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Journal of Consumer Culture

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Investigating ! The Author(s) 2013
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DOI: 10.1177/1469540513480167

trade and consumption joc.sagepub.com

in the Philippines:
Expanding existing
discourses
Veronica L Isla
University of Asia and the Pacific, Philippines

Abstract
By investigating the second hand clothing trade and consumption discourse in the
Philippines, this paper enlarges existing global knowledge and serves as an initial attempt
to map this phenomenon in South East Asia. It argues that regional and national opin-
ions could be located in a continuum. At one end is a noticeably modern and functional
outlook, and on the other is a distinctly postmodern and constructionist perspective. It
shows that a nation’s particular discourse is an expression of its socio-economic con-
text. However, since the used clothing trade is a global phenomenon that transcends
national boundaries, used clothing traders, retailers, and consumers unite in challenging
the beliefs driven by institutions that regulate and compete with this trade. The
response of these institutions has blurred the boundaries separating the formal and
informal, the legal and illegal, and the Philippines exemplifies this.

Keywords
second hand fashion, used clothing trade, fashion theory, informal, economy,
consumption discourse

Introduction
The notion that discourses vary and are mutable because they are the outcome of
struggles among active human agencies in specific contexts allows for both the
emergence of new and competing viewpoints and the intermingling of existing
ones. This is true in the case of global second hand fashion consumption discourse.

Corresponding author:
Veronica L Isla, University of Asia and the Pacific, Pearl Drive, Ortigas Center, Pasig City, Philippines.
Email: veronica.isla@uap.asia

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2 Journal of Consumer Culture 0(0)

This paper posits that while opinions emanating from the United States
and western Europe tend to frame second hand fashion consumption
almost entirely within the notion of constructed identity and other ‘‘postmodern’’
notions, African feelings could very well be located towards the middle of
the continuum with their recognition of functional and rational socio-economic
motivations in used clothing consumption, as well as consumption practices
that are informed by local cultural norms and through which identities are con-
structed and contested (Hansen, 2000). A comprehensive review of the existing
literature is necessary to show that the Philippine second hand clothing consump-
tion discourse has much in common with the African discourse and could be
positioned near the other end of the spectrum. The case of the Philippines is
significant because, by closely examining the discussion surrounding emerging
Philippine second hand fashion consumption vis-a-vis more established ones,
and in the process discovering to which it is more akin and why, it not only
enlarges global knowledge, but also serves as an initial attempt at mapping the
South East Asian viewpoint.
Moreover, the discourses that issue from used clothing traders, retailers, and
consumers significantly tend to unite in challenging the opinions propelled by
formal institutions such as governments and by textile and garment manufacturers.
Since the second hand clothing trade is an economic phenomenon that transcends
national boundaries, though each national viewpoint has its own distinct features,
there is an intermingling of opinions because of shared issues and concerns. Given
that the Philippines exemplifies very well those shared issues that have blurred the
boundaries separating the formal and informal economy, the legal and illegal trade,
this also makes it a critical case. It will be made evident that the widening gap
between the governing and the governed is both the cause and outcome of this
blurring.

Research questions
To achieve the above-mentioned objectives, it is necessary to ask the following
question: Can the second hand fashion discourses emanating from the North
and the South be located along a continuum where one end tends to exemplify a
postmodernist outlook, and the other a functionalist outlook? The next research
question logically flows from the first: To which outlook or paradigm is the
Philippine second hand fashion consumption discourse more similar and why?
Lastly, does the Philippine second hand clothing trade discourse illustrate well
the blurring of boundaries separating the formal and informal economy, the
legal and illegal trade?
To address these questions, the international used clothing trade and consump-
tion will first be discussed in relation to the much debated concept of the informal
economy. This will provide a glimpse of the blurring of boundaries. Since this trade
remains controversial, both negative and positive narratives will come to the fore.
Next, the two fashion paradigms will be briefly discussed, followed by a review of

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Isla 3

earlier and more established discourses to contextualize the Philippine viewpoint.

Finally, expanding global knowledge, the case of the Philippines will be presented
and discussed.

Informal economy and the worldwide second hand clothing trade

Though apparently trivial in its everyday manifestations, the informal economy is
extraordinarily complex and dynamic. Globally, it accounts for billions of dollars
of unreported income (Portes and Haller, 2005). Institutionalized definitions have
been associated with negative characterization, while alternative conceptualizations
have been associated with celebratory narratives. The co-existence of positively-
oriented and negatively-oriented discourses also holds true for the second
hand clothing trade, which for less developed countries constitutes a specific
form of informal economy, the type that aims, first of all, at individual or house-
hold survival through ‘‘simple sale of goods and services’’ (Portes and Haller,
2005: 405).
The informal economy’s dynamic and positive characterization was lost when
it became institutionalized within the International Labour Organization’s (ILO)
bureaucracy. It has been made synonymous with poverty, underdevelopment, and
exclusion from the modern economy (Portes and Haller, 2005). Street economies,
in particular, which have become pervasive throughout the poorer regions of the
world, are often considered a nuisance by local authorities, national governments,
and international agencies, who feel that they disrupt or obstruct efforts at mod-
ernization (Milgram, 2011). Although these associations are not completely
unjustified, they do not fully capture the entire reality of the informal economy
given the increasing informalization of employment in industrialized countries in
Asia and the Pacific. It is ‘‘no longer restricted to the small-scale and survivalist
activities of the poor, but is also a sphere of accumulation in which the non-poor
operate’’ (Lindell, 2010; as cited in Milgram, 2011: 282). Milgram (2011) noted
the blurring of boundaries even as state discourses make sharp distinctions
between formal economic activities as licit and informal ones as illicit or criminal.
People’s everyday economic activities are complex and dynamic; so much so
that they emerge simultaneously formal and informal, legal and illegal
(Milgram, 2011).
Celebratory accounts, on the other hand, view the informal economy as the true
market because ordinary people are empowered to dynamically engage in entre-
preneurial activities unimpeded or beyond the reach of state regulation (Hart, 1990;
Portes and Haller, 2005). While state agents view such activities as illicit, ordinary
citizens consider them as a right to earn a living by creatively using their meager
resources and working hard (Milgram, 2011). Thus, despite efforts to discourage,
suppress, and even legislate them out of existence, they continue to flourish, be it
underground or aboveground (Portes and Haller, 2005). Moreover, the absence or
ambiguity of state regulations and the elasticity in which state regulations are
implemented have made informal economic exchange vulnerable to corruption,

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widespread fraud, violence, and harassment oftentimes perpetrated by state agents

themselves (Milgram, 2011).
The international second hand clothing trade is one sector of the informal econ-
omy that deserves the attention it has been getting because it has:

. . . expanded hugely in both economic power and global scope, more than doubling
worldwide between 1991 and 2004, in the wake of the liberalization of many third-
world economies and following the sudden rise in demand from former Eastern Bloc
countries in the early 90s (Hansen, 2010: 235).

Used-product consumption and retailing, or what is referred to as second-order,

alternative marketing systems, alternative retail channels, retro retailing or infor-
mal retailing are nothing new (Crewe et al., 2003; Roux and Korchia, 2006;
Williams, 2002). Crewe et al. (2003) define retro retailing as ‘‘shops selling
second hand fashion, furnishings, and interior products’’ (62). Williams (2002)
defines alternative retail channels as ‘‘modes of goods acquisition that do not
involve acquiring new goods from formal retail outlets and mail order companies’’,
and thus encompasses all informal and/or second hand modes of goods
acquisition (1898).
Hansen (2000) provides a comprehensive account of the dynamic global route
which used clothes travel. Established charitable organizations fuel today’s multi-
billion-dollar-a-year international second hand fashion trade. Consumers in the
West donate clothes they no longer wear to charitable organizations. The average
American alone discards 67.9 pounds of used clothing and textiles, while collect-
ively they contribute two quadrillion pounds to landfills and donate millions of
pounds to charitable organizations every year (Mitchell, 2008). Since humanitar-
ian organizations based in the United States and Europe cannot possibly sell all
the donated clothes in their own thrift shops, they dispose of their massive over-
stock at bulk prices to commercial second hand clothing dealers. They introduced
store sales in the late 1950s and were joined by a variety of special for-profit
second hand clothing stores in the 1980s. Textile recyclers and graders send used
clothing they purchase in bulk from charitable organizations to sorting plants
near major port cities (Hansen, 2000). Since the turn of the millennium, the focus
of the trade has shifted to Toronto, Canada, now considered to be the world’s
used-clothing capital (Hansen, 2010). Expert ‘‘pickers’’ travel to large textile-
recycling warehouses and select garments with particular appeal to niche markets
including retro and vintage (Hansen, 2010). Certain brands, styles, and period
clothing considered to be ‘‘diamonds’’ find their way to vintage markets. These
account for 1% of the total volume, yet they yield the largest profit as customers
include well-known designers, wealthy customers, and vintage shop owners
(Hawley, 2006).
The trade universe for second hand fashion ranges from garage sales and flea
markets to estate sales and high-end auction houses, and to eBay (Hansen, 2010).
EBay customers have access to designer items or hard-to-come-by, limited-edition

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branded items that may not be available where they live. Countries in Sub-Saharan
Africa are the world’s largest importer, closely followed by Eastern Europe, par-
ticularly Russia, then by Asia with Japan, Malaysia, India, Cambodia, Singapore,
and Pakistan operating as large net importers. Other large importers include
Tunisia in North Africa and Guatemala in Central America. Sizable exports also
go to developed countries like Japan, Belgium-Luxembourg, and the Netherlands,
which re-export (Hansen, 2010).
Optimistic and pessimistic discourses on the second hand clothing trade also
co-exist. While state representatives, textile manufacturers, and mainstream
importers generally condemn it, used clothing retailers and consumers celebrate
it. Manufacturers argue that the used clothing trade has destroyed or is des-
troying local textile and clothing industries. Media routinely condemn charitable
organizations for making money from the sale of donated clothing (Hansen,
2010). Although the importing of used clothing is banned in many countries, the
ban and other related regulations are difficult to enforce. This is aggravated by
the fact that ‘‘most country boundaries are porous’’, thus, facilitating illegal
importation (Hansen, 2010: 232). Moreover, since the trade is enormously prof-
itable, the collection of used clothes is marred by fraudulent practices.
Collection bins feature names of non-existent charities. Unscrupulous traders
resort to false advertising and claim that the used clothes being collected are
for Third World relief or in support of environmental protection advocacy,
among others. Others resort to outright theft. Legitimate charitable organiza-
tions experience massive losses because of the practices of organized gangs
(Hansen, 2010).
In poorer countries, the discourse coming from ordinary retailers and consumers
is generally celebratory because the used clothing trade provides much needed jobs,
elevates standards of living, and has fulfilled the clothing needs and desires of
consumers from all walks of life. Though different, the discourse emanating from
richer countries is no less positive since it is tied to issues such as environmental
protection, alternative or counter-cultural lifestyle, and sustainability.
It will be more evident in the succeeding pages that traders, retailers, and con-
sumers from rich and poor countries generally celebrate used clothing consump-
tion, but for different reasons. Intellectuals, including economists and
anthropologists, have made an effort to study how these actors make sense of
used clothing consumption. Their efforts have resulted in the production of dis-
courses that are close to or far from one of the two major fashion paradigms, or
that straddle between the two. These are the functionalist and postmodernist para-
digms. Whether the discourses are more functionalist than postmodernist or vice-
versa or a co-mingling of both, one thing they have in common is that they run
counter to the generally pessimistic discourse articulated by state agents and textile/
garment manufacturers. This is especially evident in the case of the Philippines. It
will be seen, however, in the latter part of this paper that some members of these
groups are beginning to view used clothing trade more positively given its growing
economic and political significance.

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Literature review
Framework
Negrin (1999) explains that central to the functionalist paradigm espoused by the-
orists such as Veblen, Loos, and de Beauvoir are the ideas of practicality, ease, and
comfort. Embedded in this paradigm is the principle ‘‘form follows function’’.
Thus, a piece of clothing is good when it fulfills its function efficiently. This para-
digm considers natural or functional modes of dressing as universal. The postmod-
ernist paradigm, on the other hand, questions the universality of what is considered
as natural and functional and highlights the constructed nature of the body and
self-identity. It argues that what is considered as comfortable, practical, a basic
need, a natural function (e.g. provide warmth and protection) varies from culture
to culture. It critiques functionalist or modernist paradigm’s privileging of practical
utility given the many non-practical needs that dressing fulfills. The postmodern
perspective is critiqued in turn by Negrin (1999) for reducing self-identity to the
image that ‘‘one creates through one’s consumption of goods’’ or for ‘‘privileging
the cult of appearance over all other sources of identity’’ (100–111).
Relying on various authors, Berner and Van Tonder (2003) claimed that today’s
postmodern society is predominantly characterized by consumption, and compared
modern and postmodern consumers, which respectively matches up with the func-
tionalist and postmodernist paradigms defined above. The former’s consumption
behavior is described as rational and logical, influenced by functionality, conform-
ing and traditional, gender-specific, and founded on the modern values of order,
harmony, and consistency. Their self-identity is strongly anchored on occupation
and social status/class. The latter’s consumption behavior, on the other hand,
privileges appearance and style over substance and content, favors objects’ sym-
bolic value rather than their usefulness, is more hedonistic and self-affirming,
non-conforming and unpredictable, genderless, classless, and founded on the post-
modern values of discontinuity and fluidity. Construction of self-identity through
consumption is emphasized. Identities are seen as socially acquired and relate to
socially constructed positions within a society. Functionality is not the primary
driving force behind fashion consumption because dress is not only used for a
certain function but also conveys non-material meanings (Barthes, 1983).

South discourse
Hansen (2000, 2006a, 2006b, 2010) provides an extensive account on the preoccu-
pation with and urge to consume imported second hand clothing in recent years,
particularly in an African country, namely Zambia. By recognizing the rational and
practical reasons for consuming used clothes, and consumers’ identity construction
practices, her discourse is a co-mingling of the two major paradigms. While she
recognizes the impact of economic and social forces that lead to more realistic,
practical and conventional consumption practices, she also acknowledges that
Zambians’ consumption of second hand clothes shapes and expresses their

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Isla 7

self-conceptions. She dismisses economists’ explanation that the growth of the

second hand clothing market is a response to economic decline alone, arguing
that such accounts miss the opportunities this trade offers consumers to construct
themselves (Hansen, 2006b).Thus, although the appeal of imported second hand
clothing is due in part to its affordability, its popularity cannot be merely
accounted for by the satisfaction of basic clothing needs since clothing desires
are equally important (Hansen, 2000, 2006a). Retailers and consumers refashion
imported used clothing to construct their personal and collective identities, display
their knowledge of wider clothing practices, and subvert their received meaning
(Hansen, 2010).
Hansen (2000) asserts that the response of economically disadvantaged
Zambians has been positive because the trade has given them dignity. The con-
sumption of cast-off clothing is more than imitating western fashion. It is desirable
because it is affordable, it satisfies practical clothing needs, and it is a resource for
identity construction, i.e. second hand clothes are localized and refashioned to
show off one’s class status, convey certain traits aspired for, and fulfill certain
desires. Moreover, it allows consumers to exhibit clothing competence, and thus
be fashionable, which in turn produces a sense of well-being, belonging, pride, and
pleasure (Hansen, 2010). Clothing competence involves knowledge of fabric quality
and texture, style, aesthetic sensibility, and discerning skills in creating or crafting
an overall look. Clothing competence, which entails making discriminating deci-
sions concerning quality, style, value for money, garment coordination to fit spe-
cific occasions and contexts, and inspired by styles and trends from across the
world, facilitates an identity construction which does not necessarily mean any-
thing goes (Hansen, 2006a). Zambian consumers’ knowledge of dressing is above
all practical, acquired from participation in different aspects of urban life – home,
work, recreation and entertainment, markets, streets – where clothing concerns are
constantly talked about (Hansen, 2006b). Although the trade does not only cater to
poorer consumers, the minority of high-income Zambians have more options. They
shop in upscale stores and boutiques found in shopping malls, in second hand
clothing markets, and spend money on tailor-made clothing (Hansen, 2006a,
2006b).

North discourse
In the West, the discourse among consumers is no less positive. Three related
issues, namely recycling, environmental protection, and waste management, com-
bined with the postmodern notion of self-identity construction, dominate the dis-
course. With regard to the former, the second hand clothing trade is desirable
because, as an alternative to wasteful fashion consumption, it contributes to the
larger trend of sustainable and socially responsible fashion. Specifically, it allows
for the creative transformation or disassembling/deconstruction and reassembling/
reconfiguration of discarded clothing into something new (eco-fashion and trashion)
(Hansen, 2010; Norris, 2010; Roux and Korchia, 2006). Furthermore, by donating

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8 Journal of Consumer Culture 0(0)

used clothes, one creates space for new clothes and purges oneself of guilt for
consuming excessively or unnecessarily (Ha-Brookshire and Hodges, 2009). As
regards the latter, Evans and Thornton (1989) use a term similar to self-identity;
namely, individuality in defining postmodern dressing. They maintain that indi-
viduality is created or constructed by resisting gender indicators (gender bending);
by juxtaposing social indicators, i.e. mixing high and street fashions, current,
period, and ethnic styles to eliminate cues of class or race (bedlam or bricolage/
retro fashion); by exposing skin in unexpected, non-standard areas of the body
(body mapping); by making a political statement with the intention of provoking
societal change or to encourage the acceptance of a subculture (body politic); and
by dressing for fun and personal entertainment, i.e. wearing the unexpected, going
against the norm, enacting roles, and manipulating gender appearance (fantasy
dressing). To these could be added the conscious effort to subvert one’s middle-
class identities and mask bourgeoisie values (punk fashion) (Palmer and Clark,
2005), to resist dominant fashion trends by violating concepts of harmony and
coordination in dressing, customizing or recombining a variety of items into an
original design, and to live out alternative lifestyles or advocate a certain cause
(Henderson and DeLong, 2000; Roux and Korchia, 2006). Some of these alterna-
tive lifestyle movements are: a voluntary simplicity group which advocates a
human-centered rather than a product-centered lifestyle that allows for a slower,
more meaningful life spent at home and at work (Roux and Korchia, 2006); culture
jamming, which aims to liberate minds from the powerful grip of the market by
reclaiming the airwaves and public spaces to propagate ideas rather than advertise
products; the anti-branding movement, in which young people critique their gen-
eration’s slavish devotion to well-known brands and companies; the minimalists,
who buy as few clothes as possible and prefer second hand clothes; and the neo-
consumers, who define themselves according to their values and attitudes rather
than what they own or have, consume reflectively, pursue a balanced life, and look
for a kind of spirituality and authenticity (Pears, 2006).
A study by Henderson and DeLong (2000) reveals that, to a great extent, alter-
native shoppers (used clothing is a frequent source and never buy new), and to
some extent cross-shoppers (different sources of clothing including mainstream and
second hand) exhibit postmodern dressing as described by Evans and Thornton
(1989). These shoppers call attention to what has been ignored, or devalue what has
been privileged. Money is not an issue in their choice of clothing sources. This
refutes the common assumption that customers of charity-thrift stores in the West
comprise principally of economically disadvantaged groups (Williams, 2002). The
demographics of thrift stores in the United States in particular have shifted from
that of a decade or so ago, from the poverty-stricken to well-to-do consumers
(Darley and Lim, 1999). The affluent buy used clothes because of the thrill of
finding something unique and rare. This seems to support the idea that postmodern
fashion consumption has dissolved class distinctions (Evans and Thornton, 1989).
The western discourse evidently falls within the postmodern paradigm.
Individuals are not consuming the utility of the garments but are participating in

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Isla 9

used clothes’ complex coding of brands, style, and status to communicate their
values and self-fashioned identity. Used clothes have democratized the space for
self-fashioning, otherwise unavailable because of economic constraints (Norris,
2005) and have also become statements of cultural capital and cultural resistance
(Langman, 2003). In consuming goods, it is no longer just a question of functional
performance, but of aesthetic appeal, taste, and experience. A postmodern take on
fashion celebrates spectacle which privileges the cult of appearance over all other
sources of identity formation (Negrin, 1999).
Finally, India shares with the West the idea of deconstructing and reconfiguring
used clothes into new products, not because of environmental concerns but because
of the belief that clothes have the capacity to transmit the essence of people, places,
and times. Thus, wearing used clothing because of economic necessity and practical
utility or having contact with refuse due to one’s employment in a recycling plant is
deemed self-polluting. Used clothes gain value only after ‘‘traces of biographical
information are removed’’ (Norris, 2010: 8). Recommodification of used clothing is
next only to the giving and receiving of used clothes which are kept as a family
heirloom or memento, handed down to family members and servants, recycled
creatively within the family, bartered for cooking utensils, etc. (Norris, 2010).

Method
Through participant observation, in-depth interviews with three exemplar key
informants who are owners of second hand fashion stores, semi-structured inter-
views with 60 convenience-sampled consumers, and meticulous reading of scholarly
and journalistic texts, the Philippine discourse on second hand fashion consump-
tion emerged. Given the preceding discussion on the functionalist and postmod-
ernist fashion paradigms and review of existing discourses, it will soon be evident in
the succeeding paragraphs that the Philippine discourse has much in common with
the Zambian discourse and that traces of the functionalist paradigm could be
discerned.
Data gathering was done during the latter part of 2009 and early part of 2010.
The three proprietors are all women, married, in their late 40s to early 50s, and own
more than one used clothing shop located in key and strategic locations in Manila
(i.e. Kamuning, Cubao, and Ortigas). Of the 60 consumers, 56 are women, with
ages ranging from 17 to 60, living, working, and studying in the aforementioned
areas. Although their socio-economic status was not precisely measured, the three
women proprietors asserted that their customers come mostly from lower income
groups. This is not far-fetched considering that only 9% of the country’s total
population belong to the upper (AB) and middle (C) classes, while 62% (D) and
29% (E) belong to the lower classes (Africa, 2011). The participants’ personal
insights and experience contributed greatly to a better understanding of second
hand clothing consumption in a developing country like the Philippines. The
researcher’s own participation as she unobtrusively observed consumers’ shopping
behavior and assumed the role of a consumer allowed her to notice broad trends

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10 Journal of Consumer Culture 0(0)

and patterns of behavior. The marriage between obtrusive (interviews) and unob-
trusive (document analysis and participant observation) methods yielded signifi-
cant results.

Results and discussion

Background
The used clothing trade in the Philippines has been active for approximately
50 years. It flourished in the 1980s, but it could have started as much as 40 years
earlier. It grew after World War II in Southeast Asia, a period which coincided
with UN’s Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) provision of bil-
lions of dollars in relief to Asia between 1943 and 1949. Today, it has evolved from
generic street piles in the market area to the more upscale ‘‘selections’’ in business
districts to sites on eBay (Milgram, 2005; as cited in Locsin, 2007).
For years, Baguio City’s Session Road was the only well-known hub of second
hand clothing shops in Luzon. The geographical coverage of the trade, however,
extends to many parts of the Philippines. Many traders from Baguio have branched
out and put up shops all over Metro Manila. These shops can be seen running
alongside mainstream shopping malls in almost every major business and commer-
cial center and thoroughfares in Metro Manila. The more popular ones are found
in Bambang, Baclaran, Quiapo, Kamuning, Cubao, and Ortigas (Locsin, 2007).
The stores of the proprietors interviewed for this study are located in the latter
three areas.
It has been said that enterprising Hong Kong-based Filipino domestic helpers
are the founders of the industry (Locsin, 2007). This claim is not without founda-
tion since domestic helpers, who are mostly women, account for a significant per-
centage of the total number of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs). As of 2009, there
are more or less eight million OFWs all over the world: roughly 2.87 million in the
United States, 640,000 in Canada, 336,000 in Australia, 210,000 in Japan, 201,000
in United Kingdom, 168,000 in Hong Kong, 163,000 in Singapore, and 119,000 in
Italy (Commission on Filipinos Overseas, 2009). With the help of their relatives,
they bring home to sell via ‘‘balikbayan’’ boxes (big boxes containing the personal
belongings of Filipinos returning (balik) to their home country (bayan)) their per-
sonal possessions, finds from Salvation Army thrift shops, rejects from factories,
product samples, and off-season or sale items from department stores
(Locsin, 2007).
Former domestic helpers have established stable business connections in the
countries where they used to work, especially Hong Kong. Those who have pros-
pered have become wholesalers and operate warehouses near their sources. The
trade is a family affair. Relatives in the Philippines arrange the release of the
shipment with a custom broker and take orders from retailers. The owner–
wholesaler usually keeps a few boxes to sell in her own retail store/s (Locsin,
2007). However, many more women are neither domestic helpers nor wholesalers,

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Isla 11

but they regularly send used clothes, footwear and bags, among other things, to
their relatives to be sold in their garage or just in front of their homes.

Second hand fashion consumption discourse

A study done more than a decade ago by Mabazza (1999) found out that, as far as
clothing (both new and used) performance is concerned, protection from the envir-
onment is the foremost concern for consumers from lower income groups, followed
by clothing as a medium of group acceptance, an extension of self-image, and
enhancement of sexual attraction. Her study also revealed the following motiv-
ations for buying used clothes: good quality, unique design, fashionable, same as
brand new, and low, affordable price. The finding that acquiring quality goods
without paying the full price takes priority in patronizing second hand clothing
shops is supported by another study conducted by Barrameda (2001). Her study
revealed that next to saving money and getting a ‘‘good buy’’, the following are
reasons for buying used clothes: favorite labels are available, unique designs/style
are found, items are fashionable, and benefit the environment through recycling or
re-use. The author’s own research a decade later yielded similar results. The fore-
most reason why the informants buy from second hand clothing shops is to save
money and maximize their budget, followed by the desire to be fashionable at the
least cost, to be able to afford luxury brands, and to experience fun and satisfaction
upon finding something unique and not mass produced. The last three reasons are:
not all clothes being sold are used, one can artistically combine clothes at the least
cost, and finding vintage clothes is fun and satisfying.
It could be argued that since second hand clothing is so affordable, it could
encourage over-consumption. Given Filipino consumers’ socio-economic context,
this is a remote danger because for the majority, clothing is the last in their scale
of priorities. Food, shelter, education, and medicines take first priority. None of
those interviewed spend more than 1000 pesos ($23) per visit. Half of them spend
only half this amount on average, only 12 out of 60 shop weekly or monthly, and
almost all buy only two or three items each time. Although they necessarily spend
more in shopping malls, the frequency of shopping in second hand stores is about
the same. Socio-economic status affects to a great extent people’s behavior, life-
style, and preferences (Quinn et al., 2007). This is especially true in the
Philippines, where purchasing and consumption behavior is still generally affected
by social category. The majority of used clothes shoppers belong to lower income
groups, and economic necessity remains the chief reason for participation. While
the participation of the more affluent is a choice, for the less privileged it is forced
by circumstances. Thus, although Filipino consumers value individuality and the
ability to express one’s unique identity through clothing and are sensitive about
the impression they make on others, practical considerations take precedence.
Between buying clothes, whether new or used, and buying food, basic toiletries,
paying for utilities (i.e. electricity and water) and education-related expenses, the
latter takes priority.

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12 Journal of Consumer Culture 0(0)

Unlike in the West, money is an important issue and used clothing consumption
is far from transcending social stratification. Even though richer Filipinos do buy
used clothes, their reasons differ not only from lower class Filipinos, but also from
the rich in western countries. More specifically, the three second hand clothing
retailers interviewed by the author revealed the following: a) although more and
more people from middle to upper income groups buy clothes from their shops,
shoppers from low income groups are significantly greater in number and openly
admit that they hardly buy clothes from malls; b) wealthy customers visit their
shops because they are looking for specific high-end brands or for a unique style;
c) well-to-do, knowledgeable customers, who greatly appreciate the quality of
second hand designer labels, do not bargain because they know a ‘‘good buy’’
when they see one; d) poorer customers, who may or may not be familiar with
elite brands, complain about the higher price and barter accordingly; e) local
designers buy used designer clothes to scrutinize the fabric, design, and how a
piece has been put together; f) actors, costume designers, and choreographers
also appreciate and do not hesitate to buy more expensive luxury brands; and,
g) ‘‘rich and famous’’ clients shop for used luxury brands inconspicuously and
demand discretion from them. These findings suggest that wearing fashion objects
associated with a privileged class position is not enough to transcend social strati-
fication because the ultimate source of distinction stems from the way objects are
understood and appreciated. In short, the ability of lower class consumers to blend
with the upper class by acquiring luxury brands through second hand shops does
not necessarily support the irrelevance of social classes. Moreover, Hansen’s
(2006a, 2006b) finding that high-income Zambians have more buying options
and shop in upscale boutiques found in shopping malls, in second hand clothing
markets, and spend money on tailor-made clothing also holds true for the
Philippines’ middle and upper classes.
Moreover, used clothing consumption sites in the Philippines are geographically
located according to class: flea or public markets carrying poorer quality items for
lower classes and upscale boutiques in business districts carrying branded and
vintage items for higher classes. Store display or arrangement of items is guided
by these social categories, and used clothing retailers can be grouped according to
social categories: on the upper scale are retailers of designer, high-end brands who
have somehow become connoisseurs or fashion experts, facilitating brand con-
sciousness, selling only the best goods and choosing locations in the more upscale
areas of the city; and on the lower scale are retailers selling in backstreet areas and
catering to less discriminating customers (Locsin, 2007).
A number of insights can be drawn from these findings. Filipinos are very
practical and value social approval at the same time. They dress not only according
to their age, gender, and occupation, but also in order to be accepted. Since what
others say carries much weight, being able to afford fashionable, even branded
quality clothes is liberating. It is social acceptance that motivates them, rather
than the possibility of constructing a new identity through a total make-over or
disguise. The look created by wearing top of the line clothing, even if only second

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Isla 13

hand, enables them to achieve signs of respectability that protect them from social
disapproval. The blending of individuality and conformity is achieved by wearing
clothes that fit one’s personality and are acceptable and attractive to others at the
same time. Personal style and conformity to standards of good taste and social
norms are harmonized. The desire to conform is maintained but is mediated by the
simultaneous desire to be distinctive. Whether the desire for conformity overrides
the desire for distinction depends on the context in which the consumption takes
place. For example, one conforms to a professional working dress code in an office
environment during work hours and adopts a more individualistic style of dress for
the weekend. The 60 consumers who were interviewed could be classified as cross
shoppers, but unlike the cross and alternative shoppers in developed countries, they
don’t go against the norms, enact roles, participate in gender-bending through
fantasy dressing, or reject fashionable trends and brand names. They more closely
fit the profile of mainstream shoppers. They give importance to harmonious coord-
ination of fabric, color, solids, and prints. They simply combine items to suit their
individual taste. This clothing competence, which involves putting together finished
used commodities, does not require significant expense. In putting together an
attractive and unique look, Filipinos are very much like the Zambians: they
make discriminating decisions concerning quality, style, value for money, garment
coordination to fit specific occasions and contexts, and fitting in with one’s own
social group. Given the Philippine’s socio-economic context, it is indeed not sur-
prising that the used clothing consumption discourse in the Philippines has much
more in common with the prevailing discourse in African countries, particularly
Zambia, than with those issuing from the West. Moreover, most Filipino con-
sumers go for used high-end foreign brands not only because of the prestige,
status, or symbolic value that they signify, but also because of substantive proper-
ties, which are just as much a real part of the brand as the symbolic meanings.
Quality still provides the competitive edge. Using second hand fashion in order to
make a political statement or privilege a subculture did not emerge as a common
consumption practice in this research. Overall, Filipino consumers continue to
value functional performance, but without excluding or neglecting aesthetic con-
cerns. In other words, Filipinos are closer to Berner and Van Tonder’s (2003)
description of modern consumers.
Significantly, the pleasure obtained from shopping in second hand clothing
stores is the one vital area where discourse is truly global or similar across the
globe. The physical set-up of second hand fashion shops cannot compare with the
physical quality of 21st century, first class shopping arcades. Used clothing shops
have a semblance of order but are small, with overcrowded clothes racks, boxes
of items lining the floor, dusty floors and cabinets. Thus, pleasurable consump-
tion certainly does not come from convenience, comfort or orderliness, but from
the thrill of finding riches among the rags. Pleasure is derived from getting a good
buy and being able to score in a ‘‘game of haggling’’ – something which does not
occur in shopping malls. The cheapness of commodities makes every market day
a ‘‘sale’’. This is something which more sophisticated shopping malls have

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14 Journal of Consumer Culture 0(0)

imitated: redesigning their space in order to create a feel of a market place during
clearance sales.

Opposing discourse and the blurring of boundaries

As mentioned earlier, the Philippines exemplifies very well certain shared issues
that have blurred the boundaries separating the formal and informal economy, the
legal and illegal trade. The Philippines was cited by a study as the country with the
third largest informal economy among 26 Asian countries (Schneider, 2002).
The Philippine government’s definition of informal economy generally conforms
to the ILO’s definition. However, it deviates from it in two important aspects: while
the ILO partly defined the informal sector as enterprises which are not registered or
formally approved by authorities and not recorded in official statistics, a study
revealed that 77.4% of informal sector enterprises in Metro Manila were registered
with the local government or a national agency (Sibal, 2007). This situation proves
the blurring of boundaries separating the formal and informal economy. Moreover,
although the informal sector has been described as contributing significantly to the
country’s GDP and playing a significant role in creating employment, producing
goods and services, and augmenting income, thus helping keep the economy resili-
ent (Domingo, 2004), the government has generally failed to respond constructively
to the challenges posed by the complexities of the informal economy in general, and
second hand clothing trade in particular.
The involvement of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the second
hand clothing trade is particularly controversial and has led to the banning of
used clothing importation. The Philippine government’s Department of Social
Welfare and Development (DSWD) used to issue permits for NGOs to receive
second hand clothes ‘‘donations’’ for distribution to the poor or for selling to
raise funds for their projects. The permit served as a tax shield. The importation
of large shipments of cast-off clothes through NGOs started in the 1980s due to a
more lenient government policy. However, the DSWD became suspicious of the
large volume of ‘‘donations’’ shipped every week. It turned out that traders had
entered into illicit deals with NGOs. In 1999, the Bureau of Customs put an end to
the NGOs acting as fronts by stopping the issuance of these permits. However,
allegedly protected by highly-placed officials, NGOs still manage to smuggle used
clothing into the country (Go, 2004; as cited in Locsin, 2007).
The above scenario is not a complete depiction of the used clothing trade in the
Philippines since many traders legally import used clothing by paying correspond-
ing taxes. Some traders from Baguio city have even forged an international linkage
with Hong Kong suppliers in order to assume more control of the trade (Locsin,
2007). One key informant, who operates several shops in two different Metro
Manila locations, revealed that she personally goes to Hong Kong to buy not
just from Salvation Army, but also from department stores, especially just before
Chinese New Year when old stocks are replaced by new ones. Another informant,
who runs three shops in the same building, shared that a relative residing in the

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Isla 15

United States buys goods from garage sales and thrift stores like Salvation Army,
Goodwill, and Savers and sends them to her in ‘‘balikbayan’’ boxes. Both propri-
etors revealed that not all the clothes are used because department stores donate
unsold items and individual donors donate unused clothes; they themselves or their
contacts take advantage of big sales when seasons change. Another proprietor, who
sells high-end brands from Italy and Japan, disclosed that she has two daughters
who married foreigners residing in said countries. Her daughters send handpicked
used clothes from their own closets, from the closets of their friends, and from
thrift and vintage stores from Italy and Japan. These accounts prove access to
better grade, quality imported used clothes and foreground the significant role of
OFWs in the growth of the used clothing trade in the Philippines.
The government’s main reason for banning the importation, sale, and retail of
used clothing through Republic Act 4653 is to protect local industries. However,
implementation has been persistently problematic (Abueg, 2005). Thus, the line
separating the legal and illegal used clothing trades is evidently blurry. Local gov-
ernments tolerate the supposedly illegal trade and have afforded some legality to the
trade by imposing taxes. Business permits are issued to shop owners, while token
taxes are imposed on street vendors. Local officials openly express indifference to
whether or not the goods are smuggled as long as they bring money to the city
treasury and leave it up to custom officials and the police to do their job (Go, 2004).
Some even accept bribes or establish friendly ‘‘arrangements’’ with selected vendors
and store owners. Such special ‘‘arrangements’’ involve under-the-table payments
(Milgram, 2011). Customs agents, on the other hand, claim that it is difficult to seize
smuggled second hand clothes because smugglers employ what they call ‘‘consoli-
dation’’ strategy in which goods are unloaded onto small boats before vessels reach
the port. These smaller vessels, in turn, dump the goods in different key cities.
Sometimes traders divide their goods among several OFWs, who mark the boxes
with addresses of true and fictitious relatives. The boxes are then claimed by people
working for the same trader (Go, 2004). NGOs and customs agents have been
accused of accepting bribes from traders. The issue of fully legalizing the import-
ation of used clothing is still being debated. While some government officials have
argued that the trade is detrimental to the growth and development of the national
economy, others have expressed their inclination to legalize the trade, a move which,
according to no less than a cabinet secretary and a customs official, could generate
millions in tax revenues (ABS-CBNnews, 2010).
Not surprisingly, the Federation of Philippine Textile Industries reacted disap-
provingly to this pronouncement. Claiming that the second hand clothing trade has
cut into the income of legal garment manufacturers, they have expressed frustra-
tion over the government’s inaction with regard to a formal protest they filed in
2005 (Gamboa, 2010). Most industry experts, however, deny this claim and agree
that the used clothing trade has little to do with the local industry’s current state.
The decline has been due to a number of factors, including tougher conditions
in export markets, failure to invest in new manufacturing technology, lack of
up-to-date machinery and basic industry start-up capital, failure to restructure

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16 Journal of Consumer Culture 0(0)

the industry into larger manufacturing units, inadequate provisions for the training
of workers, and poor incentives for workers. On the bright side, there has been a
substantial increase in foreign investment, mostly from other Asian producers, and
research and investment is going into the development of indigenous fibers. The
best path is to discover untapped niche markets since there is room for different
garment products with several grades of quality and price in the global market, and
for customized goods that cannot be made in vast factories to match China’s cheap
mass-market clothing (Gorelick, 2006; Research and Markets, 2006).
Moreover, the top executives of two well-known local apparel brands consider
the used clothing trade as a complementary tool rather than as a threat to legit-
imate apparel and garment businesses since it has helped educate consumers on the
latest fashion and world class brands. They admitted that for a time, the trade
affected their revenue and bottom-line performance but realized that consumers
still value convenient shopping and don’t like wearing used clothes of well-known
brands all the time (Dagooc, 2009). Overall, some people belonging to institutions
that have been generally opposed to the used clothing trade are beginning to view
used clothing trade more positively given its growing economic and political
significance.

Conclusions and implications

The second hand clothing trade’s complexity and dynamism has given rise to
regional and national discourses which exhibit distinct as well as shared elements.
As the global production, distribution, exchange, and consumption of goods con-
tinues to become more and more interconnected and as the utility of classifying the
socio-economic standing of individual nations according to their geographical loca-
tion continues to diminish (i.e. global North and global South), the formation of
new discourses is to be expected since discursive formations could now be seen not
only as global and regional, but national and sub-national as well.
By investigating the second hand clothing trade and consumption discourse in
the Philippines, this paper not only enlarges the existing literature, but also serves
as an initial attempt to map the South East Asian situation. The discussion above
shows clearly that a nation’s particular discourse is an expression of its socio-
political and economic context. This explains why the Philippine position has
much in common with the Zambian discourse. Standards of living have been
elevated because of participation in the global used clothing trade. Need, afford-
ability, and thrift are reasons that figure prominently in the used clothing con-
sumption behavior in both countries; reasons which are almost, if not completely
absent from the motivations that emanate from developed countries. These motiv-
ations could be said to be located in a continuum. At one end is a noticeably
modern, functional, rational, and conventional outlook, and on the other is a
distinctly postmodern and constructionist perspective. With the global economic
recession and persistent, even increasing poverty in many parts of the world, it
would not be surprising if the Philippine and Zambian discourses come to

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Isla 17

dominate or gain more adherents in the years to come. However, with the growing
concern for the environment and the increasing revolt against conspicuous and
excessive consumption, it would not be surprising if some aspects of the principles
originating from the West also gain more supporters; issues such as recycling,
environmental protection, sustainability, and alternative lifestyle. These not-
so-distant possibilities could very well prove further the intermingling of behaviors,
with Zambian and Philippine discourses finding a niche in western countries and
vice-versa.
Moreover, since the used clothing trade is a global phenomenon that transcends
national boundaries, the opinions coming from used clothing traders, retailers, and
consumers blend and unite in challenging dictates propelled by governments, inter-
national agencies, and dominant commercial industries. As shown in the discussion
above, the Philippines exemplifies very well the blurring of boundaries separating
the formal and informal economy and the legal and illegal trade due to badly
defined concepts, regulations that are ambiguous and difficult (if not impossible)
to apply, fraudulent practices perpetrated by law enforcers, and misguided policies
that hinder the full integration of small entrepreneurs, among others.
Finally, the study has shown that the use of a flexible and contextually-sensitive
framework that accommodates a number of different discourses or interpretative
repertoires is certainly productive. It is a framework that demands close contact
with second hand clothing traders, retailers, and consumers. Observing their
actions occurring naturally within specific settings is particularly effective in access-
ing a range of discursive repertoires.

Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial,
or not-for-profit sectors.

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Author’s Biography
Veronica L. Isla is a full time faculty member of the University of Asia and the
Pacific’s (UA&P) School of Communication. She obtained her Ph.D. in
Communication from the University of the Philippines (U.P.), her M.A. in
Education from UA&P, her M.A. in Communication from the Ateneo de
Manila University, and her B.A. in Broadcast Communication from U.P.
Because of her strong Communication and Humanities background, she has
been doing research in the fields of media and the visual arts, especially on
topics where these two fields intersect. Her research interests include Media and
Information Literacy, Film Studies, Creative Industries, Consumption Studies, and
Media Ethics. She has collaborated in the staging of numerous events including
international conferences, art exhibits, round table discussions with experts, and
seminar-workshops as speaker, discussant, and co-manager.

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