). Recent findings seem to support the

notion that youth are identifying role models with whom they share demographic characteristics.

In a descriptive study of role models among urban, Mexican-origin adolescents, for example,

Stanton-Salazar and Spina (2003) found that racial, ethnic, and gender match contributed to role

model selection. Additionally, research has demonstrated that Black and White youth had greater

ethnic congruence in role model selection than Latino or Asian youth (Yancey et at., 2011).

Moreover, Yancey and colleagues (2002) found that almost 3 out of 4 adolescents in their study

identified role models of their same ethnicity and over 80% of females and over 90% of males

chose role models of their same gender. In a later study, Yancey and colleagues (2011) again

found that gender congruence was higher among males (96%) than their female counterparts

(79%).

In addition, researchers have found that having racially- and gender-matched role models

may have positive effects on adolescents’ outcomes. Specifically, Bryant and Zimmerman

(2003) found that adolescent males with male role models engaged in less problem behavior than

their male counterparts who did not possess a male role model. Zirkel (2002) found that having

race- and gender- matched role models was associated with academic performance, achievement

relevant goals, an enjoyment of achievement-relevant activities, and thoughts about the future.

These relationships existed only for adolescents with race- and gender- matched role models and

not for adolescents with role models who were not racially- or gender-matched or for adolescents

who reported not having a role model. Additionally, these relationships were stronger for

adolescents of color than for White adolescents. Furthermore, these relationships existed

regardless of the perceived educational achievements of the role models. This finding suggests
 8

that seeing an adult of the same gender and racial group in a socially desirable position

(regardless of the educational requirements for that position) is an important influencing factor

for adolescents’ academic achievement and goal-setting (Zirkel, 2002). Hurd et al. (2009) also

found potential benefits of gender-matched role models such that female adolescents who

possessed female role models displayed more positive school outcomes in comparison to female

adolescents with male role models or their female counterparts without role models. Yet, Hurd

and colleagues (2009) did not find any added benefits of having gender-matched role models for

any of the other outcomes included in their study (i.e., externalizing and internalizing behavior).

Walters (2015) found that having same-sex role models was associated with less delinquent peer

selection, but unrelated to negative peer influence. Together, these findings suggest that racially-

and gender-matched role models may be associated with more positive outcomes among

adolescents than non-matched role models, however, the importance of the role model’s racial-

or gender-match may depend on the adolescent outcome studied. Beyond examining

demographic characteristics of role models, researchers also suggest that the nature of the

relationship between the adolescent and the role model may relate to role models’ potential

influences on youth outcomes.

Parental role models

Adolescents often identify parents and other members of their immediate and extended

family as significant persons in their lives (Hendry, Roberts, Glendinning, & Coleman, 1992).

Galbo (1983) found that females are more likely to list their mothers and males are more likely

to list their fathers as the most significant adult in their lives. Hendry et al. (1992) suggest that

while adolescents are attempting to form their identities and preparing for adulthood, it is critical

for them to have same sex parental models with whom to identify. Werner (1995), for example,
 9

found that the resilient females in her study had the most influential role model in their

consistently employed mothers. Coleman and Hendry (1990) suggest that adult role models are

most needed during adolescence and that youth are most likely to seek out role modeling in their

parents. Moreover, they note that adolescents spend more time with their parents than any other

adults in their lives and thus, are more exposed to their parents’ values, attitudes, and behaviors.

Few researchers have investigated the significance of having parents as role models.

While scholars have suggested many benefits of having parental role models, the possession of

non-parental adult role models may be a reflection of a youth’s broader social network and

ability to establish relationships with other adults. Alternatively, adolescents may identify non-

parental adult role models because they do not have parents to whom they can look up. These

youth may have to substitute a non-parental adult if they desire a role model. In either case,

having a non-parental role model may be an indication of an adolescent’s resourcefulness. Hurd,

Zimmerman and Xue (2009) compared the potential benefits of having parental versus non-

parental role models in a subsample of adolescents in their study who reported the presence of a

role model in their lives. Findings of this study indicated that adolescents who possessed a

parental role model had more positive school outcomes than participants with a non-parental

adult role model. This finding may be due to more frequent contact with parental role models in

comparison to non-parental role models, allowing parental role models more opportunities to

have an influence on adolescents’ school outcomes. Yet, Hurd et al. (2009) did not find

differences in adolescents’ externalizing or internalizing behaviors among adolescents with

parental versus non-parental role models. Thus, whether or not adolescents have a positive,

accessible adult to look up to may be a more meaningful predictor of youth outcomes rather than

whether or not the role model is a parent.

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Implications

Given that adolescents often report looking up to adults in their everyday lives (as

opposed to famous athletes or entertainers), it is vital that adult family members and adults who

frequently interact with youth model prosocial behavior. After all, youth are more likely to do

what they see adults doing rather than what adults say to do (Greenberger et al., 1998). In

addition to promoting responsible adult behavior, interventions that help adolescents connect

with adults in their families and communities who model prosocial behavior may be beneficial.

The Youth Empowerment Solutions for Peaceful Communities (YES) Project, for example,

creates opportunities for neighborhood adults and youth to work together on community

improvement projects (Franzen, Morrel-Samuels, Reischl, & Zimmerman, 2009). Thus, youth

are exposed to adults modeling prosocial behavior. In addition to interventions such as YES,

increased community-led efforts to reward positive adult behavior may motivate adults to model

socially responsible behavior and create opportunities for youth to model their behavior.

Increasing media coverage of positive adult behavior, for example, may both encourage adults to

engage in prosocial behavior and increase adolescents’ exposure to positive adult behavior.

Future directions

Overall, the results of these studies indicate that looking up to an accessible adult who

models positive behavior may be a valuable resource for adolescents. Nevertheless, it also is

necessary to acknowledge that role models may engage in both prosocial and antisocial

behaviors and their behavior may vary depending on which behaviors are rewarded by their

environment. Previous studies have assumed positive effects associated with role models,

however, continued investigation into potential negative effects of having role models who are

inaccessible or who model antisocial behavior will allow for a better understanding of the
 11

complex ways in which role models may influence adolescents’ psychosocial outcomes. In

addition, individual and contextual factors likely influence who adolescents identify as role

models and to which of their role models’ behaviors they are more likely to attend. Thus, future

studies that investigate how individual and neighborhood factors relate to both adolescents’

identification of role models and potential role model influences on adolescents’ outcomes are

needed.

In addition, although researchers have found potential effects of role models on

adolescents’ psychosocial outcomes, we know less about the pathways of influence. That is, few

researchers have investigated how role models are influencing adolescents’ outcomes. In a

notable exception, Hurd et al. (2010) found that exposure to role models’ antisocial behavior

may influence adolescents’ violent behavior through the formation and maintenance of

aggressive scripts. Additional studies that test mediation models are needed to further our

understanding of the process by which role models may positively or negatively influence

adolescents’ behaviors and outcomes. Moreover, these studies should also aim to explore why

role model characteristics such as gender, race, ethnicity, parental status, and accessibility may

cause or potentiate role model effects on youth outcomes. Studies also could examine the types

of contact adolescents have with their role models as well as how long adolescents have looked

up to their role models as additional factors that may affect role models’ abilities to influence

youth outcomes.All of the role model studies reviewed above incorporated a cross-sectional

research design. Cross-sectional designs limit our ability to make inferences about causality and

prevent us from understanding how role models may influence adolescents’ outcomes over time.

By examining longitudinal data, researchers can study potential effects over time and assess for

long- vs. short-term outcomes. For example, prospective longitudinal studies that include youth
 12

with and without role models will allow researchers to compare the psychosocial trajectories of

the two groups, assess for changes in trajectories among participants who may acquire a role

model at a later time point in the study, and assess for lasting effects of role models among

participants who no longer report having a role model at a later time point in the study.

Another methodological limitation of the role model literature is that most of the studies

have employed a non-representative research sample. Thus, the findings of these studies may

not apply to adolescents in the general population. Nevertheless, many of the role model studies

reviewed here have focused on ethnic minority, urban youth from low-income neighborhoods.

Although these youth are not representative of all adolescents, these youth have been the focus of

substantial research and policy initiatives. Continued efforts to understand how role models may

contribute to negative outcomes or promote positive outcomes within this group of adolescents

can inform practice with this population. Yet, additional role model research that includes

representative samples of adolescents will contribute to our broader understanding of how role

models may influence adolescent development.

Lastly, and of substantial importance, continued research on role models and adolescent

outcomes could benefit from an agreed upon definition of role model. The studies summarized

in this review varied in how they defined role model, with study definitions ranging from a

person the adolescent admires, looks up to, and wants to be like (Yancey et al., 2002) to an adult

who offers encouragement, is concerned about the adolescent’s well-being, and who the

adolescent can talk with about personal problems (Aspy et al., 2004; Oman et al., 2004). The

latter definition is more consistent with the definition of a mentor and is a prime example of how

researchers conflate these two terms. Distinguishing role models from mentors in research will
 13

allow for an improved understanding of the unique contributions of looking up to an admired

adult on adolescent development.

Furthermore, in some studies, adolescents are asked specifically about an adult role

model (Bryant & Zimmerman, 2003), whereas in others, adolescents have been able to identify

anyone (including peers) as a role model (McMahon et al., 2004; Yancey et al., 2002). In

addition, some researchers have asked adolescents to identify a non-parental adult role model

(Hurd et al., in press) while others have allowed for the identification of parental role models

(Hurd et al., 2009). Another measurement issue has been the way researchers have asked

participants about their role models. In some cases, adolescents have been asked to report

whether or not they felt that most of the adults they knew were good role models (Oman et al.,

2004). In other cases, prompts to help adolescents think about who they look up to have been

specific to a particular category (e.g., famous athletes) as opposed to asking adolescents to

identify any adult who they look up to and want to be like. These inconsistencies in both

defining role models and assessing for their presence create challenges in making comparisons

across role model studies and evaluating this body of research as a whole. Thus, we suggest that

researchers define role models as non-parental adults to whom youth look up to and want to be

like. This definition encompasses the traditional role model definition (a person worthy of

emulation) and allows youth substantial freedom to identify a non-parental adult from any

category. Prompts should not include role model categories (e.g., famous athlete, teacher) as

these prompts may bias youth reporting. In addition, this definition of role models excludes

parents and peers because relationships with parents and peers are categorically different and

disentangling role modeling effects from other parental or peer effects may not prove feasible.

Furthermore, including peer or parental role models may complicate comparisons of potential
 14

role model effects both within and across studies. As researchers continue to study role models,

consensus on how to define and measure role models is essential. It is our hope that by

proposing this definition, future studies on role models and adolescents will build on each other

and deepen our understanding of the role of role models in adolescent development.
 15

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