Encyclopedia of

Human Relationships
Self-Disclosure

Contributors: Ruth Sharabany

Editors: Harry T. Reis & Susan Sprecher
Book Title: Encyclopedia of Human Relationships
Chapter Title: "Self-Disclosure"
Pub. Date: 2009
Access Date: January 16, 2015
Publishing Company: SAGE Publications, Inc.
City: Thousand Oaks
Print ISBN: 9781412958462
Online ISBN: 9781412958479
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412958479.n463
Print pages: 1418-1423
 ©2009 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved.
This PDF has been generated from SAGE knowledge. Please note that the pagination
of the online version will vary from the pagination of the print book.
©2009 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. SAGE knowledge

http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412958479.n463
Self-disclosure is a process of revealing oneself to others. It is described as what
individuals voluntarily say about themselves to others, including their thoughts, feelings,
and experiences. Self-disclosure may involve personal information about facts or
feelings; it may be about the past, the future, or the present; it may be related or
unrelated to the listener. Self-disclosure is key to the development and maintenance
of relationships whether it focuses on issues associated with the self, the listener, the
relationship, or all three. It can be viewed as a personality trait related to other traits
or as an interpersonal process; either way, the extent to which people engage in self-
disclosure affects and is affected by social interaction.

Theoretical and Conceptual Foundations

One of the first researchers to examine self-disclosure was Sidney Jourard. Jourard,
who was a psychotherapist, described self-disclosure and claimed that it was positively
associated with individuals' health and well-being. He argued that being able to share
feelings, thoughts, and experiences with another person often serves as a relief to
individuals and may elicit support and validation from listeners.

The importance of self-disclosure to the development of interpersonal relationships

was initially highlighted by Irwin Altman and Dalmas Taylor. In fact, Altman and Taylor's
Social Penetration Theory describes self-disclosure as inextricably tied to relational
development. The theory suggests that increases in relational intimacy are a result
of individuals sharing increasingly personal information about themselves with each
other. When people first meet and do not know each other well, they tend to exchange
information that is impersonal and talk about a limited range of topics. [p. 1418 ↓ ]
As they come to know and trust each other, they begin to disclose more personal
information and talk about a relatively broad range of topics. According to the theory,
sharing information is not only a means for individuals to become more intimate with
each other, it also is a way for them to evaluate the rewards and costs that may be
associated with their relationships. Altman and Taylor suggested that as long as the
rewards partners perceive as associated with their relationship are greater than the
costs they believe they will incur, relational development will continue.

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Altman also argued that relational partners experience an ongoing struggle about
how much information to disclose and how much to conceal. In-line with this idea,
more recent theory and research suggest that people utilize self-disclosure to regulate
and define their relationship boundaries. Thus, self-disclosure may be employed
strategically as a means to get closer to someone or it may be avoided in order to
preserve relational distance.

In addition to examining the links between self-disclosure and relationship development,

researchers and theorists have studied the degree to which individuals reciprocate
self-disclosure. Reciprocity occurs when a person discloses to a listener, and the
listener discloses in response. Reciprocity has been studied in experiments where
a confederate, who disclosed at various levels, was introduced into small groups.
Members of the groups responded to the confederate by matching the degree to which
the confederate disclosed. Although self-disclosure often is reciprocated within a single
situation, it also can be reciprocated at some other time in a different situation. Indeed,
in long-standing relationships, reciprocity may take place over relatively long periods of
time. For example, research has demonstrated that although husbands and wives may
not reciprocate each other's disclosures immediately, they tend to match how much they
disclose to each other over time. Reciprocity may be viewed as an expression of trust
between partners, as a tendency of individuals to model or mimic each other's behavior,
or as a relational norm.

Measures and Methods

The most common measures of self-disclosure are questionnaires that are used to
elicit participants' reports of their self-disclosing behavior. Participants typically are
asked either to report what they have disclosed or what they would be willing to disclose
to certain people. For example, Jourard's original questionnaire consists of 60 items
(a later version had 25) where each of six content areas is represented by 10 items.
The six content areas are attitudes and opinions, tastes and interests, work and study,
money, personality, and body. Participants' responses are framed in terms of the person
to whom the information is revealed, such as the respondents' mother, friend, best
friend, and so on.

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Another method of measuring self-disclosure is by asking participants to keep diaries in

which they report interactions with others, how much they disclosed, and how revealing
or intimate their self-disclosures were. Diaries also may be used to obtain written
descriptions of disclosures which then are rated by experts.

When researchers want to observe self-disclosure, they often do so by manipulating the

degree of disclosure in experiments. For example, an experimenter or a confederate
can disclose to a participant at different rates, and the degree of the participant's self-
disclosure can be coded.

Self-disclosure can be measured from several perspectives. For example, researchers

have assessed how much disclosure occurs because of the discloser's, or the listener's,
characteristics. A relatively novel approach is measuring the degree of disclosure in a
dyad's interaction that occurs as a product of the relationship itself and the interacting
partners together, above and beyond the degree of self-disclosure of each individual.
The introduction of psycho-physiological indices such as blood pressure, muscle
tension, and skin conductance has likewise expanded the possibilities for interpreting
the process and impact of self-disclosure. These indices enable researchers to measure
self-reported degree of self-disclosure or anxiety and compare that assessment with
some physiological response. Discrepancies between self-reports and physiological
measures may indicate ongoing distress that is not self-reported.

Outcomes Associated with Self-Disclosure

Although disclosing information about oneself to others can be risky, self-disclosure
has been linked [p. 1419 ↓ ] to a number of positive psychological and physiological
outcomes. Some of the psychological benefits of self-disclosure include enhanced self-
worth and self-validation. Self-disclosure can protect people from intrusive thoughts,
free up cognitive resources, and facilitate insights. People who tend to disclose
information about themselves to others typically are less anxious, less depressed,
and less lonely and have less problematic interpersonal relationships than do others.
Self-disclosure is related to commitment, love, and satisfaction in close relationships.
Disclosure shows trust and confidence in others and often creates a positive cycle in
relationships.

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The physiological benefits of self-disclosure also are striking. Research on self-

expression and disclosure of emotional experiences has demonstrated that both can be
associated with better physical health. Various health indicators, such as markers of the
immune system, blood chemistry related to liver functioning, cardiovascular functioning,
physical symptoms, morbidity, and even mortality rates, are related to a range of
measures and levels of self-disclosure. In the laboratory, talking about traumas has
caused immediate and striking reductions in disclosers' blood pressure level, muscle
tension, and skin conductance. The mechanism that researchers believe may be at
work here is that repressing negative experiences such as traumas, disappointments,
rejection, and losses requires a physiological effort that impairs normal biological
functions. Some researchers have argued that there is a curvilinear relationship
between degree of self-disclosure and degree of health—that those who disclose in
moderation are mostly better adjusted—but this argument has remained intuitive so far.

It is important to acknowledge that because disclosing information about oneself

involves vulnerability and risk, it is not always associated with positive outcomes. In
fact, a number of motivations work against disclosing. People may perceive the costs
of disclosure as too high, or they may fear that their partner will not respond positively
to the disclosure. Protecting the partner from being hurt or upset by the information is
another restraining motivation. Partners also may fear that the self-disclosure will cause
loss of assumed similarity and thus create social distance. They may fear losing their
relationship altogether because of the content of what they reveal.

People also may have negative experiences when they disclose. They may feel
shame for deviating from expected norms or conversely, may experience regret for not
revealing the relevant information sooner. Those who disclose can create undesirable
impressions of themselves in their listeners. Self-disclosure that is not well received can
carry several costs. These include loss of privacy, being judged, losing face and status,
instigating conflict, being deemed to have poor judgment, and so on. Likewise, there
may be costs to the listener, such as feeling hurt, being misunderstood, and so on.

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Development of Self-Disclosure among

Children and Adolescents
Little is known about self-disclosure with regard to human development. People tend
to assume that children express themselves genuinely, in earnest, and therefore that
they self-disclose at higher rates than adults. It is reasonable to think that children
are relatively naïve and that their judgment of appropriateness is still developing.
However, the distinct features of children's self-disclosure have not been investigated
systematically. Research suggests that children's willingness to disclose to their parents
tends to be higher when their relationship with their parents is warm. Disclosure to
mothers and siblings tends to be higher than to fathers. Where relationships with
parents are marked by distrust, the children's tendency is to avoid disclosing to parents
altogether.

During adolescence, self-disclosure to friends and then to romantic partners tends to

increase, as young people seek validation and support more from peers than from
parents. This tendency seems to continue through the college years: College seniors
were found to disclose to best friends more than did freshmen.

Sex Differences
In North America, women disclose more to other women than men disclose to other
men. Women more than men disclose particularly to intimate persons such as their
mother, romantic partner, close female friends, and siblings. In contrast, a few studies
show that men disclose more than [p. 1420 ↓ ] women to distant targets like coworkers,
neighbors, and strangers. Women tend more than men to disclose about intimate
topics such as emotions, personal development, and personal relationships. Normative
patterns of relating to intimate others may discourage men from self-disclosing.
Interestingly, men who avoid disclosing particularly in the context of close relationships
regard self-disclosure as a sign of neediness, dependency, and weakness. In contrast,
women may see self-disclosing as a desirable process by which they acquire sympathy
and support, so it is a source of strength.

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Relationships
Research generally suggests that self-disclosure is an important part of close
relationships. For instance, there is a positive association between self-disclosure
and variables such as liking and relational satisfaction. Experiments where levels of
self-disclosure were manipulated have demonstrated that when people disclose to
someone, they have a greater tendency to like that person. The reverse also is true:
When individuals like someone, they are more likely to disclose to that person. Studies
further indicate that in ongoing relationships there is a positive association between
disclosure and the tendency of partners to be emotionally involved with each other.
Partners who disclose more to each other tend to report greater relational satisfaction
and relational stability.

Although self-disclosure appears to be positively linked to happy, close relationships,

it is important to note that the association between disclosure and intimacy is not
necessarily linear. Some theorists argue that relational partners experience dialectical
tensions between being open and closed about what they discuss with each other.
Others similarly suggest that partners work together to establish a balance between
what they disclose to each other and what they keep private. Scholars also note
that, after partners come to know each other well, their need to disclose personal
information declines. Further, although self-disclosure among married couples is
related to greater marital satisfaction, couples' self-disclosure can depend on the type
of relationship they maintain. For instance, researchers have noted that couples can
be characterized as evincing one of three relationship types: traditional, where the
partners use regular and traditional daily schedules and stress stability rather than
satisfaction; independent, where couples maintain a high level of companionship
and are assertive in their relationship; and separate, where partners are disengaged
and control psychological and physical accessibility to each other. Studies of couples
interacting in a laboratory setting showed that independents disclosed more than
traditionals who, in turn, disclosed more than separates. Further, separates and
traditionals disclosed a significantly higher proportion of factual information to one
another, twice as much as independents.

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Context: Cultural Differences, Social Class,

Setting
Self-disclosure is influenced by norms and social rules that pertain to what is
appropriate, depending on each situation and relationship. Cultures regulate differently
the degree to which people self-disclose, the content of their disclosure (defining certain
topics as taboo), and the individuals to whom they disclose—parents, siblings, spouse,
acquaintances, and strangers. For instance in one comparative study, young African
Americans of both genders were found to disclose less than young European men and
women. Men of lower income, regardless of origin, tended to report less self-disclosure
to intimate persons—family, close friends, partners—and more to distant targets.
Women, regardless of social class and origin, tended to disclose more to intimates.

Like culture, physical settings can affect self-disclosure. It is particularly complicated to

regulate self-disclosure and privacy in a context where there is reduced physical space
and crowding, where privacy is limited, and where much about each person is exposed.
A context of this kind is the Israeli kibbutzim. In these very small, modern collective
communities self-disclosure is inhibited, although relationships among the members
are generally positive and cooperative. One of the explanations for the relative inhibited
self-disclosure in the kibbutz is that communal life is based on intense contact most
of the day. Until about 15 years ago, children also slept in separate children's houses,
[p. 1421 ↓ ] thus experiencing almost around the clock contact. As a result of this
intense contact, people may feel the need to guard their psychological privacy and their
individuality.

The most common participants in self-disclosure research have been students and
married couples. Research on special groups and their special contexts, such as
individuals with HIV, gay men and lesbian women, sexual abuse survivors, and so on,
will enable scholars to test the extent to which previous research findings valid under
these special circumstances.

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Self-Disclosure and Psychotherapy

Self-disclosure is important in psychotherapy to clarify the sense of self, to explore
inner thoughts and feelings, and to enable people to make choices in their relationships
outside the therapy. People who undergo psychotherapy tend to feel more open and to
self-disclose more in other contexts (e.g., in their personal relationships) than people
who have not had therapy.

Individual psychotherapy usually involves two persons, the therapist and the client-
patient. Self-disclosure by the latter is a cornerstone of psychotherapy. By disclosing
thoughts and feelings that they see as unacceptable and having those thoughts and
feelings accepted by the therapist, client-patients are likely to experience greater
internal peace. Greater disclosure by client-patients during therapy is associated with
better therapeutic outcomes.

There are two extreme positions concerning self-disclosure by the therapist to the client-
patient, as well as a recent position that is more moderate. Jourard who was among
the first to coin the term self-disclosure within psychology, regarded it as essential for
the therapist to disclose to the client about himself or herself. In contrast, Freud, who
laid the foundation for most current psychothera-pies, advocated the total absence of
any disclosure by the therapist (although in practice he engaged in disclosure). For
decades, self-disclosure by therapists was discouraged. Jourard's original sweeping
suggestion about its value was ignored. It was considered likely to interfere with the
nature of responses from the client and to change the direction of the therapy. The
therapist's refraining from verbal self-disclosure was part of an effort not to contaminate
the directions that patients chose to go. It meant belittling the effect of all the nonverbal
and indirect information available to the patient about the therapist. In recent years as
part of a novel relational-psychodynamic therapy, a degree of self-disclosure by the
therapist is considered essential to the psychotherapeutic relationships. The place
of disclosure from therapists to clients has been conceived as positive, provided that
the disclosure is intentional and planned by the therapist to suit the patient's specific
needs. Research indicates that self-disclosure by therapists, when appropriate, and
especially in response to similar client self-disclosure, may increase positive, rewarding,
and reciprocal self-disclosure by the client.

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RuthSharabany

http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412958479.n463
See also

• Marital Typologies
• Openness and Honesty
• Secrets
• Taboo Topics

Further Readings

Chelune, G. J. (Ed.). (1979). Self-disclosure: Origins, patterns, and implications of

openness in interpersonal relationships . London: Jossey-Bass.

Consedine, N. S., Sabag-Cohen, S., and Krivoshekova, Y. S. Ethnic, gender and

socioeconomic differences in young adults' self-disclosure: Who discloses what to
whom? Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 13 (3) (2007). 254–263. http://
dx.doi.org/10.1037/1099-9809.13.3.254

Derlega, V. J., & Berg, J. H. (1987). Self-disclosure: Theory, research and therapy .
New York: Plenum Press.

Greene, K., Derlega, V. J., & Mathews, A. (2006). Self-disclosure in personal

relationships . In A. L. Vangelisti, ed. , & D. Perlman (Eds.), The Cambridge handbook
of personal relationship (pp. 409–427). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Josselson, R., Leiblich, A., Sharabany, R., & Wiseman, H. (1997). Conversation as
a method: Analyzing the relational world of people who were raised communally .
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Jourard, S. M. (1964). The transparent self . New York: Van Nostrand.

Jourard, S. M., and Lasakow, P. Some factors in self-disclosure . Journal of Abnormal

and Social Psychology 56 (1958). 91–98.

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Pennebaker, J. W. (Ed.). (1995). Emotion, disclosure, and health . Washington, DC:

American Psychological Association. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/10182-000

Petronio, S. (2002). Boundaries of privacy: Dialectics of disclosure . Albany: State

University of New York Press.

Reis, H. T. (1998). Gender differences in intimacy and related behaviors: Context and
process . In D. J. Canary, ed. , & K. Dindia (Eds.), Sex differences and similarities
in communication: Critical essays and empirical investigations of sex and gender in
interaction (pp. 203–231). Mahwah NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.

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