A Narrative and Intersectional Approach To Understanding Identity Reconstruction and Negotiation Among Former Inmate Mothers

Running Head: IDENTITY NEGOTIATION AMONG FORMER INMATE MOTHERS
PAGLINGON, PAGBAWI, AT PAG-AHON:
A NARRATIVE AND INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING
IDENTITY RECONSTRUCTION AND NEGOTIATION
AMONG FORMER INMATE MOTHERS
An Undergraduate Thesis
Submitted to
the Department of Psychology
In Fulfillment
of Requirements for the Degree
Bachelor of Science in Psychology

IDENTITY NEGOTIATION AMONG FORMER INMATE MOTHERS 2
Abstract
Previous studies have mainly focused on how incarceration disrupts the lives of former
inmate mothers, specifically their roles as mothers and how the stigma has brought negative
effects to their lives post-incarceration. However, they have unique experiences that occur at
the intersection of social identities which have positioned them to vulnerabilities and
struggles that affected them beyond the individual level. Using narrative analysis in light of
intersectionality framework, the research explores the narratives of six (6) former inmate
mothers and how they have reconstructed and negotiated their identities across their
experiences before, during, and after incarceration. The identity reconstruction and
negotiation occur at different levels—personal, familial, community, and societal relative to
their identities as women, mothers, former prisoners, and belonging to the low socio-
economic background. Five themes which were situated within the identity negotiation
process emerged, namely: (1) Experiences of economic and social vulnerability prior to
incarceration, (2) Experience of loss, disruption, and struggle due to incarceration, (3)
Rediscovering the voice of her own identity within the limits of the prison environment, (4)
Building on the struggles of incarceration towards restoring the motherhood identity, and (5)
Rewriting a future script forging beyond the limits imposed by incarceration and
vulnerabilities. Their narratives indicate how family dynamics and socio-economic status
interact to create a struggle leading to their incarceration, yet within the limits of prison, they
were able to grasp a sense of empowerment that make them capable agents of their future
scripts following incarceration.
Keywords: former inmate mothers, incarceration, narratives, intersectionality, identity

negotiation and reconstruction
INTRODUCTION
“They [prisoners] do not want out of prison kasi [because] they have lost the
existence, the essence or existence of a person productive. Mag-holdup lang
‘yan ng uli ng one time, mag-enjoy, mag-inom, mag-sabong, tapos payag na
‘yan silang makulong uli [They would just again engage in holdups, enjoy,
drink liquor, bet in cockfights, then they would agree to be jailed again]”
President Rodrigo R. Duterte

23rd anniversary celebration of TESDA
August 30, 2017
In a recent speech by President Duterte, he spoke about how prisoners have already
“lost their essence of a person”, arguing that these people will only continue to create trouble
and commit deviant acts even after getting out of prison (Viray, 2017). Hearing a statement
like this from a powerful person like the President leaves a striking impact on the schema and
perception of Filipinos when it comes to the prison sector. As Lavenda and Schultz (2010)
point out, people occupying powerful social positions can often portray their own cultural or
political prejudices as universal truths. As such, criminal offenders are regarded as a highly
stigmatized group of people (LeBel, 2012 as cited in Moore, Tangney, & Stuewig, 2016).
The stigma stems from the idea that these people have transgressed moral or civil laws which
posed threat and danger to other members of the society. Criminal offenders are detained in
institutions like prisons in order for them to be rehabilitated and reintegrated back to the
community as law-abiding citizens (Caño, 2017).
The arrest and incarceration of a detainee mark the onset of stigma that will taint his/
her identity. Thus, when they get released from jails, people refer to them as former prison
inmates, ex-convicts, ex-offenders, formerly incarcerated individuals, or as what is common
in the Philippines, “na-Bilibid”. In this paper, the researchers will remain consistent with how
the Philippine Corrections System calls criminal offenders in general, and that is, ‘inmate’.
The stigma, however, goes beyond the terminologies as former inmates face various
challenges upon returning to their communities. These challenges permeate almost every
aspect of their lives—economic, psychological, social, educational, vocational, which many
studies have explored.
The current research focused on a particular group of former inmates that are often
not given enough attention by seemingly gender-blind protocols in the Philippine legal
system (Baker, 2015). These pertain to female inmates, specifically mothers, who have
experienced incarceration, thus taking them away from their families. Research has shown
that prison conditions have affected male and female inmates in different ways, more so after
life in prison. Women inmates are more likely to be affected than men in the face of the
psychological distress and immense emotional challenges brought about by incarceration
(Baker, 2015). The ordeal of incarcerated women mainly lies in the separation from their
families, shifts in family dynamics especially when the inmate was the family’s primary
caregiver, and consequently, the perceived inability to fulfill their natural caretaking and
protective roles as mothers (Baker, 2015). Seeing how incarceration challenges their
identities as mothers, this study seeks to examine how they reconstruct and negotiate their
identities across the different stages of their narratives before, during and after incarceration.
Using narrative psychology, we look at their experiences before, during and after
incarceration, with an eye towards understanding the intersection of identities and
vulnerabilities – as mothers, as women coming from low socioeconomic status, and as former
inmates.
Review of Related Literature
The review of related literature discusses different studies on prison inmates,
specifically mothers, and their identity reconstruction post-incarceration. This section is
further divided into subsections. First, we discuss incarceration as an experience that brings
about disruption at different levels. Second, prison inmates being stigmatized leading to
discrimination. Third, the stigmatization, re-victimization, economic, and cultural barriers

experienced by inmate mothers. Lastly, identity reconstruction as a necessary process among
inmate mothers in facilitating social reintegration following imprisonment
Incarceration as a Form of Disruption
Incarceration disrupts people’s lives in multiple levels (Haney, 2003; Harvey, 2011,
as cited in Vanhooren, Leijssen, & Dezutter, 2017). It affects the imprisoned individual due
to feelings of loss, guilt, shame, and despair which may progress towards a person’s loss of
identity and meaning of life (Vanhooren et al., 2017). Cohen and Taylor (1972) mentioned
how prisoners become anxious about the disintegration and loss of their sense of identity (as
cited in Ginneken, 2014). In addition, it also affects the prisoner’s loved ones as the prison
cells physically and psychologically restrict the inmate’s liberty. Prisoners expressed the
feeling of being disconnected from the outside world, as some prison inmates can no longer
connect with their families. Furthermore, Pansag, Rosaroso, Paradiang, Labasano, and Lasala
(2016) reported barriers that confronted inmates post-incarceration, such as health-related
problems, homelessness, financial constraints, ineffective prison rehabilitation programs, and
harassment for female inmates.
As previously mentioned, incarceration deeply affects not just the imprisoned
individual but his/her family as well. One of the common forms of disruption is brought by
parental incarceration. Wright and Seymour (2000) talked about the effects of parental
incarceration on the children and other members of the family where multiple factors together
interplay (e.g. poverty and intra-familial violence) within the family’s context (Parke &
Clarke-Stewart, 2003; Wright & Seymour, 2000). One main effect is the period of “instability
and uncertainty” that the children experience. With the absence of the primary caregiver or
more so, of the moral leader in the house, the child is driven to ask where his/her parent is,
and who will take care of him/her. Another prominent effect that parental incarceration has
on its children is the stigma that becomes attached to the lives of these individuals. Having an
incarcerated parent evokes feelings of shame, as well as low self-esteem, which the child may
carry with him/her everywhere he/she goes, be it in the face of his/her extended families, or
even in the whole community (Wright & Seymour, 2000).
Former Prison Inmates as Highly Stigmatized Individuals
Even long after serving their sentences in prison, prison inmates continue to suffer
due to the stigma attached to being a former inmate. People perceive former inmates
depending on their contexts and criminal backgrounds (Graffam et al., 2007). Attitudes
toward people with a criminal background appear to be complex and somewhat dependent on
severity, chronicity, and demonstration of the former prisoner’s intention to change (Graffam
et al., 2007).
Once a person is liberated from the prison cell, he/she struggles to make use of the
reclaimed freedom by trying to live normally as he/she did prior to being imprisoned across
different levels—psychological, social and economical. Studies have shown that being
formally labeled as a former inmate or offender causes the person to internalize stigmatizing
attitudes, withdraw from conventional society, and conform to a deviant identity (Moore,
Stuewig, & Tangney, 2016). Dijker and Koomen (2007) elaborated on this by explaining that
former inmates are often blamed for their status as “criminals”, which in turn increases the
likelihood of stigmatization and self-stigmatization. In addition, social stigma is also
experienced by former inmates where they perceive and anticipate a great deal of stigma from
their community (LeBel, 2012; Winnick & Bodkin, 2008, as cited in Moore et al., 2016).
Research has shown various factors that lead to society denigrating and ostracizing former
inmates (Averill et al., 2015). Former inmates typically return to the same community, with
the same environment, from which they had left when they were imprisoned (McConnell,
2017). Pansag et al. (2016) noted that the attitude of neighbors and other members of the
community toward the former inmates is generally hostile. Given the social stigma, former
inmates are also challenged economically. Fletcher (2001) reported that employer
discrimination serves as the main barrier to the employment of former inmates (as cited in
Graffam, Shinkfield, & Hardcastle, 2008). In addition, the level of stigmatization depends on
one’s criminal background wherein it was found that employers will more likely hire a
former inmate with drug offenses compared to violent offenses such as robbery, rape, and
murder (Giguere & Dundes, 2002).
Experiences of Inmate Mothers
One particular group of inmates that require specific attention concerns inmate
mothers. Veloso (2016) contends that Filipina prison inmates are a minority within a minority
who are overlooked in academic discussions and public debates on crime. Baker (2015)
reported that almost all women in one Philippine prison are mothers. Hence, as they
reintegrate back into the society, they are faced with challenges of stigmatization and having
to restore their role as mothers in the family.
Within the Philippine context, the traditional Filipino mother is regarded as a nurturer
(Tarroja, 2010). Being the nurturer, Filipino mothers are expected to be fully responsible for
childrearing, child discipline, and household management (Alampay & Jocson, 2011; Tarroja,
2010). With the main control over the children’s activities given to Filipino mothers,
Alampay and Jocson (2011) noted that mothers are perceived to be more powerful by their
children as compared to the fathers. Not only are they expected to be the primary caregivers,
but they may also serve as the family providers, for instance, in situations such as in non-
traditional families (i.e. single moms). Many mothers also share with the father's part in being
the main providers given the increasing need for women in the workforce (Brayfield, 1995;
Dunlop, 1981; Peterson & Hann, 1999).
Given the many responsibilities carried by a mother, she feels significant emotional
harm and turmoil within herself and her relationship with her children in the event of
incarceration (Baldwin, 2017). For instance, an incarcerated mother may automatically be
labeled a bad mother, while fathers who got incarcerated may not necessarily be labeled as a
bad father (Covington, 2002). Disruption in the motherhood role due to incarceration further
adds to the primary derogatory effects of the incarceration experience like instances of
discrimination mentioned earlier. In addition, mothers are also affected by the pain of
separation even when a strong relationship with their children has been built prior to
incarceration. They continually interact heavily in terms of emotions like despair, grief, loss,
frustration, hopelessness, guilt, and shame (Baldwin, 2017). Covington (2002) argues that the
only source of hope and motivation for many female prisoners, both during and after the
prison experience, is a connection with their children. This possibly explains the emotional
stress experienced by the mothers in the moment of separation due to incarceration.
Indeed, incarceration may interrupt, or at worst, completely destroy the mother’s
maternal experience. The prison scantily provides an avenue for mothers of all age to be “any
kind of mothers at all, let alone a good one” (Baldwin, 2017). For instance, pregnant prison
inmates have extremely limited power to ensure their baby’s health (Baker, 2015). Moreover,
Brown and Bloom (2009) talked about the erosion of the parental authority of a mother who
has been incarcerated. They mentioned how the loving figure of a mother may stay intact to
her child’s perspective of her, yet the idea of being their moral leader may no longer be
recovered incarceration has “irrevocably discredited” her (Brown & Bloom, 2009).
Prisoners’ Search for Meaning After Incarceration
Although most research on incarceration has been mostly concerned with the potential
negative effects, such as mental health problems (Fazel & Seewald, 2012), recidivism (Bales
& Piquero, 2012) and negative effects on families (Ewald & Uggen, 2012), there are also
studies that have shown that inmates can still draw positive meanings from their experiences.
Vanhooren et al. (2017) argued that disruptive life experiences like incarceration may also
result to positive changes in meanings in life, with crime and incarceration as significant
motivators that allow many prisoners to change in profound ways. The experience of
incarceration confronts them with new obstacles as it challenges their self-identity and
questions their assumptions about the world. Maruna (2001) argued that former prison
inmates’ readjustments upon release typically follow a zigzag path because their lives are
comprised of alternating periods of criminal activity and intermittency (as cited in Larsen,
2017). This means that they may be good for some time, but may not be consistent in doing
so. Bertulfo, Canoy, and Celeste (2016) believe that there is an emotional struggle for “moral
re-ascendancy” of the individuals and their families who were tainted with the stigma of
incarceration. These former inmates strive to restore their moral selves to make up for their
past wrongdoings. Harding et al. (2017) proposed that prisoners’ reentry narratives may take
a redemptive or reformative form as they make claims to moral change in response to the
immorality that they are associated with.
The extreme distress brought about by incarceration greatly contributed to the
experience of losing the sense of meaning among these prisoners. But for some, the next big
step that former inmates take on as they try to reintegrate back to society is to search for new
meaning. The search for new meaning after incarceration includes searching for new
purposes in life, gaining a comprehension of the offense, but more importantly, acquiring a
deeper understanding of their life story (Vanhooren et al., 2017). This search encompasses a
wide variety of experiences as each prisoner has his/her own sense of meaning-making. In a
study by Mappham and Hefferon (2012), former inmates mentioned the importance of
understanding deeper one’s childhood experiences as part of the process in searching for new
meanings. For some inmates, a paradigm shift in their beliefs (e.g. to Christianity) has aided a
lot in establishing a new identity. Pansag et al. (2016) found that former inmates attributed
their life transformation to the the presence of Divine Intervention. The turning towards
religion provides a purpose and meaning on the experience of incarceration (Maruna et. al.,
2006). A sense of control over the unknown future was also expressed by former prisoners
who went through this religious conversion, since it does not only address the loss of
meaning felt among the prisoners, but also the loss of identity (Maruna et al., 2006). The
concept of identity is an important concept that must be explored on in regard to the context
of the former inmates’ search for meaning together with the process of social reintegration
that they go through post-incarceration.
The concept of identity develops from the interplay of both social and personal
aspects. The membership of one in a particular social group and the attribute that
distinguishes one from the other people interact with each other to build one’s identity. This
concept of identity is further formed based on one’s interaction with other people as one
becomes particular with his/her social presentation (Deaux, 1993; Howard, 2000). In the
current study, the researcher looks into the construction, negotiation and reconstruction of
this identity of the Filipino mothers who have been incarcerated.
Baldwin (2017) found that many of the former inmate mothers expressed feelings of
how their ‘good mother’ identity has forever been tarnished after they have gone through
incarceration. Many female inmates who are about to be released dread the stigma and
feelings of shame that they expected to face as they return to society, because they are
women, and that they feel shame of not having done their role as mothers (Baker, 2015).
With these, a struggle, then, ensues as they reconstruct one’s self-identity for themselves and
for their children. Identity development is indeed not a final destination a person arrives at,
but rather, it is a lifelong process (Helmick & Petersen, 2001).
The trauma that incarceration creates makes prisoners face a crisis of self-narrative.
This challenges the phase of reintegration because it entails a complex process of

transitioning from jails back into society that requires constant re-adjusting and reconnecting
to families, communities, work, and civic life on the part of the former inmate (Rosenthal &
Wolf, 2004; Sampson & Laub, 2003, as cited in Bertulfo et al., 2016). Since the experience of
transitioning from jails to the society outside is a difficult phase for inmate mothers, social
reintegration provides an avenue for mothers to regain the role and make-up for the time they
have missed with their families (Covington, 2002).
A vital aspect to the success in social reintegration is a reconstruction of one’s sense
of self. This identity reconstruction is a process that requires social interaction (Helmick &
Petersen, 2001). With former inmate mothers being highly stigmatized relative to their
maternal role, the challenge of regaining their roles as mothers after prison calls for a need to
undertake identity negotiation and reconstruction. As mentioned, although former inmate
mothers have wrestled with experiences brought by physical and emotional separation and
which have threatened their identity as mothers, the experience of incarceration can also
serve as catalyst for identity reconstruction (Maruna et al., as cited in Harding et al., 2017).
Former inmate mothers are women, mothers, and incarcerated; and integrating fragments of
their identity after life in prison is a very challenging task that they need to face in order to
facilitate social reintegration. This comes with a pressure to reconstruct also their moral
identity as they engage in social reintegration.
Summary and Gaps from Previous Research
From the reviewed literature on the incarceration experience of former inmate
mothers, it is clear that their identity as individuals and most especially, as mothers, is heavily
disrupted and tarnished across different levels and is carried over post-incarceration. Previous
studies have highlighted the meaning-making of the inmate mothers’ incarceration experience
and development of sense of control over the unknown future. In the process of social
reintegration by the former inmates, a loss of identity was evident. This entailed a process of
identity reconstruction wherein the former inmate mothers go through renegotiations with
their roles as a part of the community, a woman, and a mother. Social reintegration programs
are said to facilitate the former inmate mothers’ identity reconstruction post-incarceration.
Previous researches have emphasized that identity reconstruction is solely embedded
in the phase of social reintegration. These studies have overlooked how inmate mothers also
reconstruct their identities amidst incarceration and not just post-incarceration. Even though
the aspects of economic, social, and familial matters were commonly discussed in the matter
of prisoner reintegration, a focus on these aspects have left out another very essential
component of a inmate’s identity reconstruction, and that is the self.
To address these limitations, the present study used a theoretical framework that
integrated narrative analysis with intersectionality to emphasize the agentic capacity of
former inmate mothers in the process of identity reconstruction. Through their narratives, it
is important to look into the meanings that have been emerged as they go through the whole
process of incarceration. This allows a deeper understanding of the experiences of the former
inmate mothers as they negotiate and reconstruct their identities as mothers before, during,
and after incarceration.
Theoretical Framework
Narrative Psychology as an Approach to Understanding Identity Reconstruction among
Former Inmate Mothers
Narratives are defined as organized interpretations of the series of events that take
place from the past, present, or future. They serve to organize and provide structure to the
experiences by contextualizing them and building a coherent story. This, then helps us
construct the reality that we are situated in (Hiles & Cermak, 2008). These narratives are
consist of two realms: (a) “the realm of experience” where individuals recount their
experiences and confer subjective meaning onto these experiences, and (b) “the realm of
narrative” where order is applied in order to make sense of these experiences (Bamberg,
2010). Moreover, in the process of narration, meaning-making is articulated and expressed
(Schiff, 2012). It is a means of making sense of the constant changes happening around us by
using narratives (Murray, 2015). These narratives may also serve as a cognitive filter which
allows us to see certain events or experiences that were deemed relevant to us (Ewick &
Silbey 2003; Somers, 1994 as cited in Harding et al., 2017).
Using narrative analysis, certain theoretical assumptions are essential. First, narratives
serve as platforms for identity reconstruction. The narrative approach provides the avenue for
making sense of one’s construction of his/her identity and life story; as well as the manner of
integration one does with his/her past, present, and future (McAdams, 1996, as cited in
Ginneken, 2014). This means that the focal point of narratives is the person’s construction of
the self and life. Barton and Hall (2000) mentioned how the construction of identity is an
ongoing process. Their study involved a correspondence between British letter writers and
prisoners on the topic of the prison inmates’ life experiences and priorities. As the latter was
provided the avenue to “express or rediscover” through narrating, they were moved to
reevaluate themselves (Barton & Hall, 2000). It was then noted how such kind of dialogues
with other people actually affect the said ongoing reconstruction of one’s lives. Likewise,
former inmate mothers also face challenges in reconstructing their identities after prison
given the physical, emotional, mental, and even spiritual burden inside the jail. The “good
mother” identity has been damaged as mentioned by Baldwin (2017) and so identity
reconstruction is directed to address this.
Second, narratives are also negotiated across different levels—personal, community,
and societal. Narratives not only provide significance to the individuals themselves but also
to the people around them. They re-establish their social identities as they relate themselves
to other people (Ewick & Silbey 2003, as cited in Harding et al., 2017). This means that
narratives are not in isolation, but rather, are interconnected with the community and the
environment readily accessible and available to the individual. According to Leverentz
(2008), neighborhood is considered a defining feature of an individual’s self-conception in
everyday life. In addition to that, narratives serve as bridges to understanding the broader
social context where the individual is situated in (Hammack, 2008, as cited in Adler et al.,
2015). Social institutions also shape their personal narratives because the narratives of the
individuals within these institutions are evaluated based on the schemas—rules and
routines—of the institutions (Polleta, Chen, Bobby, Gharrity, & Motes, 2011). For former
inmate mothers who have been socially engaged with their families, co-inmates, prison
officers, and service providers amidst incarceration and social reintegration programs, a part
of their identity reconstruction are influenced by them.
Integrating Intersectionality Framework in Narrative Psychology
Intersectionality as a framework is a way of understanding how different social
identities affect and influence one another (Syed, 2010; Shields, 2008). This approach
includes the idea of intersecting identities contributing to different forms of oppression rather
than just as independent social variables in a narrative (Bell, 2016). The framework explains
how each category wherein an individual belongs to is not isolated, but rather shows a
constant interplay among the categories such as one’s gender, religion, class, or race. Given
the categories associated with former inmate mothers, it is important to include their roles as
females, mothers, prisoners, or even other roles they assume as well because these heavily
influence who they are right now.
Intersectionality is also a means to achieve social justice by revealing power
structures which perpetuate social inequity and its impact to the individual (Pompper, 2014).
In the context of former inmate mothers, they do not only face heightened marginalization
post-incarceration but are challenged by their background characterized by poverty. The

intersection of both social dimensions shapes the experiences of these mothers throughout the
stages of incarceration. To understand their narratives, the experience of incarceration should
not work in isolation but rather see its interplay with their social position and the structures
that surround their situation.
With the integration of intersectionality theory and narrative psychology as an
approach to understanding the narratives of former inmate mothers, the current study
highlighted the identity reconstruction of the mothers through their narratives before, during
and after incarceration. This was achieved through the life-story interview done with the
mothers. Moreover, the narratives shed light to how other social identities including
marginalization and backgrounds characterized by poverty shape their identities amidst
incarceration.
Statement of the Problem
Through the integration of intersectionality framework and narrative psychology, this
study aims to understand the narratives of identity reconstruction of former inmate mothers.
The researchers ask the question: “How do former inmate mothers reconstruct and negotiate
their identities as mothers before, during, and after incarceration?” Specifically, we pose the
following sub-questions:
1. How do former inmate mothers reconstruct and negotiate their identities relative to
their identities as women, mothers, former prisoners, and belonging to low socio-
economic background?
2. How do these categories marking marginalization and vulnerability intersect in
shaping their experiences as former inmate mothers before, during, and after
incarceration?
METHOD
This research employed a qualitative approach, specifically informed by narrative
analysis and intersectionality theory, as it examined the process of identity reconstruction and
negotiation among former inmate mothers. The participants’ personal narratives were
gathered through individual in-depth interviews, using guide questions based on McAdams’
Life Story Interview protocol. Interviews were then analyzed through the an adopted and
modified five (5)-step narrative analysis provided by Lieblich, Tuval-Maschiach, and Zilber
(1998). To ensure validity, the researchers did continuous shifting back and forth from the
data and the themes that were created. They also engaged in repeatedly going back to the
transcripts as they generated the themes to delve deeper into the data.
Participants
Six (6) participants were interviewed. The participants were former inmate mothers
who fulfill the following criteria: (1) they are at least 18 years old, (2) they became mothers
prior to being imprisoned, and (3) they had been imprisoned for at least two years. (4) The
participants have also undergone a social reintegration program. (5) At least one year has
passed from the time that they were released from jail. (6) The mothers belonged to the low
socioeconomic status. (7) Finally, the jail location where they were formerly imprisoned was
only within Metro Manila. Profiles of the participants are presented in Appendix B.
Each participant was recruited through purposive and snowball sampling, as referred
by two non-government and non-profit organizations, namely, Caritas Manila and
Humanitarian Legal Assistance Foundation (HLAF). Caritas Manila, a special ministry of the
Catholic Church, has a Restorative Justice Ministry that renders services and programs to aid
in the reform of detainees and convicts who were part of the correctional community. The
Humanitarian Legal Assistance Foundation (HLAF), on the other hand, focuses on protecting
the rights of persons deprived of liberty (i.e. detainees, convicts, former prisoners).
Engaging with an organization for the recruitment of our participants not only
lessened the time and resources spent on the part of the researchers, but it also enhanced
safeguards for the study, especially when the need for a more competent professional’s
presence had arisen (i.e. while conducting the interviews). Furthermore, the researchers
believe that the results of the study would be beneficial to the organization. For instance, the
results are to be forwarded to these organizations to aid in the evaluation and implementation
of current and existing programs that they have for the formerly incarcerated.
Data Collection Instruments
The main data collection method for this study was individual in-depth interviews
based on McAdams’ Life Story Interview Protocol (see Appendix A). It provides a thorough
understanding of one’s life, at the same time sees how the individual plays various roles in
society (Cohler 1993; Gergen & Gergen 1993, as cited in Gubrium & Holstein, 2002).
Through this method, the participants explored their personal experiences and relationships,
as well as insights and meanings from the stories they share integral to their ongoing process
of identity reconstruction and negotiation (Adler, Lodi-Smith, Philippe & Houle, 2016).
Since identity reconstruction and negotiation is an active and ongoing process, the life story
interview included future-oriented elements to emphasize the agentic aspect of narratives and
arrive at ways of seeing themselves in the future in light of their past and current situation.
As such, a semi-structured interview guide was created based on McAdam’s Life
Story Interview. The questions were formulated to make them more appropriate to these
former inmate mothers’ contexts. The interview guide had a Filipino translation and all
interviews were conducted in Filipino, as requested by the participants. The researchers
prepared informed consent forms to orient the participants of the purpose of the study, their
rights and everything that entailed their participations, and how the information will be kept
confidential and used only for the purpose of the research.

Data Collection Procedures
Pilot Test. A pilot test was conducted with one participant to determine whether the
interview questions are understandable, not difficult to answer, relevant (if not vital) to the
research topic, and not offensive. The pilot test simulating the actual test included the
protocols for informed consent and was conducted at the house of the participant in the
presence of a Caritas Restorative Justice Ministry (RJ) volunteer. After running the whole
process, the participant, along with the RJ volunteer, was asked to provide some feedback
and if there is a need to rephrase, add, or remove the questions. Since the participant had no
problems with the interview questions, the researchers counted the pilot test as part of the
actual data.
Actual Procedure. The actual procedure with the five (5) other participants went on
upon recruiting and contacting participants who fulfilled the inclusion criteria. All interviews
were held in a place, date, and time set and agreed upon by both parties. Each interview
lasted for at least an hour except for one participant that lasted only for half an hour. Prior to
the interview, the researchers briefed the participants on the nature of the study and they were
made to sign a consent form stating that they have been informed of the purpose of the study,
their rights as participants, that they have agreed to participate in the study, and that they can
withdraw their participation anytime. Interviews were audio-recorded with the participants’
consent. To establish rapport with the participants, the researchers began the interview by
introducing themselves to the participants, and through warm-up questions such as “Kumusta
ka na?” (How are you?). At the end of the interview, the participants were thanked, with the
addition of giving them gift certificates for groceries as tokens of appreciation.
Ethical Safeguards
Prior to actual conduct of procedures, the study was already cleared by the University
Research Ethics Office (UREO). During the interviews, an informed consent form was
verbally delivered to the participants in Filipino to give consideration to the participants’
educational backgrounds. The consent forms contained all that they need to know about the
study (i.e. nature, purpose, possible consequences), with emphasis on the idea that they could
withdraw anytime if they do not feel like continuing anymore. The signing of the consent
forms documented their agreement on participating. The researchers ensured a proper and
comprehensive briefing on the nature of the study before each interview starts. The identity
of the participants remained private as pseudonyms were used in reporting the data to
maintain anonymity.
In addition to this, the researchers have successfully completed the module for a web-
based training course on "Protecting Human Research Participants" under the National
Institutes of Health (NIH).
Data Analysis Procedures
In this study, the interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed in verbatim, typed in
a word file with numbered lines to facilitate referencing. Aside from the audio recording, a
note-taker was assigned to observe gestures, expressions, and nonverbal language that are
significant in the course of the participant’s story telling.
For the analysis of the data gathered, the current study adapted and modified
accordingly the 5-step narrative analysis provided by Lieblich, Tuval-Maschiach, and Zilber
(as cited in Guinto-Adviento, 2011). First, the researchers coded and looked into the general
tone elicited from the narratives of each participant. Based from the codes, key episodes were
extracted from the narratives in the manner of before, during, and after incarceration. Next,
potential themes were developed based on the pattern of the key episodes constructed. Lastly,
the researchers wove a coherent story after having all the significant portions of the analysis
have been gathered. These narrative plots were generated from both the participants’ actual
accounts and as well as from the researcher’s own interpretations of them (Lieblich, et al.,
1998, as cited in Guinto-Adviento, 2011).
To ensure the validity of this narrative-based research, the thematic analysis involved
continuously shifting back and forth the data and the themes that are being created. The
researchers delved deeper into the data and repeatedly went back to the transcripts while
generating the themes. Specific life episodes and quotes from all participants were fitted into
the themes, then the themes were being revised, organized, and adjusted accordingly. This
became an effective method in assessing the “fit between the data and the researchers’
understanding of them”.
RESULTS
This chapter presents the results of data analysis obtained from the life story
interviews conducted with six former inmate mothers. The analysis was made in light of the
main research question: How do former inmate mothers reconstruct and negotiate their
identities before, during and after incarceration? The mothers provided their main life themes
that really encompassed their whole life story. The narratives shared by the participants
showed a story of identity reconstruction and negotiation that highlighted the following
themes: (1) Experiences of economic and social vulnerability prior to incarceration, (2)
Experience of loss, disruption and struggle due to incarceration (3) Rediscovering the voice
of her own identity within the limits of the prison environment, (4) Building on the struggles
of incarceration towards restoring the motherhood identity, and (5) Rewriting a future script
forging beyond the limits imposed by incarceration and vulnerabilities. These themes along
with the different sub-themes are shown in Table 1.
Table 1. Themes Identified Across the Life Stages of the Participants Relative to
Incarceration
Themes SubThemes
Experiences of Economic and Social Experiences of Economic and Social

Vulnerability Prior to Incarceration Vulnerability Prior to Incarceration
Injustice in the Different Aspects of the Law

Experience of Loss, Disruption, and
Struggle due to Incarceration Struggling to Maintain the Mother Identity
Amidst Incarceration
Means of Coping with the

Struggles of Incarceration
Utilization and Development of their Skills

Rediscovering the Voice of Her
and Talents
Own Identity within the
Limits of the Prison
Implied Privileges upon the Assumption of
Environment
Leadership Roles
Building on the Struggles of Incarceration Building on the Struggles of Incarceration

towards Restoring the Motherhood Identity Towards Restoring the Motherhood Identity
Paglingon: Reconciling with the Wounds of

Incarceration as a Means to Move Forward
Rewriting a Future Script Forging Beyond the
Pagbawi: Making Up for the Loss Due to
Limits Imposed by Incarceration and
Incarceration
Vulnerabilities
Pag-ahon: Correcting Misconceptions About
Former Inmate Persons
Experiences of Economic and Social Vulnerability Prior to Incarceration
Prior to incarceration, all participants already faced with several challenges. Though
they came from different backgrounds, there was a common aspect of vulnerability in many
social and environmental factors such as coming from a low socio-economic background,
having disrupted marital relationships, bearing the role of a sole provider to both immediate
and extended family, and for some, living in settings afflicted with crime and violence. Their
narratives paint a picture of how their lives were affected by many external and structural
forces beyond their control. Their narratives also showed how they worked hard to rise above
these challenges in order to fulfill their duties as a mother out of their love for the family and
also due to their assigned responsibility to support their family which mostly relied on their
support.
One common element that was present in the narratives of many of our participants
was how they stood as the family’s main provider prior to incarceration. Joan, Nadia, Mary,
and Nana became separated with their husbands, while Princess and Wilma were also
independently earning for their children. Here we see the intersectionality of poverty and
single parenthood in their double burden of having to take care of the family and earning to
support them.
The father of Joan’s two little children was found to have a prior marital relationship
with someone else. She became a single mother from then on. Fortunately, she still lived with
her parents who were running a small business, but she would later on still feel the need to
contribute largely to the family’s income. Of our six participants, only Joan was able to
complete tertiary education and settle on a relatively stable job as an accountant. The others
were not able to reach college and had to exert extra effort just so they could earn an amount
enough to meet their family’s daily needs.
Nadia’s husband often beat her and her children and even gets hold of her earnings
from being an honorary community tanod. Mary and Nana, on the other hand, refused to
expound on how they ended up as single mothers, but they shared how being the family’s
breadwinner imposed a huge financial burden on them. Mary had to feed all her five children
from the small amount she earned from folding envelopes in a small-scale stationery shop in
their neighborhood. Nana, despite only having one son, supported not only her father, mother,
siblings, and son but also many relatives like nephew, nieces, and cousins whom she also sent
to school especially during the time when she was working abroad. When her contract ended,
she had to look for other jobs to sustain the financial support that she provided them. Wilma
shared a similar story because aside from earning an amount that would get her by in the busy
streets of Manila, she remitted to her relatives some of the money she earned from drug
dealing.
“...kahit papaano pinapadalhan ko sila ng, ay naka-, nandito pa ako sa buhay ng

drugs nagtitinda pa ako, yung mga tito ko, binibigyan ko rin yan sila para mag-aral.
Sinusuportahan ko yung pag-aaral nila kahit nasa sindikato ako. Tapos noong
nakulong nga ako, tumigil na ako. Ano kasi ako breadwinner sa tatay ko. Bale ang
tatay tsaka nanay ko ano na sila e, magkahiwalay.” [I somehow managed to send
them some, oh when-, while I was still selling drugs. I also shared part of it to my
uncles who were studying. I provided financial support for their studies even if it
came from my deals in the syndicate. I stopped when I was in jail. I was the
breadwinner to my father when my mom and dad got separated.]
Though not a single mother, Princess had to take up the role of being the main
provider because her husband suffered a stroke and became bedridden. She used to do
reflexology services in her clients’ home as a primary source of income to provide for their
five children. She also occasionally engaged in buy and sell whenever she had the chance in
order to boost this meager amount. She would ask her eldest daughter to take charge of the
household and look after her father and siblings while she is away, especially since her
youngest daughter was only three (3)-four (4) old months at that time, “...kahit ganoon
kabata yung anak ko, kailangan kong magtrabaho kasi wala kaming ibang income na
pwedeng kong pagkuhanan.” [...my youngest daughter was still an infant but I had to work
since we don’t have any other source of income]
These mothers experienced several risks and vulnerabilities that made them
susceptible to incarceration. Joan’s pregnancy was initially unintended and unwanted. Her
parents came to accept this, yet she desired to make up for shortcomings as a daughter.
Hence, when income from her parents’ business gradually declined, she wanted to improve
their family’s financial condition. An opportunity came up that led to the qualified theft case
filed against her. Similarly, because of the need to provide for the many family members who
relied on her, Nana was compelled to engage in theft.
The environment of these mothers also made them more susceptible to being
incarcerated. This vulnerability still stems from their state of poverty and results to their lack
of access to legal assistance. Some participants lived in communities with high levels of
poverty, crime and violence, which increased their proximity to police operations as reflected
in their narratives. For example, just being present in the crime scene can lead to one’s
imprisonment. Nadia, Princess, and Mary believed that they were not really the target of the
law enforcement operations that led to their respective arrests. Mary was doing her regular
chores inside their house when the police came and arrested her, but she denied that she was
the suspect the police officers were looking for, “pero ako ang nakuha kasi kailangan nila na
may makuhang tao dahil parang operation nga nila dito.” [but they got me because they
needed to catch someone as part of their operations in our area]. Nadia, on the other hand,
was on duty as a barangay tanod when she encountered a buy-bust operation and was brought
to the police station. She narrated how the police insisted that she deserved to be held in jail
and was never really given the chance to explain herself. As for the case of Princess, she was
also in the same area with her friend and her friend’s live-in partner when the police rushed
into their room. Apparently, her friend’s live-in partner was an illegal drug dealer and pointed
Princess as the source of the illegal drugs. Because her roommate was the daughter of a
police officer, she was able to get away with her wrongdoing and Princess was helplessly
indicted.
Being in an environment afflicted with crime and violence did not only increase the
likelihood to be involved in criminal activities, but it made them vulnerable to being victims
of crime themselves. Take for example Wilma who, at the age of eleven (11), roamed around
the streets, sold cigarette and candies when she ventured and came to Manila all by herself,
until she was offered a job to take care of a baby only to find out that she was actually
recruited to be part of a drug syndicate. She became both a suspect and a victim, but more of
a victim especially when she was raped at a very young age of fourteen (14). She had to
engage in dangerous illegal activities, living a life serving the drug lords to earn a little
amount to get by and survive the streets of Manila until she was caught by the police when
she was only seventeen (17).
The stories of these mothers prior to incarceration may be quite different from each
other, but these are just different faces of their marginalized and disadvantaged status. As
women who had to sustain the lives of their family, motherhood now interacts with poverty
which aggravates their condition. As we can see, poverty which intensified the double burden
of looking after the family and providing them with their basic necessities intersected with
their exposure to environments beset with crime and violence. Some were victims of violence
against women in forms of physical and sexual abuse. We also see the impact of family
dynamics on these vulnerabilities and risks—how relationships and interactions with the
different members of their family, in light of many situational factors, have worked together
to make them more predisposed to criminality and susceptible to their eventual incarceration.
Experience of Loss, Disruption and Struggle due to Incarceration
In addition to the vulnerabilities present in the circumstances of the mothers prior to
incarceration, they were also faced with losses, disruptions, and struggles as they were
unexpectedly arrested and incarcerated. These struggles included not only the injustices that
they encountered during their arrests and the legal processes that stemmed from their arrest,
but also personal struggles in maintaining their identity as mothers during their period of
incarceration. Personal struggles include fulfilling the role as a breadwinner and burden of
having to think about the life of their children. For the mothers, they experienced different
struggles as they transitioned to incarceration.
Injustice in the Different Aspects of the Law. In connection with the vulnerabilities
that they experienced, most of our participants experienced unlawful arrests, which led to
their incarceration. Without adequate legal assistance, they became defenseless as they were
arrested and charged with cases that some of them claimed they really had nothing to do with.
In the case of Nadia who admitted to being a former drug user, she was arrested during her
night shift as a tanod and was put to jail for eight years without being given the chance to
defend herself. In Princess’s situation, the police arrived to arrest her close friend’s live-in
partner who was an alleged drug pusher, but the live-in partner also accused her even if she
had never gotten involved in any drug activity. The lack of awareness regarding the legal
process also resulted to her inability to defend herself which stretched her imprisonment for
eight years.
“So nun pagkapasok ko doon, walang imbestigador na namagitan. Walang

imbestigador na kausapin kami, kung anong nangyari, ganyan-ganyan. Wala. Basta
diretso na lang kami, ipinasok kami diretso sa loob na hindi ka man lang
nakapagpaliwanag ng sarili mo. Eh, wala pa akong kaalam-alam noon sa batas. Sa
mga ganyan (unclear), wala akong experience na ganun.” [When I got in, there was
no investigator to help and talk to about what really happened. I was imprisoned right
away without being able to explain my side. I did not know anything about the law. I
did not have any experience.]
Another aspect of injustice lies in the inefficient criminal justice system. Due to this
unjust and inefficient structure, many of our participants had to stay in prison for a longer
time because hearings always get delayed which resulted to hearings being reset. Moreover,
there were inadequate public attorneys and frequent absences of the prosecutor during
hearing sessions. Princess shares that hearings were scheduled almost every week for
detainees with private lawyers and only every three months for those with public lawyers.
She would almost always experience rescheduling every three months which significantly
prolonged her imprisonment, yet she could do nothing about it.
“Laging reset. Ako naghehearing ako dun every 3 months. Kasi ang lawyer ko, PAO.
Pero kung private ka, ang hearing mo weekly. Kapag PAO ang hearing mo, ang
lawyer mo. every 3 months ang bigay na schedule. So dun nagtatagal ang inmate sa
loob. Hindi siya pwedeng maasikaso agad kasi every 3 months. Tapos reset pa. Mag-
antay ka ng 3 months, pagdating mo dun, reset naman kasi wala ung prosecutor.
Minsan wala ung attorney mo.” [My case was always reset. I have hearings every 3
months because my lawyer is a public attorney. If I had a private lawyer, my hearings
would be every week. It really prolonged my stay inside the prison. The process is
slow because aside from waiting for every 3 months, my hearing gets reset again
because the prosecutor or the attorney would not show up]
Struggling to Maintain the Mother Identity Amidst Incarceration. Following their
arrest and incarceration, our participants shared regarding their struggles in maintaining their
identities as mothers, particularly as they served as breadwinners for their respective families
prior to incarceration. The impact of incarceration on the mothers was evident across
different levels—economic and psychological.
Mothers who served as sole providers had a more difficult time fulfilling that role
following incarceration. Their incarceration significantly affected their families especially
that their kids and relatives were dependent on them. For Nadia, since she was separated with
her husband, no one could look after her four children except her eldest 12-year-old daughter.
Three (3) of her children had to stop schooling and her eldest was forced to do manicure and
pedicure services to make ends meet.
“Lahat sila tumigil nung nakulong po. Masakit sa akin eh tumigil sila tapos yung
sumunod sa panganay umuwi na yun ng Pangasinan. Sige na tuloy pa rin ang pag-
aaral. Yung panganay ko pumapasok, ang problema ay wala na to provide sa pamilya
kaya isipin mo 12 years old naglinis na ng kuko.” [My children stopped schooling
when I got incarcerated. It’s painful for me to see that happen to them. My eldest went
back to Pangasinan. I convinced him to continue schooling and he really wanted to
but the problem is that there is no one to provide the family. At 12 years old, my
eldest started cleaning nails already]
The personal struggles of these mothers also had a psychological impact. This was
tied up to the burden of having to think about the lives of their children without them during
incarceration. The mothers cannot help but worry on who will provide for their children and
how they would be able to survive on their own. In Princess’s case, her incarceration affected
her children’s education where they had to stop and more so, her eldest was forced to find a
job on her own. Because no one provided them with food, her eldest 13-year-old daughter
had to quit high school since she no longer had money for transportation. This situation was a
struggle for Princess because it affected her deeply when thinking about her children. This
was aggravated by news that her children were being maltreated by their relatives.
“‘Pag inisip ko pa lang, para akong pinapatay ng unti-unti. Paano yung araw araw
nila? Kahit hindi na sila umuupa ng bahay, paano yung pang-araw-araw na...
Hanggang yung anak ko na panganay, tumigil sa pag-aaral. Ano lang siya, first year
high school siya dito sa Fairview, nagdrop siya kasi wala na siyang pamasahe. Wala
na silang budget sa pagkain… Pumasok siya ng katulong… Ang mga anak ko
kinukuwento sa akin, kumakain sila kung ano lang ang kaning ilalagay sa plato nila.
‘Pag kumuha pa ulit, pinapalo na. Anong sakit sa isang ina na malaman mo ang
ganun? Na samantala ‘pag kasama ka niya, lahat ng gusto nila bibigay ko.” [The
thought of it kills me slowly, especially when I try to figure out how my children
could survive each day. Where will they get money for food? Even my eldest had to
stop schooling. She dropped out of school during when she was first year high school
in Fairview because she had no budget for transportation and food. He worked as a
helper after… My children told me that they just ate what was given to them because
they will get beaten up (by the relatives) once they ask for more. It’s a scathing pain
to hear that as a mother. Had I not been away from them, I will be able to give
whatever they want.]
In Nana’s case, since she was the sole provider to both her son and her many siblings
(their children included), her incarceration was a big blow to the whole family. Though her
son was able to finish high school while she was in jail, he was forced to immediately find a
job right after graduation and even decided to have a family so that someone could be with
him and guide him as well. Nana came to understand and accept her son’s decision to marry
at a young age as she admitted her shortcomings as a mother. Despite this, it was still difficult
for Nana to be away from her son because she worried about him engaging in vices. She was
thankful that he never got involved in such vices or succumbed to negative peer influence
throughout her incarceration. There were also moments when she reprimanded her son
whenever she learned that he would come home very late at night.
“Hindi ko na nagampanan yung mga role ko sa kanya eh di ba kaya siguro naghanap

lang din yung anak ko na kahit papaano, may maguguide sa kanya kaya sabi ko, sa
isip ko, nung nag-asawa siya nung bata pa siya, okay lang naman… Siguro, ang hindi
ko lang makakayanan kung sakaling while nasa loob ako, nagbibisyo yung anak ko.
Yun yung baka hindi ko talaga makaya pero talagang, thank God kasi binigyan....
siguro sabi ng Diyos hindi ako naging maswerte sa pag-aasawa, at least sa anak ko
man lang makabawi ako…. Yun yung laging naglalaro sa isip ko kasi yung disgrasya
nandiyan lang yan eh, ang aksidente di ba nandiyan lang yan eh. Yun yung lagi kong
iniisip kaya kapag dumadalaw siya sa akin, sabi ko sa kanya, huwag mong
kunsumihin si nanay. Kung nandun ka lang sa kaibigan mo, huwag na kayong
lumabas ng bahay.” [I weren’t able to fulfill my role as a mother and I think this is
one of the reasons why my son decided to marry at a young age, then at least someone
can guide him already. I think what I cannot endure is if he gets involved with vices
but I am thankful because even if I am not lucky in my marriage, at least I have a
decent son. What was always running in my mind was him getting into an accident
which is why whenever he visits me, I tell him not to let grandmother worry about
him. If you’re at a friend’s house and it’s late at night, just stay there and go home
when it’s safe in the morning].
Means of Coping with the Struggles of Incarceration. Five out of six mothers got
emotional while they were reliving their incarceration experience, and they recounted the
physical and emotional pain and described how each day usually goes by.
“...Muntik akong mabaliw doon sa loob. Ano palang ako, 1 year and a half. Nakita ko
ang sarili ko na naglalakad na tatalon sa hagdan pero siguro ung ano lang… mga 2
months lang akong ganun. Ampayat ko kasi hindi ako lumalabas sa ano namin. Hindi
ako nagpapabilang sa bilangan namin... Hindi ako kumakain. Hindi ko pinipilahan
ang pagkain na binibigay sa amin, hindi… andun lang ako sa loob.” [...I almost lost
my mind. It was just 1 year and a half. I would just find myself walking like a zombie
ready to jump off the stairs, but that only lasted for 2 months. I was thin and I
wouldn’t really move. I do not show myself up during counting… I skip meals, and I
don’t fall in line. I was just sitting inside and looking through the emptiness]
The prison environment itself was a struggle for some mothers. For Princess, because
it was her first time to be in that setting, she was appalled by how things worked inside
prison. She had a hard time adjusting into the prison environment. Firstly, she shared that
sleeping was one of the bigger problems she had to face as she could not find a conducive
place to sleep in; wherein, instead she slept on top of a drum. Aside from this, hygienic needs
were inaccessible for her. Even to the point of taking a bath, problem ensues as it was very
congested inside since she was sharing with 20 people in one bathroom. Fortunately, in the
midst of the hardships that the mothers were experiencing inside the prison, help eventually
came in various forms, and the mothers were able to compensate by finding ways to address
such shortfall.
After some time in prison, these mothers were able to feel relief when different non-
governmental organizations began to provide them with basic necessities. Mary mentioned
how one just needs to attend every activity provided inside and surely one will be able to
survive the prison life as material needs are consequently provided.
“...Attenan mo lang siya [service providers’ programs] at basta makasurvive ka lang

at may mga binibigay sila na mga pinangagailangan at yun mga ginagamit naming
mga basic na kailangan sa loob.” [Just join them (the service providers’ programs)
and you’ll survive. They also provided us with the basic needs that we get to use
inside.]
The mothers were also able to provide such needs to their children outside. This was
accomplished through the various livelihood programs, such as bead-wallet making, that they
took part in. Some participants also did the laundry for the officers, thus allowing them to
have their own source of income which they would then immediately send to their kids. As
they faced poverty, these mothers greatly treasured every chance that allowed them to
provide for their kids’ basic needs. Bearing the fact that most of them had to stop schooling
and resort to finding jobs given their mothers’ situation, incarceration did not stop these
mothers from trying to fulfill their roles as the breadwinners of the family.
“Pagkadalaw nila sa akin sa loob, sa kulungan, yung mga perang naiipon ko yun
yung binibigay ko sa kanila para baon nila, pangkain nila. Kasi kailangan nila yun e
maliliit pa sila pumapasok pa sila sa school.” [The moment they visited me inside, I
gave them the money that I saved for their food allowances. They need it especially
since they are are still small and are attending school.]
Paralegal assistance were also provided to the mothers by the different service
providers during their prison stay. Joan and Nana mentioned how the Restorative Justice
program of Caritas has provided them with a lot of help in terms of the legal aspects of their
case. Another essential assistance provided to them in the face of their struggles was the
provision of avenues where they could release their suppressed emotions. Hardships
encountered in the prison did not only entail the lack of access to basic needs, but also
included the emotional stress experienced by the inmates, most especially by the mothers.
“Ang brigada ay taga kwarto, nagmimiting kami dun tapos morning meeting namin
mga theme and concept. Maraming nakakarelate pagka morning kaya iyakan din kasi
minsan kasi maisip ang ating magulang, anak.” [The brigade is per room. In those
rooms, we’d have our morning meetings wherein we would have themes and
concepts. Many are able to relate during those meetings; thus, a lot would usually cry
as they remember their parents, and children.]
This emotional stress was further aided by the presence of social support obtained by
the former inmate mothers. Majority of them deeply valued this factor which they drew from
different people, be it from their co-inmates, their service providers, or their visitors or dalaw
of which specifically were their families.
Firstly, being the most immediate and direct source of social support, the co-inmates
were very essential to the mothers. They have mentioned how it is very important for one to
join a group (pangkat) while inside the jail since it greatly helps in one’s survival. Princess
emphasizes the value of being part of a pangkat. She mentioned how the lack of such could
be very detrimental to one’s condition in the prison wherein one easily becomes the target of
bullying in the jail when she does not identify with any group inside.
“Nagkaroon ng pangkat, sumanib sa pangkat. (unclear) pagwala kang grupo na

sinasaniban, inaapi ka. Ang pagkain mo, pwedeng agawin sayo.(unclear) dala ng
dalaw mo, inaagaw sayo. Wala kang karapatan sa sarili mo.pagpumasok ka sa loob
ng kulungan.” [A group was formed and I joined. (unclear) if you don’t have a group,
you can be bullied. Your food could be stolen from you. (unclear) the one brought by
your visitor will also be stolen from you. The moment you enter the prison, you no
longer have your own right.]
The social support they received from their families is another essential factor. Those
few moments of being able to talk to them through a landline already comforted them. And in
those few moments where they got to be visited, the former inmate mothers took such
opportunity to be ‘mothers’ to their kids. They would give the money they have earned inside
to their kids (mother as provider) and would remind them to prioritize their security
especially since they are away from each other (mother as nurturer).
“Ang aksidente diba nandiyan lang yan eh, yun yung lagi kong iniisip kaya kapag
dumadalaw siya sa akin, kinakausap ko siya nang mabuti. Sabi ko sa kanya, ano,
huwag mong bigyan... huwag mong kunsumihin si nanay. Kung nandun ka lang sa
kaibigan mo, huwag na kayong lumabas ng bahay, yung mga ganun.” [Accidents are
just there, that’s what I would always think of and so every time she (her child) would
visit I would talk to her properly. I told her not to stress me out. If you’re just there
with your friend, do not go out anymore, things like that.]
The basic needs provided, together with legal help, and as well as the avenue given
for cathartic release and the social support, deeply served as means of coping for the mothers
while they were in the prison. Moreover, some of these mothers have mentioned the role that
one’s faith has played as they go through incarceration. A number of the mothers have
expressed how they resorted to prayer for most of the times while in prison. Through these
prayers, they obtained strength as they come across hardships inside. With their faith in God,
they remained steadfast in the belief that they will be able to surpass all these struggles
encountered in due time.
Rediscovering the Voice of Her Own Identity within the Limits of the Prison
Environment
Utilization and Development of their Skills and Talents. In the face of the struggles
during their period of incarceration, the mothers were not only able to survive it but also
experienced growth within themselves as they go through it. With their exposure to the
restricted environment of prison, the mothers slowly began to uncover, and further developed
skills and abilities that they actually have. The former inmate mothers went through a process
of self-discovery and self-awareness.
Nadia mentioned that she was able to recognize her own potential and skills through
the activities inside the prison. This, then, led her to have a deeper sense of self-awareness.
“Nagchecheering kayo andiyan yung nagbaballroom andiyan yung mga cotillon mga
activities tapos mga premyo yun tapos yung mga sa sportsfest yun naman yung way
niya para libangin naman kami maganda yun di ba….Yun nga e diyan mo makikilala
ang sarili...ganon di mo alam na magaling ka palang player noh.” [We would do
cheering, ballroom, and cotillion activities. There would also be prizes. Those
(activities) in the sportsfest serve as a way to entertain us...Through them, one gets to
know more about herself...you never know until then that you’re actually a good
player.]
A sense of self-discovery also emerged within the former inmate mothers as the
prison experience opened new opportunities for them to venture on. Joan talked about being
able to do things (e.g. join a pageant) she has never done outside, prior her incarceration.
Together with this self-discovery, a sense of self-competence on things outside one’s field
also surfaced. Joan, an accountant, realized that she is also capable of doing things beyond
her sphere of expertise on mathematical and analytical skills. More so, this realization also
rippled to her co-inmates of whom she realized were filled with talents and creativity.
“Sumali nga ako nung Ms. Coco dun eh. Oo, yung tipong dito hindi ko ginawa, pero
doon nagawa ko tulad ng magsuot ng daily na damit doon, model-model. Ganun, mga
talent portion oo ganun. Kasama nga ano, kapag nagbukas ng loob, mga talented din
yun mga tao doon. Nandoon lahat eh. Nandun yung marunong. Halos lahat gumawa
nung recycle gown , yung innovative kahit na basura pa yan nagagawa nila.” [I
joined Ms. Coco there. I did things I don’t usually do like wearing everyday clothing
for modeling, and participating in the talent portion. The moment you open up, you
realize that others are talented, too. Everyone’s there. The wise is there. Almost
everyone made a recycle gown, (they’re) very innovative that they can work even
with trash.]
Just like Joan, Nadia also expressed an element of surprise the moment she realized
more of her capabilities. Acknowledging her lack of education on such, Nadia showed
enthusiasm on her newly discovered skills.
“Alam ko nag ako doon tapos hanggang sa naging trustee ako isipin mo di naman
ako nag-aaral sa mga gamot gamot na yan na tinuruan ako... mag BP (170-172) Ok
siguro matalas lang talaga ako. Natatandaan ko kung ano yung mga gamot ano ba
yung nararamdaman mo? Sikmura ano yang nararamdaman. Kumbaga Magtatanong
ka lang tapos talaga ako naalala ko naging trustee rin ako sa health tapos hanggang
sa naging paralegal din ako…” [I became a trustee even with the lack of education on
the medicine aspect of which that I was eventually taught of. Maybe I just have sharp
eyes. I easily remember all the medicines, ‘how do you feel?’, I would ask. Just ask
questions. I also became a health trustee inside and until then I became part of the
paralegal committee.]
A deep sense of self-awareness indeed took place in most of the mothers as they
performed the various activities inside the prison. Many did not only present themselves as
active members of those prison activities but also eventually involved themselves more
deeply by taking on leadership positions. From being the representative for the pageant, head
of the designs team for the search, to being the mayoras of their own groups. An important
element of being a mayora is finally having that voice that was once suppressed upon one’s
entry inside the prison.
“Ginawa nila ako mayora ng pangkat. So nung naging mayora na ako ng pangkat,
may boses na ako. Nacontrol sa lahat ng nasasakupan.” [They made me as the
mayora of the group. After that, I finally had a voice. I was in charge of the whole
group assigned.]
With their assumption of the leadership roles as mayora, certain privileges were
obtained by the mothers. Some highlighted benefits were the privilege to use a cellphone to
contact their loved ones and the special treatments from the other inmates wherein they will
offer to line up for your food. An even greater privilege received by the mayoras is having
the opportunity to talk to their service providers and can directly request for one’s necessities.
Princess who usually receives a number of donations from different NGOs, would choose to
share all these to her co-inmates especially to those who do not get to be visited by their
loved ones. This kind act towards her co-inmates resulted to a really tight relationship among
them. More so, many of her co-inmates expressed deep appreciation for what she has done
for them as their mayora.
However, this warm relationship between the mayoras and the other inmates has not
always been present among all participants in this interview. Some mothers shared instances
where the other inmates had shown irritation and envy towards them. Nana has mentioned
how she has always been strict on things even prior her incarceration that the moment she
was assigned as mayora, this attitude was carried over as she facilitated things in the prison.
Though she meant well in doing so, not all inmates were in favor of this; thus, ended up
expressing distaste on her.
“...kaya lang ung mga activities nahinahawakan ko kasi is parang pool, nandoon
lahat. kaya’t ung iba naiinis sa akin dahil strikta kasi ako eh. ayoko ko kasi ng
maharot. pagnagcombine ung mga activities ng mga lalaki’t tsaka babae,, ayoko ko
kasi ng masyadong ano basta un” [...however the activities I was in-charged of was
like a pool wherein everything was there. The others got irritated of me since I was
being strict. It’s because I don’t like people who flirts. So during activities where girls
and boys are combined...I just don’t like it. ]
Aside from distaste, feelings of envy began to dominate among the co-inmates of Joan
when they learned that she was made to be in-charge of holding the cellphone. Unfortunately,
though such privilege was provided to her by some jail officials, Joan still received
punishment the moment the report against her was made.
“Yun nga lang may mga kinainggitan kaya naparusahan ako at napadlock ako kasi
nga, bawal ang cellphone eh yung si sir, papahawak ng cellphone niya at
pinapatawagan niya. Siyempre, malaking tulong yun sa amin na makausap namin
mga mahal sa buhay sa labas diba yung pa secret lang. Nagbabayad sila ng 20 pesos
, 5 minutes yata yun tapos ako yung humahawak ng cellphone. eh siyempre
nagkaiingitan bakt may hawak akong cellphone kaya may nagsumbong at may humili
sa akin at naparusahan ako ng guwardina. pero di ko naman dinamay sila. Sinasabi
ko lang na naiwan ng dalaw kaya ako nlng sumagot sa lahat ng parusa at tapos yun
na,” [However, there were those who got envious (for using the phone) and so I was
punished and locked in. Well, it’s because the use of cellphone was not allowed but
actually sir let us hold his phone and allowed us to make calls. Of course, it was a big
help especially for us to be able to talk to our loved ones outside secretly. The others
would just pay 20 pesos for 5 minutes. I was the one in-charge of holding the phone.
The others were envious on why I was holding the phone and eventually someone
reported me. I was then caught and punished by the guard. I did not implicate the
others. I just said that one of the visitors left his phone and faced all the consequences
alone.]
Building on the Struggles of Incarceration towards Restoring the Motherhood Identity
Incarceration may have fragmented the mother identity, yet this whole experience
gave them a chance to reassess and redefine their roles and duties as mothers amidst the
limits posed by incarceration. They used the struggles they grappled with as a foundation to
rebuild their identities as mothers by making sense of all the experiences through years of
incarceration, and deriving from it a future script towards restoring their tarnished identity.
Drawing a positive outlook from the experience of incarceration is not an easy thing
to do. Upon thinking through concrete steps to make up for their loss due to incarceration,
these mothers become reminded of the things that they were unable to do for their children
and the things that they could have done better for them. They ponder on their shortcomings
not only as the sole provider but also as a mother possessing an authority figure, which were
all impaired as they were put to jail.
Yet they were able to reframe the meanings of incarceration in relation to
motherhood. Nadia’s years spent in jail corroded her image of a mother. She admitted how
she is still working on the relationship with her two other children, yet she believes that this
experience will further hone and mold her to overcome these challenges and become a
stronger and better mother for them. For Joan, she admits that she does not want to commit
the same mistakes again which cost her presence in the family. She promises herself to still
give the best for her children provided that these will all come from hard-earned money.
These mothers looked for their own ways to earn a living post-incarceration. They all
believed that this is a concrete way to restore the role of being the family’s provider. Joan
was able to land a decent job but she had to conceal her incarceration experience in the face
of these new colleagues. She kept it a secret with fear of discrimination. Hence, Joan was
bringing with her the belief that a formerly incarcerated individual will have a harder time
looking for a job. Nana was offered a post in Malabon City Jail when she was about to be
released. Since Nana’s son already has his own family, she does not have to earn that much
because by now her relatives who used to rely on her financially ceased to do so.
Upon getting out of prison, Princess attained a decent paying job with the help of
BJMP alongside the massage services that she used to do back then. Since her husband
unfortunately passed away while she was in prison, his SSS pension adds to the budget they
have to cover daily living expenses. Princess believed that being a good provider is an
essential part of motherhood and that this is one of the best ways to make up for all the
hardships her children faced while she was in prison. Her eldest daughter is already 24 and is
now back in college, the same goes with her other children. Mary got back in her old job in
the stationery shop. Despite the minimal amount she gets there, she is thankful that she was
able to return. There is also a perceived reduction in the pressure to earn much for her family
because her two eldest children are already working.
Wilma’s case is quite unique. Her children have separate homes since she gave each
of them (except for one) to her relatives whom she believed can take better care of them. She
remits to them a certain amount of money on a regular basis. However, the income comes
from the money the government gives her when she successfully conducts a drug buy-bust
operations as an asset.
Nadia has been unemployed since she gained her freedom. She admitted that her
relationship with her children was never the same and was greatly inflicted by her prison
experience. Job discrimination is a problem she is grappling with, and she believes that
securing herself a stable job is the road in order to improve her relationship with the children.
The element of authority and morality as something a mother possesses and damaged due to
incarceration is clear in Nadia’s story. Nadia is a very hands-on mother and sees to it that she
monitors all her four children’s activities while they were young, and this was something that
she could have done constantly had she not been incarcerated. The way she compares the past
and the present, she was able to identify one element she deemed necessary for a mother—the
respect and authority that her children used to have for her seemed absent now that she has
gotten back to them. The issue here is the moral ascendancy of the mother—how a mother is
supposed to stand for morality and authority, relative to standards of what is right and good.
Such moral ascendancy is challenge by their experience of incarceration—of having been
accused and found guilty of wrongdoing. Wilma shares similar sentiments. Her eldest son
jokingly teases her to take drugs with him, and she finds this rather a pierce through her heart,
“Balang araw, mapapasunod ko rin sila kasi nanay nila ako anuman ang gawin nila.” [I will
be able to make them obey me someday because I am still their mother no matter what]. For
the both of them, restoring their children’s respect and regaining their sense of authority as
mothers does not happen overnight. They remain optimistic that time can mend the wounded
relationships.
Rewriting a Future Script following Incarceration
Paglingon: Reconciling with the Wounds of Incarceration as a Means to Move
Forward. In the process of rebuilding the future of their children, a lot of the mothers
expressed how accepting one’s past especially in the experience of incarceration is essential
to be able to move forward in life. Reconciling with the wounds of incarceration includes the
process of reflecting on past mistakes and learnings and how these can be integrated to their
present character especially as a mother. For Joana, she follows the similar ideology. For her,
remembering the past allowed her to avoid those mistakes again especially in not abusing her
own freedom anymore. She ensures that she will not look down on herself anymore because
this is what she experienced before especially during times of hardship inside the prison.
Mary’s situation is also similar where she is committed in avoiding past mistakes especially
not experiencing the hardships of incarceration again. She also now focuses on rebuilding the
future of her children.
“Sabi nga, paano ka makamove-on kung hindi ka lilingon sa. Kumbaga, naalala ko
ulit kung ano dapat gawin ko kasi nakakalimutan ko ulit eh. Nainlove naman eh
*laughs*. Ngayon naalala ko, bawal pala. Nakatulong siya. Kumbaga huwag na
masyadong iabusado ang kalayaan. Tapos kung binabalikan ko, ganun pala
nangyari. Ang hirap pala. Yun naman, bumalik nanaman yung ano. Ang baba ng
tingin” [How can you move on without looking back in the past? I remember the
things that I should do because if I do not, I fall again for the wrong person which I
should not do. I should not abuse too much my freedom. What I went through was
hard and sometimes, I look down on myself]
For Princess and Nana, the process of reconciliation included the people around them.
Princess realized the importance of speaking only the truth especially to her kids. This came
along with incarceration as an event that allowed her to further strengthen her personal faith.
Though she became an innocent victim of the poor judicial system that robbed her and her
children eight years, the resilience that she was able to build and fortify during her
incarceration years somehow helped her live the present life with her children to the fullest.
Nana also came to realize the value of the people around her, especially those who remained
by her side as she was imprisoned. Family and friends became her source of support and
resilience.
“...tumibay yung loob ko dahil nandiyan Lang sila eh para sa akin diba kahit ano man
nangyari SA akin ng ganun, hindi sila nawala. Hindi nila ikinahiya na nagkaroon sila
ng kaibigan bilang anak, bilang magulang, na kahit na nakulong ako, nandiyan pa
rin sila. Yun yung naging ako sa kanila.” [I drew my strength from them because I
saw how they stood by my side despite what happened to me. They weren’t ashamed
about having a mother, a daughter, and a friend being put to jail. They were there just
when I needed them the most. That was simply me to them.]
Of all participants, Mary considers her incarceration an overall positive experience in
terms of its effects on her. She regards the prison a safe space to honestly evaluate her actions
and completely reform. She realized that she was wrong and that she needed to change for the
better for her family. She shared how her relationship with her children significantly
improved as she got back, claiming that she became a better mother post-incarceration.
“Kasi dati, syempre nagtutulak ako… tsaka ako gumagamit ako. Hindi ko sila
maasikaso. Sa loob narealize ko na mali pala yung ginawa ko, kaya ko palang
magbago para lubos na makapiling ko ang mga mahal ko sa buhay. At maayos ko na

rin ang mga buhay namin.” [I wasn’t hands on to them when I was still a user and a
pusher, and the jail is where I realized that I was wrong, and that I can correct myself
so that I could fix our lives and be with them again.]
Then she went on narrating how the atmosphere at home changed:
“Ay nung nandito ako, nagtutulak ako, uuwi lang sila pag gusto nila. Uuwi lang sila
kakain, nakaluto na yan na tas wala na naman yan sila. Wala rin ako e. Uuwi lang
matutulog, yung bunso lang maiiwan. Ngayon hindi, lagi silang sa bahay.” [When I
was still involved in drugs, they would only come home if they want to. They would
come home to eat and nothing more. They would only come home to sleep, because I
also wasn’t home. But now, they always stay at home.]
Pagbawi: Making Up for the Loss Due to Incarceration. Despite the disruptions
experienced by the mothers due to incarceration, it also helped them to be more optimistic
especially in making up for the loss as a mother due to incarceration. Mary shared a general
improvement in her relationship with her children after she got back from prison. Her
incarceration experience made her appreciate more the time she now spends with her
children. She promises herself to treasure these moments as a means to make up for her
shortcomings before she was incarcerated. Similarly in Joan’s case, incarceration was a time
for her to reflect on the things she missed as a mother especially in providing the needs of her
children. Post-incarceration, even as a working mom, she is dedicated in making up for her
shortcomings by investing on the future of her kids especially for college. She is now
committed to being able to provide the best education for her kids.
“Grabe yung pag-iyak ko kasi wala kang ibang pangarap eh. Gusto ko makapag-aral
sila sa private school talaga kasi iba naman talaga yung turo sa private. Isipin mo na
galing sila sa private at pagdating sa public, first honor sila at sila pa nagtutulong sa
mga kaklase nila. Ngayon naman, ang iniisip ko ay kung paano sila makacollege. Sa
college na lang ako babawi diba.” [I cried so hard because I had no other dream. I
want them to be able to study in private school because it is really different there.
Even if they got transferred to a public school, they still excelled and even helped
their fellow classmates. Now, I will make up by planning for their college education.]
Similarly, Princess felt the same way as Joan especially during incarceration. She felt
emotional when her kids told her that they thought the situation was already hopeless but she
told herself to remain strong and never give up because she will make up for it after being
released. Staying true to what she said to her children, post-incarceration, she is slowly
rebuilding the future of her children by providing again their needs especially education and
the dreams her children aspire for.
“Ang sabi lang nila, “akala namin ma, mawala ka eh tapos na kami lahat. Pero nung
nacontact mo na kami, sinabi mo na ‘kapit lang’ (starts to sob).” tapos sinabi ko na,
“kailangan ko ang tulong ninyo, huwag kayong mag-alala”, sabi ko. Pag-uwi ko,
babawi ako, sabi ko. Nung sinabi ko sa kanila, naintindihan nila, kasi sinabi ko na
lang sa kanila na, may mga bagay sa mundo na hindi natin ginusto pero nangyayari.
May bagay sa mundo na gawa ng tao pero minsan isipin mo na lang na binibigyan ka
ng pagsubok ng Diyos para lang magiging matatag ka. Sabi ko, pero salamat sa
Diyos, lahat ng un, nalagpasan natin. So ngayon, heto na ako, wala ng magugutom,
makaka-aral na kayo. Tulong-tulong tayo para makatapos kayo at makuha ninyo ung
gusto niyo sa buhay ninyo. Kasi wala naman akong maipamamana sa kanila.wala
kundi edukasyon. So pagbutihin ang pag-aaral.” [They told me that “We thought we
lost hope already but when you contacted us and told us to stay strong”. I then told
them “I need your help. Do not worry. When I get back, I will make up for it”. They
understood when I told them that there are things we cannot really control and
sometimes, these are challenges by God in order for you to be stronger. Thankfully, I
was able to overcome all of them. Now, none of them are hungry and they started
going back to school already because I cannot give anything to them but education]
Pag-ahon: Correcting Misconceptions About Former Inmate Persons. In the
mothers’ experience of incarceration, the presence of service providers assisted them
especially in the struggles they experienced inside prison and post-incarceration. Aside from
meeting the basic needs, the service providers highlighted the importance for restorative
justice especially in providing humane treatment to these mothers during incarceration. Elsa
shared how the presence of a therapeutic community because it helped me become more
discipline and aware especially about what she needs in life.
“Ang pinakamaganda sa amin, merong disiplina na ginagawa ang mga BJMP, yung
tinatawag nila na TC. Malaking bagay sa mga inmate ang TC, therapeutic
community. So, dun ko na, doon sa TC na yun ko na buksan ung puso’t isipan ko na,
ano nga ba ba’t tayo nandito. Ano nga ba, ano nga ba ang kailangan natin sa buhay
natin?” [What is so nice is that we are disciplined by BJMP through the therapeutic
community. It is valuable for the inmates because our hearts and minds get opened up
to ask ourselves why we are in prison and what we really need in life.”]
Post-incarceration, service provider also played a crucial role in the social integration
of these mothers. Admittedly, they still faced struggles due to the fact that they came from
prison. With the help of the service providers, the transitioning of the mothers were relatively
more stable. For Nadia, she shared that in facing discrimination by the outsiders especially in
applying for jobs, Caritas supported and encouraged her every step of the way to not doubt
herself. This eventually formed her to be an advocate especially in promoting awareness of
the realities inside the prison sector.
“Sila yung tumutulong sa amin parang… huwag ninyong papansinin yung iba, kasi
pag itinago niyo yan lalo pa’t walang mangyayari sa inyo parang yung gusto kong
mag-apply dun kaya lang... parang puro ano nga may doubt ka e pero sila yung nag-
aano sayo na anuhin mo yung lakas ng loob mo, tinutulungan ka nila. Imbis na
tulungan ka namin na katulad niyan yung mga nadidiscriminate dun sa mga trabaho
dahil lang nakulong ka ganun, mas ipakita mo na hindi ka ganun… Malaking bagay
din sa amin di ba kasi nga ito katulad noon, nabahagi ko sa iba yung naranasan ko.
Kasi di ba yung iba, hindi man nila naranasan, isipin man lang nila na ilagay ang
sarili nila sa nangyari. Walang magsisilbing away. Di ko sinasabing gayahin lahat.
Nagkakaroon ka ng idea na papunta ako sa ganitong bagay, alam mo na yung mga
dapat gawin at kung ano yung mga dapat iwasan. Kailangan lang talagang mas
maging matalas ka, maging maano ka sa mga mangyayari sa buhay mo. Tsaka hindi
dapat na hinahatol ang mga katulad namin na basta na lang… kasi ang hirap e di ba
kasi dati ganyan ako mahirap pa talaga mismo, kahit pala ikaw ang nakaranas, di
ba? Masakit para sayo yun na hinuhusgahan ka nang wala namang katotohanan.
Masarap na rin yung naibabahagi namin sa iba” [They [Caritas] help us especially in
encouraging us when we apply for work. They tell us to not think about what other
people say or think to discriminate us because it will only hinder us from finding jobs.
We should prove them wrong and that we are not who they think we are. Others have
not gone through what we went through but they should put themselves on our shoes
as well so that they have an idea on what it feels like to be in this position. This
creates unnecessary conflict. You just have to mindful always. It’s hard when you
judged wrongly which is why I find it valuable to be able to share my story.]
Slowly, they came to see a positive light about the prison sector since the prison life
they immersed themselves in was not as bad as they first thought it would be. Bearing with
them their own presumptions of what prison life is like, these mothers actually experienced a
shift in such perception after some time of being incarcerated. Joan shared that she used to
see the prison sector as how it is situated by the media一full of violence. However, her
perspective on it gradually changed and was widened as she herself became part of the sector.
The themes identified in the results highlighted how the mothers reconstructed their
identity throughout the process relative to incarceration. These mothers were faced with
different aspects of struggles as they course through their lives. Preceding the hardships
experienced inside the prison, the mothers were already confronted with the difficulty of
being a single mother living in the poverty line. Prior to the struggle in the prison, the identity
of these mothers were already shaped at the intersectionality of their single parenthood and
socio-economic class. Bearing such identity has led to the becoming of a much vulnerable
self of the mothers making one an easy victim of unfavorable circumstances. There was still
an assertion of motherhood amidst these struggles. Due to the sudden shift to incarceration,
there was a heightening of vulnerabilities especially that there was a loss of breadwinner for
the children and extended family. Amidst these challenges, the mothers were able to
rediscover their own inside prison through the prison activities and leadership positions that
they were given to and at the same time, attempted to fulfill their roles as mothers. Through
this process, the mothers were able to rewrite a future script for their families. By realizing
the gaps they had to fill as mothers, they were committed to restore their identity as mothers
post-incarceration. This eventually led to positive changes for these mothers especially the
things they have learned during incarceration.

DISCUSSION
The narratives of the former inmate mothers highlighted their identity construction
across experiences prior, during, and post-incarceration at an intersection of other social
identities一coming from low socioeconomic status and double burdened role as mothers.
Amidst the difficulties brought about by incarceration, the determination to maintain the
mother identity was empowered especially through the opportunities provided in the prison
environment and from the service providers. This led to the mothers creating future scripts
for their own dreams and that of their children.
Intersection of Motherhood, Double Burden and Poverty as Struggle Leading to
Incarceration
Previous studies have focused mainly on the struggles and disruptions of the inmates
during and after incarceration. The context prior to incarceration was not highlighted. The
current study, on the other hand, gave emphasis on this part as based on the narratives of the
mothers.
All the former inmate mothers in the current study belong to the low socioeconomic
status which contributed to them being more vulnerable which led to incarceration. The
discrimination against poor in the criminal justice system is very evident because of the
following: 1) financial inaccessibility to private lawyers, 2) inadequate services by the Public
Attorney's Office, and 3) incapacity to pay the bail and penalties (Lopez, 1999; Merueñas,
2013). In addition to this, the double burden carried by the mothers, as most of them are
single parents, heightened such vulnerability to incarceration. They confront twice the role of
a mother as they raise their children and face financial strains alone.
The intersection of motherhood, double burden and poverty gave a new face of
struggle to these the mothers as they were taking up dual roles of being the primary nurturer
and as well as the breadwinner. For instance, Nadia both provided for and protected her
children from her unreliable husband who seized her earnings from work. In Nana’s
narrative, since she was compelled to solely provide not only for her son but also for the
children of her siblings, she was forced to find other opportunities to earn even if it meant
doing an unlawful act which eventually led to her incarceration. The structure of the family
dynamics and vulnerabilities present in the circumstances coming from low SES made it
more difficult for the mothers to maintain the mother identity.
In addition, the exposure of some mothers to the crime environment also contributed
to their deepened vulnerability to the event of incarceration. A community considered to be a
crime environment increases the risk of the people being involved in the unlawful acts of
some neighbors and also be wrongly considered as a police target一as experienced by some
mothers in the study.
We can see how one’s incarceration goes beyond the technical aspect of committing a
crime and getting caught of it. Incarceration, based on the narratives of the former inmate
mothers, has its own preceding factors that interact with each other. These different factors
come together and strengthened the vulnerability of one which more often than not lead to
his/her incarceration.
Empowered Women and Mothers within the Limits of Prison
Vanhooren et al. (2017) believe that the search for new meaning follows
incarceration, and this includes searching for new purposes in life and acquiring a deeper
understanding of their life story. However, the current findings show that this search begins
right within the prison environment as they make a life inside the prison. Despite the negative
effects of being in the prison, the mothers were able to gain a sense of empowerment as
mothers and women capable of expressing their own technical and leadership skills. They
were empowered in the sense that the mothers regained confidence and were guided
throughout the process of incarceration. This gave them a sense of agency especially the
opportunities provided despite the limits of prison. The support from the service providers
went beyond addressing their material needs because the regular personal reflection sessions
have helped them cope with the emotional and psychological struggles experienced inside the
prison. They were not spoon fed with the basic needs since they were also taught to make
handicrafts that do not only serve as their source of livelihood, but also as a means to enhance
their creative skills. More than this, they were able to perform leadership roles such as in
managing their co-inmates and in the different activities they do. This did not only empower
them as mothers but as women as well who can find a voice within the limits of the prison.
Through this empowerment and determination, the prison environment did not stop them
from fulfilling their roles as mother. We can see how the NGOs played a big role in this kind
of formation, and the whole process was a form of empowerment to the mothers since they
were able to rediscover themselves as women and mothers, and as this experience of
empowerment will later on mold their agentic aspect.
Mothers as Capable Agents of Their Future Scripts Following Incarceration
The unfavorable consequences of being imprisoned have been well-expressed by the
mothers in the current study. Narratives of feeling lost, hopeless, and despair visibly appeared
in the interviews conducted. Through the empowerment, the mothers developed a sense of
agency that urged them to rewrite a future script of restoring, redefining, and working on
their mother identity. This includes a deeper appreciation for the moments spent with their
children. As for the case of Mary who, before incarceration, was too preoccupied with her
work and which compromised the attention she gives to her kids. Now, she is on the progress
of finally attending to her children more frequently than she used to. Being back on track of
providing their children with basic needs was another element in their future scripts. An even
deeper dedication on working hard towards the fulfillment of their children’s dreams was
developed within the mothers.

In the process of working on these, the mothers have expressed the importance of
being able to look back on the experience of incarceration. Such unfavorable experience of
incarceration is truly a difficult thing to reflect on, but for the mothers remembering such, this
aids them in moving forward in life. Only then will one learn how to address the wounds
obtained and on what measures they can take to prevent them from happening again in the
future. Simply, these mothers have committed themselves not to resort to adverse actions as
they now know what grave consequences await.
Theoretical Implications
Using the lens of narrative psychology and intersectionality framework helped better
understand the narratives of the former inmate mothers. The intersectionality framework
highlighted their other different social identities which affected their mother identity—as a
single parent, as someone coming from the low SES, as prisoner, and as a woman. Through
these social identities, we better understand as to how and why the mothers have constructed
their identity in unique ways. Aiello and McQueeney (2016) tend to limit the mother’s role to
“just taking care of the children” yet the findings of the current study were in contrast to this,
so motherhood now becomes a unique experience for them. They were striving to make ends
meet and fulfill the demands of being the family’s breadwinner, yet this challenge was
intensified by the experience of incarceration. However, the attempt to rise above such
challenge paved the way for them to rediscover their voice within the limits of the prison
environment. The narratives contain instances and opportunities where these formerly
incarcerated mothers were empowered as mothers, women, and individuals. The mothers
were able to overcome the struggles of incarceration and even create a future script not just
for themselves but more importantly, for their loved ones whom they dedicate their lives to.
Practical Implications
The current study sheds light to the unique context of former inmate mothers. It
supports the study by Covington (2002) that mothers face their own particular experiences
and challenges prior, during, and post-incarceration. In the Philippine context where mothers
are usually expected to be fully responsible of childrearing, of disciplining the children, and
of managing the household, reinforcing this expectation can also be oppressive with the
addition of the mother’s other social identities like coming from low SES that can heighten
vulnerabilities leading to incarceration. More than this, the prison life is not a total end for
these mothers because through other opportunities provided by the jail and NGOs, they are
able to rediscover themselves with the hopes of creating a future script for their families
amidst incarceration.
Given this, there is a need for a more contextualized approach to former inmate
mothers especially considering the factors that have led them to incarceration. For the
government, it calls for a specialized intervention program for the former inmate mothers,
setting them apart from the female population. Policy-making is essential, specifically in the
current criminal justice system on not just being more gender sensitive but helps address the
context of these mothers as well. These policies should focus on addressing the socio-
economic and psychological impact towards the mothers and their families. As previously
mentioned, in regard to the experience of incarceration, inmate mothers who act as
breadwinners are not just the only ones who are disrupted but also those who depend on
them, specifically their children. With the creation of certain policies, it necessitates proper
implementation as well for them to be effective. For NGOs like Caritas and HLAF, they
should not limit their programs to the phase of social reintegration, but they also have to
consider the whole narrative of these mothers so they could be empowered despite the
struggles brought by incarceration. However, its is important to note that these intervention
programs also have limits in addressing all concerns of these former inmate mothers. As long
as their environment poses challenges that make them susceptible to resort to commit the
same crimes for the sake of improving the lives of their families, completely reforming them
will remain to be an ongoing challenge
Limitations of the Study
The study focused on the identity construction of the former inmate mothers in the
context of incarceration. Though the narratives presented a lot of common elements
experienced by the mothers, one limitation observed was that they were all single parents.
Because of this family dynamic, the narratives do not represent the experiences by mothers
who were not sole providers of the family, and it might be inappropriate to apply this to the
general population of mothers.
Another limitation found was the acquired leadership role of our participants. The
mothers served as mayoras and other important roles in the prison. Being the active ones in
the social reintegration program, they were the ones most likely to have been tapped by our
partner organizations. This begs the question on how the experiences of mothers who did not
have any leadership roles differ from our participants. Given that certain advantages have
been obtained upon the assumption of such role, it may be perceived that non-leader mothers
possibly had a more adverse experience given the lack of position in prison. Hence, the
researchers could not generalize our participant’s experience to the rest of the formerly
incarcerated mothers.
Recommendations
Through the narratives of former inmate mothers, it was surprising to realize that all
the recruited mothers were single parents. Therefore, it is recommended to diversify the
background and include participants who are not the family’s breadwinners. Since the
researchers partnered with NGOs, the participants were only limited to active former inmate
mothers referred by these organizations. There is also a need to analyze the experiences of
mothers who do not receive or feel the same amount of support from the NGOs. This will
give a more personal perspective on the experience of incarceration. Lastly, since the
narratives of the mothers include the future script of mainly their children and their
relationship with them, it is recommended to also explore the narratives of their children in
relation to the incarceration experience of their mothers.

REFERENCES
Adler, J. M., Lodi-Smith, J., Philippe, F. L., & Houle, I. (2016). The incremental validity of
narrative identity in predicting well-being: A review of the field and recommendations
for the future. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 20(2), 142-175.
Alampay, L. P., & Jocson, M. R. (2011). Attributions and attitudes of mothers and fathers in
the Philippines. Parenting, 11(2-3), 163-176.
Aiello, B. L., & McQueeney, K. (2016). "How can you live without your kids?”: Distancing
from and embracing the stigma of “incarcerated mother”. Journal of Prison Education
and Reentry, 3(1), 32-49.
Averill, M., Boswell, D., Lupin, C., Mather, D., & Winata, J. (2015). Social stigma of
ex-convicts. Pepperdine University Graziadio School of Business and Management.
Babcock, G. (1998). Stigma, identity dissonance, and the nonresidential mother. Journal of
Divorce & Remarriage, 28(1-2), 139-156.
Baker, J. (2015). Conditions for women in detention in the Philippines: needs, vulnerabilities,
and practices. DIGNITY Publication Series on Torture and Organised Violence, 11.
Danish Institute Against Torture.
Baldwin, L. (2017). Motherhood disrupted: Reflections of post-prison mothers. Emotion,

Space and Society, 1-8.
Bamberg, M. (2012). Narrative analysis. APA Handbook of Research Methods in Psychology,

2, 77-94.
Barton, D., & Hall, N. (2000). Letter writing as a social practice. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Bertulfo, D., Canoy, N., & Celeste, M. (2016). Positioning analysis of Filipino family
narratives in the context of prisoner reintegration. SAGE Open, 1-12.
Brown, M., & Bloom, B. (2009). Reentry and renegotiating motherhood: Maternal identity
and success on parole. Crime & Delinquency, 55(2), 313-336.
Caño, N. (2017). Concept of criminal justice system in the philippines. Capitol University.
Covington, S. S. (2002). A woman's journey home: challenges for female offenders and their
children washington. DC: Urban Institute.
Deaux, K. (1993). Reconstructing social identity. Personality and social psychology bulletin,
19(1), 4-12.
Dijker, A., & Koomen, W. (2007). Stigmatization, tolerance, and repair: An integrative
psychological analysis of responses to deviance. New York, NY: Cambridge University
Press.
Ewald, A., & Uggen, C. (2012). The collateral effects of imprisonment on prisoners, their
families, and communities. The Oxford handbook on sentencing and corrections, 83-
103.
Fazel, S., & Seewald, K. (2012). Severe mental illness in 33,588 prisoners worldwide:
Systematic review and meta-regression analysis. The British Journal of Psychiatry,
364-373.
Graffam, J., Shinkfield, A. J., & Hardcastle, L. (2008). The perceived employability of
ex-prisoners and offenders. International Journal of Offender Therapy and
Comparative Criminology, 52(6), 673-685.
Ginneken, E. (2014). Making sense of imprisonment. International Journal of Offender

Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 60(2), 208-227.
Gubrium, J. F., & Holstein, J. A. (2002). Handbook of interview research: context and
method. Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage Publications.
Guinto-Adviento, M. L. (n.d.). What Makes a Champion: A Narrative Analysis of Elite

Athletes Storied Lives. PsycEXTRA Dataset. doi:10.1037/e631452013-044
Harding, D. J., Dobson, C. C., Wyse, J. J., & Morenoff, J. D. (2017). Narrative change,
narrative stability, and structural constraint: The case of prisoner reentry narratives.
American Journal of Cultural Sociology, 5(1-2), 261-304.
Harding, D. J., Wyse, J. J., Dobson, C., & Morenoff, J. D. (2014). Making ends meet after
prison. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 33(2), 440-470.
Helmick, R., & Petersen, R. (2001). Forgiveness and reconciliation : religion, public policy,
and conflict transformation. West Conshohocken: Templeton Foundation Press.
Hiles, D. & Čermák, I. (2008). Narrative psychology. The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative
Research in Psychology, 147-164.
Howard, J. A. (2000). Social psychology of identities. Annual review of sociology, 26(1),

367-393.
InterAksyon. (2017, August 31). Homosexual at halimaw? Duterte believes prisoner

incapable of positive change. InterAksyon TV5. Retrieved from
http://www.interaksyon.com/homosexual-at-halimaw-duterte-believes-prisoners-incapa
ble-of-positive-change/
Larsen, S. (2017). Successful reentry through the eyes of female ex-offenders: A qualitative
study. Degree Project in Criminology 30 Credits, 8-10.
Leverentz, A. (2008). Neighborhood context of attitudes towards crime and reentry.

American
Sociological Association Annual Meetings. University of Massachusetts, Boston.
Lieblich, A., Tuval-Mashiach, R., & Zilber, T. (1998). Narrative research: Reading, analysis,
and interpretation (Vol. 47). Sage Publications.
Lopez, M. (1999). When the poor is on trial: a social psychological phenomenon. A

Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, 14,(3), 69-90.
Maruna, S., Lebel, T. P., Mitchell, N., & Naples, M. (2004). Pygmalion in the reintegration
process: Desistance from crime through the looking glass. Psychology, Crime & Law,
10(3), 271-281. doi:10.1080/10683160410001662762
Maruna, S., Wilson, L., & Curran, K. (2006). Why God is often found behind bars: Prison
conversions and the crisis of self-narrative. Research in Human Development, 3(2-3),
161-184.
McAdams, D. (1996). Personality, modernity, and the storied self: A contemporary

framework for studying persons. Psychological Inquiry, 7, 295-321.
Moore, K., Tangney, J., & Stuewig, J. (2016). The self-stigma process in criminal offenders.
Stigma and Health, 1(3), 206–224.
Morenoff, J. D., & Harding, D. J. (2014). Incarceration, prisoner reentry, and communities.
Annual Review of Sociology, 40, 411-429.
Murray, M. (2015). Qualitative psychology: A practical guide to research methods. Narrative

Psychology, 3, 85-107.
Pansag, F., Rosaroso, R., Paradiang, L., Labasano, F., & Lasala, G. (2016). Journey of an
ex-convict: From conviction to liberation. Asia Pacific Journal of Multidisciplinary
Research, 4(2), 21-28.
Parke, R. D., & Clarke-Stewart, K. A. (2003). The effects of parental incarceration on

children. Prisoners once removed: The impact of incarceration and reentry on children,
families, and communities, 189-232.
Polleta, F., Chen, P., Bobby, G., Gharrity, B., & Motes, A. (2011). The Sociology of
Storytelling. Annual Review of Sociology, 37, 109-130.
Pompper, D. (2014). Social identities are intersectional. Practical and Theoretical

Implications of Successfully Doing Difference in Organizations, 1, 45 - 61.
Schiff, B. (2012). The function of narrative: toward a narrative psychology of meaning.

Narrative Works: Issues, Investigations & Interventions, 2(1), 33-47.
Shields, S. (2008). Gender: An intersectionality perspective. Sex Roles, 59, 301-311.
Syed, M. (2010). Disciplinarity and methodology in intersectionality theory and research.

American Psychologist, 65(1), 61-62.
Tarroja, M. H. (2010). Revisiting the definition and concept of filipino family: A

psychological perspective. Philippine Journal of Psychology, 43(2), 177-193.
Vanhooren, S., Leijssen, M., & Dezutter, J. (2017). Ten prisoners on a search for meaning: A
qualitative study of loss and growth during incarceration. The Humanistic Psychologist,
45(2), 162-178.
Viray, P. (2017, August 31). Despite duterte's views on inmates, bucor mandated to reform,
rehabilitate. Philstar Global.
Wright, L.E., & Seymour, C. B. (2000). Effects of parental incarceration on children and
families.
APPENDICES
Appendix A
Life Story Interview Guide (Based on McAdams, 2008)
I. Consent
“Hello/Good day! Before we begin, which language would you prefer using for the
interview: English or Filipino?”
Hello po/Magandang araw po! Bago tayo magsimula, maaari po ba naming

malaman kung aling wika po kayo kumportable: Ingles o Filipino?
“I am (insert name of interviewer), your interviewer. This is (insert name of assistant),

s/he will assist me and take note of your responses for this interview.
Ako po si [pangalan ng tagapanayam], ang inyong tagapanayam. Kasama ko

po si [pangalan ng katulong na tagapanayam]. Siya po ang tutulong sa akin
upang magtala ng inyong mga tugon sa panayam na ito.
We would like to thank you for agreeing to participate in our study. This study is
being conducted for undergrad thesis class under the supervision of our teacher, Ms.
Judith de Guzman. The interview will take at least 1 hour.”
Nais po naming magpasalamat sa inyong paglahok sa aming pananaliksik.

Ang pananaliksik po na ito ay para sa aming klase sa tesis, sa patnubay ng
aming titser na si Ms. Judith de Guzman. Ang panayam po na ito ay
magtatagal ng hindi bababa sa isang oras.
[Participant will now be asked to read the consent form].
“As written in the consent form, the whole interview will be audio-recorded and transcribed.
Your name and other identifying information will not be included in the documents/write-ups
that we will be submitting. Please know that you may choose not to answer any of the
questions that you find uncomfortable or unnecessary. There are no right or wrong answers
for the questions. You have the right to stop the interview at any time. Do you have any
questions or concerns? If none, kindly sign the consent form to signify your participation.”
Ayon sa nakasulat sa consent form, ang panayam po na ito ay irerekord at ititipa sa

papel. Ang inyong pangalan at iba pang personal na impormasyong tutukoy sa inyo
ay hindi isasama sa anumang dokumento na aming ipapasa. Maaari po kayong
magbigay ng alyas. Maaari rin pong hindi sumagot sa anumang mga tanong na hindi
kayo kumportableng sagutin. Wala pong tama o maling sagot sa mga katanungan.
Maaari ninyong itigil ang panayam sa kahit anong panahon. May mga nais po ba
kayong tanungin o linawin? Kung wala na po, mangyaring pirmahan na lamang po
ang consent form bilang tanda ng inyong pagsali.
II. Warm-up
Again, we would like to thank you for agreeing to participate in this interview. We are
interested in understanding your story, especially your personal experiences, thoughts and
feelings in relation to your own identity reconstruction as a mother.
Rest assured that all responses will be confidential and any attribution of responses to
you shall be thoroughly vetted/consulted with you. Please remember that you have the right
to stop this interview any time or you may request to skip any question that you do not want
to answer. Kindly also let us know should you have any concerns or clarifications during this
interview session. Before we begin, do you have any questions or comments? Again, thank
you very much for your participation in this endeavor.
How are you today?

Kamusta kayo ngayon?
Now, I will simply ask some background information before we proceed to the formal
interview.
Bago po tayo tumungo sa ating panayam, nais lamang po namin kayong makilala.
Ano po ang inyong buong pangalan… (flow: complete name, nickname, age, date of birth,
religion, place of residence, number of children, employment status)
Now, let’s proceed to the interview proper

Ngayon ay tutungo na tayo sa panayam
III. Interview Proper

A. Life Chapter/ Kabanata ng Buhay
First, we would like you to to think about your life as a story on becoming a former
inmate mother. This story consists of different main chapters of your life. I would like you to
describe each main chapter of your life story. If you can, give each chapter a name and
describe each briefly.
Mangyaring magbaliktanaw po tayo sa inyong kuwento bilang isang inang minsan
nang nabilanggo. Kung nahahati po sa mahahalagang kabanata ang kuwento ng inyong
buhay, mangyaring ilarawan po ninyo ang bawat kabanatang ito. Ano po ang mga pamagat
na ibibigay ninyo at bakit?
B. Key Chapters
Now that you have narrated the overall plot summary of your story, we would want
you to focus on certain key chapters that stood out for you in your story. This should be
specific occurrence at a particular time and place. This should be complete with significant
characters, actions, thoughts and feelings. I will be asking you to elaborate on specific event.
For each event, please describe in detail what happened and why it was significant to your
life story.
Ano po kaya ang mahahalagang detalye sa bawat kabanata? Saan at kailan po
naganap? Sinu-sino po ang naging bida, kontrabida, at iba pang tauhan sa inyong kuwento?
Ano po ang inyong naramdaman at paano po ninyo tinitingnan ang pangyayaring ito bilang
mahalagang bahagi ng inyong buhay?
High Point. Please describe an episode or event in your life that serves as your high
point. This is where you experienced happiness, joy, excitement or even inner peace.
Maaari niyo po bang ilarawan ang itinuturing ninyong pinakamasayang pangyayari
ng inyong buhay?
Low Point. After your high point, now please describe a specific experience which
you feel negative emotions like terror, guilt, and despair.
Ngayon ay tutungo naman tayo sa mga panahong sinubok kayo ng takot, pagkabigo,
kawalan ng pag-asa, at iba pang matitindi at negatibong damdamin.
Turning Point. In looking back on one’s life, it is also possible to identify key events
called turning points. These are events where you underwent a substantial change. If you
cannot identify any turning points, please describe events in life where you felt an important
change that happened.
Sa pagbabalik-tanaw ng inyong buhay, may mga tinatawag tayong turning points o
panahon ng pagbabalikwas. Dito tayo nakararanas ng mahalaga at matinding pagbabago.
Maaari niyo po bang ikuwento sa amin ang karanasang ito?
Mother Scene. Now, please describe a specific event from your motherhood that
stands out as being especially important or significant.
Maaari niyo po bang tukuyin ang isang karanasan sa inyong pagiging ina na para sa
inyo’y makabuluhan o mahalaga.
C. Challenges
Throughout your life story, please describe a significant challenge that you have face.
How have you handled or dealt with this challenge? How has this challenge significantly
affect your life (or identity as a mother?)
Maaari niyo po bang ikuwento kung paano ninyo hinarap ang isang matinding
pagsubok sa inyong tanang buhay (maaaring sa nakaraan o kaya sa kasalukuyan)? Ano ang
epekto nito sa inyong buhay at sa inyong pagkakakilanlan bilang isang ina?
D. Personal Ideology
Now, I would like to ask a few questions about your fundamental beliefs and values
and about questions of meaning and spirituality in your life. Please give some thought to each
of these questions.
Ngayon, nais ko po sanang magtanong tungkol sa inyong mga paniniwala, prinsipyo,
at mga pinanghahawakan sa buhay, mga tanong tungkol sa inyong paniniwala sa Diyos
halimbawa. Maaari niyo pong pagnilayan sandali ang inyong sagot sa mga katanungang
ito.
Religious/Ethical Values. Consider for a moment the religious or spiritual
dimensions of your life. Please describe in a nutshell your religious beliefs or the
ways in which you approach life in a spiritual sense.
Maaari niyo po bang ilarawan ang inyong pananampalataya?
Core Values. What is the most important value in human living? Please
explain.
Ano po sa tingin ninyo ang pinakamahalagang bagay/ prinsipyo sa buhay ng
isang tao at bakit?
E. Life Theme
Looking back at everything you have shared about your life story, with all these
chapters and scenes, extending into the past as well as the imagined future, can you identify a
central theme, message, or idea that runs throughout the story? What is the major theme of
your life story? Kindly elaborate.
Kung muli ninyong babalikan ang kuwento ng inyong buhay mula sa nakalipas,
kasalukuyan, at maging ang inyong mga nakikita sa hinaharap, kabilang na ang lahat ng
inyong mga ibinahaging kabanata, ano po ang tema o pangunahing mensahe nito? Maaari
niyo po bang ipaliwanag kung bakit?
C. Reflection
Thank you for sharing with us your story. Many of the stories you shared are
extraordinary experiences that stand out from day-to-day. There was a high point, a turning
point, a low point, etc. and since most people do not get to impart their life stories in this way
on a regular basis, maybe you could share us your thoughts, feelings, and insights about what
this interview, here today, has been like for you. How do you think this interview has affected
you?
Maraming salamat sa pagbabahagi ng inyong kuwento. Marami po kasi sa inyong
naikuwento ay mga pangyayaring labas sa pang-araw-araw na karanasan (pinakamasaya,
pagkabigo, pagbabalikwas, atbp.) at hindi naman lahat ng tao ay nabibigyan ng
pagkakataon na magkuwento sa ganitong paraan. Ano po ang masasabi ninyo tungkol sa
ating naging panayam ngayon. Ano po ang inyong mga naramdaman, napagtanto, may mga
bumagabag po ba sa inyo, at paano ito nakaapekto sa inyo?
IV. Closing
Before we end this interview, we would like to ask if you there are still other things
that you would want to share to us which is related to your experience to the social
reintegration program that you went through?
Again, we extend our gratitude to you and to the proponents of the FRED program for
participating in this study. Once we have finished the analysis and writing final paper, we
will get in touch with you again to vet/consult regarding the results. Please do not hesitate to
contact us should you have additional information that you would like to share or questions
that you would like to clarify. Again, thank you!
Bago po matapos ang ating panayam, nais lamang po naming malaman kung may iba
pa kayong gustong ibahagi sa amin, halimbawa ay yaong inyong karanasan noong
sumailalim kayo sa social reintegration program?
Muli, nagpapasalamat kami sa inyo at sa [FRED program] sa inyong paglahok sa

aming pag-aaral. Sa oras po na matapos kami sa pagsusuri at sa pagsusulat, muli po namin
kayong babalikan upang makuha ang inyong mga komento at pananaw tungkol sa aming
pag-uulat. Huwag po kayong mag-atubili sakaling may mga katanungan kayo. Maraming
salamat po.
Name Joan Nadia Princess Mary Nana Wilma
59
Years in 4 8 8 3 8 2 years and 5 months

Prison
Profile, Life Chapters, and Life Themes of the Participants
Criminal Qualified Theft Drug Pushing Drug Pushing Drug Pushing Qualified Theft Drug Trafficking
Case
IDENTITY NEGOTIATION AMONG FORMER INMATE MOTHERS
Number of 2 4 5 5 1 4
Children
Specific Episode 1: Episode 1: Episode 1: Sole Episode 1: Sole Episode 1: Sole Episode 1: Involved in
Episodes Living a stable Authoritarian provider of the provider of the family provider of the illegal activities at a
life mother prior to family family (extended young age due to
incarceration Episode 2: Tagged family included) absence of mother
Appendix B
Episode 2: Pre- Episode 2: along in a buy-bust figure

marital sex Episode 2: Tagged along in drug operation Episode 2: Focused
resulting to Work as a a buy-bust drug on material wealth Episode 2: Illegal
unpreparedness barangay tanod operation Episode 3: Fulfilling leading to activities as a source of
of role of the role of detachment from funding for financial
motherhood Episode 3: Episode 3: motherhood amidst God support for her own
Unjust arrest Inability to incarceration children
Episode 3: during her defend oneself Episode 3: Resorted
Ambition to night shift as Episode 4: Finding to theft leading to Episode 3: Engaged in
make-up for her tanod Episode 4: meaning in the incarceration for the love relationships that
mistakes Experiences of incarceration sake of providing persuaded her to still
leading up to Episode 4: hardships inside experience the family use drugs
committing a Incarceration prison
crime experience Episode 5: Episode 4: Episode 4: Arrested
aggravated due Episode 5: Rebuilding the Hardships several times due to
Episode 4: to absence of Children having relationship with her experienced by the drug involvement
Experiences of someone to difficulty trying children post- family due to her
hardships inside look after her to make ends incarceration absence as sole Episode 5: Learned to
prison children meet provider be engaged in
Specific Episode 5: Shift in Episode 5: Eldest Episode 6: Entrusted Episode 5: religion and turned to
Episodes perception of daughter serving as to be a mayora Understood God
60
incarceration as breadwinner her son’s

tolerable Episode 7: Finding a situation of Episode 6: Lost
Episode 6: Fulfilling voice within the limits having to get respect from eldest
Episode 6: the role of of prison married son
Entrusted to be the motherhood amids
mayora incarceration Episode 8: Fulfilling Episode 6: Episode 7: Offered to

the role of Entrusted as become an asset for
Episode 7: Fear of Episode 7: motherhood amidst mayora the police in drug
discrimination from Entrusted to be the incarceration operations
her colleagues post- mayora Episode 7:
incarceration Episode 9: Maintained Episode 8: Build a
Episode 8: Restoration of faith the trust of the reputation as a leader
Episode 8: Valued Difficulty wardens post- of drug surrenderees
quality time with reconnecting with Episode 10: Job incarceration
her kids as an some of her children opportunity from Episode 9:
expression of love post-incarceration BJMP Episode 8: Reestablishing her
Warm authority over her
Episode 11: acceptance by children
Rebuilding the the family and
relationship with her community
children
Life Theme - High hopes for Incarceration posed Being true to God and One has the Valuing the Life as an adventure
the family and for a major blow to the to the people you love capability to presence of full of surprises
herself in terms of life of a mother yet (especially the reform and God and loved where people can try
material wealth can this challenges her children) is very change for the ones help in out things and learn
veer away a person to rise up and important because we better building one’s from the experience.
from God, and overcome this for also cling unto them especially resilience.
consequently, her children. both in times of when it is for
makes one forget prosperity and the sake of her
who s/he really is. adversity. loved ones.
Future To be able to To be able to secure To rebuild lives of her To establish a To rebuild r To be able to
Script provide the best for a stable job and own and children better herself again witness her children
61
her children provide the basic especially being the relationship through doing graduate and
(quality education, necessities of her provider of the family with her jobs and be eventually have
decent and children to children by able to families of their own
comfortable living) compensate for the spending more strengthen and to maintain
years spent in quality time relationship authority over her
prison. with them. with her son other children in
again order to not repeat

what she had
experienced with her
eldest

A Narrative and Intersectional Approach To Understanding Identity Reconstruction and Negotiation Among Former Inmate Mothers

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

A Narrative and Intersectional Approach To Understanding Identity Reconstruction and Negotiation Among Former Inmate Mothers

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Running Head: IDENTITY NEGOTIATION AMONG FORMER INMATE MOTHERS

PAGLINGON, PAGBAWI, AT PAG-AHON:

A NARRATIVE AND INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING

IDENTITY RECONSTRUCTION AND NEGOTIATION

AMONG FORMER INMATE MOTHERS

the Department of Psychology

of Requirements for the Degree

Bachelor of Science in Psychology

negotiation occur at different levels—personal, familial, community, and societal relative to

scripts following incarceration.

Keywords: former inmate mothers, incarceration, narratives, intersectionality, identity

President Rodrigo R. Duterte

community as law-abiding citizens (Caño, 2017).

inmates, ex-convicts, ex-offenders, formerly incarcerated individuals, or as what is common

aspect of their lives—economic, psychological, social, educational, vocational, which many

studies have explored.

psychological distress and immense emotional challenges brought about by incarceration

incarceration, with an eye towards understanding the intersection of identities and

Review of Related Literature

The review of related literature discusses different studies on prison inmates,

specifically mothers, and their identity reconstruction post-incarceration. This section is

discrimination. Third, the stigmatization, re-victimization, economic, and cultural barriers

experienced by inmate mothers. Lastly, identity reconstruction as a necessary process among

inmate mothers in facilitating social reintegration following imprisonment

Incarceration as a Form of Disruption

(2016) reported barriers that confronted inmates post-incarceration, such as health-related

problems, homelessness, financial constraints, ineffective prison rehabilitation programs, and

harassment for female inmates.

As previously mentioned, incarceration deeply affects not just the imprisoned

even in the whole community (Wright & Seymour, 2000).

Former Prison Inmates as Highly Stigmatized Individuals

likelihood of stigmatization and self-stigmatization. In addition, social stigma is also

murder (Giguere & Dundes, 2002).

Experiences of Inmate Mothers

to restore their role as mothers in the family.

Dunlop, 1981; Peterson & Hann, 1999).

incarceration (Baldwin, 2017). For instance, an incarcerated mother may automatically be

stress experienced by the mothers in the moment of separation due to incarceration.

Indeed, incarceration may interrupt, or at worst, completely destroy the mother’s

Prisoners’ Search for Meaning After Incarceration

immorality that they are associated with.

The extreme distress brought about by incarceration greatly contributed to the

that they go through post-incarceration.

this identity of the Filipino mothers who have been incarcerated.

but rather, it is a lifelong process (Helmick & Petersen, 2001).

This challenges the phase of reintegration because it entails a complex process of

have missed with their families (Covington, 2002).

A vital aspect to the success in social reintegration is a reconstruction of one’s sense

undertake identity negotiation and reconstruction. As mentioned, although former inmate

identity as they engage in social reintegration.

Summary and Gaps from Previous Research

From the reviewed literature on the incarceration experience of former inmate

Previous researches have emphasized that identity reconstruction is solely embedded

component of a inmate’s identity reconstruction, and that is the self.

integrated narrative analysis with intersectionality to emphasize the agentic capacity of

and after incarceration.

Narrative Psychology as an Approach to Understanding Identity Reconstruction among

Former Inmate Mothers

2010). Moreover, in the process of narration, meaning-making is articulated and expressed

Silbey 2003; Somers, 1994 as cited in Harding et al., 2017).

reconstruction is directed to address this.

Second, narratives are also negotiated across different levels—personal, community,