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By Ben Joravsky
Bill Ayers's mug shot at the 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago (photo added 2018)
CHICAGO HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The students are already seated, quiet and polite in perfectly aligned
rows of chairs, when Bill Ayers walks into the classroom.
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"We're very lucky to have Bill Ayers here," says Victoria Cooper-
Musselman, the instructor. "Bill was an active player in the 60s. You
read about him in all the books."
Ayers smiles, a boyish grin, and steps to the podium. He's 45, but
doesn't look much older than most of the students. He wears his
curly blond hair over his ears, with a rattail down the back. His
T-shirt reads: "America is like a melting pot: The people at the
bottom get burned and the scum floats to the top."
He wears shorts.
"To me it's funny that the 60s are studied," Ayers begins. "I get
rolled in like a Civil War veteran. I feel strange."
For three years Ayers's wife, Bernardine Dohrn, was on the FBI's list
of ten most wanted criminals. They spent nearly 11 years as
fugitives, living on the run "underground."
"We were anarchists," he tells the class. "We were willing to get
thrown out of school. We were willing to go to jail. I make no
apologies. There comes a time in your life when you face a moral
challenge. You have to ask yourself: 'Will I bow to conformity and
accede to the world as it is, or will I take a stand?'"
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fundamental change was taken with the school reform act of 1988,
which gives locally elected councils of parents, teachers, and
community representatives control over budget, curriculum, and the
hiring of principals (who also sit on the councils).
"School reform isn't perfect, but it's a beginning," says Ayers. "It
gives people some control, which is important; people have to take
control of their lives. OK, the schools stink. They're designed to
separate people by class and race and then control them.
There's only one problem. In a time not so long ago, during his fiery
days as a Weatherman, Ayers was a different person.
I know, I know; it's easy for someone like me (who was too young for
the draft) to be judgmental about a heady, pressure-packed time 20
years ago. So many of us live our lives in quiet isolation, looking out
mainly for ourselves. Ayers was willing to sacrifice his wealth and
privilege for just causes--the end of war, the elimination of poverty.
Maybe he got carried away, swept up by larger forces. He was only in
his 20s. We all do dumb things when we're young.
But Ayers was worse than dumb. He was arrogant, dogmatic, and
unbearably self-righteous. He scorned his parents and turned on his
friends. He was cruel.
By all accounts, Bill's father Thomas Ayers was one of those lucky,
hardworking guys who find their place in a large corporation and
rise to the top.
His first job with Commonwealth Edison (then called the Public
Service Company of Northern Illinois) was digging ditches and
stringing cable.
That was 1937, and 22-year-old Tom Ayers, the son of a Detroit
salesman who had gone broke during the Depression, had just
graduated from the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor. By 1964 he
was Edison's president--and the epitome of the corporate Good
Samaritan. He sat on the boards of First Federal Bank of Chicago,
Northwestern University, and the Tribune Company. He served on
civic groups and preached voluntary integration.
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In 1966 Mayor Richard J. Daley asked Tom Ayers to help city and real
estate leaders negotiate an open-housing agreement with Dr. Martin
Luther King Jr. Ayers steered both sides toward a remarkable
settlement that enabled King to claim victory and Daley to preserve
the segregationist status quo. Both sides hailed Ayers for his efforts.
"You get a hot issue, and you've got to get the temperature down to
where you can begin to talk about what you can do about it," Tom
Ayers later told the Tribune about those talks. "In the first place you
have to let people talk. Finally, you get to the point where some of
the venom is out of it, and then you're beginning to talk about what
we ought to do."
"Bill was clearly the most talented in the family," says John Ayers, the
youngest Ayers child. "He was clearly the one my father had his eyes
on. He was funny, warm, articulate, and outgoing. Everyone wanted
to be with him. He had lots of friends."
"I left Glenbard High School because my grades were going down the
drain," Ayers says. "It was an adjustment. Lake Forest was very
insulated. I was aware that the country was changing, but my most
radical act then was to get caught up in the writing of James
Baldwin."
"Bill was the best friend I had in school," says Detwiler, now a dentist
in Toledo, Ohio. "In those days, he considered himself a jock."
During the summer, Tom Ayers got Bill a job with the Leo Burnett
advertising agency. Most people figured Bill had found his path on
the corporate track.
"Leo Burnett liked Bill," says John Ayers. "He called my dad and said,
'Tom, your son is unbelievable. He could be the greatest ad man who
ever lived.' We all believed Bill would be great at whatever he did.
Even at the height of Bill's protest days, I used to joke to my dad,
'Hey, don't take it bad, he rose to the top of his field.'"
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The fact was, however, Ayers didn't feel like following his father into
business. He didn't know what he wanted to do, but he decided
"there had to be something more to life than grades, classes, and
college." And so, in 1964, he dropped out, hitchhiked to New
Orleans, and joined the merchant marines. He worked two four-hour
shifts a day painting, cleaning, and watching the deck of a grain ship
that docked in Marseilles, Athens, and "all the sleazy port cities of
Europe."
"I didn't know what I was going to do with myself," says Ayers. "Then
I had this moment of clarity. I was sitting in Constitution Square in
Athens reading a newspaper and I read about the war in Vietnam.
Vietnam was blowing up and I felt I had to do something."
He returned to Ann Arbor in 1965, but this time he didn't hang out
with jocks. He ran with the civil rights crowd--the veterans of voter
registration campaigns in the south who were the heart and soul of
the fledgling antiwar movement.
Most of the other students knew that Vietnam was a small country in
Southeast Asia, but that's about it. They didn't know that it had won
its independence from France in 1954. That it was divided into a
communist north and a U.S.-backed south. That free elections to
unify the country under one government were supposed to take
place in 1956. Or that civil war erupted when the U.S.-backed
regime, fearing a communist victory, canceled the elections.
On October 15, 1965, Ayers and 38 other activists were arrested for
demonstrating against the war at the Ann Arbor draft board. It was
his first arrest, and he emerged from his ten-day jail sentence more
committed than ever. He joined the local chapter of the radical
Students for a Democratic Society and looked for "socially useful
work to do." Within a few weeks, he was teaching preschoolers at the
Children's Community School.
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"I heard about the school from a guy I had met in jail," says Ayers. "I
visited the school and I was absolutely taken by the kids. Here was
something I could do that was socially useful. Here was something I
was good at. I felt at home with the kids."
"We felt that too many schools were highly competitive and
destroyed people's learning. We thought that students had an
inclination to learn, but that most schools stifled their creativity. We
believed in integration. There were as many blacks as whites. We
wanted kids to learn to read and write, but we were not devoted to
any specific timetable that said they had to read or write by a certain
age.
"I remember writing my brothers about how the world looks from
Lakeview Avenue," says Ayers. "I wrote that it looks much different
than it does from Glen Ellyn. I began to question everything I had
ever learned. I began to wonder: Who has wisdom? Who has
knowledge? Who do you fear? Who do you trust? In Glen Ellyn, the
police were our friends. In Cleveland, they were an occupational
force.
"I began to realize that all my book learning to that point was
inadequate. I realized that I was going to elitist traditional schools
that ignored many of the greatest, most powerful ideas and
experiences in the world. Finding James Baldwin on my own was only
emblematic of what was missing from the curriculum."
Toward the end of the summer, the community exploded into a riot.
The mayor called an eight o'clock curfew and the governor
dispatched the National Guard.
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"We were in the middle of it," says Ayers. "I had a big, ugly gold
Oldsmobile, one of those land yachts, and I remember driving it to
the hospital every day with people who were hurt.
"One night I took two young people to the hospital right on the cusp
of the curfew. I was turning the block and--bam--there were ten
young National Guardsmen with rifles aimed at me. I screeched to a
halt. They made us get out of the car and they searched us. This was
martial law. None of this 'you can't go into my car without a search
warrant.'
"I remember they were so young. They looked like twerps. One day
they were pumping gas, and now they were holding M-16s."
His life-style upset his parents, but his younger brother was
transfixed. To John and his friends, Bill was a hip, young radical in
denim and shades (like Bill's hero Bob Dylan), riding the crest of a
powerful wave.
By June of 1968, the school was bankrupt. It never had much money
to begin with. Staffers made do on salaries of $20 a week plus room
and board (Ayers's parents had cut off his allowance after he
dropped out of college). When the school was evicted from its
church basement and was denied a federal antipoverty grant, it
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closed.
Then Ayers calls on a fellow whose white hair marks him as older
than most of the other students.
"Being on the opposite side from you, I was in Vietnam, I want to say
that we had them on the run," he says. "We had them with their
supplies cut off. If we had kept up with the bombing, we would have
won that war. But the press said we were doing all that killing, and
we backed off."
On the face of it, the vet's comments are absurd. The U.S. dropped
seven million tons of bombs on Vietnam (at least twice the tonnage
dropped on Europe and Asia in World War II). But Ayers doesn't say
that. Instead he makes the point that things aren't always what they
seem. He tells about his friend Ernie, another Vietnam vet.
The pivotal force for change in Bill Ayers's life was something that
took place in the wee hours before dawn on January 31, 1968. That's
when North Vietnamese soldiers and Viet Cong guerrillas launched
the Tet offensive, a bold attack on U.S. and South Vietnamese
military bases, including the U.S. embassy compound in Saigon.
Eventually U.S. and South Vietnamese troops beat back the assault,
but the attack exposed major weaknesses in the war effort. The war
was costing $33 billion a year and by now 840,000 draftees had
served there, yet it was obvious the U.S. was not winning.
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This was no time for peaceful protest, Ayers decided. For three years
he and his allies had tried that, and for three years the war had
escalated. It was time to take the fight to a different level.
"We'd roll into town knowing two or three people, that's all, it didn't
take much," Klonsky recalls. "Bill would go to the student union,
climb on a table and start rapping, and I'd hand out our fliers. We
had some great times together, but we also had our fights. Once we
were sitting in some student union and the Beatles' song 'Revolution'
came on the jukebox. Bill went berserk. He ripped out the cord to
the jukebox. To him, 'Revolution' wasn't radical enough. He wanted
'Street Fighting Man' by the Stones. Now that was revolutionary.
"I know it sounds crazy, but he wasn't kidding. That's the way it was.
There was a lot of anger in the air."
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"She wouldn't come home for a very long time, and when she did,
she would bring a coterie of radical friends to protect her," Jim
Oughton told journalist Tom Powers in 1970, for Powers's book
about his daughter Diana. "Her friends would counter my theories, if
they listened to them at all, with a sarcastic 'Oh wow, man.' They
surrounded themselves with an invisible barrier."
In the summer of '69 they turned on each other at the annual SDS
convention, held at the old Coliseum on South Wabash.
Then things got more confused, as RYM split into RYM I and RYM II.
Klonsky, a leader of RYM II, tried to fuse a coalition with the Black
Panthers and the Young Lords, a Puerto Rican street gang.
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"Having failed to arouse the vast support they had never really
expected, they achieved the isolation their theory required,"
historian and former SDS member Todd Gitlin wrote in the Nation.
"God knows how much they had to maul one another and their
former friends to bring themselves to the high pitches required for
their 'actions.'"
Their goal was to "bring the war home" and enlist the white working
class in the coming revolution.
Their ideology was rigid, their anger red-hot. "This was a time,"
Gitlin wrote, "when many felt like the person who said, 'I feel like
turning myself into a brick and hurling myself.'"
They denounced those who disagreed with them, old friends and
comrades included, as "running dogs" and liars.
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One by one they gave angry speeches. A bonfire was lit. Someone
shouted, "On to the Drake!" (They believed conspiracy trial judge
Julius Hoffman lived there.) Then the group started running.
They ran south along Clark Street, smashing windows in cars and
buildings along the way. At Division Street, they charged a line of
police, then retreated, a little bloodied and bruised, east to the lake.
"If the minirevolution proved anything it is only that the SDS doesn't
have many members left," Royko wrote, "and those who remain
couldn't fight their way into a Polish wedding."
For Ayers, those four days "behind enemy lines" in Chicago were the
culmination of a powerful and personal revolution.
"The rush we got on the streets was unlike anything before or since,"
he later told a reporter. "I can feel the physical sensation of it when I
think back. It's like the rush a soldier must get in the middle of a
battle zone. I guess it's our version of post-Vietnam syndrome."
As for Tom Ayers, well, it's hard to say what he made of the riot.
He's never openly spoken on the matter. (He chose not to be
interviewed for this article.)
Tom and Bill saw each other just before the Days of Rage, but their
meeting was brief and it ended in a quarrel. Undoubtedly their
relationship was strained. Newspapers across the country had
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quoted Bill as saying that one Weatherman goal was to "kill all rich
people." Asked if his parents weren't rich, Ayers replied: "Bring the
war home. Kill your parents."
Perhaps he was more honest in the 1969 interview he gave for Hard
Times, Studs Terkel's book on the Great Depression.
"He used to tell me that of all his kids I could have been the one to
make it. Perhaps even his successor as president of the
conglomerate. He always felt I had the brains and drive to be a ruler.
I think he's disappointed in me. I don't think he's quite given up
hope that I'm going through a stage and will come out of it."
Three days later, Dohrn and Boudin missed a court date in Chicago,
where they were wanted on several riot-related charges. Suddenly
they were fugitives wanted by the FBI. After that the group changed
its name to the Weather Underground, and its members (Ayers
included) disappeared.
After Ayers's exchange with the Vietnam vet, a young woman asks
about various Weather Underground bombings.
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The first word from the Weather Underground surfaced on May 21,
1970, when the group issued "a declaration of a state of war."
"We will never live peaceably under this system," the war decree
read. "The twelve Weathermen who were indicted for leading last
October's riots in Chicago have never left the country. . . . [We] move
freely in and out of every city and youth scene in this country. We're
not in hiding, but we're invisible."
"We're often afraid but we take our fear for granted now, not trying
to act tough. What we once thought would have to be some zombie-
type discipline has turned out to be a yoga of alertness, a
heightened awareness of activities and vibrations around us--almost
a new set of eyes and ears."
"The 'New Morning' was our attempt to go back to our early SDS
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"We had lost our touch with humanity, and now it was time to come
back."
Between 1970 and 1974, the group took credit for 12 bombings,
released 22 communiques, and even published a book, Prairie Fire.
"The way not to get caught is to change the obvious things," says
Ayers. "I didn't see my family for 12 years. You can't go home, that's
the first place they'll look. If you don't set foot in Berkeley, you'll do
OK. And you have to be law-abiding. As Bob Dylan said, 'Those who
choose to live outside the law must be honest.'
"I'd go down to hiring halls and look for jobs that are marginal in the
sense that they don't require a good deal of background checking. If
they asked for references, I made them up. No one ever checked.
"It was the 70s, the economy was fired up. There were jobs to get,
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"It was for little things like traffic violations, nothing I couldn't talk
my way out of," Ayers says. "Being a white man brings privileges. It's
a paradox. I was using those privileges to participate in a movement
that was attempting to undercut the system that was allowing those
privileges to exist."
His voice is calm and soothing, much like the one I heard talking in
Cooper-Musselman's classroom.
By then, he and Dohrn were living together. Their first son, Zayd,
was born in 1977. That was around the time that the Weather
Underground decided to split up.
"The war was over; there was no need for the Weather Underground
anymore," says Ayers. "We had served our purpose."
"When Bill first came here he was just another parent looking for day
care," says B.J. Richards, who managed a day-care center in
Manhattan called B.J.'s Kids. "He said his name was Tony Lee. I didn't
recognize him. I really didn't know that much about the
Weathermen. All I knew was that it was immediately clear he was
good with children. He really listened when they talked. We wanted
his family to be with us. We wanted him to work with us."
"I'd been away from education for so long it was good to get back,"
says Ayers. "It was a great day-care center. Very humanistic,
nonsexist, child-oriented. It was logical for me to return to teaching.
It was socialism on a tiny but very real scale. There was something
very humanizing and decent about it. I realized you don't need to
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have a grand scheme; you don't need to have all the answers."
Daley said he wanted to bring the case to trial, but after 11 years the
evidence against Dohrn was weak. So a deal was made. On January
12, 1981, Dohrn pleaded guilty to misdemeanor charges of battery
and bail jumping and was sentenced to three years' probation and
fined $1,500.
With that, Dohrn and Ayers moved back to New York City, and were
not written about in the newspapers until October 1981. That's when
old Weathermen allies Kathy Boudin, David Gilbert, and Judith Clark,
along with members of a revolutionary group called the Black
Liberation Army, unsuccessfully attempted to steal $1.6 million from
a Brinks truck in New York. Two Brinks guards and a policeman were
killed in the shoot-out.
Ayers and Dohrn had nothing to do with the incident; they'd been
out of touch with their old friends for years. Nevertheless, a couple
of months later prosecutors called Dohrn to testify before a grand
jury. She refused on principle to answer questions and was sent to
prison for refusing to cooperate with the grand jury.
It was an agonizing moment for her and Ayers. They had taken in
Chesa, Boudin and Gilbert's infant son (and have since adopted him).
With Dohrn in jail, Ayers was a single parent, raising two infants and
a five-year-old boy. In the midst of the turmoil, he says he got a
phone call from journalist David Horowitz, who was writing an article
with Peter Collier on the Weathermen for Rolling Stone.
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the radical crowd," says Ayers. "I talked to him. I would have talked
to anyone who I thought might help get Bernardine out of jail."
The result was "Doing It--The Inside Story of the Rise and Fall of the
Weather Underground," which depicted the Weathermen as a gang of
drug-crazed, sexually voracious savages. Ayers was portrayed as a
tomcatting cad whose shameless, uncontrollable sexual proclivities
drove Oughton to the brink.
"We did talk about monogamy as a weakness and we did use drugs
and have sex. But come on--getting laid 100 times! It never
happened.
"We didn't make all the right choices. But who knows what the right
choices are? Most people go through their life adhering to the
normal conventional routine. They're neither good nor bad, they're
just going along. Then there comes an important moment when they
face a difficult choice. In our case, we had to ask ourselves, do we
follow our leaders to war, or do we take a stand?
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After that, Dohrn, who had graduated from the University of Chicago
Law School in 1967, passed the New York State bar exam, and
worked in the New York offices of Sidley & Austin (a corporate
Chicago-based firm with--coincidentally?--close ties to Com Ed).
However, New York State's Committee on Character and Fitness of
Applicants denied her admission to the bar, despite support from
Don Reuben, the Tribune's well-connected lawyer.
The irony was blatant. Once again, Dohrn and Ayers were tapping
into their powerful network to reap the benefits of a society they
condemned.
"I have said all along we were the beneficiaries of white privilege,"
says Ayers. "Like anyone else we deserve neither our privileges nor
our oppression. The question is what you make of what you have."
"I figured, big deal, so I've got a PhD. But the struggle never stops."
"Wow, that's tough; what do you tell kids about anything?" says
Ayers. "One day my middle son, Malik, says, 'Daddy, tell me about
that time you burned your credit card.'"
"I said, 'Not my credit card, my draft card. I'm a revolutionary, but
not that much of a revolutionary.'"
"I'd tell my kids to live lives of purpose, not simply to put in time on
this earth. I'd tell them to respect themselves and other people. With
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"Have I ever been out of control? Yes. So, it's tough. It's hypocritical.
I don't like to be hypocritical. I like to think that I've been consistent
in my life."
Few members of the school reform movement can say for certain
when it was that they first met Ayers. It was as though one day they
looked and he was there.
By then Ayers had moved to Hyde Park and was working at UIC.
"I arrived just as the movement was picking up," says Ayers. "I was
immediately intrigued. I started attending different meetings. I
couldn't stay away."
Some of his new allies knew nothing about his background; those
who did didn't care. He was friendly and personable. He was liked by
virtually everyone he met.
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"Well, the teachers should rebel. They shouldn't give those tests.
People have a responsibility to do the right thing. If the principal
gets on their case, take the matter to the local school council. Tell
the parents about the valuable class time wasted on tests. Stand up.
"I don't say that everybody has the potential to be exactly the same
person. But how can we measure a child's potential if they attend
schools that refuse to allow them to learn? We don't know their
potential.
"It's not that kids don't want to read. That's like saying a kid doesn't
want to walk. Did you ever meet a kid who didn't want to walk? Of
course not. The fact is that kids inherently want to be powerful; they
want to be in control; they want to understand. But there are all
kinds of obstacles. I was at a school where they had six-year-olds
doing work sheets for six hours. You can't do that; I can't do that;
we'd go out of our minds with boredom. Imagine what it does to a
six-year-old kid.
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"I can give kids a lecture on primary colors or I can let them mess
around with paint, mixing red and blue to discover purple. It's the
teacher's responsibility to assist in such mind-blowing experiences
and to be excited when they happen. That's what teaching is all
about--the interaction of child, environment, and adult--be it in
Winnetka or the inner city.
"By and large, that's not what we have in the public schools, and I
don't completely blame the teachers. They're victims as well. They
have a right to work in a place that honors their wisdom and skills.
But in fact, they've become custodians of the system that despises
and marginalizes them. They're told to keep the kids quiet and in
neat rows of chairs. It doesn't matter if the kids learn to read, so
long as they're quiet. The teacher's job is to teach children their
place in the hierarchy of society."
"I love Bill; I truly think of him as my brother," says McFerren. "I don't
agree with everything he says. Unlike Bill, I think there are some kids
who don't want to learn, don't want to pay attention to the teacher,
don't want to do anything but cause trouble. When I say that, Bill
says, 'You got to keep them in the classroom until you reach them
and they start learning.'
In many ways, Ayers's philosophy was ideal for ABCs. The targets of
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Within a few weeks, the group named Ayers convener, which means
he runs their meetings.
"If necessary, I'll let everyone talk until they are exhausted," Ayers
adds. "The meetings go on a little long, but it doesn't matter so long
as people feel they've had their say."
At one point, Ayers and others were ushered into Daley's private City
Hall chambers to brief the mayor on reform.
"I don't think much about Daley, but I don't have a lot of animosity
toward him," says Ayers. "I don't know if he knows who I am. When I
was in his office, he didn't say, 'I prosecuted your wife and you threw
stones at my father.' However, I must admit it was bizarre to be
sitting there."
"Bill helped keep the group together," says David Paulus, senior vice
president of First National Bank and a member of the group. "He
brings a wisdom and maturity that each of the other factions don't
have. He has a graceful way of handling diversity and calming people
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down."
"My dad is just so thrilled to see Bill back," says John Ayers. "It might
be that Tom and the business community have come closer to Bill's
vision of education. The beauty is that Bill does it on his own terms.
All the rest of us are locked in our ties and jackets, but Bill has the
confidence to wear his shorts."
I met Ayers shortly before the last school year ended. I watched him
in action as he led a chatty class of 20 teenage would-be teachers
(he never asked for quiet, but somehow it seemed all the kids were
listening).
"I've never had a TV," he said. "They're intrusive and loud. I'm not
missing anything anyway."
"I listen to them on the radio. Radio is better than TV for baseball,
because the drama is heightened when you can't see but only
imagine what's going on. It's wonderful to listen to a Cub game on
the radio with your kids."
I told him that too many of his school "reform" buddies licked the
boots of corporate Chicago and kicked the butts of classroom
teachers.
"I'm not antiteacher," he said. "I think teaching is the world's greatest
profession. I think teachers are underpaid. I would give them all a
raise; they should be making at least $40,000. I also want teachers
to have more power and responsibility. How is that antiteacher?"
I told him that he and his ABCs cohorts come off like a bunch of
closet Reaganites holding the public schools hostage to a bunch of
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silly, unrealistic demands. Like the goal to bring test scores in all
public schools to the national average by 1995.
I told him that the reform law was designed to keep people busy--
talking, meeting, eating breakfast--while preserving the status quo.
In that regard, it was pretty much like the much heralded Daley-King
summit agreement Tom Ayers helped negotiate back in 1966.
All in all, we talked for hours. He was always punctual and well
organized. After each interview, he would immediately arrange the
next one, neatly recording its time and date in the little black date
book he kept by his side.
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His brother John said: "In those days, a lot of people lived double
lives. You had weekend hippies who did kooky things in Old Town
on Saturdays, then went back to being lawyers and accountants
during the week. Bill has always been pretty much the same, even if
he changed his name."
Mike Klonsky, Ayers's former SDS rival, said: "Give the guy a break. I
did. When I heard he had moved back to Chicago, I looked him up. I
didn't ask for apologies. That was then, this was now. I figure we
should just pick up the pieces.
"The thread in Bill's life is education. He's doing exactly what he did
at that little school back in Ann Arbor. OK, he took a hiatus back in
1968. But now he's back. If Bill was goofy at one time, blame it on
Nixon. He should have ended the war when he promised. He
screwed up a lot of people's lives."
He got a little irritated. "This stuff doesn't come that easy to me. I
like to think of myself as a hard worker. I don't sleep a lot. I get up
early and often stay up late. I didn't just sort of come up with these
ideas--they evolved over years of reading, writing, watching,
teaching, and learning from other people."
"But how can I believe you? Since you lived a lie for so many years,
how do I know you're sincere?"
"But don't you think the way you treated your parents and friends
was wrong?"
"That's not good enough; admit you were an asshole to your parents
and friends!"
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"I won't."
"Admit it!"
"OK, seriously, I was an asshole. People were hurt. I truly regret that.
Mistakes were made; I won't deny that. But hindsight is 20-20. It's
easy to sit here now and be judgmental. We aren't under the gun.
There's no Vietnam war going on. My point is that the context of
those times is impossible to re-create. That doesn't justify anything;
it only means that there are no scientifically correct formulas from
which to make the right decisions.
"In some ways, radicals from the 60s can't win. If we remain
underground, you say we're relics. If we adapt, you say we've sold
out. You want to make us admit that what we did was wrong. I'm
proud of what we accomplished. The changes we helped enact are
fundamental. Reagan didn't go into Central America when he was
fighting the Nicaraguans. He did everything short of that, but he
didn't send in troops. That's fundamental change.
"We helped stop a war. The school reform movement has its roots in
the mass-based movements of the 60s. There's a continuum; events
flow from one into another. We build from the past. Change is
inevitable. Everywhere you look--Poland, Romania, Germany--walls
are coming down. I love it.
He jokingly suggests that she dismiss the class early. Then he gets
serious.
"I think we'll come out of this all right," Ayers says. "I think that
sometime in the future we'll see a moment that will dwarf the 60s.
The issues that we raised--race, poverty, class disparity, pollution,
education--haven't been resolved. The 30s were something, the 60s
were something, the 90s will be something, too. You're gonna lead
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it.
"And you know something? I'll be there. I'll be an old graybeard, but
I'll be on the front lines, right there with you.
"I promise."
Art accompanying story in printed newspaper (not available in this archive): photos/Paul L. Meredith.
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