My link with East Pakistan

As the narration relating to Bengal progresses, it appears

necessary for me to offer a personal explanation. It is about my
links with East Pakistan. It began with my association with Morning
News, Dacca,which started when I arrived there in 1957 and it
terminated in 1972, after East Pakistan became Bangladesh. This
provided me with the opportunity to be in East Pakistan during an
eventful period in which I could witness days with bright sunshine
as well as dark menacing clouds, and observe occurrences, which
are now referred to and narrated as unforgettable episodes of our
national history. As the narration proceeds, I will often figure as a
narrator, although there is no desire for self-projection, and
references will also be made inevitably of Morning news.

My link with East Pakistan can, in fact, be traced back to the time
when I joined Morning News in Karachi in 1951 while the
newspaper's nucleus office was setup here. When Morning News
started publication in Karachi in 1953, I was made in-charge of its
economic and commerce desk. Then, in 1957, a new assignment
was offered to me. It was the position of the Resident Editor of
Morning News, Dacca.

Morning News had developed considerable reach and influence in

eastern India while it was published in Calcutta, before it had to
move to Dacca, after the partition of Bengal and the establishment
of Pakistan. In Dacca also, despite the underdeveloped condition of
the city and the new East Bengal province as a whole, Morning
News had established itself as the leading English language daily
newspaper.

245
With its edition coming out from Karachi, Morning News had, no
doubt, achieved a unique status, being the only newspaper which
had flung itself across the two widely separated "wings" of the
country. But in terms of its pulling power, Dacca continued to
remain its strong, magnetic base.

As I realised much later, my new assignment,which began on happy

note, meant a phenomenal change for me as well as for Morning
News, Dacca. For the newspaper, the period that followed was one
of remarkable progress. But the ending of the story, which coincided
with a cataclysmic change in the country, had to be different, for the
newspaper as well as for me.

As I proceed with the narration, the story will unfold itself. It

spreads over a long period, which witnessed a large variety of
events. It will be impossible to encompass them all. As can be easily
understood, the narration will be circumscribed by three factors.
One, that I can refer only those events that I can clearly recall; two,
among them also those which would appear to be of interest and
some relevance in time; and three, that some events that relate to
Morning News and concern me personally had to be related as they
reflect the situation inthat period.

Here I might, perhaps, relate one anecdote which has a personal

note. I lived and worked in Dacca for more than 14 years and when I
finally left Dacca and came to Karachi in 1972, a friend of mine
thought Karachi had, after all, reclaimed me from the long exile,
comparing my 14-year long stay in East Pakistan with the legendary
14-year banbaas of Ramchandarji in the jungles of South India. But I
told him there could be no comparison between my living in Dacca
and the self-imposed exile of the celebrated hero who is regarded as
a deity by his followers. And East Pakistan was never a wilderness,
not even during some of the darkest days that we witnessed.
Considering my stay in Dacca to be a period of exile, I felt, betrayed
an attitude of mind, with which I did not concur.

246
Reverting to my assignment in Dacca, it was sometime in September
1957 when Syed Mohsin Ali made the offer. He told me that the
then incumbent of the post, Syed Hamidulah Hussain was leaving
and he asked me if I would accept the assignment. I did not know
precisely nor did I ask why the offer was made to me while there
could be several other suitable persons in Dacca itself, and also in
Karachi, to be considered for the assignment. Such decisions by
management are made in terms of its own perception.

During the meeting in which he made the offer, Mr. Mohsin Ali
briefed me about the situation in Dacca Morning News and
expressed the opinion that it would not be difficult for me to work
with the set-up there. Later, when I met Khawaja Nooruddin he
persuasively told me that I could go to Dacca even for an
experimental period of say six months, and if I did not feel like
continuing to work and live there I could come back to Karachi
Morning News. In retrospect, I am reminded of a remark attributed
to some ancient saga that there were twelve entry routes for Bengal
but no route for a comfortable exit. However, I requested Syed
Mohsin Ali as well as Khawaja Nooruddin to let me think about it.

As it was, I had been doing fairly well in Karachi. Having lived and
worked as a journalist in the city for a decade, I had earned some
credit professionally as well as socially. Going for a new job in a
new place obviously needed to be given due consideration. While I
was in the process of arriving at a decision, I discussed the proposal
with some of my close friends - Shams Siddiqui, Ali Athar and A.L.
Khatib, in particular. Khatib had been in Dacca. He had, in fact,
worked on an assignment there and felt quite fascinated by the
place, the people and the literary and cultural atmosphere which he
found appealing. He thought I would also find the place to be
congenial. He was very much in favour on my accepting the offer.

The other friends took into consideration also the expected

advantages that could come to me career-wise. The resident editor

247
was just one step behind the editor and the editorship of a
newspaper was the highest position professionally - and a very rare
one at the time - that a working journalist specially one who was
comparatively young, could aspire for. Then, there were factors of
opportunity and challenge in the offered assignment and they
provided a major motivation. At that point of time and phase in my
life, the fact that hazards of several kinds could also be associated
with the particular assignment was not considered, nor was much
consideration given to the possibility of the problems that could
arise.

After I decided to accept the new assignment and this was

announced by the management of Morning News, I felt gratified that
I would continue to have the goodwill of my colleagues and friends
among the working journalists. To felicitate me, a function was
arranged by the executive committee of the Karachi Union of
Journalists (KUJ) and another by the Morning News unit of the
KUJ, of which my old college fellow, friend and colleague, A.M.A.
Qaiyum was the chief. This was a sort of a send-off party which was
attended by practically all the members of the newspaper staff. Soon
after, I was to leave Karachi for Dacca.

To Dacca

It was on October 12, 1957 that I left for Dacca. In those days, the
PIA flight took off from Karachi airport early in the morning and the
aircraft then in use, the Superconstellation, took about six hours to
reach Dacca, traversing almost the entire breath of the subcontinent,
flying over several Indian states, or provinces as they were
previously called.

The rather long flight did not worry me as I had experienced long
flights across continents in the recent past [4]. In fact, this one set
me thinking. The earlier journeys were like random exercises in
exploration of the new world, also lands, places new to me, and

248
gaining new experiences and fresh ideas of patterns in life and in the
profession. The present journey had a set and defined purpose and
task, combining challenges, opportunities, hope and aspirations.

As the aircraft cruised and, on its long, route flew over desert plains,
greener lands and then entered the cloud laden horizon in eastern
India, the changing scenario below could symbolize the coming
change in my situation. Finally, as the aircraft moved onward from
Bihar to Bengal, I had not only a feeling of nostalgia but also a
magnetic pull which seemed to be drawing me to something
familiar, something that had innate attraction. That early fleeting
feeling perhaps imperceptibly helped my settling down in Dacca and
making it a second home.

As the aircraft approached Dacca, a bright sunshine was piercing

through patches of the stray clouds that appeared to have scattered
after rains. Below, there were green fields and clusters of trees,
interspersed by streams and rivulets and pools of water. Then began
the aircraft's decent and it was a smooth landing on what looked like
a solitary runway. A small building that came into view served as
the airport.

While coming out of the plane I saw Mr. Mohsin Ali on the tarmac,
coming towards the plane. He was accompanied by two persons.
One was Shirley Heppolett. Manager of Morning News, Dacca,
whom I knew through correspondence and telephonic talks.
Heppolett greeted me very warmly and, as I look back, it was the
beginning of a friendship between us, which developed on the basis
of mutual understanding and regard.

The other person was Mr. Chishti, a custom official. Later, I came to
know him well. He had an interest in writing for newspapers and
was always keen to develop contacts with journalists. He also edited
an in-house magazine that customs people brought out. Mr. Chishti
took us to a room in the airport building where we waited for the

249
baggage to come.

Soon the passenger's baggage's started to coming out of the plane

and deposited on the part of the tarmac close to the building. Mr.
Chishti got my two pieces - a suitcase and a bag in which I had
packed my small Hermes Rocket typewriter and the Rollieflex
camera - picked up and brought to the Morning News van which
took us to Shirley Heppolett's residence.

The house in which Heppolett lived was located in a posh, recently

developed locality of Dacca. It was a two-storeyed building. The
owner's family occupied the ground floor and Shirley had taken on
rent the first floor, which had an independent entrance. It belonged
to a physician, Dr. Ahmad Husain, who earlier practised in Calcutta
and was known to Khawaja Nooruddin from there. The house was
named "Kamal court" after the physician's son Dr. Kamal Hussain, a
PhD and a barrister-at-law, who distinguished himself as a lawyer as
well as a politician. Shirley Heppolett offered to accommodate me in
his house and put the best bedroom at my disposal. Mr. Mohsin Ali
told me that Shirleyhad volunteered to provide me the facility till
such time as a suitable place was found for me to live.

First visit

In the afternoon, Mr. Mohsin Ali took me to Morning News office. I

was going to the place where I would work for about a decade and
also reside in for a couple of years. At that time, the offices of
Morning News were housed in a four-storeyed building in a by-lane
of what used to be Jinnah Avenue. The printing section occupied the
ground floor of the building. The first and second floors were for the
use of editorial and managerial sections. The third or the top floor
had two separate units which could be used for residential purposes.

On my arrival at the office, there was a round of formal

introductions with the people belonging to the various sections of

250
the newspaper organisation. Then, Mr. Mohsin Ali and I sat down
with the journalists in a session which lasted for more than an hour.
Mr. Mohsin Ali introduced each of them to me individually
mentioning their background and assignment. The session remained
more or less an introductory one.

I did not know any of them from before. I had however, heard about
Mr. Abdul Hannan, who was the news editor and a key person in the
editorial section. He was the elder brother of Mr. Abdul Mannan,
our news editor in Karachi. Before I left Karachi, Mr. Mannan had
told me that I would find Mr. Hannan to be helpful, which he proved
to be, and also dependable. Mr. Hannan had done his M.A. in
history from Patna University and had joined Morning News in
Calcutta. He took meticulous care of his work. He was a
simple-living and hard-working person. He brought out the edition
with the help of a comparatively small team at the news desk.
Actually, the news editor also functioned as the editor-in-charge, and
decided about the main stories and their treatment. Mr. Hannan
worked long hours. He came during the day and also at night and
stayed till the printing started.

Compared to Karachi, the editorial staff in Dacca was smaller. There

was only one assistant editor, Atiquzzamam Khan. There were two
reporters. Tausiqul Alam and Patrick Ally. If I remember correctly,
there were eight sub editors - Waheed ul Haq, Reza ul Haq, Akhtar
Payami, Salahuddin Mohammad, Kafil Ahmad, W. Johnston, Anis
ul Mowla and Arshad Hussain. As I recollect, all of them were there
during our first meeting.

After meeting the journalists, Mr. Mohsin Ali and I went downstairs
to the printing section. There,Mr. Abdul Wasay, the press manager,
took me round. Then I met Mr. Mohammad Anser, the foreman,
with whom I talked for most of the time while he was looking after
the making up of the editorial page, which was in progress. In
Karachi, the editorial was printed with a double column headline but

251
in the Dacca edition it appeared with a single column headline. I
asked Mr. Anser why it could not be like Karachi. He did not come
out with a reply but immediately changed the make-up and showed
it to me. I said, let us have it like that. In the meantime, Mr. Mohsin
Ali had amended the printline by adding my name as Resident
Editor while his name appeared as Editor.

After these meetings one aspect that I noticed particularly was that
among the members of the staff, myself included, there were a large
number of non-Bengalis and out of the total of 12 journalists, five
wer e B en g a l i s , f i v e U r d u - s p e a k i n g B i h a r i s a n d t wo
Anglo-Pakistanis. One reason for this, as I could surmise then, was
the impact that Khawaja Nooruddin's original political and social
base, Calcutta, had on his outlook. Calcutta had been a cosmopolitan
city, and among the Muslim there, a dominant role, in politics, social
affairs and business was played by eminent non-Bengali families
such as Suhrawardys, Ghaznavis, Isphanis, Adamjees and others.
Khawaja Nooruddin and the leading members of the family of the
Khawajas of Dacca, including Khawaja Nazimuddin and the Nawab
of Dacca, were also among them and obviously this contributed to
the presence of non-Bengalis Muslims in many institutions of
Calcutta, and as such Khawaja Nooruddin felt comfortable with
non-Bengalis.

After spending some time, Mr. Mohsin Ali and I left the office and
we came back as about nine p.m. Mr. Mohsin Ali followed this
schedule in Karachi. In Dacca also, he worked accordingly. The
news editor showed us some important items and the expected lead
stories. We stayed till after midnight.

The first steps

Mr. Mohsin Ali stayed in Dacca for several days after my arrival
there to help me familiarise myself with the work there. During this
period I had discussions with him about two areas particularly,

252
which were reporting and lead-writing, where input from Dacca had
to be enlarged.

Editorial writing was done almost entirely in Karachi, which had

strong team of leader writers, including A.T. Chaudari and Mushtaq
Ahmed Patel. The editorials relating to East Pakistan politics were
written by Mr. Mohsin Ali. A.T. Chaudari and Mushtaq Ahmed
wrote on national and international issues. A.T. Chaudari also
occasionally wrote a second editorial in a lighter vein. He also wrote
articles for the editorial page with an assumed name "Atchau".

All the editorials written in Karachi were used in Dacca, so

practically Dacca could do without leader writing. But my point was
that apart from politics there were many issues specific to East
Paksitan, those relating to its natural environment, socio-economic
situation and regional/local affairs, and on these issues and subjects
editorials should be written in Dacca, and this would also enhance
the reach and enlarge the readership of the newspaper. In fact, many
subjects and areas could be identified in this context. I remember
one, for example, when Brojen Das swam across the English
Channel and created a swimming record. I wrote an editorial
commending the feat. Morning News was the only newspaper to
have done this and the gesture was widely appreciated.

Whenever I felt that an editorial was needed to be written in Dacca I

had to do this myself till A.L. Khatib joined us. Khatib wrote
profusely, a first or a second editorial almost every day and also a
column, "Journalist's Jottings", with the pen name Sailani.

In reporting, as I noticed, the coverage of political events was

particularly inadequate, especially so because Dacca had remained
an active centre of politics and various political events and
development could be largely covered. The reporter who did
political stories was well known to politicians but somehow the
reports lacked depth and insight. The local coverage was also

253
confined to minor events. Mr. Mohsin Ali agreed that reporting
needed to be strengthened and, after discussion, we decided to
transfer Akhtar Payami from the news desk to rep orting.
Subsequently, Akhtar Payami's good work and hard work as a
reporter confirmed that it was a sound decision.

After my first introductory meeting with the editorial staff, Mr.

Mohsin Ali and I had several meetings and working sessions with
them and discussed a number of problems and issues. At one of
those meetings, an issue was raised with which I had been involved
in Karachi but the way in which it way put somewhat surprised me.
It was about the union of journalists.

Salahuddin Mohammad had raised the question. He said that most

of the journalists working for the Morning News, Dacca, had not
become members of the East Pakistan Union of Journalists (EPUJ)
because they had an impression that the management disfavoured
their association with the Union. He asked if it was true. Before Mr.
Mohsin Ali could come forward with an answer, I took up the issue.
I said that to begin with, it should be clear that journalists formed
the Union to protect and promote their professional rights and
interests, and the question whether a management favoured or
disfavoured the Union membership of the journalists working in the
organisation was irrelevant. It was entirely up to a journalist to
decide whether or not to become a member of the Union.

In so far as Morning News was concerned, I said, the journalists

working in the newspaper in Karachi are members of the Union and
have also formed its unit. Some of them are very active in the Union
and hold important offices. I also said I was given the job of
Resident Editor while I was president of the Karachi Union of
Journalists (KUJ) and I have been a member of the Union right from
its inception. I remained a member of its executive committee and
its general secretary.

254
Later, journalists working for the Morning News, Dacca, became
members of the EPUJ, but the EPUJ did not accept my membership
because of my being the Resident Editor of Morning News. In
Karachi, an editor who did not have any administrative function or
hiring and firing authority was not de-barred by the KUJ from its
membership. But the situation in Dacca was different and the EPUJ
did not accept my membership, even though I did not have any such
function or authority then, and it was only when I became the editor
that I had administrative responsibilities as well. About that later.

Press club

It was soon after my arrival in Dacca that I made my first visit to the
Press Club. At that time, Mr. Matin was its honorary secretary.I had
met him in Karachi when he had come as a member of the
delegation of journalists from East Pakistan. Another member of the
visiting East Pakistan team was Waheed Qaisar Nadvi. KUJ, of
which I was the generalsecretary then, had arranged a reception and
what we called a cultural evening in their honour. The function was
also attended by some East Pakistan politicians who were in Karachi
at that time. Matin remembered it when I met him in Dacca. Matin
offered to take me along with him to the Press Club and also to enrol
me as a member.

It was during my first visit to the Press Club that I also had my first
"encounter" with Zahur Chowdhury.



255
 Some Afterthoughts
The emergence of Bangladesh as an independent country had
becomeestablished fact. But even months later some issues relating
to thebreak-up of Pakistan and the creation of the new were
beingdiscussed by politicians, journalists, academics and others at
privategatherings in Dhaka, and I had the occasion to be present at
some of them.

The discussions were mostly academic but they touched upon some
critical questions. On one such occasion the two-nation theory was
the subject of discussion. Over the decades, this issue had been
debated time and again. Then, soon after the establishment of
Bangladesh, Indian Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Ghandi, was
reported to have said that she had drowned the two-nation theory in
the Bay of Bengal. In the animated discussion that took place among
persons who, in terms of their political opinion ranged from the
extreme left to the far right, the points of view presented were also
naturally divergent.

It all began when a person with leftist proclivity remarked that one
of the significant results emanating from the break-up of Pakistan
and the establishment of Bangladesh was that the two-nation theory
had been disproved. His approach was an academic one with a
historical perspective. He recalled that a separate homeland for the
Muslims of the subcontinent was demanded on the basis of the
claim that the Muslims living in the subcontinent were one nation,
distinct and separate from the Hindus who formed another nation;
and these two nations could not live together. Hence the Muslims as

256
a separate nation should have a separate homeland or a country of
their own.

It was argued that the theory stood negated. The course of

events,within just 24 years after the establishment of Pakistan had
shown thatthe Muslims of Bengal and of West Pakistan, who were
believed to be part and parcel of one nation on the basis of their
being Muslims, couldnot live together. It was contended that the
coming into being ofBangladesh had established that, in spite of
being Muslims, the peopleof the two former regions of Pakistan
were different nations andBangladeshis were as much a nation apart
from the West Pakistanis as Pakistaniswere from the Indian Hindus.
It was also asserted that the Bengalisformed a nation by themselves.

After listening to the arguments, another person from among those

present, expressed the desire to put, what he called, a simple
question. The question was: if the two-nation theory propounded by
the Muslim League in pre-independence India was absurd and if all
the Bengalis, whether Muslim or Hindu, formed one nation, then
would the Bengalis of West Bengal join the Bengalis of Bangladesh
to become a larger Bengali nation and make a bigger country, a
greater Bengal? The question he put was, however, not that simple.
The way it was put, it had also an element of sarcasm.

As could be expected, the contention about the two-nation theory as

well as the question that was put about Bengalis generated a lively
exchange of views and occasionally some heat also in the discussion
that spread over issues like the meaning and scope of nationalism,
the basis of nationhood, religious and cultural unity and diversity,
ethno-linguistic identity and so on.

The discussion was symptomatic of a situation in which some

thoughts are p rovoked when revolutionary p olitical and
socio-economic changes occur. They are often forgotten with the
passage of time. But some of the afterthoughts relating to past

257
events can have relevance to future also. In the context of the
particular course of events culminating in 1971 into the coming into
being of Bangladesh, some of the points raised and discussed
obviously related to core issues that are relevant to political
developments in South Asia and particularly to Pakistan. Their
analytical review here could possibly promote some clearer thinking.

A somewhat generalised and larger issue was whether religion could

be the basis for nationhood, and in the context of the situation in the
South Asian subcontinent, a more specific issue was: what actually
did the two-nation theory mean and imply. An allied issue that one
participant, as mentioned above, raised was whether Bangladesh and
West Bengal could join together to form one Bengali nation on the
basis of their linguistic unity and geographic proximity.

As for the question of religion being the basis of nationhood, in the

light of historical experience, the answer could not be in the
affirmative. Looking at the factual situation in the Muslim world, it
had to be said that Muslim peoples, spread geographically over a
large part of the earth stretching from North Africa to south-east
Asia, could not and did not constitute one nation on the basis of
religion.

In all the countries where Islam is the religion of the majority of the
people, the basis of their nationhood is not religion. The people in
these countries, while belonging to a common faith, maintain their
separate national identity and existence. Now that Bangladesh had
broken away from Pakistan, it would exist as another independent
Muslim country, that is, a country where the large majority of the
people are Muslim.

Apart from the points that came under discussion at that time, it
would be worthwhile viewing some aspects about religion and
nationhood. The concept of the Muslim ummah is not based on what
we understand to be nationhood.In fact, it is believed to be

258
transcending geographic, racial, ethnic and linguistic boundaries and
its sweep is international, in fact, global.

In recent times, Iqbal, the most assertive exponent in our midst of

the concept of the unity of the Islamic ummahand its global role, at
one time regarded nationalism as antithetic to religion. His poem
"Wataniat, apolitical concept" strongly propounds this idea, and his
denunciation of MaulanaHasain Ahmad Madani's contention that the
Indian Muslim community should find its base in the concept of
nationalism further confirmed this view.

As a matter of fact, pan-Islamismhas remained an idealistic concept

and the Khilafat movement in pre-independence India, which could
be viewed as a part of the struggle against the colonial rulers, was
seen by a section of opinion as ill-conceived as a movement to
support the Khilafat based in Turkey. In fact, the status of the
Khalifat based inIstanbulwas nothing more than symbolic and
Turkey itself disowned the Khalifa and Khilafat and emerged as a
modern secular nation-state.

Reflecting over the issue, it could be recalled that the earliest

Muslim interpreter of the philosophy of history, IbnKhaldoon, in his
famous Muqaddama, propounded the theory that it was asabiahor
"group feeling" that was the most effective cohesive factor to keep a
people or a community together. And among the elements that in his
view promote and sustain the group feeling he does not mention
religion. He has referred to religion as a moral force to act as a
restraint against the rulers indulging in unethical practices.

In the context of the Muslim living in the South Asian subcontinent,

the basis for them being a nation has been their distinct Muslim
identity, based not on a single but on a number of elements and
factors. The two-nation theory had its roots in this distinct and
distinguishing identity of Muslims, which was based on not just on
the fact that they professed a faith different from that of Hindus, but

259
because the Muslim community has been distinct and different from
Hindus, as one nation is from another, in respect of its attributes,
characteristics and components and which keep it apart and separate.

In this context, reference had to be made to some significant facts.

To begin with, it was relevant to recall what Jinnah had said while
asserting that the Muslims of the subcontinent were a nation because
of their distinct identity. In the course of his address to the Lahore
session of the Muslim League in 1940, which adopted the Pakistan
Resolution, he referred to this aspect several times. He was emphatic
that religion as such was not the basis of the identity of the Muslims
as distinct from the Hindus.

"It is difficult to appreciate", Jinnah had said, "Why our Hindu

friends fail to understand the real nature of Islam and Hinduism.
They are not religions in the strict sense of the word but are, in fact,
different and distinct social orders."

Then, in his famous statement which was made during an interview

with an American newsman in 1942, Jinnah had elaborated:

"We are a nation with our own culture and civilisation, language and
literature, arts and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of
values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and
calendar, history and traditions, aptitudes and ambitions; in short,
we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life.".

As is obvious, while defining how and why Muslims of the

subcontinent were a nation by themselves, Jinnah was referring to
the various elements that characterise a nation and at the same time
make it different from other nations. In the subcontinent, over the
centuries, the Muslims had evolved a distinguished and recognisable
identity of their own to which Jinnah referred to and relevantly
stressed on what he identified as "our own distinctive outlook on
and of life".

260
This identity, as it was asserted, had kept the Muslims of the
subcontinent clearly different as well as apart from the Hindus, in
many ways and in the context of a number of historical factors, and
it was on this basis that the two-nation theory evolved and a separate
nationhood was claimed for the Muslims.

It is an interesting fact that in the subcontinent, among those who

inhabited it from time to time, only the Muslims did not get merged
into or submerged by the Aryan-Hindu mainstream and continued to
live with their distinct identity, while others like the original
inhabitants -- the Dravidians or the Buddhists -- were either forced
out of, swept away by or sucked into the mainstream by its strong
current.

This fact, that isthe phenomenon of two clearly identifiable

communities existing side-by-side but separately, like two currents
flowing parallel to each other, at times intersecting but not joining
together, has been acknowledged, even emphasised, by eminent
Indian historians and scholars.

A noted Indian historian, R.C. Majumdar, referring to this

phenomenon, said: "For the first time in Indian history, two distinct
but important communities and cultures stood face to face and India
was permanently divided into two powerful units". Another
well-known writer and political philosopher, K.M. Panikkar, while
discussing this phenomenon, said more explicitly: "Islam split
Indian society into two sections, from top to bottom ….. Two
parallel societies were established on the same soil…. At all steps
they were different."

The existence of this phenomenon is not really questionable. Why it

has been existing is explained in several ways. One factor that is
referred to is the rule of the Muslims over the subcontinent for more
than a millennium - almost 12 centuries if we reckon it from 711 to
1857 - that naturally helped consolidate their distinctive position.

261
Their strong and pervasive rule, it is claimed, provided them with
the opportunity and also the means to maintain their dominance as
well as the distinct identity.

Another factor that is identified is the role of Muslim missionaries

and preachers, Sufis and Saints, who kept the distinct Muslim
identity alive effectively and more positively than the rulers. They
highlighted the distinguishing aspects of the Muslim faith,
contrasting it with the inequities and imbalances in the Hindus
religion social philosophy and the caste system and thus prevented
their possible merging into or absorption by the Hindu mainstream.
The appeal of the Sufis and Saints was effective because in their
own lifestyle, they practised what they preached.

It can be said in this context that the Buddhist rulers had also
established an extensive empire in the subcontinent and they as well
as Buddhist monks and savants had done impressive missionary
work, particularly in spreading education and promoting morality
but then their impact, unlike that of Muslims, did not last long.

Here it might be added that the Muslim presence in South Asia,

including the north-western as well as the remote eastern region of
the subcontinent, was constantlybolstered and invigorated by the
support that the Muslim people received from Muslim countries to
the west and north-west, which had vigorousMuslim populations.

While the factors that have been mentioned, and some others, would
have contributed to the sustaining of the distinct identity, an
important factor has been the strong belief among Muslims of the
subcontinent at all times that they had a distinct identity of their
own, and this identity has been existing and has remained
recognisable over a long period. The Muslims in India not only
developed this conviction but also strongly adhered to it and it
proved a vital force, practically and more than that psychologically,
and formed the b asis for the demand of Pakistan and its

262
establishment.

In the context of the establishment of Bangladesh, it could be validly

argued that the common religion of the people, of what used to be
Westand East Pakistan, did not provide the basis of common
nationhood. At the same time, while Bengali Muslims were different
from the West Pakistani Muslims, in the context of some historical,
geographical and also socio-economic factors, the Bengali Muslims
who became Bangladeshis also remained different from West
Bengali Hindus, and in any case the Bangladeshis have retained
their Muslim Identity.

It is also true that it was in terms of this identity that the Muslims of
Bengal found a common cause during the Pakistan movement. Later
the elements that made them different came in focus while the
elements that could possibly help a possible integration were found
lacking. The commonality of interests was also lost as conscious
sections of East Pakistanis developed a feeling that they were
excluded from the pursuit of common causes which they had in
view, and this ultimately led to the parting of the ways.

An interesting question relating to the establishment of Bangladesh

that did not receive much attention during the discussions was
whether there could have been a Bangladesh if there would have
been no Pakistan, or, in other words, in 1971,Pakistan could only be
divided after India was divided, as it existed in 1947.

During the discussion, some participants strongly argued that by

breaking away from Pakistan, the Muslim Bengalis of Bangladesh
did not lose their distinct Muslim identity, which they claimed and
asserted during Pakistan movement. It was maintained that, in fact,
after the establishment of Bangladesh, there are two Muslim
countries now instead of one in the subcontinent and both remain
different from what was deemed as the other nation, that is, the
Hindus of the subcontinent.

263
On the question whether Bangladesh and West Bengal could join to
form a greater Bengali country and state, the trend of opinion
seemed to suggest that geographic and linguistic factors by
themselves did not provide a basis for a common nationhood, while
some other factors and elements created a divergence.

It might be recalled here that immediately after the establishment of

Bangladesh there was a feeling of goodwill, even a sense of
gratitude, especially among the political circles, towards India for
defeating the Pakistan army and help ing them to achieve
independence.But this achievement of independence, after breaking
away from Pakistan, could only negate rather than generate any idea
about a possible joining up of Bangladesh with West Bengal, as it
was incompatible with the newly-gained spirit of independence.

Since then, some Bangladeshi and Western scholars and academics

have propounded a theory that Bangladesh, even after its emergence
as an independent nation, has been in search of its identity, that is,
whether it is a Muslim nation, a Bengali Muslim nation or a Bengali
Nation. In retrospect, one is also reminded that while at its
emergence, Bangladesh was deemed to be a democratic secular
state; later, at times, it remained neither democratic nor secular.
However, irrespective of whether or not a theory about its search for
identity has relevance, it has to be said that at the time the issue was
discussed the predominant, in fact, the only feeling, was that of
euphoria over the birth of the independent country.

In so far as West Bengal is concerned, there have been reservations,

even mental blocks, among people in Bangladesh, as also in West
Bengal, that negated the possibility of their merger or union. In fact,
the question would appear to be entirely irrelevant. The large
majority of Bangladeshi Muslims, it was felt, were not likely to
obliterate from their consciousness the historical experience of the
harsh treatment meted out to them and their exploitation by Hindu
landlords, mahajansand capitalists, nor their denigration by Bengali

264
Hindu politician. On the other hand, the West Bengali Hindus were
not expected to accept for themselves the position of a minority
community under the political domination of Muslims in a larger
Bengali state. There are elements of conflict rather than community
of interests between the two, which should have precluded even a
discussion about the possibility of a merger.

Another question that arose was about the centrist forces that
wielded power in India. Could it be imagined that they would ever
allow West Bengal - or for that matter, any of the eastern states - to
break away, become independent or change its status? In this regard,
a reference to the proposal of a united, independent Bengal mooted
at the time of partition provided an example. While H.S Suhrawardy
is believed to have obtained the approval of Quaid-i-Azam for an
independent Bengal, the HinduMahasbha leaders opposed it and so
did a strong section of Congress under the leadership of Patel.

Going back to the discussion in respect of the two-nation theory,

one participant maintained that the emergence of Pakistan, in the
form it did, itself disapproved the theory. It was said that Pakistan
was demanded as a "homeland of 100 million Muslims of the
subcontinent" but, actually, when established the country included
only about 60 percent of them. Those who were left behind in
post-independence India were asked by the leaders of the Pakistan
movement to remain in post-independence India as its loyal citizens.
If all these Muslims could live as part of the Indian nation then the
two-nation theory stood negated.

In the context of this question, it was explained that the partition of

the subcontinent, as it actually took shape, was based on a
compromise formula, which not only separated the Muslims and
Hindus but, in effect, also divided each of the two communities.
This was accepted politically. But it did not mean that the Muslims
living in post-independence India had lost their distinct identity. In
fact, they had been maintaining the identity even after a quarter of

265
century of independence when Bangladesh was established, and
similarly the Hindus who continued to live in Pakistan, especially in
East Pakistan, maintained their separate identity.

In the same context, another participant referred to the statement

that the Quaid-e-Azam made during his first address to the Pakistan
Constituent Assembly - on August 11, 1947 - in which he had said
that "Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to
be Muslims, not in religious sense because that is the personal faith
of the individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the state."

It was claimed by this participant in the discussion that by making

this statement Jinnah himself had negated or, in any case, abandoned
the two the two-nation theory. It was recalled that this statement was
described by some sections as secularist and was regarded as
indicating that Jinnah did not visualise Pakistan to be what is often
described a religion-based, theocratic state. The statement had since
then generated controversy and has been discussed and referred to
with varying interpretations.

In this context, it has also been said that the Quaid-i-Azam had made
the statement in the context of concerns related to the disturbed
situation preceding and immediately following the partition. He
wanted peace among the communities. He also wanted to dispel
some doubts, apprehensions and fears that were felt or expressed
about the shape of the things in the subcontinent in the wake of
partition.

More particularly, keeping in view the Hindus-Muslim conflict,

which frequently led to violence and bloodletting, Quaid-i-Azam
strongly urged that the hatchet must be buried. In this context, he
also quoted the example of Britain where at one time Catholics and
Protestants persecuted each other but later lived in peace and
harmony.

266
It was also pointed out that the declaration by the Quaid-i-Azam
emphasised that in the new state, all citizens, irrespective of their
religion, would be treated equally and would not be discriminated
against because of their faith or religious belief. He obviously felt
the need to fully reassure the non-Muslins, the members of the
minority communities, that as citizens of the state they would be at
par with Muslims, and that Muslim society is a democratic society
and Islam enjoins full protection of non-Muslims. In this context, it
was also recalled that a statement to this effect was also made on the
ev e of i nd ep en den ce b y L i aq u a t Al i K h an , th e Pr i me
Ministerdesignate of Pakistan.

Irrespective of the varying interpretations, it is obvious that the

statement made by the Quaid-i-Azam, at the time Pakistan was
being formally established, was clearly intended to iterate that
Pakistan had to be a modern, liberal, democratic state, and to negate
all suggestions made in sections of opinion in India and elsewhere
and also within Pakistan that Pakistan would be a theocratic state.

One is reminded that in July 1947 a foreign journalist had asked the
Quaid-i-Azam whether Pakistan would be a theocratic state. When
questioned what was meant by a theocratic state, another journalist
had said that it meant that only followers of a particular religion
(Muslims) will be full citizens and the state will be run by the edicts
of maulanas and pirs according to Muslim religious dispensation.
"What about states ruled by mahatmas and pundits" was Jinnah's
retort.

The Quaid-i-Azam had dismissed the question with a repartee,

which evoked laughter among those present. At the same time he
emphasised that Pakistan was not going to be a theocratic state.
Pakistan will be a modern democratic state where all its citizens will
enjoy full and equal democratic and human rights without any
discrimination.

267
Reverting to the discussion, the particular participant insisted that
even if the statement would have been made, as it was interpreted, to
reassure the non-Muslims about their rights as citizens, it did imply
that the distinct and separate identity of Muslims and Hindus would
be obliterated as citizen of the state and as such it could be taken as
the negation of the two-nation theory. But this view did not evoke
any support and no further discussions ensued on this question.

It was in all quite a lengthy exchange of ideas. However, at the end

it could not be conclusively said whether the two-nation theory was
valid and alive or absurd and dead, whether the creation of
Bangladesh had disapproved the two-nation theory, and whether
Bangladesh and West Bengal could ever join to form a greater
Bengal.

As has been mentioned earlier, the discussion and exchange of ideas

did lead to the comprehension that some basic issues pertaining to
the partition of the sub-continent and, more particularly, the
consequential developments and the subsequent coming into being
of Bangladesh and its concomitants remained matters of concern and
also open to question as well as to varying interpretation.



268
 The Journey
The story of Bengal with which I was involved came to a close with
the episode which covers my last journey out of what had been East
Pakistan and which had the elements of a drama - adventure,
mystery, excitement, suspense and pathos.

It was a long, long journey. Starting, of course, in Dhaka, I had to

reach Karachi. In between there were stopovers and transit points at
Sylhet, Shillong, Calcutta, Patna, Raxaul, Birganj, Kathmandu and
Bangkok, and there were varying modes of transportation, changing
situations, encounters with a variety of people, nostalgic meetings
with old friends and relatives, some agonizing experiences, expected
and unanticipated problems, risks and hazards.

The journey was not at all like the international traveling that I had
been doing in the past as a journalist on professional work. As for
the places that I visited or passed through, Patna of course is my
birthplace and ancestral hometown. I had been to several of the other
places earlier as well. But this time it was entirely different. The
only common element that was still almost always there during the
journey was my personal identification with Dhaka and professional
association with Morning News.

So let me begin with how it began. One day, Akhtar Payami, told me
that Brother John of the Christian mission school located close to
my house, and where Payami's children were studying, had offered
to arrange the transportation of two persons to India. Brother John's
offer of this cost-free transportation was made with sympathy and
kindness and was, no doubt, benevolent considering the then

269
prevailing situation in which many "stranded Pakistanis" were
experiencing difficulties in finding a safe exit out of Bangladesh.

Some European relief workers, as Brother John told Payami, needed

a break and, were traveling for a holiday to Shillong in India by road
via Sylhet. They could take two persons along with them in their
jeep, the vehicle being used for the journey, if these persons fulfilled
certain conditions, that is, they should obviously be in possession of
valid travel documents; they should carry at most a small handbag,
as there would be no space for large pieces of baggage in the jeep;
and above all, the offer - whether or not it was availed - must not be
talked about and, if availed, nothing about the journey must be
revealed.

A first reaction could be that one was to embark on an adventure

surrounded by mystery. If we availed of the offer, it would amount
to embarking on an adventure, which would begin with a mysterious
departure from Dhaka and could lead to unknown developments on
the way. On the part of the group, which made the kind offer, in the
prevailing state of affairs such precautions about their plan to escort
two persons to India were not only understandable but essential,
even while it was based on sympathetic and humanitarian
considerations and was considered as another aspect of their relief
work. For us also, the offer posed a number of questions but in the
given situation, if it had to be availed, the acceptance of these
conditions was unavoidable.

Akhtar Payami suggested to me and quite strongly in his quiet way

that I should avail of the offer. As mentioned elsewhere, I had been
given a travel document enabling me to go to India but I had not
been able to decide how to undertake the journey. Taking into
account the attendant factors, the options were not clear.

Some friends had advised me against an air journey from Dhaka to

Calcutta, which seemed to be most convenient, because reaching the

270
Dhaka airport had become hazardous for some people. There were
hoodlums on the road leading to and around the Dhaka airport and
stories about looting and violent incidents involving some people on
their way to the Dhaka airport were frequently heard. A good friend
of mine had warned me: "If you attempted to go to the airport, you
face the risk of being injured grievously, even fatally, before Sheikh
Sahib could be approached to get you rescued.".

Another friend had suggested that I could accompany him in his car
when he travels to Calcutta via the Jessore route. This route had
attracted a heavy traffic, crowded in the early period after the
establishment of Bangladesh by Indian military vehicles and
subsequently by visitors to and from Calcutta who were traveling for
business or pleasure. Somehow, my friend's plan did not materialize
and I did not have to make a decision about this offer.

A number of people were adopting another method to cross over to

India. The border between India and East Pakistan had always
remained porous and not only were goods smuggled in and out but
people could also cross the border without any travel documents,
with what was known as the "gardania" passport.

In those days, the "gardania" traffic had increased and people who
wanted to leave Bangladesh without travel documents were using
this method to go to India, with the help of "agents" who were
operating on both sides of the border. But this method had its
hazards. Not all the operators were dependable or conducted their
"business" reliably. Some ditched their clients and instances of
looting of such travellers were frequently heard.

Considering the obtaining situation, it appeared I had to accept

Brother John's offer and it was agreed to convey this thankfully to
him. The second person to join, as Payami's family decided, would
be the young nephew of Payami's wife whose nickname is Kabban.
By then Payami was also making plans to leave for Pakistan along

271
with his family members and also the members of the boy's family
and the boy was going to be the first among them to move. The
boy's father, a doctor, and their family had lived for a long time in
East Pakistan. The boy was born in East Pakistan, had studied in
Bangla medium schools and was naturally fluent in the language,
written and spoken which was an important plus point.

About the journey, Brother John provided some relevant details. As

he said, it was well-planned and promised to be smooth and safe. It
was a group of four persons who would be traveling in a covered
jeep.On a date to be communicated later, they were to leave from a
house in Dhanmondi before sunrise and we were to reach the place
in good time to join them. It was planned to take the road to Sylhet
very early, to reach there in the afternoon and after an overnight
stay, leave the next morning for Shillong, the destination of the
group.

On the appointed day, rather late in the night preceding, I got ready
for the journey. Accompanied by Payami, his son Sikandar Mahdi,
whom we called Javaid, and my nephew Nasimuddin Balkhi, I left
Payami's residence and we walked to the house in Dhanmondi. On
ringing the door bell, Brother John came out. The first thing he did,
as he had promised, was to give me some Indian currency notes, in
exchange for local currency, which would be needed for use during
the journey. There was not much money with me to carry but
Brother John said I could exchange money in Shillong also. He also
wrote a small note on a page in my pocket diary for the head of the
Christian mission in Shillong requesting help for us. Brother John
was really very considerate and helpful.

Soon we were joined by the group of four -- a husband-wife couple

and a lady and a gentleman -- who had together planned the trip for
a holiday in Shillong. After brief introductions, we had to settle
down in the jeep. I thanked Brother John and said adieu to Payami,
Javaid and Nasim, hoping we will get together soon in Patna, as

272
planned.

The jeep rolled out from Dhanmondi, a new day was breaking in
Bangladesh, and I was bidding farewell to Dhaka, to what had
virtually become my home, to what I had and could have built up -a
home, close friendships, long time associations, a newspaper
organization for which I had devotedly worked -- during my 14-year
long stay in what had been East Pakistan, which had been very
eventful, mostly happy, at time disturbing and finally bewildering.

As mentioned earlier, we could carry only small pieces of baggage

and, in fact, there were just two pieces, a small box a little bigger
than a briefcase and a handbag that we had between the two of us
for the long journey. That reminded me of a story about an ancestor
that was told to the youngsters in the family.

The story is like this. Our ancestor, a prince turned into a preacher
with a missionary zeal, decided to migrate from central Asia to what
is now India to preach and to render social service among the
masses. While embarking on his journey, to meet some expected
needs on the way, he took with him three things -- a pillow, a pitcher
and a prayer mat. As he proceeded on his journey, at one place he
saw a man sleeping soundly under a tree, his head resting on his
arm. So he abandoned his pillow. Then, as he continued with his
journey, he saw a stream flowing close to the path he was traversing.
Several persons were having a wash and drinking water cupping
their hands. So he parted with his pitcher. Moving further onward,
he came across an area where, by the side of road, there were
patches of grassy land and people were offering their namaz there.
So he left his prayer mat there.

Obviously, the lesson to be learnt is that one can do without a

number of things one considers essential and indispensable but
which are really disposable, and one can live normally, even happily,
while giving up or abandoning items that apparently meet some

273
assumed needs and, more so, provide comfort and luxury. At that
moment, I also felt that even then I was better equipped for the
journey than my legendary ancestor.

Similar stories which were symbolic were no doubt told in other

families as well about some saint or preacher. The virtues of
contentment and simple living and avoidance of extravagance were
sought to be inculcated by such symbolic stories and during our
early education we were also imparted lessons to this effect through
fables and anecdotes from books of Saadi and other classical works.
But that was a part of a cultural tradition that is not much cared for
now. Things change. We now hardly hear much being said in favor
of blissful contentment or against blistering acquisitive urges. We
now witness the insatiable desire to acquire more and more.

Elsewhere, I have narrated the thoughts and feelings I had when I as

on the air journey from Karachi to Dhaka in 1957 to take up a new
and challenging assignment. If it were a similar frame of mind, even
after the passage of a decade and a half and the loss of the
exuberance of younger days, the journey through attractive
landscapes and picturesque hills and valleys, would have been
enjoyable, if not exciting. But then, as I proceeded with the journey,
nothing seemed to attract me.

Nevertheless, I can still recall some events. On the road from Dhaka
to Sylhet, at one point we had to cross the wide span of river
Meghna on a large ferry, which could carry several vehicles at a time
and took about 20 minutes to reach the other bank. As our jeep was
about to be loaded on the ferry, our companions sitting in the rear
compartment got down. So did I and I walked up to a space on the
ferry where some persons were already standing.

There, as I noticed was a gentleman, a familiar figure among

Dhaka's elite. We wee well known to each other and as he saw me
he came over to where I was standing. An Englishman, he had

274
settled in East Pakistan and was married to a nice and cultured lady
belonging to a leading Chakma family. He had business interests in
several places and also in Sylhet tea gardens. In Dhaka, he
frequently came to the Dacca Club where we often met.

"Hullo, Mr. Budruddin. Seeing you after a long time. How you have
been. And where are you going."He put the questions one naturally
asks at such a meeting. But I was not in a position to talk about the
journey and I was also not feeling like telling him about my situation
then. So I tried to keep the conversation rather brief and he no doubt
sensed my situation and was discreet enough not to lengthen it. As
the ferry touched the other bank and vehicles and passengers began
disembarking, the gentleman's car, which was ahead of other
vehicles, took the road and he waved to me in a last friendly gesture.

The rest of the journey to Sylhet was uneventful. We reached the

Christian mission building in the afternoon and after dropping the
two of us the others drove away to have a look around the town.
They had to go especially to the District Magistrate's office to obtain
an endorsement on the authorisation given to them in Dhaka
allowing the jeep to go to India and come back. The document
issued by the DM Sylhet, as I learnt later, noted the particulars of the
vehicle and also of the six travelers, that is, their names, addresses
and the details of their travel documents which, as I found
subsequently, proved very useful.

The four of them, as it appeared, were guests of the Christian

mission and the two of us stayed for the night in a room in the
mission building, and we resumed the journey early next morning.
On this part of the journey from Sylhet to Shillong there were two
encounters that I can always recall. They were such that one cannot
easily forget them, interesting in their own way and reflective of the
prevailing state of affairs.

Before we could cross the Bangladesh-India border, we had first to

275
go the Bangladesh Customs. As the jeep stopped, a person came out
from the Customs office which was located alongside the road and
all the pieces of baggage were taken out in the presence and carried
to the office.

The official in charge was a well-groomed young man. As we

moved towards him, he looked at me and after a pause said that if he
was not mistaken I was the editor of Morning News. We had a warm
handshake and he told me he knew me by my name (which appeared
in the print line of Morning News) when he started reading the
newspaper during his student days. Later, he saw me appearing on
TV and that is how he recognized me.

During the conversation we had, he told me he was really happy to

have the opportunity to meet me. He also observed that I looked
somewhat run down and a vacation in Shillong would do me good.
He also offered tea and any help that I needed there and I thanked
him for all that. The customs clearance of the pieces of baggage was
just a formality and I left him wishing me good luck.

The meeting with the Customs official left me in an emotional

turmoil. The reminder of the good days in East Pakistan that I was
leaving behind had a distressing pull. But the warm regard and
friendliness shown by the young Customs official who remembered
me fondly created a very pleasant, exhilarating feeling. One can find
people with goodwill, who can bring you happiness, at quite
unexpected places. But for a while, as I found soon after, things
could be different.

Our next stop was at the Bangladesh immigration office which was
at a short distance ahead. An official sitting in a large room behind
an office table was to check the travel documents and one of the
parties of four had collected their passports, the travel document of
two of us and the document allowing the journey of the jeep and
presented them to the official.

276
The official, who could be a policeman and was somewhat
overbearing in his attitude, first leafed through the passports of the
four, thenexamined the document relating to the transit of the jeep.
When it cameto my one-sheet travel document, he looked at it
closely, confirmed from me that it was my travel document, then
addressing our friend said that I could not be allowed to leave
Bangladesh.

This was a disturbing development. But our friend remained

unruffled and asked the official to tell him why my journey to India
had to be prevented. On this the official pointed out that my travel
document said that my birthplace is Patna and I was not a
Bengali/Bangladeshi. Then he opened a couple of drawers in his
table, took out a file, read some papers and said confidently that
there were official instructions about not allowing some persons to
leave Bangladesh and accordingly I could not be allowed to travel to
India. On this I asked him if he would show us the instructions so
that we should know what exactly they are. This the official flatly
refused to do. Then our friend nudged me and quietly asked me to
let him talk to the official. The conversation between them that
followed was somewhat like this:

Our friend: You say you have some instructions. You do not allow
us to see them and to know how they apply to our friend. But you
can see that the person has valid travel document issued by the
government, enabling him to travel and it has been issued "Gratis",
which is given to persons with special status and then there is the
necessary endorsement by the concerned authorities enabling him to
travel with us in our jeep to India.

Official : So far I am concerned I have to abide by the instructions. I

cannot take any risks.

Our friend : If you do not allow him to travel to India, what next you
will do?

277
Official :I will report the matter to the District Magistrate Sylhet.

Our friend: Then, we will also go to him and tell him that you
stopped us from traveling to India, despite his clear orders. Didn't
you see that the order issued by the DM Sylhet clearly mentions the
name and particulars of the person concerned, as mentioned in his
travel document? If his journey was to be prevented would the DM
allow it?

Official: (Keeps quiet for some time, then says) As you say, the
document allows you to travel to India in the jeep and all of you
have to come back with the jeep. So please give me a written
undertaking to this effect.

Our friend: OK. Tell me what I should write.

Official: The same thing that I told you.

Our friend took a piece of paper from the official and scribbled that
as per the document issued by the authorities in Dacca and the
endorsement by the DM Sylhet, the persons traveling to India in the
jeep will come back with the jeep to Bangladesh. The official then
made the necessary entries and handed back the travel documents.
We all felt relieved but I had a persistent feeling of embarrassment
as our friends had to go through the hassle because of me.

The whole incident looked absurd, even ridiculous. The confidential

instructions, to which a reference was made by the official, remained
a mystery. If there was something like exit control, as is applied
nowadays, it should have been against named persons and not
against any or every person, who was not a born Bengali, as it could
be surmised from the official's reference to my place of birth. There
could be some restrictions against those who were described as
collaborators of the previous military regime and if it was so then,
perhaps, in the official's view a non-Bengali was to be regarded
inherently as a "collaborator".

278
On the Indian side of the border, our passage was extremely easy
and smooth. Bangladeshis did not need visa for visiting India.
During 1971, for months, India had allowed millions of people from
both sides to freely cross what had been the Pakistan-India border
and now also India officials did not appear to be bothering much
about the formalities.

On our way to Shillong, we passed through several picturesque

places. At some places we experienced light drizzle, at others
cloudbursts. The area is known for heavy rains and the Indian state
carved out from the former Assam province of British days is
appropriately named Meghalaya, the abode of clouds.

At one place, I noticed a prominently displayed board,which

indicated that we were passing close to Cherapunji, which is reputed
for having the highest rainfall in the world and finds special mention
in geography books. At another time, I would have liked to roam
about the famous place. But the situation for me then was different.
The group was not interested. They wanted to drive straight to
Shillong.

On reaching Shillong the jeep stopped in the compound of a hotel

which must have been built during the days of the British raj as its
architecture indicated. It was still well-maintained. As we all came
out of the jeep, the two men said to me almost simultaneously that
we had arrived at the destination, they were happy to have reached
us here and the two of us were now on our own to follow whatever
programme we had.

After thanking them for their kindness and expressing my regret that
they had become involved in a hassle because of me I asked if they
thought they would encounter some problem on their return journey
when I would not be accompanying them, reminding them about the
note written on the insistence of the immigration official. Our friend
who had argued with the immigration official said he expected no
problem. He believed the note as just a statement of facts and he

279
attached no importance to it. He also said that when they returned,
the same official might not be on duty in the Bangladesh
immigration office and even if he was there and he asked about me,
they could offer an explanation like my falling ill and coming back
later.

The note, as he rightly said, meant nothing and it was no legal

document. The Bangladesh immigration official had it written
perhaps, to save his face, after trying unsuccessfully to create
obstruction to me for some motive which was not clear. As for the
Europeans, they had to be back and they had obtained formal
permission from the Bangladesh government for the two-way
journey in the jeep. In any case the Bangladesh immigration official
could not create any problem for the group, which was involved in
relief work, on their return journey to Bangladesh.

We said good-bye to each other. I wished them a nice holiday and

they wished us good luck. As they went inside the hotel, standing
there in an unfamiliar place I had the feeling that the moment
represented a strange end of a long, long journey and a beginning of
a new one whose course was not clearly charted.

Journey 2

So I was now in India and had left, what had been East Pakistan far,
far behind.

As we moved out of the hotel where our friends were to stay, I

realized that the immediate need was to find some accommodation
for us. This did not prove difficult. We noticed that there was a
small hotel close to that place and we found accommodation there.
After we were shown into a room, we realized we had not eaten
during the whole day. So we had a fairly good Indian meal, tea, then
a short walk. I still felt disturbed. Such a feeling can keep a person
sleepless but then my exhaustion induced sleep.

280
The next morning after I got up, I had managed to get over the
previous day's feelings. What needed to be done now was more
demanding, and more relevant than what had been left behind. This
day had to be a busy one. I had to go to the Christian mission about
which Brother John had spoken, also to find out about the journey to
Calcutta. In the morning, as we came out of the hotel, we saw a
taxicab standing by the roadside. I thought I could hire it to take us
to the Christian mission and approaching it, I explained to the driver
that I was new to the place, did not know the location of the
mission, but would like him to take us there.

After I had finished, the taxicab driver politely asked me where I had
come from. I put a counter-question: why did he want to know this.
He immediately replied that he thought I came from the same area to
which he belonged, that is Bihar. Then, I told him I originally
belonged to Patna and he said he came from Shahabad district and
was working in Shillong for several years. His dialect was Bhojpuri
but we talked in Urdu (or Hindi, or Hindustani, whatever name one
gives to the common language spoken across South Asia) and
undoubtedly with a Bihari accent. So that past was still with me, the
distant one and in a comforting way, as I found in the friendly and
helpful person of the taxicab driver.

His identification of my place of origin, after we had talked to each

other, did not surprise me. In the past also, I had come across such
situations on several occasions in different parts of the world. There
is a Persian saying that a saint recognizes another saint but an
unsaintly Bihari also instinctively recognizes another unsaintly
Bihari and that can be a great advantage, as it was proved, once
again, then and there.

The helpful taxicab driver told me that if we were not staying in that
hotel for any particular reason, he would take us to a better place
which was also not expensive. So we boarded the taxi and reached a
place that looked like a dak bungalow or circuit house, which used
to be maintained during the British days by the district boards.

281
When we were shown a neat, traditionally furnished room, I
immediately booked it. Later, I found that the place was quiet and
comfortable, the food and the service conforming to the traditional
pattern, were really good.

From there, we had to go to the Christian mission and during the

day we had to find about the Indian Airlines flight to Calcutta from
Gauhati and book our seats, then about the transport facility between
Shillong and Gauhati airport. We had to start with the Christian
mission and the taxicab driver took us there. Before leaving, he gave
us the needed information about the taxis that plied regularly
between Shillong and Gauhati airport and charged a fixed per person
fare. The taxi stand could be easily reached from the place we were
to stay in.

At the Christian mission, on our request we were taken to the head

of the mission. He received us very graciously. I showed him the
note that Brother John had written and he talked with me for quite
some time. Then he called in a young man and asked him to snow us
round and also take us to places in the town we wanted to go. As we
were leaving, he said that we could call again for any help that they
could offer. That was nice of him. I thanked him for his kindness but
we did not have another occasion to visit the mission. The mission
appeared to be a large establishment and besides the church, it had
several other buildings, also educational institutions and play fields.

The next place to go was the Indian Airlines office. As I found, it

was not the airline's office as such but an agency's office working for
it. The person in charge there told me there was a flight from
Gauhati to Calcutta the next day in the afternoon and we could get
two seats. They will be "request" seats, to be confirmed next
morning or if we paid telephone charges, he would make a trunk call
and get confirmed seats. I immediately agreed to pay the extra
charges and we got tickets with confirmed seats. The only other
thing to do was to send telegram to Gulloo in Calcutta informing
him about our arrival. There was much to see and enjoy in Shillong,

282
which is a well-known holiday resort, but we were in no condition
to look to these aspects of the town.

Next day, we left Shillong for Gauhati airport fairly ahead of the
reporting time. Gauhati, the capital city of Assam state, is situated
on the bank of Brahmaputra River. It is about 50 miles from
Shillong. The journey took about an hour and a half. The road to the
airport skirted Gauhati town and there was no opportunity to get a
good glimpse either of the town or of the river Brahmaputra. Nor
could one hope to come across the captivating sorceresses of
Kamroop, who were once reputed to enchant the unwary wayfarers
in the region.

At the airport we learnt that the flight was delayed by a couple of

hours. As wereached Calcutta, night had already descended on the
megalopolis. As we came out of the airport's arrival lounge, we
found Gulloo, impatiently waiting to receive us. He drove us in his
car to his house. Gulloo and his gracious wife were all attention and
had arranged a real good meal for us. We talked and talked about so
many things till late in the night. The next morning Gullootook us to
a house, which was like a European mansion. We stayed there for
three days as Gulloo's guests. His hospitality was overwhelming.

From Calcutta we had to go to Patna, from there to Kathmandu, and

then to Bangkok in the circuitous route that our journey to Karachi
had to take. It took us almost six weeks from our departure from
Dhaka to our arrival in Karachi. During this period, especially in
Patna and also at other places, as can be easily imagined, there were
some interesting experiences, numerous moments of nostalgia and
occasions of emotional meetings with relations, school and college
days friends and old neighbours, whom I was meeting after a long
time. All aboutit could be recounted in considerable detail but I feel
I should leave it for some other more appropriate occasion-- if and
when that occasion comes -- and conclude this narration here.

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 The Stranded Pakistani
As it happens with cataclysmic events, the break-up of Pakistan and
the establishment of Bangladesh as an independent country, after the
1971 war, left in their trail several complex and difficult problems.
One of them relates to the situation of those Pakistanis, mostly
non-Bengalis, living in East Pakistan when it became Bangladesh,
who did not want to become Bangladeshi. They have stuck to the
position that they are and remain Pakistani and have to return to
Pakistan, their homeland, even while their claim has not found
explicit official acceptance in Pakistan.

For more than three decades now, their status and their future have
been debated mostly controversially,but what still appears to be
needed is to determine in a historical perspective who these people
are who are usually described as "Stranded Pakistanis" (with
empathy or apathy?) and at times as "Biharis" (with compassion or
contempt?); why they had been living in East Bengal / East
Pakistan; what are the factors linked with their situation; and what
solution, if any, can be found of their problem.

As far as the presence in East Pakistan of the people under

discussion is concerned, it is directly linked with the coming into
being of Pakistan.

In the process of the partition and the establishment of Pakistan,

several bilateral and tripartite agreements were made and decisions
reached and, according to one of them, all the employees of the then
central government and the provincial government of pre-partition
Bengal -- and also of pre-partition Punjab-- were given the option to

284
continue to serve in the post-partition India or to opt for Pakistan.
As could be expected, Muslim employees of all cadres and ranks
opted for Pakistan and became Pakistani.

Another related decision was made by the Muslim League section of

the pre-independence interim government. It was decided that the
employees of the then central government, including those
belonging to the civil service, police service, financial service,
income tax, railways, postal and telegraph services, excise, customs,
etc., who had opted for Pakistan and were serving in Bengal, Bihar
and eastern parts of U.P., irrespective of what province of British
India they belonged to, were to go to East Bengal.

This decision appeared to have been based on two considerations.

First, that these areas were closer to Bengal and for the concerned
people it obviated the need to travel through the entire breadth of the
subcontinent to reach the western wing, exposing themselves to
serious hazards on their way. Secondly, and more importantly, the
services of all cadres of government employees were actually needed
for the newly created province of East Bengal, which did not have
enough Bengali Muslim employees, and needed the services of these
optees to help establish a whole administrative machinery for the
newly created province of East Bengal and to operate its services.

It might be recalled here that the first Chief Secretary of East

Bengal, Aziz Ahmed, originally from Punjab, was serving in a
senior position in the Bengal government secretariat at Calcutta and
the first Home Secretary, Mohammad Azfar, from UP, held the post
of secretary to government in Bihar. Several other officials
belonging to senior cadres of other central services, including
Finance, Accounts, Railways, etc., and a very large number of
middle and lower cadre central government employees such as
postmasters, telephone operators, railway guards and ticket
collectors, even clerks and peons who were serving in Bihar and
eastern UP, in addition to those serving in Bengal, had to go on to

285
East Bengal.

It was as a result of this decision and its implementation, and not

according to their own wish or preference, that all those optees for
Pakistan in the prescribed categories had to move to East Bengal.
This movement was obviously in the context of the partition
arrangements and part and parcel of the process of establishment of
Pakistan. It is difficult to say now how many of those optees, who
had to go to East Bengal in 1947, are still surviving in Bangladesh
but their children and their children's children are there among "the
stranded" and they are persistently maintaining that they are
Pakistani.

There was also migration of Muslims from what were knownas the
Muslim minority provinces of India to East Bengal or East Pakistan
and it had resulted also from significant developments related to the
establishment of Pakistan. One was the continuing oppression and
killing of Muslims, which had begun beforepartition, especially
inCalcuttaand in Biharand it was widely and strongly believed that
they were being punished for theiroverwhelming support to the
demand for Pakistan.

It might be recalled here that with reference to these anti-Muslim

riots in the period before independence, Quaid-i-Azam had made a
statement that not only had the establishment of Pakistan become
inevitable, but plans would also have to be made for anexchange of
population between post-partition India and Pakistan, which
obviously foresaw and also encouraged migration of people.

In Calcutta, the killing of Muslims started in August 1946. In Bihar,

in October 1946,anti-Muslim riots turned into a genocide in which
Muslim population was exterminated in manyvillages and towns.
The events caused terror and consternation not only among the
remnants in the affected townships and villages but in other areas
and panickedMuslim families had to move out d their homesin

286
search of safety.

After the Bihar killings, H.S. Suhrawardy, then Chief Minister of

Bengal, had gone toBihar to offer succour to the victims of the
holocaust. He had given an open invitation tothe affected Muslims
of Bihar to move to Bengal where they would be welcomed,
protectedand rehabilitated. During his tour of the affected areas,
Suhrawardy was accompanied bySheikh Mujibur Rahman, then a
leader of the Muslim League-supported student's organisation. Later,
on some occasions, Sheikh Mujib had recalledhow he personally
helped and organised the evacuation of people from the affected
areas in Bihar and hadthem taken to Bengal.

Subsequently also, in the wake of frequent incidence of what were

described as communal riots in India, the fear generated among
Muslims, living in several provinces of India and in some Indian
states such as Hyderabad, compelled many of them to seek refuge in
Pakistan and some of them chose the eastern wing.

Another factor related to the economic development of East Pakistan

and the expansion thereof the industrial, commercial and services
sectors. In this process, entrepreneurs andinvestors from the then
western wing and those coming from post-partition India
activelyparticipated, and as they setup sizeable enterprises in East
Pakistan, manyprofessionals, technocrats and other workers went to
East Pakistan to work in the upcoming enterprises.

The inflow of the Muslims from the post-partition India into

Pakistan continued for quite some time. Those who came to
Pakistan believed that Pakistan was the promised homeland of the
100 million Muslims of the subcontinent and as such it was their
homeland and they belonged to it. They also believed that whether
they came to East Bengal -- which was later named East Pakistan -
or to the provinces in the west, and to Karachi which was the capital
of the country, they were coming to Pakistan and not to any

287
particular province, place or city, all of which were parts of
Pakistan. At that time, Pakistan represented cohesion and divisive
factors had not surfaced. Those who went to the eastern province
belonged to all parts of the subcontinent and spoke various regional
languages, such as Punjabi and Gujrati, in addition to Urdu.

By the late 1960s the number of non-Bengalis in East Pakistan was

estimated to be between 1.2 to 1.4 million, although some Urdu
newspapers of the then West Pakistan published tendentious reports
placing figures as high as 8 to 10 million.

The concentration of the non-Bengalis in East Pakistan was in urban

and industrial centres and in towns which had railway colonies.
Class-wise, they belonged to a wide range of categories - wealthy
and prosperous industrialists and businessmen, upper middle and
middle class professional, civil servants, owners of medium and
small-sized industries and shops, and various categories of industrial
workers and other working-class people.

For most of the time, these people lived and worked in East Pakistan
without problem.A large number also learnt Bangla and became
bilingual. Some also sought to assimilate themselves into the
Bengali society. It was in the later part of 1960s, when the political
situation was becoming complicated, that problems arose and even
tension was noticed in some areas.

Then came the events of 1971 - the protest rallies beginning in the
first week of March, following the decision of the martial law
regime to put off the meeting of the National Assembly, the military
action starting on March 25, and the incidents of violence against
the non-Bengalis by militant Bengalis.

The military action against Bengalis which was often malicious,

cruel and inhuman naturally enraged the Bengalis but, as it
happened, the non-Bengalis became targets and victims of their fury

288
and retaliatory action, for no fault of their own but because they
were presumed to be supporting the military regime. Only a small
number of non-Bengalis could have actually supported the regime
but not the military operation. Among them, most were emotionally
motivated. They strongly believed that by doing so they were
actually supporting the cause of a united Pakistan.

In the wake of these events, a number of people who had the means
and resources to move out, took flight to West Pakistan, some using
PIA and some others by ship from the Chittagong and Khulna. But
this was not feasible for all non-Bengalis as they were not so
resourceful, while some others stayed on for different reasons.

Then came the 1971 war. After the surrender of Pakistan's armed
forces in Dhaka, what was East Pakistan became Bangladesh and
the people who still remained Pakistani found themselves in a state
of bewilderment, in a quandary, even exposed to threats to life, limb
and property.

The threats came from several directions - from themukti

bahini,which was on rampage; from some Indian army personnel,
who were rounding up people on the charge of supporting the
Pakistan army or just for extortion; and from the newly set up
Bangladesh government's agencies, which were searching for those
who were supposed or suspected to be "collaborators" of the
Pakistan military regime.

After the surrender, the Pakistan armed forces personnel, starting

from the Commander of the Pakistan Army in East Pakistan to the
jawaans, all became prisoners of war (POWs). The Pakistani civil
servants also followed suit. In Dhaka, in particular, non-Bengali
civil servants, belonging to the then central services who were
working in the East Pakistan Government, quickly moved to the
cantonment to be included among the POWs. In the same manner,
such persons who were stationed at other places also became POWs.

289
This development provided an opportunity to some other West
Pakistanis and non-Bengalis, who did not want to be left in an
uncertain situation, to become POWs. The total number of POWs,
large majority among whom were personnel of Pakistan Army, was
over 93,000.

This choice of voluntarily becoming a POW, which appeared to be

offering immediate safety and also the prospect of fair treatment in
terms of international conventions for prisoners of war, and later
return to Pakistan, was, however, neither available nor feasible for
all the other for a variety of reasons, and after the surrender of the
army and the disappearance of the erstwhile Pakistani rulers and
administrators, these people were left in the mostunenviable
predicament.

It was in this situation that the International Committee of Red

Cross (ICRC) opened its offices and set up camps in Dhaka and
elsewhere in Bangladesh and offered help and relief to these people
in several ways. The people in distress were allowed to move to the
camps where the ICRC provided them shelter and food rations and
living space, which were meant to be on a temporary basis for a
transitional waiting period. The ICRC also coordinated with the
Bangladesh government's agencies for their protection. It arranged
for their messages to be sent to their relatives and friends in
Pakistan.

Later, the ICRC also conducted a survey, in June-July 1972, A form

was prepared, to be filled by these people, in which they had to
mention their particulars, including their occupation/profession,
place of residence, number of family members, property and assets
and also to specifically state if they are Pakistani and want to be
repatriated to Pakistan.

The ICRC obviously needed the particulars and the statement for
their record and future reference. For those people it was ironical

290
that they had to restate their being Pakistani after remaining
Pakistani for a quarter of a century, and they were to give their
option once again; but it had to be so. The majority of the concerned
people took it as an opportunity to reiterate their determination to be
repatriated to Pakistan and accordingly filled the form quite
hopefully.

There were also people who decided they would remain in

Bangladesh and get adjusted but their number was small. There were
some who could manage to go to India on special travel documents
being issued by the Bangladesh Government or through other
channels and then through Nepal, finally to Pakistan. Obviously
many people could not take this arduous and expensive route.

As far as their number was concerned, different, even confusing,

figures were mentioned. According to some estimates, the total
number of non-Bengalis then was about 650,000. What happened to
the others out of the total of more than a million was not known.
Then, according to a published statement of the Government of
Bangladesh about 260,000 persons had registered themselves for
repatriation to Pakistan while about 150,000 were stated to have
decided to stay in Bangladesh and as such the total came to about
410,000. This figure obviously did not include those who did not
register with the ICRC but their number was believed to be small. In
some circles, it was believed that about 150,000 non-Bengalis lost
their lives in the retaliatory violence of militant non-Bengalis.

As it happened, while the people who wanted to be repatriated to

Pakistan continued to live in ICRC camps, no tangible progress
could be made about their future by the Pakistani authorities as the
issue got entangled with several other post-1971 war issues and the
still larger troublesome issue of the triangular relationship among
Pakistan, India and Bangladesh.

The negotiation to resolve these issues were spread over a long

291
period, starting from the famous Z.A Bhutto-Indira Ghandi parleys
at Shimla, the summer capital of India, in July 1972, where the
Shimla Accord was signed, to the tripartite meeting of Foreign
Ministers in New Delhi in April 1974 at which agreement was
reached and signed by Pakistan, India and Bangladesh in respect to
related issues. At this conference, Pakistan was represented by Aziz
Ahmed, then Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, and Bangladesh
by its Foreign Minister, Dr. Kamal Husain.

So far as the Pakistanis left in Bangladesh were concerned, the

Pakistan Government agreed to the repatriation from Bangladesh to
Pakistan of persons belonging to specified categories, that is,
(i)those who were permanent residents of the then West Pakistan but
were living in East Pakistan, (ii) those who were employees of the
then central government and their families, and (iii) those belonging
to the divided families, that is, persons whose family members were
living in then the West Pakistan.

A fourth category was also added of those who could be allowed to

come to Pakistan on compassionate grounds. It was not clearly
stated as to who qualified for compassion, and its determination
remained a matter of official discretion. In fact, in all cases,
including those belonging to the three categories, the decision as to
who was entitled to be repatriated to Pakistan rested with the
Pakistan Government.

Provision was made also for the expatriation to Bangladesh of all

Bengalis who were living in what had been West Pakistan and who
wanted to go to Bangladesh. Among them were high-ranking civil
and military officials, different categories of the employees of the
government, the armed forces, state-owned enterprises, business and
industrial establishments and many others. Since the government in
Dhaka had put no condition or restriction for the expatriation of
Bengalis and the Pakistan government also allowed them to freely
go back, they were all officially repatriated and went away, along

292
with their belongings, safely and happily.

Along with repatriation, another major problem relating to those

who came to Pakistan was their rehabilitation. Those who belonged
to the federal services were allowed by the Pakistan government to
join their departments. But many others also needed to be
rehabilitated and resettled.

The Z.A Bhutto government took several measures to rehabilitate

them. For their accommodation, residential colonies were set up
mostly in and around several cities and towns in Punjab, where jobs
were also available in the developing industries. The colonies had
nucleus houses provided with electricity and tapped water. Almost
all the people who were thus rehabilitated adjusted themselves in the
new environment without much difficulty, as could be seen during a
visit to such a colony in Rahim Yar Khan.

For the rehabilitation of some others, some philanthropic

industrialists and business men in Karachi provided help. Begum
Akhtar Sulaiman, the daughter of H.S Suhrawardy and the eminent
Muslim League leader, Husain Imam, provided guidance and
motivation to them to get resettled with their own endeavour, which
many did, Some of the original settlers of Orangi, Karachi, belong to
this group.

As has been said, only those who belonged to the specified

categories could come to Pakistan while many others who had taken
refuge in the ICRC camps in Bangladesh, having registered
themselves as Pakistani, could not become eligible for transfer from
Bangladesh to Pakistan in terms of the specific conditions.

The linking of the eligibility for repatriation to the specified

categories drew criticism at that time and subsequently, while
government spokesmen have given their own viewpoint from time
to time. In this context, conversation with two important

293
functionaries of the then government could be recalled.

During a discussion, a senior bureaucrat; maintained that in the

context of the break-up of Pakistan and the consequent creation of
Bangladesh, which resulted from a war, the Government of Pakistan
had no legal liability for the people living in Bangladesh and as such
they could not be treated automatically as Pakistanis. He said that, in
terms of international law, it was not obligatory for the Government
of Pakistan to accept such liability.Further, it is also the right of the
Pakistan Government to say who is a Pakistani.

In this context, a simple question remained unanswered, that is,

since the presence of these people in former East Pakistan was
directly linked with the establishment of Pakistan and many of these
people were optees and original Pakistanis, like those living in West
Pakistan, then why was the Pakistani citizenship of only those who
went to the eastern wing and their children who lived there was
being questioned and why were they being discriminated against?

In this context, a basic legal and constitutional question also

remained unanswered, that is, how and why those who were
Pakistanis by all means till December 15lost their identity suddenly
on December 16 and their nationality and citizenship became
questionable. The military defeat in war did not change the
nationality of Germans, French, Italians, Japanese, it was pointed
out with reference to not so distant history.

The other conversation was with Aziz Ahmed, then Minister of

State for Foreign Affairs. As mentioned earlier, Aziz Ahmed was the
First Chief Secretary of the provincial government of East Bengal
and held the post for a record period of five years. He had moved
from Calcutta to Dhaka and was conversant with the whole process
of partition as well as the related events and developments.

During the discussion with the Aziz Ahmed several aspects came

294
up, that is:

1. There was no logical reason to limit repatriation to the three

categories and to exclude other Pakistanis.

2. The inclusion of the fourth category was an admission of the

fact that there were more people than those in the three
specified categories who could be repatriated.

3. The repatriation could be kept open to all the non-Bengalis,

and even Bengalis, in fact, all those who were in effect
Pakistanis and wanted to be repatriated. In this context, the
decision of the Bangladesh government was also cited, which
agreed, without any discrimination, to the repatriation to
Bangladesh of all Bengalis living in West Pakistan.

4. Aziz Ahmed personally knew how and why these people came
to East Pakistan and became Pakistani.

5. Denial to them of the possibility of repatriation would not only

be discriminatory but in practical terms add to their misery.

Aziz Ahmed listened to these points with good grace and did not
enter into any argument on any aspect but simply and frankly said
that it was what the Government of Pakistan had decided after due
deliberation. Although he did not say so, it could be surmised that
he was not necessarily a part of decision making on the issue. He
did, however, say that genuine cases coming under the fourth
category would be seriously looked into and they should be referred
to the appropriate official agency or even directly to him.

It has to be sad that as a result of such reference to him - and also to

Mahmud Ali, who was then Minister of State in the Z.A. Bhutto
government - some families living in camps in Bangladesh and some
stranded in Kathmandu (Nepal) were allowed to be repatriated, after
making their own arrangement. But such cases were few and

295
depended on the personal effort of some people in Pakistan who had
access to the dignitaries and relevant authorities. The provision of
the fourth category did not offer any solution to the basic problem.

The reasons for the continuing hesitation and reluctance and even
flat refusal by the government to agree to the repatriation of what are
now "the stranded Pakistanis" are known and have also been
explained officially and otherwise, although the explanations are not
always logical. The opposition to repatriation by then Sindh
government appeared to emanate from two assumptions, even while
these assumptions were not factually correct. One, that those coming
from former East Pakistan would mostly be supporters of the rightist
and religious parties and would be recruited by these parties in
agitation against the PPP government particularly in Karachi, and
two, that they would largely settle in Karachi and would exacerbate
the ethnic / linguistic tension that had already been generated.

The possibility of the repatriation of "the stranded Pakistanis" faded

out, and even though the issue was kept alive through statements
and newspaper reports as well as the efforts of the group, including
some foreign-based Pakistanis that pursued the cause of their
repatriation, no clear-cut decision or effective measures were taken
by the government in Pakistan. In the meantime, the costs involved
in their possible repatriation and rehabilitation had been escalating
and the Government of Pakistan did not find it within its means to
undertake the work, even if it could be persuaded to do so.

In this context; according to S.S. Iqbal Husain, a senior official of

the federal services who was the Secretary of the Federal Ministry of
Economic Affairs from 1969 onwards, an initiative at an
international level, for help and assistance in their repatriation, had
come in 1972. Prince Sadruddin Agha Khan, as Iqbal Husain says,
had offered to raise initially a fund of two million dollars for the
purpose. But no concrete action was taken by the government in
pursuance of the offer.

296
It was during the regime of General Zia ul Haq that a tangible
op p ortu nity came wh en the Saud i Arab ia b as ed Rab ita
Al-Alam-al-Islami offered to collect and provide the fund and to
make the needed arrangements for the purpose. The Rabita, headed
by Saudi Minister Abdullah Naseef, had planned to collect 350
million dollars as donations from Saudi Arabia and other oil-rich
Muslim countries for the repatriation programme. The Rabita people
held meetings with General Zia ul Haq and so di d the
representatives of the group of foreign-based Pakistanis, including
the British parliamentarian Lord Ennels, who also supported the
programme.

When General Zia ul Haq was informed that the Rabita would
collect 350 million dollars, he was reported to have shown
unbounded enthusiasm and desired the fund to be placed at the
disposal of his government. Some observations by a foreign
participant about the management of the fund is said to have
clouded the discussion but it was finally agreed that the Government
of Pakistan would give due attention to the whole issue and discuss
it further with the Rabita representatives.

Subsequently, when an opportunity was provided to me through the

courtesy of Asad Husain, a professor at a university in Chicago,
USA, and a member of the Rabita group, to meet a Saudi Arab
dignitary, who was number two at the Rabita, and to discuss with
him the subject, the Rabita functionary empathically said that the
collection of the needed fund was no problem. Actually, what was
needed was a decision by the Government of Pakistan, in the first
place on agreeing on repatriation, and then drawing up the plans and
institutionalising the whole process. He said that he had met Finance
Minister Ghulam Ishaq Khan and had discussed the matter with him
and the Rabita was waiting to hear from the Government of
Pakistan.

The Rabita, as we came to know, wanted a detailed plan to be drawn

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up and confirmed by the Government of Pakistan and the machinery
to be set up for its implementation, including an appropriate
organisational framework to handle all the related aspects, that is,
logistics, housing and settlement, avenues of employment, including
setting-up of small or cottage industry units where feasible to ensure
orderly repatriation and rehabilitation.

No progress was made with the plan and, as it would appear in

retrospect, a good opportunity was frittered away. At that time, there
was a good deal of sympathy for the stranded people internationally,
and among others the then government of Iran had also promised
help. Then, General Zia was all-powerful and he could take a
political decision, which subsequently political governments have
been unable to take, and if General Zia ul Haq, had so decided, then
funded and supported by the Rabita, the stranded could have been
brought to Pakistan and rehabilitated in a planned way. But this did
not happen.

Later, with the initiative of a local group pursuing the cause of

repatriation and the support of the Rabita, General Zia ul Haq agreed
to form a Trust for the purpose and made a donation of Rs. 25
million from the Pakistan Government to a fund created for the
purpose. General Zia ul Haq became the president of the Trust
which has representatives of the Rabita and the Government of
Pakistan. Subsequently, according to the predilection of the
successive governments in Pakistan, the president-shipof the Trust
was passed onto a federal minister and the composition of the
Trustees, who are nominated by the Pakistan Government, has also
kept on changing.

In the meantime, a significant development in this regard has been

the formation of an NGO with the specific objective and purpose of
facilitating the repatriation and resettlement of the "Stranded
Pakistanis". The NGO has been diligently pursuing the matter by
approaching relevant dignitaries in the Pakistan government and
maintaining contact with the Rabita, which is still being helpful but

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no tangible progress could be made as the government policy on the
issue remained unclear, if not unhelpful.

Looking retrospectively, it appears that the issue of the "Stranded

Pakistanis" had drawn governmental attention when the MQM
included it as one of the items in its agreement with the first Benazir
Government. The agreement had a lengthy list of some 60 or so
items and all of them could not be implemented and subsequently
the PPP-MQM accord itself fell through. Later, the first Nawaz
Sharif Government allowed about 8,000 "Stranded Pakistanis" to
come from Bangladesh and get settled in some areas in Punjab.
Some housing units were constructed to accommodate them and
some of them are believed to be lying vacant as the number of those
who were repatriated was small. Since then, no active interest has
been shown by the government in respect of their repatriation,
although the issue has figured occasionally in newspapers reports
and columns and also on the electronic media, often controversially.

Quite a sizeable section of opinion in Karachi and in other urban

centres of Sindh strongly favours their repatriation. In respect of
their possible settlement in Karachi, it is said that their number
which is stated to be about 250,000 would not change the political
or economic complexion of the city, as their total number would be
just about two percent of the city's total population estimated at 12
million.

It is also said in this context that several hundred thousand people -

according to some estimates every year about 300,000 persons -
from outside, including illegal immigrants, come and get settled in
the city and setup Kachchi abadis and the administration has not
been able to put a check particularly on those who come illegally. So
a one-time legal arrival of 250,000 persons should not be seen as a
disturbing factor.

There is, however, another side of the picture. The influx of people
from outside and their use of the province's resources is seen with

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apprehension by the Sindhis. Also, it is pointed out, the ratio of
population in the province between theSindhis and the non-Sindhis
has become a critical issue and the Sindhis genuinely fear that if the
influx continues unabated, they would be reduced into a minority in
their province.

As such any addition to the population of non-Sindhis is a cause of

concern for them and as they look at it, it is not just a question of
numbers but of a principle, and they have a basic right to oppose and
resist such an influx and the sentiment of the Sindhis must be
respected.

In this context, it is also said, that irrespective of the arguments, if

the "Stranded Pakistanis" are brought in and settled in Sindh, it is
likely to lead to tensions and more than that to create difficulties for
the new settlers themselves, who would be unwelcome and, as such,
in a not too friendly an environment they would have to encounter a
fresh series of problems which would adversly affect their
rehabilitation.

In support of their repatriation, it is further argued that in case they

cannot be accomodated in Sindh, they can be settled in the sparsely
populated areas of Punjab. It is true that in the earlier years of
Pakistan and even in the post -1971 period, the Punjab people
large-heartedly gave a warm welcome to those who came in. But
over the decades, there has been a transformation in the political,
social and economic situation. As it is, the Nawaz Sharif
government did take a positive initiative but for some reason the
results achieved remained limited, and even a large number of
housing units built for them remain unoccupied. Some sections,
however, believe that if repatriated, they can still be accomodated in
Punjab where people are not averse to their coming in.

In addition to the prospects envisaged so far, a possibility that could

be looked at is their rehabilitation in Bangladesh. Several questions
arise in this context. What has so far prevented the stranded people

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themselves from considering this possibility and taking steps in this
direction? If such a possibility is considered, will the people of
Bangladesh accept them in their midst? Will the government of
Bangladesh be amenable to this? How will the process of their
rehabilitation in Bangladesh be undertaken.?

To begin with the first question. It is easily seen that the insistence
of these people to be accepted as Pakistani and to be repatriated is
based, in addition to legal and constitutional grounds, also on a
sentimental attachments with Pakistan. Whether or not it relates to
the recognition of some realities on theground is a different matter.
But they have stuck to this belief and it has been bolstered by the
raising of hope, by their own leaders as well as by some important
sections of opinion in Pakistan, that they would be repatriated.

During a brief visit, some years ago, to one of the camps situated in
Mirpur in the outskirts of Dhaka city, an opportunity was found to
look at the situation there, which was extremely dismaying, and also
to talk to some of their articulate representatives in their office in the
camp. Two important Pakistanis who were present on this occasion
were Syed Jawaid Iqbal, the Editor of The Thirdworld, and well
known politician and former senator and Minister, Javed Jabbar.

In the course of conversation, the gentlemen who were showing us

round were asked why these people were living in miserable
conditions, and why they did not try to move away from the camp
and merge with the local people? In answer, they reiterated their
claim to be Pakistanis, entitled to be repatriated and as such waiting
for the opportunity to go to Pakistan. More significantly, they added
that they were assured by some important Pakistani leaders,
particularly by Ejazul Haq, then MNA and a leading figure in the
Muslim League Nawaz Group, who had visited their camp, that they
would be repatriated.Such assurances strengthen their hope for
being repatriated, even while such hope proved illusory.

In this context, another factor that is referred to is that over a period

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of three decades, the pattern of their population has changed; those
who were children in 1970s are now young people but they have not
known what Pakistan is; also those born after 1972 are natural
Bangladeshis; as such, their perception and outlook should be
different from those of the old-timers; and they could prefer to
remain in Bangladesh which is the country they know; and this
could help the process of mutual acceptability between them and the
people of Bangladesh.

As far as the attitudes of the people in Bangladesh is considered, it

was felt that generally it is that of indifference. Since these people
had themselves decided to live away from the local people, the
reason for such indifference is understandable. At the same time, it
is believed that some people in Bangladesh with philanthropic and
humantarian outlook have been encouraging andhelping those want
to come out the relief camp.

In this regard, obviously, the attitude of the Bangladesh government

will be of prime significance. As far as official policy is concerned,
any government in Bangladesh will justifiably maintain that these
people being Pakistani have to be repatriated to Pakistan. The
previous BNP government and the Ershad government had no
occsion to take a policy decision on the possibility of their
rehabilitation in Bangladesh, rather than their repatriation to
Pakistan, because such an idea was never mooted.

The Awami league government did not look favourably on this

possibility. When Husina Wajid was the prime minister, during an
interview with a senior Pakistani journalist, Akhtar Payami, she was
quite firm in her attitude that another opportunity cannot be
provided to these people to opt for becoming citizens of Bangladesh
and get settled there. The attitude emantes from the assumed
association of these people with the Pakistan military regime in
pre-1971 period, and as such Awami League is particularly
unsympathatic towards them. Now BNP is again in power and
according to some sections, in the changed situation, a

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reconsideration of the issue might be possible. In this context the
view is expressed that since Pakistan is accomodating over half a
million Bangladeshis, asa reciprocal goodwill measure, Bangladesh
should accept and accomodate about 250,000 stranded Pakistanis.

The ultimate winding up of the relief camps, it is said, would also

remove some gruesome patches from Bangladesh landscape.
Whether or not the Khalida Zia government can be persuaded to
consider the issue will remain to be seen.

As for the cost of their repatriation and rehabilitation, it cannot now

be met from the Rabita fund as the fund collected in Saudi Arabia
and in Pakista n has b een frozen at the b ehest o f Bush
administration, which suspected a member of the Rabita in Saudi
Arabia to have links with al-Qaeda. With the Bush adamance and
the Pakistan government's reluctance to make a move for the fund's
release, the programme for a possible repatriation has met with a
severe setback, diminishing the possibility to almost nil.

However, in addition to all the pros and cons in relation to the

possibilities discussed above, a basic factor to reckon with is a
decisive policy of the government. If the government is not actively
involved with and committed to the programme of their repatriation
and rehabilitation, no plan can be worked out. In this context, it
actually boils down to a critical issue, needing firm political
decision.

So where do we go from here? How and where to find the solution

to this problem? The answers are difficult to find. However, simply
stated, what these people basically need is rehabilitation. For more
than three decades they have lived in most miserable conditions, in
subhuman conditions, in what are described as relief camps.
Opportunity has to be provided to them to lead a normal life.

While these people have remained homeless, stateless and helpless,

those involved with the problem, including the leaders of these
people in Bangladesh, some of their supporters in Pakistan and those

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who oppose their repatriation, and the governments concerned, were
motivated mostly by ethenic, liguistic, jingoistic and political
considerations and the the problem was not viewed - except earlier
by Prince Sadruddin Agha Khan and later more concretely by the
Rabita Group - was basically intense human problem.

Now, the need is a change in approach and in attitude to the

problem. The problem needs tobe seen, above all , as a human
problem and, recognising the realities, the focus needs to shift to
their speedy pulling out from their continuing miserable condition
and their rehabilitation in normal human standards of living, in any
practical way that is possible, in Pakistan naturally, or in
Bangladesh, alternatively. As of now, it remains to be seen how and
when an initiative can be taken by the concerned decision makers
and an action pan worked out in consonancewith a fresh approach so
that this problem is finally resolved.

__________________
Note: This is a revised and updated version of a detailed review written
by S.G.M Budruddin relating to the issue of Stranded Pakistanis, which
is an aftermath of the 1971 war and breaking away of East Pakistan. It
was initially written and published in 2006.

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