A Case Study On How The Women of Aplaya, BASECO Frame Disaster in An Urban Coastal Slum

Sakuna o Trahedya: A Case Study on
How the Women of Aplaya, BASECO

Frame Disaster in an Urban Coastal
Slum
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A Thesis
Submitted to
Faculty of Arts and Letters
University of Santo Tomas
-------------
In Partial Fulfillment
Of the requirements for the degree,
Bachelor of Arts in Sociology
-------------
By
GWYNNETH GRACE B. LASAY

December 2017
UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMAS FACULTY OF ARTS AND LETTERS PAGE
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Sakuna o Trahedya: A Case Study on how the Women of

Aplaya, BASECO Frame Disaster in an Urban Coastal Slum
Gwynneth Grace B. Lasay, University of Santo Tomas
Abstract
This study explores the life-histories of the women of Aplaya, BASECO, an
urban coastal slum compound located in Tondo, Manila. This study answers
to the following research questions; (a) how the women of Aplaya, BASECO
frame disaster, and (b) how do they cope with these disastrous events.
Using their narratives from their life histories as the basis of data, this study
will use the Social Constructionism perspective of Berger and Luckmann as
the backbone theory. Social Constructionist theory states that a person’s
understanding can shape other people’s understanding through the means
of using the gained experiences and exchanges with others (Berger &
Luckmann, 1966). Methodologically, this study utilized a qualitative
research approach, specifically a semi-structured interview, to gather the
narratives of the women about their lived experiences of disastrous events.
Thus this paper argues that the women of Aplaya, BASECO’s framing of
disaster reflects their lived experiences of safeguarding and securing their
family’s collective well-being during disastrous events.
Keywords: Women, Disastrous Events, Aplaya, BASECO, Disaster,

Claims, Claims-makers
Contact Information: B4, L4, Elisa Homes Phase 4, Molino 4, Bacoor,
Cavite [Phone: 09952655315, Email: gglasay97@gmail.com]

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APPROVAL SHEET
This Thesis entitled
SAKUNA O TRAHEDYA: A CASE STUDY ON HOW

THE WOMEN OF APLAYA, BASECO FRAME
DISASTER IN AN URBAN COASTAL SLUM
prepared and submitted by GWYNNETH GRACE B. LASAY has

been approved and accepted as partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts major in Sociology
Program.
PROF. ARLEN A. ANCHETA, PHD

Adviser
PANEL OF EXAMINERS
Approved by the Research Tribunal on Oral Examination with a

grade of _____ on November 21, 2017.
ASST. PROF. JOSEPHINE A. PLACIDO, MA

Chairman
ASST. PROF. FROILAN A. ALIPAO, MCD

Member
ASST. PROF. JOSEPHINE A. PLACIDO, MA

Chair, Department of Sociology
MICHAEL ANTHONY C. VASCO, PH.D.

Dean
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DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY
This is to declare that the content of this thesis is a product
of my work despite the assistance I have sought from other
materials and persons, all of which I have cited, in terms of
content, style and presentation.
I declare that I have written this thesis with utmost

faithfulness to the Thomasian Code of Honor.
GWYNNETH GRACE B. LASAY

Candidate’s Signature over Printed Name
Date: February 28, 2018
PROF. ARLEN A. ANCHETA, PHD

Adviser’s Signature over Printed Name
Date: __________________________________
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Acknowledgement: This paper acknowledges the comments and
suggestions provided by Asst. Prof. Arlen A. Ancheta, PhD, thesis adviser;
and Asst. Prof. Froilan A. Alipao, MCD, examiner; data provided by the
respondents of Aplaya, BASECO, especially my family and friends who
continued to support me through this whole process of thesis writing.

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Table of Contents
Introduction 8
Research Focus 10
Literature Review 10
 Constructing Disaster 10
 Women in the Context of Disaster 12
 Urban Coastal Slum 13
Significance of the Study 14
Conceptual Framework 14
Methodology 17
 Research Design 17
 Study Site 17
 Methods 18
 Research Tools and Instruments 20
 Analyzing Tools 20
 Ethical Consideration 21
Results 22
 The Aplaya 22
 Aplaya Then 23
 Aplaya Now 24
 Disastrous Events 26
o Natural Disturbances 26
o Man-made Disasters 28
 Coping Mechanism 29
o Prioritizing Safety 29
o Preparedness Against Food Insecurity 30
Discussion 31
 Women as Claims-makers 33
 Claims of the Women of Aplaya 36
o Grounds 36
o Warrants 40
o Conslusion 42
Conclusion 45
Recommendation 47
Bibliography 50
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Appendices 55
 Appendix A – Tables 55
 Appendix B – Sample Transcription 59
 Appendix C – Map of Study Site 63
 Appendix D – Sample Questionnaire 63
 Appendix E – Research Tools and Instruments 64
About the Author 66
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Introduction
The Philippines has become one of the most visited countries to conduct
studies about disaster due to its position in the Pacific Ring of Fire, and is
the reason why it is considered “one of the world’s disaster hot spots”
(Bankoff, 2003). Being positioned in the Pacific Ring of Fire, the Philippines
always experience earthquakes, typhoons, floods and droughts, and
volcanic eruptions. All these are happening because of the country’s
geographical location (Mula, 1999). Even before the 21st century, disastrous
events are prominent around the world. Take the Philippines as an example,
based from The Center for Research and Epidemiology of Disasters in
Belgium’s study about disaster in the Philippines, there have been a total of
701 disasters that occurred during the years 1900 to 1991 (Victoria, 2000).
Studies of women during disasters are common in other countries, but in
the Philippines, it is still lacking. Even if there are some studies about
women and disaster, they are all from other countries. A study of (Gokhale,
2008) stated that women, though their resources are limited, they can still
play a major role during disastrous events. The fact that there is little study
about women and disaster here in the Philippines is a good enough reason
to start one. This study will focus in a disaster prone area, mainly in Aplaya,
BASECO in Tondo, Manila.

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Aplaya is an area in BASECO Compound located farthest from the
entrance. Situated alongside a shoreline, it is one of the most flooded
sectors of the compound. To arrive in the area, it’s either one has to walk
along the seawall for a good fifteen (15) to twenty (20) minutes, or ride a
pedicab to get there from the entrance of the compound. All these is
because of the lack of roads going to Aplaya. This just shows how isolated
Aplaya is from the other sectors of BASECO, which leads to the unequal
support from the government. This unequal support also applies during
disastrous events, specifically to the women. Due to the lower economic
status of women, they become more vulnerable to disasters (Aguilar, 2009).
But even though women are vulnerable to disasters, they are able to
contribute and help in relief and recovery operations because of their unique
capacities which they got from their experiences as the support of their
family when a disaster occurs (Enarson, 1999). This is where this study
comes in, it is fascinating to know how the women, specifically in Aplaya,
BASECO cope up with such hazardous events. Exploring about how they
construct disaster, and how they cope up with these events will be the
center of this study. This study aims to know how selected women who’s
houses are facing the shoreline in Aplaya, BASECO frame disaster and how
they cope with it.
Research Focus
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This study problematizes how the concept of disaster is framed by selected
women residing in front the shoreline in Aplaya, BASECO and how they
cope with these disastrous events. Specifically, this study answers to the
following research questions;
1. How do the women of Aplaya, BASECO frame disaster?
2. How do they cope with the prevalent hazardous events along the
shoreline?
Literature Review
This section of the study will provide the literatures needed in order to
deepen the understanding how the women frame disaster in Aplaya,
BASECO. Divided into three themes, these literatures should explain further
on (1) Constructing Disaster, (2) Women in the Context of Disaster, and on
(3) Urban Coastal Slums.
1. Constructing Disaster
Disaster according to Carr (1932) is not defined by nature but by the human
beings instead. Meaning, an event may be called a disaster when the
people who experienced that event says so. It is said that the change of the
‘social milieu’ of a person can cause stress that can combine with other
people’s stress that may lead to disaster. In other words, disaster is disaster
when it leads to a situation of immense combined stress of the people

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(Kinston & Rosser, 1974). On the other hand, disaster for Alexander (2005)
is something that helps people to survive because of the influence of the
events that happened. Some state that disasters are “social events nested
within a wider social context” (Buckle, 2005). Meaning, the damages it
causes to other social structures makes it more difficult than other social
occurrences. Though it is stated that the people who experience disasters
are experiencing stress, according to Drabek & McEntire (2003), they are
the ones who becomes solid and unified during such situations. They are
the ones who are more immune to the disaster syndrome. For the
(Department for Internal Development, 2006), as the world keeps facing
extraordinary types of disasters, disaster is now considered as a major
hazard to the world. On the other hand, disaster according to Dynes &
Angeli (1986) are those that affects relationships and systems of society.
According to CRED (2012), disasters are those that causes vulnerabilities
because of converged hazards. “Disaster comes in many forms”, that is
what (Drabek, 2013) stated. Natural disasters are those types of disasters
like avalanches, earthquakes, landslides, tsunamis, and volcanic eruptions
while on the other hand, man-made or technological disasters are those that
are more powerful and sudden like bridge collapses, dam failures, industrial
accidents, and marine collisions (Baum, Fleming, & Davidson, 1983).

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Natural disasters happens more quickly and unexpectedly just like
technological disasters and they both cause visible damages.
2. Women in the Context of Disaster
According to Gokhale (2008), gender has many roles, not only does it shape
the capacity of a person, it also shapes it vulnerability. That even if the
victims of disasters are mostly women and children, women are mostly the
ones looked at upon. All of these just because of the gender roles that
society has come up with when it comes to women. Because of gender
roles, it is expected that when a disaster occurs in a certain area, the women
are the ones who are expected to take care of the children and other
household chores. Due to gender inequality, women becomes the most
vulnerable when a disaster occurs. But because of these gender roles,
women are the ones who becomes more able and resourceful when a
disaster occurs because of their adaptability, which is why they are able to
handle difficult situation more than men does.
On the other hand Ganapati (2012) stated that the reason why women takes
more time to recover is because of the limited access they have to formal
relief and recovery mechanism after a disaster occurs (Morrow & Enarson,
1996). But even though women are vulnerable to disasters, they are able to
contribute and help in relief and recovery operations because of their unique
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capacities which they got from their experiences as the support of their
family when a disaster occurs (Enarson, 1999).
For Fothergill (1996), there is a higher risk that a person is exposed to
disaster because of the influence of the gender strata. According to Gokhale
(2008), women have higher rate of poverty unlike the men and because of
this, they face greater risk to dangers making them more vulnerable. The
same with Aguilar (2009), she also stated that due to the lower economic
status of women, they become more vulnerable to disasters. But because
the women are the ones who handles the life of their families and
communities, they become the center of development of the community
(Enarson, 1998).
3. Urban Coastal Slum
According to Adelekan (2010), many of the of the people who reside in slum
areas live in a degraded environment that lacks the basic need supplies like
water, electricity, proper drainage system, solid waste disposal system,
proper housing, and sanitation. All these are some of the qualities that
people who live in urban coastal slum areas encounter most of the time. On
the other hand, Douglas et al., (2008) stated that most poor communities
reside in dangerous and harmful environments in urban areas. That it is
normal that those people who earns little income to reside risky areas and
that these people are most likely the ones to be affected by the constant
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climate changes (Abeku et al., 2007). Most slum areas are always relatedly
close to wealthy establishments or communities, while some were
established in dangerous areas which are susceptible to climate change
and natural disasters (Ballesteros, 2011).
Significance of the Study
Studies about women in the context of disaster often describe them as weak
and vulnerable. Enarson & Meyreles (2004) stated that studies about
gender and disaster are still “outside the mainstream”. Furthermore,
Edwards, Bateman, & Edwards (2016) stated in their research that future
studies should explore more on how much influence a women has when a
decision for evacuation is needed in times of disasters. Due to these facts
that women are seen as a vulnerable sector when it comes to disaster
management, their voices are not heard. The findings of this study will help
the women who are framed as vulnerable and weak to voice out their say
when it comes to disaster coping and management.
Conceptual Framework
Social Constructionist theory states that a person’s understanding can
shape other people’s understanding through the means of using the gained
experiences and exchanges with others (Berger & Luckmann, 1966).

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Furthermore, each and every people’s reality are constructed and explained
through their collective experience with other people. And as Berger and
Luckmann said, “they only exist because we give them reality through social
agreement”, is the gist of it.
For using and analyzing the study, Best (1989) stated that there are three
foci in order for one to study a social problem that was constructed through
a social constructionist point of view, and these are the; Claims, Claims-
makers, and the Claims-making process. Though there are three
processes, this study will only focus in the Claims and the Claims-makers.
Claims according to Spector & Kitsuse (1977) are usually the complaints
about social conditions while on the other hand, Claims according to Best
(1989) can be analyzed by focusing on the “Rhetorics” which is divided into
three categories; the (1)Grounds, which provides the basic facts that will
form the discourse, (2)Warrants, which makes up excuses so that the action
will be taken, and lastly (3)Conclusion, are those that influences the actions
that are needed to improve or remove the social problem or the claims
themselves.
Claims-makers according to Olausson (2009)’s reading, are those that
shape media frames such as politicians, organizations, and social
movements. It is also an outcome of a discursive habit of the journalists that
frames the world in certain ways (Van Dijk, 1988). For Hall (1995), claims-
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makers are culturally fabricated codes that are like creations of nature that
functions ideologically. For media professionals, claims-makers for them
are those that they start exposing goals and ideologies, interests, and
commitments (Carvalho, 2007).
In the Claims process, the Grounds of the study are the statements or
answers of the interviewees. The answers were divided into themes that will
be shown in the framework. On the other hand, the Warrants are the events
that the women of Aplaya, BASECO experienced. Lastly is the Conclusion
which are the things that are needed to remove the claims.
Claims-makers on the other hand when inserted in the study are the women
of Aplaya, BASECO who experienced these hazardous events first hand.
They were able to make such claims because of the experiences they
encountered during their stay in the Aplaya area.
Figure 1: Disaster According to the Women of Aplaya, BASECO
Framing Disaster
Claims Claims-
makers
Grounds Warrants Conclusion Women

(Natural (The women (The of
Disturbances, felt anxiety and women’s
Fear and fear, the coping Aplaya,
Anxiety, women got mechanism BASECO
Unexpected used to the when a
Events) natural disaster
occurrence of
occurs)
hazardous
events)
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Methodology
Research Design
This study utilizes a qualitative research approach focused mainly on case
study in which according to Gold (1997), enables researchers to gather
legitimate data by being close to the subjects who are being studied. Just
as Weber (1947) stated in his argument, “social scientist are obliged to
refrain from wittingly or unwittingly imposing their own views on whatever
processes they use to gather, analyze, and report data”.
Study Site
The locale for this study is located in BASECO Compound, Tondo, Manila.
Specifically in Block 1 and 5 of the Aplaya shoreline. The Aplaya when
described based from the researcher’s observation is very similar to a
normal beach shoreline, the only thing that differs it from other shorelines
are the amount of trash and water lilies that are dumped along the shore.
The houses along the shoreline are congested to one another that it
becomes difficult to walk around. Furthermore, due to the house congestion
there are lack of roads or pathways along the shoreline. The poorly made
pathways the residents created has accumulated mud and garbage and
because of that, walking along the Aplaya becomes a struggle.

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Map of BASECO Compound Map of Aplaya, BASECO
© Google Maps
Methods
Using case study as the method of research that focused on the day-to-day
life practices of the selected participants of the study Van Donge (2006),
this study gathered the life histories of middle aged women using semi-
structured interviews, which are frequently planned in advanced at a given
date and time, and unstructured interviews which is a type of interview that
questions interview participants casually, taking notes, and observing
continuously (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006), and is the most easy-to-
use method for small-scale research (Drever, 1995). Field observations
aided by transcripts and field notes during the researcher’s stay in BASECO
were also used. Moreover, additional information from BASECO’s
Barangay Hall records were also used for the study’s supplementary data.
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Nineteen (19) women whose houses are facing the shoreline were selected
for the interview mainly because they have the responsibility towards their
children during disastrous events such as being prepared, and other
decision making as stated by Morrow and Enarson in (Enarson, 1998).
Using purposive sampling as the means of gathering data in which
according to Tongco (2007) can be a more useful and effective tool even
than random sampling. Shown in the table below are the profiles of the
women who were interviewed for this study.
Table 1: Basic Profile of Respondents

Name Age Block Years of Source of Reason of Residency
residency Income
Nancy Mercado 42 5 9 Pagbabawang Parents
Jacquelyn C. 33 5 4 Tahong / Spouse’s Work

Sape Pagbabawang
Marites Guyala 49 1 11 Naglilinis ng Family Ties

tahong
Marian Morales 31 1 31 Tahong Parents

vendor
Teodora O. 44 5 15 Pagbabawang Cheap rent

Jurada
Gracelda Galoso 37 5 5 Pagbabawang Family Ties
Maria Cabague 44 1 17 Mangingisda Liked Aplaya
Anji Mangaron 30 1 6 Alimasag and Spouse’s Work

Tahong
vendor
Jhoan Uson 34 1 21 Tahong Work

vendor
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Joanne Benites 42 1 16 Divisoria Relocation

Vendor
Marilyn Gumarao 32 1 1 Pagbabawang Relocation
Rubelyn Tobes 38 1 22 Pagbabawang Relocation
Loradel Rael 40 5 1 Husband = Spouse’s Work

Bangkero
Marianita Esmolo 50 1 22 Pagbabawang Family Ties
Jacquelyn 37 1 17 Tindera Married to a Resident

Benatero
Jocelyn Balbin 31 5 31 None Parents
Maria Roldan 34 5 8 Tindera Married to a Resident
Bernadette 36 4 36 Kalakal Born

Balanlay
Imelda Navaro 47 5 5 Housewife Space
Research Tools and Instruments
For this study, the researcher used audio recorders, interview guide, field
notes, and transcripts from field observation in gathering the needed data.
All of these research instruments were used when the interview was being
conducted during the data gathering process.
Analyzing Tools
Microsoft Word 2013 was used in transcribing the audio interview. For the
analysis of the data, three analytical methods were used; the (1) open
coding, (2) thematic analysis, and (3) narrative analysis. Open coding was
used to build concepts by closely examining the recorded interview with the
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research participant. After building concepts, creating abstracts from the
concepts generated by labeling similar statements from the interview was
enacted. After coding, examining the women of Aplaya’s definition of
“Disaster” using thematic analysis was used to interpret their answers from
the first research question of the study. Furthermore, narrative analysis was
conducted to learn where the statements of the participants were coming
from based from their answers in the interview questions.
Ethical Consideration
This study will tackle about the women of BASECO, specifically in the
Aplaya shoreline area’s notion of disaster and how they came up with it.
The stories of the women of BASECO when a disaster occurs are tackled
in this research that is why ethical considerations are observed. The
autonomy, safety, and understanding of the respondent is top priority.
According to Mathers et al. (1998), the researcher must always follow the
ethical rules; veracity in which the researcher must tell the respondent the
truth; privacy must be respected; confidentiality of the information gathered
shall be disclosed from any third party; and fidelity where the researcher
must avoid negligence of the respondent. Through this, the safety and
privacy of the respondent is assured.

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Results
The Aplaya
BASECO during the early 1960’s to 1970’s was only a place where the
families of shipyard workers lived, until the Romualdez family acquired the
shipyard on the year 1964 and named it BASECO, Bataan Shipping and
Engineering Company (Murphy, 2013). The island was artificially made of
garbage buildups, mud, waste materials, and has also become the dumping
site of the Bureau of Public Works and Highways with the demolished
concrete and debris (Mercado, 2016). On the year 1964, during the late
President Marcos’ office, he ordered for the clearing of the urban poor
communities in BASECO so that facilities that would support the new
international pier that was going to be constructed there gain more space
for construction. During the first half of the year 1980, BASECO was
declared a barangay. But on Marcos’ fall on the year 1987, the previous
residents of BASECO went back to their previous homes. And on the year
2002, BASECO was proclaimed as a residential site by the previous
president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
Aplaya is located farthest from the entrance of BASECO. It is one of the
most flooded sectors of BASECO due to its location, which is alongside a
shoreline. To arrive in the area from the entrance of BASECO, it’s either
one has to walk along the seawall for a good 15 to 20 minutes, or ride a
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pedicab to get there. This is due to the lack of roads leading to Aplaya, and
because of this, immediate response to an emergency has become a major
problem. This was the problem before more people decided to reside here,
and is still the problem even after many renovations and constructions were
made in the area.
Aplaya Then
According to the women of Aplaya, the Aplaya that they knew back then
was very much different from the Aplaya that they see now. To the women,
the Aplaya before was only a shipyard and home to the families of the
shipyard workers on the years 1960’s to 1970’s, before the late president
Marcos ordered the residents to clear the area, BASECO, specifically the
Aplaya, was filthy, dangerous, flooded, muddy, and isolated from the city.
The Aplaya before was filthier than the Aplaya now. This was because of
the lack of roadways for the garbage trucks to come in the area and take
the pile of trash. Not only was lack of road the cause of the amount of trash
in the area, it was also because of the trash carried by the waves from
different places across the Philippines.
Another trait of the Aplaya back then was that it was more isolated. Isolated
because during the years 1980 to 2001, BASECO was not yet announced
as a residential area. Most of the residents that lived during those years
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were the previous residents before the late president Marcos ordered them
to clear the area and came back when he was no longer the president.
During those times, the families of the shipyard workers were the ones who
returned to their previous areas or spaces. Moreover, BASECO used to be
a ship loading and unloading site (Murphy, 2013), resources like water and
electricity needed for a community to function was not available during
those times. And because of this, it was very dangerous during the nights
due to the lack of electricity.
Another resource that BASECO was lacking back then was the proper
drainage system. Furthermore, as Mercado (2016) stated, BASECO was
artificially created by the continuous dumping of garbage buildups, mud,
concrete, and debris. This just mean that the ground is not as stable like
other naturally made islands. And because of this, a proper drainage system
is not provided thereby constant flood during rainy seasons occur.
Aplaya Now
Although the Aplaya today has very much changed, there are still problems
that occur even with the help of government and donations. For one, the
Aplaya today is less filthy than the Aplaya before. This was made possible
due to the project of CARITAS Manila, a non-profit organization run by the
Catholic Church, they organized a cleanup drive along the shoreline.

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Another reason for this is due to the road provided by the government that
connects the Gasangan area to the entrance of BASECO. Because of the
road construction, the garbage truck that collects the pile of trash
accumulated by the waves and residents can now enter to collect them.
Because of this, the trash along the Aplaya shoreline lessened thereby
allowing the residents to live in a less filthy environment.
Unlike the Aplaya before which is dangerous due to it being isolated from
other places and proper resources, it has now become safer than before
due to the sudden overpopulation of residents. This sudden rise of
population in BASECO was made possible because of the relocation of
other informal settlers from Quezon City and the Metropolitan are in Manila
due to the demolition of their previous settlements (Mercado, 2016). After
the late president Marcos was thrown off his position, the previous residents
resettled to their old homes and on year 1988, the Depressed Area
Electrification Program provided the whole BASECO electricity. As for the
public faucets, it was provided on the year 1998 through the donation of the
former Congressman Bagatsing (Murphy, 2013). And because of these
donations and government interventions, BASECO, specifically Aplaya, has
more resources available than before.
Although the change is visible, not everything in the Aplaya before has
changed. For one, there is still a lack of drainage system in the area, and
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because of this, floods cannot be avoided when a strong rain or storm
occurs.
Table 2: Aplaya Then and Now

Aplaya (Then)) Aplaya (Now)
Filthy Less Filthy
Dangerous Safer
Flooded/Muddy More Resources Available
Isolated Overpopulated
1. Disastrous Events
1.1 Natural Disturbances
The women see weather disturbance as a disaster that naturally
occurs. Since the Aplaya is beside the shoreline and because of this,
strong wave and wind movements are natural. But for the residents
who are not used in residing beside a shoreline, they consider it as
disaster because it disturbs their everyday life routine. Another type
of wind movement that most of the women have experienced is the
tornado that occurred on the first half of the year. The women stated
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that the sudden appearance of the tornado startled them and
although it was on the northern part of Aplaya, far away from their
homes, they were still scared because of the flying debris that was
sucked in it that might suddenly fall and crash somewhere near them.
They were glad that it didn’t come closer to their homes and that
there were no lives that was lost during the disastrous event,
although it destroyed most of the houses in the northern part of
Aplaya and disturbed their livelihood.
Another type of natural disturbance that the women of Aplaya
experienced was the constant occurrence of earthquake this first half
of the year. It was considered as an unexpected event because true
to its name, it was an unexpected as expected of earthquakes.
Although the earthquakes the women experienced were light, at
most only an intensity four (4) earthquake because they stated that
they only felt a slight shaking of the ground. They consider it a
disaster because they never know when it will happen and how
strong the magnitude will be.
Table 3: Natural Disturbances According to the Women of Aplaya

Natural Disturbances Significant Statement
“pag alon na malakas tumatabi kami”
“bagyo yung nagbabaha, tumataas yung
Wave Movements tubig”
“talagang sinasalpok siya ng alon kasi sabi
ko nga sayo lagpasan ang ano eh, makita
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mo yung alon paparating talagang salpok

sa dingding mo eh”
“yung ipo-ipo?”
“hangin tapos diba tignan mo naman itong
Wind Movements bahay namin…”
“yan yung ipo-ipo nakaranas pero da- di
naman kami naapektuhan, yung lang diyan
sa dulo”
tubig”
Weather Condition “Diba yung sa disaster yung pagdating ng
may bagyo”
“yun yung sakuna. Diba disaster sakuna
yan? Kagaya sa bagyo”
“nitong nakaraan madalas (lindol) ah”
“ayun lang. yung bagyo tsaka yung lindol.”
Earthquake “Tsaka lindol, yun yung lindol na di mo
talaga makakalimutan kasi dun yung di mo
alam yung gagawin mo kasi di mo kayang
pigilan yung mga ganyang ano diba?”
1.2 Man-made Disaster
A different type of disaster from the natural ones that the women of
Aplaya experienced was the fire that occurred in the past years. It is
considered a man-made disastrous event due to the circumstances
during that time that started the fire. It was considered a disaster
because a lot of lives, houses, and means of livelihood were lost
during this disastrous event.

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Table 4: Man-made Disaster According to the Women of Aplaya

Man-Made Significant Statement
“dito ano lang naman talaga bagyo tapos

yung sunog na ano lang. Yun lang dalawa
Fire lang bagyo at sunog”
"“ang naranasan ko yung nagkasunog
naman.”
“yung malaking sunog dito sa ano nung
hindi pa natambakan.”
lang bagyo at sunog”
2. Coping Mechanism
2.1 Prioritizing Safety
Based from the women of Aplaya’s answers, they cope with disasters
by prioritizing the safety of their family and loved ones especially their
children. By prioritizing their safety, they lessen the possibility of their
family members and loved ones being harmed from disaster. Not
only do they prioritize their safety, they also prepare the important
documents like the birth certificates of their children in case a sudden
evacuation is needed and their homes get washed away by the
waves or get blown away by the strong winds.
Table 5: Prioritizing Safety of Family Members

Prioritizing Safety Significant Statement
30
“kase yung mga bata, inaano ko,

inaasikaso ko para in case of ano, pati mga
emergency kit.”
“oo yung kaya lang dalin. At iligtas yung
mga bata pero sa awa naman ng diyos hini
Prioritizing naman kami nakaano, hindi naman
nangyari yun.”
“ah dito lang kami sa bahay, nililigpit ko
yung mga gamit. Yung mga anak ko
nandito lang kami sa loob. Yun nalang
inaano ko sa mga anak ko, wag lalabas
baka mamaya madisgrasya sa mga bato
diyan sa labas pag maalon. Dito lang”
“syempre ireready ko dun yung mga
papeles, mga importante. Mga birth
certificate ng mga bata. Tapos yung mga
damit na kapiraso lang yung sadyang”
2.2 Preparedness Against Food Insecurity
The women of Aplaya stated in their answers that another way of
coping with disaster is through the preparation of emergency kits that
they have acquired when a seminar about basic first aid and disaster
risk management was conducted in their area. Not only do they
prepare emergency kits, one thing they also prioritize is the supply
of food that their family need for a few days in case they need to
evacuate their houses. And although food is distributed in evacuation
areas, it is not enough for everyone.

31
Table 6: Preparing Emergency Kits and Food Supply

Preparedness Significant Statement
“Tinuruan na kase kami niyan dati eh.

Kumbaga yung mga emergency kit.”
“Flashlight, ganun.”
Preparedness “Yung mga dapat lang tapos yung mga
stock na kunyari pagkain tapos kung san na
kami pupunta, mga ganun para di ka na
maano”
“naka-ready talaga ako ng gamit niyan, ng
gamit na anuman ang mangyari may
mabibitbit ako.”
Discussion
In further understanding the definition of disaster according to the claims of
the women of Aplaya, BASECO using Berger and Luckmann’s Social
Constructionist theory, this study focuses on the experiences and narratives
of the women during the disastrous events stated in their responses from
the interview. Social Constructionist theory states that a person’s
understanding can shape other people’s understanding through the means
of using the gained experiences and exchanges with others (Berger &
Luckmann, 1966). It has three main points that it focuses on, the claims,
claims-makers, and the claims-making process. These three foci are what’s
needed to study a social problem using the Social Constructionist theory
(Best, 1989). And although there are three processes, this study will only
focus in the Claims and the Claims-makers.

32
For these women to come up with their definition of disaster is because of
their own lived experiences during these times. By experiencing these
events multiple times, they have come up with their own ways of coping. By
using the literature reviews on constructing disasters, women in the context
of disaster, and on urban coastal slums, Berger and Luckmann’s Social
Constructionist theory as the skeleton of the conceptual frame, and the data
gathered through a case study in Aplaya, BASECO, this study will focus in
four (4) discussion points:
1. Women as the claims-makers of disaster
2. The unexpected events the women of Aplaya, BASECO
experienced as the Grounds of the claims
3. The women’s vulnerability during disastrous events as the
Warrant of the claims
4. The women’s coping mechanism when a disaster occurs as the
Conclusion of the claims
To elaborate, disaster according to Carr (1932), is not defined by nature but
by the human beings instead. And because of this, the women of Aplaya,
BASECO created their own notion of disaster through their own lived
experiences. By doing so, they become the claims-makers in the social
construct of disaster.
33
Women as Claims-makers
Many of the of the people who reside in slum areas live in a degraded
environment that lacks the basic need supplies like water, electricity, proper
drainage system, solid waste disposal system, proper housing, and
sanitation (Adelekan, 2010). Women in particular are not exempted from
this, in fact, they are more vulnerable when it comes to disaster particularly
because of the lack of resources available to them (Gokhale, 2008). True,
that the women becomes vulnerable when a disaster occurs because of the
lack of resources, there is also another reason for their vulnerability and that
is their constant worry for the safety of their families and loved ones. The
women of Aplaya, BASECO becomes vulnerable because they reside in a
coastal area which may cause harm to their families when a disaster occurs.
In retrospect to the Social Constructionist theory, the claims-makers
pertains to the women of Aplaya, BASECO. As from what they have stated
in their narratives, they become vulnerable when a disaster occurs because
they worry for the safety of their family and loved ones. Vulnerable in a way
that they worry more about others’ safety than their own because they
reside in dangerous grounds as shown in the transcripts below:
G: Ano po ang unang pumapasok sa isip niyo kapag naririnig
niyo ang salitang ‘disaster’? What’s the first thing that comes
to your mind when you hear the word ‘disaster’?

34
M: Ang iniisip ko yung mga anak ko papaano kaya, sabi kong
ganun lipat tayo eh ayaw naman ng mga anak ko… I was
thinking about the safety of my children, I told them that we
should move (to evacuate) but they don’t want to…
G: Mhmm..
M: “Mama dito tayo”, ayaw nilang pumunta dun kasi pag dun
di naman sila makakatulog pag nandun kami sa evacuation.
Siksikan duon tapos mahirap, mainit tapos ang CR, di ka
makapag ano sa CR duon dahil sa dami ng tao. Wala nang
buhos-buhos kaya ayaw ng mga anak ko. Mas gusto nilang
nandidito sila. “Mama let’s stay here”, they don’t want to go
there (evacuation center) because if they went there, they
won’t be able to sleep. It’s too cramped and hot there, and the
CR, we can’t do our business in the CR there because of the
number of people (staying in the evacuation center). There’s
no flush that’s why my children don’t like staying there. They
prefer to stay here (in their house).
- Marie, 50
years old
35
J: Syempre ang una kong naiisip syempre natatakot.
Natatakot ka para sa kapakanan ng pamilya mo diba? Dahil
di mo naman alam kung makakaligtas ka sa ganitong sakuna
na yan eh, buti kung mild lang. Of course the first thing that
comes to mind is fear. Fear of what might happen to my
family. Because of the uncertainty that we might not survive
this disaster, although it’s fine if it’s mild (the disaster).
- Jocelyn,
31 years
old
Just like what transpired in the narratives of the women of Aplaya, the
different types of vulnerability that the women of Aplaya, BASECO
experienced shaped their own understanding of disaster. As to what
Trumbo (1996) stated, “claims-makers are being operationalized as quoted
sources”. They are their own source of information when it comes to
disaster.
Claims of the Women of Aplaya

36
Claims, according to Spector & Kitsuse (1977) were criticisms about
societal circumstances which they see as unpleasant and unwanted. With
relation to the Social Constructionist theory of Berger and Luckmann, the
claims of the study are divided into three categories; the (1) Grounds, (2)
Warrants, and (3) Conclusion. And by focusing on these three categories,
the claims of the women of Aplaya with regards to disaster can be
understood in a more scientific way (Best, 1989).
1. Grounds
As for the grounds of the claims, they are basic facts that were experienced
in the gathered data (Hannigan, 2006) which in this study, are the disastrous
events that the women of Aplaya experienced. These disastrous events that
they experienced became the grounds to their claims. It was the basic facts
that they provided all throughout the course of the interview. Hannigan
(2006) also stated that there are three types of grounds statements:
definition, examples, and numeric estimates. The definition is the area of
how people interpret the problem which in this case, the women saw
disaster as both natural and man-made. The second statement is the
examples in which they are the ones affected by the problem itself, and
here, the affected ones are the women. The last statement is the numeric
estimates wherein it estimates the scale of the problem, which in this case,
the whole area of Aplaya because of its location alongside the shoreline.
37
Shown in the interview transcript below are the narratives of the women
when asked what types of disasters they have experienced during their
whole stay in Aplaya, BASECO:
G: Anong klaseng sakuna na po ang naranasan niyo? What
kinds if disasters have you experienced?
N: Pag alon na malakas tumatabi kami. When a wave is
strong we move.
- Nancy, 42
years old
J: Mostly bagyo, di pa naman kami nakaranas masunugan.
Bagyo lang. Tapos yung buhawi. Mostly storms, we haven’t
experienced fire yet. Only storm. Also the tornado.
- Jhoan, 34
years old

38
M: Nakaranas na (lindol), pero di naman masyado. Saglit lang
din naman, mga minuto. We’ve experienced it (earthquake),
but not so much. It was only for a while, like a minute or so.
- Marilyn,
32 years
old
Most of what the narratives of the women was about the severe weather
conditions like the constant appearance of storms and typhoons, the strong
wave movements that crashes to their houses caused by the storm, the
harsh wind movements that topples or blows away the roofs of their houses
caused, and the earthquakes that happened during their stay in the Aplaya.
There was another type of disaster that the women experienced, and that
was the fire that erupted in the past years. One respondent that goes by the
name Ate Marie talked about her own experience when the fire erupted in
their area as shown in the transcript below:
M: Ang naranasan ko yung nagkasunog naman. Nung
nagkasunog sa Block 9, nagdidivisoria ako nun namalengke
ako kasi may tindahan nga ako. Eh hindi pa ito tambak,
putikan pa. Andaming naglalakad sa putik. Andami. Sabi ko

39
sasama nalang ako, sasabay ako dun sa kasabay ko din sa
tricycle. Lakad kami sa putik hanggang dito (dibdib) gapang
kami sa putik. Biruin mo alas otso ako nagumpisa ng ano sa
putik na parang nilalangoy ko pero marami kami, nakarating
ako sinalubong ako ng asawa ko sa gitna ng putikan alas dose
na. What I experienced was the fire. When a fire erupted in
Block 9, I was in Divisoria shopping for my store
(eatery/karendirya). At that time (in Aplaya) there we no
mounds, there was only mud. A lot of people were walking in
the mud. A lot. I told myself that I would join them, I will join
the person who rode with me in the same tricycle. We walked
in the mud, it was chest high, and we crawled. Can you
believe it, we started walking in the mud at around 8pm, when
my husband intersected me midway it was already 12am.
- Marie, 50
years old
They considered fire as a type of man-made disaster because it has
destroyed a lot of houses, livelihood, and lives. This just shows that not all
the disastrous events the women experienced are natural, that man-made
disasters can also affect their everyday life in more ways than one.
40
2. Warrants
The vulnerability of the women of Aplaya when a disastrous events occurs
is the warrant/s of the claims process. Warrants are the part of the claims
process that focuses on the reasons as to why people “should care” on the
said claim (Best, 2013). It was the experience of fear and anxiety of the
women as they felt vulnerable during disastrous events because of the less
options that they were given. The more they prioritize their family over their
own, the more vulnerable they become when a disaster occurs. Add the
gender roles that they have to abide to, they are the ones who are expected
to take care of the children and other household chores as shown in the
transcript below:
M: Syempre nangangamba kasi ano pag nung kagaya nung
mawa-washout yung bahay. Hindi naman ganun kadali
magpaayos lalo na sa sit- sa kagaya ko. Pero pinapasa-diyos
ko nalang kasi wala naman imposible sa diyos diba. Of course
I’m afraid. What if my house gets washed out? It’s not that
easy to get it repaired given my situa- given the person that I

41
am. But I leave it all to God because nothing is impossible with
God right?
- Marites,
49 years
old
The vulnerability of the women when a disastrous event happens should be
focused more thoroughly. Because of gender roles, the women in areas like
Aplaya, BASECO are restricted by the so-called “domestic sphere”
(Gokhale, 2008) leaving them with less options, thus making them more
vulnerable than others when it comes to disasters.
3. Conclusion
As for the conclusion part of the claims, it is the coping mechanism of the
women of Aplaya, BASECO came up with through their past experiences
of disaster. They are the things that are needed in order to solve the problem
which in this case, the coping mechanism of the women when it comes to
disastrous events. Two themes emerged for the conclusion part, the
prioritizing the safety of their family members, and their preparedness with
emergency kits and food supply. These are the only things that they want
grasped in their hands when a disaster occurs. The statements presented

42
in the interview transcript below will show that they prioritize their children’s
safety more than theirs:
G: Paano niyo po pinaghahandaan ang mga sakunang ito?
How do you prepare for these disastrous events?
T: Yung kaya lang dalin (dinadala). At iligtas yung mga bata...
I bring the stuff that can be easily carried. Also to save the
children…
- Teodora,
44 years
old
M: Ah dito lang kami sa bahay, nililigpit ko yung mga gamit.
Yung mga anak ko nandito lang kami sa loob. Yun nalang
inaano ko sa mga anak ko, wag lalabas baka mamaya
madisgrasya sa mga bato diyan sa labas pag maalon. Dito
lang. Oh we stay here in our house, I clean up the things. My
children and I stay here inside. That’s the only thing that I told
them, to not go outside because they might get in an accident
with the rocks outside when the waves are strong. Stay her.
43
- Marie, 50
years old
One thing that they also prioritize is their food supply in case a sudden
evacuation is needed, an emergency kit in case someone gets hurt shown
in the interview transcript below:
J: Kagayan niyan pag alam namin na may sakuna, kunyari
nandiyan na. Nakahanda na yung mga kelangan mong dalin,
yung mga kakailanganin. Tinuruan na kase kami niyan dati
eh. Kumbaga yung mga emergency kit. Yung mga dapat lang
tapos yung mga stock na kunyari pagkain tapos kung san na
kami pupunta, mga ganun para di ka na maano. Just like that
when we know there’s an incoming disaster, for example it’s
already arrived. All the stuff that’s needed to be brought is
prepared, the stuff that we need. We were taught in the past.
Just like the emergency kit. The things needed and the food
stock for example and the places we could go to, those things
so that we won’t be (harmed).

44
- Jocelyn,
31 years
old
I: Maghahanda kami na may ano- may ano, tawag dito? Mag
hahanda ka nang pagkain, gamot, tapos may pwede mong
dalhin na gamit. Yun, yung ano namin mga importanteng
gamit. We would prepare the- the, what do you call this? We
would prepare food, medicine, and the stuff that you could
bring. Those are the important things.
- Imelda,
44 years
old
The safety of their family and loved ones is the top priority of the women.
They prepare the things that their children need when the time of sudden
evacuation comes. By preparing the needs of their family first, coping with
disaster when it happens becomes an easy thing to accomplish. Food
security is also one of the things that they prioritize. They stock on food
because in case something unexpected happens when a disastrous event
occurs, they are ready to take action. Another reason they stock on food
45
supply is because there are not enough food in the evacuation centers that
they stay in when they are forced to evacuate. They have experienced so
many disastrous events that they have already become used to the
procedures or coping mechanisms that are needed in order for them to cope
and be ready when a disastrous event occurs.
Conclusion
This study was conducted in order to understand how the women of Aplaya,
BASECO frame disaster and what they go through for them to come up with
their own definition of it. Using their narratives in the interview as the basis
of data and Social Constructionism theory by Berger and Luckmann as the
backbone of the study, this study focused on two (2) research questions;
(1) how they, the women of Aplaya, frame disastrous events, and (2) how
they cope with these disastrous events. Thus this paper argues that the
women of Aplaya, BASECO’s framing of disaster reflects their lived
experiences of safeguarding and securing their family’s collective well-
being during disastrous events.
After analyzing the narratives of the women, this study found out that the
lived experiences of the women during disastrous events became the basis
for them to construct their own framing of disaster. That by experiencing
these disastrous events firsthand many times, they have come to

46
conceptualize their own way of coping. And the women of Aplaya, though
considered vulnerable during disastrous events, only want two things; the
safety of their families and loved ones and food security. This just shows
that although they are vulnerable during disasters, they have become
acclimated to these events and instead, they use their lived experiences to
prioritize what’s important to them; the safety of their family and food
security.
Studies about women in the context of disaster often describe them as weak
and vulnerable. (Enarson & Meyreles. Lourdes, 2004) stated that studies
about gender and disaster are still “outside the mainstream”. Furthermore,
Edwards, Bateman, & Edwards (2016) stated in their research that future
studies should explore more on how much influence a women has when a
decision for evacuation is needed in times of disasters. The findings of this
study will help the women who are framed as vulnerable and weak to voice
out their say when it comes to disaster coping and management.
Moreover, the women of Aplaya stated in their narratives, food security is
one of their top priorities when a disaster occurs. This just shows that there
is a lack of food supplies in urban poor areas during disasters.
Recommendation
47
This study recommends that there should be a policy implemented
regarding the lack of food security in urban poor communities that will
enable them to lessen the problems they encounter during disastrous
events. That although there are donations, they should consider the number
of people affected in the area before distributing the said donations.
Furthermore, this study only focused on the women whose houses are
facing the shoreline, and not the whole Aplaya itself and that there is still a
lack of data. Thus this study recommends that future studies about women
and disaster should widen their range of respondents in order to focus on
other possible research subjects. That they should also look for other
disaster prone areas other than the urban coastal slum areas like Aplaya,
BASECO. In addition to that, this study also recommend of thinking and
coming up of new policies for the women in order for them to cope more
thoroughly when a disaster occurs so that casualties would be lessened.

48
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Appendices
Appendix A – Tables
Table 1: Basic Profile of Respondents

Name Age Block Years of Source of Reason of Residency
residency Income
Nancy Mercado 42 5 9 Pagbabawang Parents
Jacquelyn C. 33 5 4 Tahong / Spouse’s Work

Sape Pagbabawang
Marites Guyala 49 1 11 Naglilinis ng Family Ties

tahong
Marian Morales 31 1 31 Tahong Parents

vendor
Teodora O. 44 5 15 Pagbabawang Cheap rent

Jurada
Gracelda Galoso 37 5 5 Pagbabawang Family Ties
Maria Cabague 44 1 17 Mangingisda Liked Aplaya
Anji Mangaron 30 1 6 Alimasag and Spouse’s Work

Tahong
vendor
Jhoan Uson 34 1 21 Tahong Work

vendor
Joanne Benites 42 1 16 Divisoria Relocation

Vendor
Marilyn Gumarao 32 1 1 Pagbabawang Relocation
Rubelyn Tobes 38 1 22 Pagbabawang Relocation
Loradel Rael 40 5 1 Husband = Spouse’s Work

Bangkero
Marianita Esmolo 50 1 22 Pagbabawang Family Ties
Jacquelyn 37 1 17 Tindera Married to a Resident

Benatero
55
Jocelyn Balbin 31 5 31 None Parents
Maria Roldan 34 5 8 Tindera Married to a Resident
Bernadette 36 4 36 Kalakal Born

Balanlay
Imelda Navaro 47 5 5 Housewife Space
Table 2: Aplaya Then and Now

Aplaya (Then)) Aplaya (Now)
Filthy Less Filthy
Dangerous Safer
Flooded/Muddy More Resources Available
Isolated Overpopulated
Table 3: Natural Disturbances According to the Women of Aplaya

Natural Disturbances Significant Statement
“pag alon na malakas tumatabi kami”
Wave Movements tubig”
“talagang sinasalpok siya ng alon kasi sabi
ko nga sayo lagpasan ang ano eh, makita
mo yung alon paparating talagang salpok
sa dingding mo eh”
56
“yung ipo-ipo?”
“hangin tapos diba tignan mo naman itong
Wind Movements bahay namin…”
“yan yung ipo-ipo nakaranas pero da- di
naman kami naapektuhan, yung lang diyan
sa dulo”
tubig”
Weather Condition “Diba yung sa disaster yung pagdating ng
may bagyo”
“yun yung sakuna. Diba disaster sakuna
yan? Kagaya sa bagyo”
“nitong nakaraan madalas (lindol) ah”
“ayun lang. yung bagyo tsaka yung lindol.”
Earthquake “Tsaka lindol, yun yung lindol na di mo
talaga makakalimutan kasi dun yung di mo
alam yung gagawin mo kasi di mo kayang
pigilan yung mga ganyang ano diba?”
Table 4: Man-made Disaster According to the Women of Aplaya

Man-Made Significant Statement

Fire lang bagyo at sunog”
"“ang naranasan ko yung nagkasunog
naman.”
“yung malaking sunog dito sa ano nung
hindi pa natambakan.”
lang bagyo at sunog”
57
Table 5: Prioritizing Safety of Family Members

Prioritizing Safety Significant Statement
“kase yung mga bata, inaano ko,

inaasikaso ko para in case of ano, pati mga
emergency kit.”
“oo yung kaya lang dalin. At iligtas yung
mga bata pero sa awa naman ng diyos hini
Prioritizing naman kami nakaano, hindi naman
nangyari yun.”
“ah dito lang kami sa bahay, nililigpit ko
yung mga gamit. Yung mga anak ko
nandito lang kami sa loob. Yun nalang
inaano ko sa mga anak ko, wag lalabas
baka mamaya madisgrasya sa mga bato
diyan sa labas pag maalon. Dito lang”
“syempre ireready ko dun yung mga
papeles, mga importante. Mga birth
certificate ng mga bata. Tapos yung mga
damit na kapiraso lang yung sadyang”
Table 6: Preparing Emergency Kits and Food Supply

Preparedness Significant Statement
“Tinuruan na kase kami niyan dati eh.

Kumbaga yung mga emergency kit.”
“Flashlight, ganun.”
Preparedness “Yung mga dapat lang tapos yung mga
stock na kunyari pagkain tapos kung san na
kami pupunta, mga ganun para di ka na
maano”
“naka-ready talaga ako ng gamit niyan, ng
gamit na anuman ang mangyari may
mabibitbit ako.”
58
Appendix B – Sample Transcription
Interviewee: Ate Marie

Interviewer: Gwynneth Grace B. Lasay
Date: 070517
Time: 10:40am
Duration of Interview: 17:30
Location: Block 1, Aplaya
1. G: Paano po kayo napunta dito sa Aplaya?
2. M: yung asawa ko yung kapatid niya dito nakatira, eh pinatira kami
dun a bahay nila kasi wala namang upa sila lang din nung asawa
niya nung kapatid ng asawa ko kaya dito na din kami napunta
3. G: eh yung dito po mismo sa bahay niyo?
4. M: nung umalis yung kapatid nila napunta sa pabahay, kami naman
ang naiwan sa ano nila tapos pinatayo kami dahil wala namang
bawal dati eh magtayo ng bahay kaya nagtayo kami hangga’t sa
tuloy-tuloy hanggang ngayon
5. G: mhmm dito lang po ba talaga yung pwesto ng bahay niyo?
6. M: hindi palipat-lipat kami kasi nababaon kami sa buhangin. Pag
umalon naghahampas ng buhangin, bumabaon yung bahay. Bale
pang lima na namin na lipat ito eh kase bumaba yung sa buhangin
7. G: san po yung datin niyong bahay po?
8. M: dito sa unahan lang, dito sa kabila
9. G: ah parang mas malapit po sa dagat mismo?
10. M: oo
11. G: tapos paatras kayo ng paatras?
12. M: paatras ng paatras. Putikan kasi dati ito eh
13. G: sino po yung kasama niyo nung lumipat kayo dito sa Aplaya po?
59
14. M: yung asawa ko

15. G: wala pa po sila Michael non?
16. M: wala pa. Dito ko na binuntis yung mga anak ko
17. G: paano niyo naman po maikukumpara yung Aplaya nung
pagkalipat niyo dito kesa sa Aplaya ngayon?
18. M: laki ng pinagbago kasi dati, putikan pa ito tapos di pa tambak.
Dami, puro punong kahoy pa dati. Eh ngayon tambak na, andaming
bahay, noon kakaunti lang ang bahay mabilang mo lang kung ilan
kaming bubong dito dahil ano eh, tulay-tulay yun dati eh ngayon
maawak na kahit saan ka dumaan pwede. Hmmm malaki ang
pinagbago kaysa noon at ngayon
19. G: ahh yung. Ay sigi po wait lang. ayun lang po ba yung mga bagay
na nagbago po?
20. M: marami naman. Katulad ng dito may mga pabahay na ganyan.
Tapos nakakapasok na yung tubig ilaw, dati wala yan
21. G: tubig ilaw po?
22. M: oo, dati walang ilaw dito, walang kuryente. Wala, puro gamit dito
gasera tsaka generator. Kaya malaki ang pagbabago ngayon tsaka
noon.
23. G: yung tubig po pano yon
24. M: sa tubig namaniigib kami dun sa may seawall
25. G: sa may seawall po?
26. M: oo sa seawall pa kami nag iigib o kaya sa Guevara o kaya
Parolla. Dun kami nagiigib kaya nga nalunod yung asawa ko sa
kaiigib dun sa Parolla eh, lumubog yung Bangka
27. G: yun po yung dahilan
28. M: oo yun yung dahilan. Kasi ang hirap ng tubig dito dati
60
29. G: mhm sige po. Paano niyo po maipapaliwang naman yung

salitang disaster po?
30. M: disaster yung mga tulad ng mga
31. G: yung mga bagyo.. sakuna po. Yung mga sakuna ba
32. M: yung mga, pag bumabagyo dito lang naman kami di kami
umaalis. Dito lang kami kahit tinatawag kami ng barangay diyan na
lipat kayo dun sa ano, dito lang kami kasi yung mga anak ko ayaw
din naman sumama dun eh. Iniisip ko pag iniwan namin yung
bahay, pagbalik ko wala na kaming masaingan, wala na kaming
kaldero. Yun iniisip namin. Awa naman ng diyos wala namang
naano samin dito kahit dito lang kami sa bahay pero yung mga
kapitbahay namin nandudun na nagsisilikas pero kami andito lang
hindi kami umaalis
33. G: ahh… ano po yung una niyong naiisip kapag naririnig niyo yung
salitang sakuna o disaster?
34. M: ang iniisip ko yung mga anak ko papaano kaya, sabi kong
ganun lipat tayo eh ayaw naman ng mga anak ko. Mama dito tayo,
ayaw nilang pumunta dun kasi pag dun di naman sila makakatulog
pag nandun kami sa evacuation. Siksikan duon tapos mahirap,
mainit tapos ang CR di ka makapag ano sa CR duon dahil sa dami
ng tao. Wala nang buhos-buhos kaya ayaw ng mga anak ko. Mas
gusto nilang nandidito sila
35. G: mhmm.. anong klaseng mga sakuna na po ba yung naranasan
niyo simula nung tumira kayo dito sa Aplaya?
36. M: yung samin naman sa mga anak ko wala
37. G: eh yung mga sakuna po yung mga lindol, ipo-ipo ganun
38. M: nakikita ko yung sa ipo-ipo yung lumilipad yung mga bubong
dun sa kabila. Nagliliparan yung mga bubong
61
39. G: di naman kayo natamaan

40. M: hindi naman malayo sa amin. Dun yun sa may Gasangan, dun
maraming nagliliparang na bubong dun. Sa ano naman, pag
umaalon, pag bumabagyo, wala naman
41. G: wala naman po. Eh yung mga malalakas na alon po
42. M: ayun umaalon nandidito naman din kami tinitignan lang namin
yung alon. Minsan yung barko pinapadpad na dito, inaano na sa
gilid dito. Andito lang kami, malapit lang. may inano nga na Bangka
diyan, may ano ba, hinampas. Nasa gilid lang talaga namin akala
nga namin yung bahay ko maaano ng barko eh, matamaan ba.
Pero awa ng diyos wala naman, wala din naman
43. G: eh yung bahay niyo po nung malapit sa dagat, anong mga
sakuna na po yung mga naranasan niyo po
44. M: ayun lang bumabaon yung bahay namin dahil sa katutulak ng
buhangin. Baon, bubong nalang nakikita.
45. G: ganto napo bahay niyo
46. M: oo walang ano, puro nay an ano buhangin. Paghampas ng alon
niyan kasama ang buhangin. Sigi hampas. Wala na tulak ng tulak
ang buhangin, wala na bubong nalang makikita. Tatlong hampas
ng alon bubong nalang ang nakikita. Wala na baon na ang bahay
namin kaya kami usog ng usog, lipat ng lipat. Kaya naka ano nga
kami, pang-lima na nga ito
47. G: pang lima na?
48. M: oo nilipat-lipat namin
49. G: di na po katulad ng dati na
50. M: oo pero ngayon wala na kasi may ano na diyan sa tambak, di na
gaanong naghahampas. Buhat ng tinayo ang tambak diyan, di na
62
kami gaanong inaano ng buhangin na malakas ang hampas ng

alon
51. G: ilang taon na po dito yung bahay niyo mismo, yung dito na
nakatira?
52. M: yung paghampas-hampas ng alon na ano?
53. G: ay hindi po, ilang taon na po nakaano dito yung bahay niyo yung
di na kayo umaatras?
54. M: ano buhat nung, anong taon yun? 2000
55. G: ah ang tagal na din ng bahay na ito
Appendix C – Map of the Study Site
Map of BASECO Compound Map of Aplaya, BASECO
© Google Maps
Appendix D – Sample Questionnaire
1. Paano po kayo napunta dito sa Aplaya?

63
a. Sino po kasama niyo nung lumipat kayo dito sa Aplaya?
2. Paano niyo po maikukumpara ang Aplaya nung una niyong
pagkalipat dito kesa sa Aplaya ngayon?
a. Ano-anong bagay po yung mga nagbago?
3. Paano niyo po maipapaliwanag ang salitang ‘Disaster’?
a. Ano po ang unang pumapasok sa isip niyo kapag naririnig
niyo ang salitang ‘Disaster’?
4. Anong klaseng sakuna na po ang naranasan niyo?
a. Maaari niyo po bang ipaliwanag?
5. Paano niyo po pinaghahandaan ang mga sakunang ito?
a. Dito lang po ba kayo sa bahay?
i. Bakit dito lang po kayo?
b. Nag e-evacuate po ba kayo?
i. Bakit po kayo nag evacuate?
6. Paano naman po nakatulong ang mga karanasan ninyo sa mga
oras ng sakuna sa mga sumunod pang sakuna?
Appendix E – Research Tools and Instruments
For this study, the researcher used audio recorders, interview guide, field
notes, and transcripts from field observation in gathering the needed data.
64
All of these research instruments were used when the interview was being
conducted during the data gathering process.

65
About the Author:
Gwynneth Grace B. Lasay is a third year undergraduate sociology student
from the University of Santo Tomas and is a member of the UST
Sociological Society. Her interests revolves around reading fantasy, sci-fi
novels and manga, watching anime and TV series, drawing random stuff,
listening to music, and playing volleyball.

A Case Study On How The Women of Aplaya, BASECO Frame Disaster in An Urban Coastal Slum

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Sakuna o Trahedya: A Case Study on

How the Women of Aplaya, BASECO

GWYNNETH GRACE B. LASAY

Sakuna o Trahedya: A Case Study on how the Women of

Gwynneth Grace B. Lasay, University of Santo Tomas

Keywords: Women, Disastrous Events, Aplaya, BASECO, Disaster,

Contact Information: B4, L4, Elisa Homes Phase 4, Molino 4, Bacoor,

Cavite [Phone: 09952655315, Email: gglasay97@gmail.com]

This Thesis entitled

SAKUNA O TRAHEDYA: A CASE STUDY ON HOW

prepared and submitted by GWYNNETH GRACE B. LASAY has

PROF. ARLEN A. ANCHETA, PHD

Approved by the Research Tribunal on Oral Examination with a

ASST. PROF. JOSEPHINE A. PLACIDO, MA

ASST. PROF. FROILAN A. ALIPAO, MCD

ASST. PROF. JOSEPHINE A. PLACIDO, MA

MICHAEL ANTHONY C. VASCO, PH.D.

I declare that I have written this thesis with utmost

GWYNNETH GRACE B. LASAY

Date: February 28, 2018

PROF. ARLEN A. ANCHETA, PHD

Acknowledgement: This paper acknowledges the comments and

suggestions provided by Asst. Prof. Arlen A. Ancheta, PhD, thesis adviser;

respondents of Aplaya, BASECO, especially my family and friends who

continued to support me through this whole process of thesis writing.

always experience earthquakes, typhoons, floods and droughts, and

volcanic eruptions. All these are happening because of the country’s

based from The Center for Research and Epidemiology of Disasters in

Studies of women during disasters are common in other countries, but in

BASECO in Tondo, Manila.

Aplaya is an area in BASECO Compound located farthest from the

entrance. Situated alongside a shoreline, it is one of the most flooded

disastrous events, specifically to the women. Due to the lower economic

status of women, they become more vulnerable to disasters (Aguilar, 2009).

comes in, it is fascinating to know how the women, specifically in Aplaya,

they cope with it.

This study problematizes how the concept of disaster is framed by selected

following research questions;

1. How do the women of Aplaya, BASECO frame disaster?

deepen the understanding how the women frame disaster in Aplaya,

on (1) Constructing Disaster, (2) Women in the Context of Disaster, and on

(3) Urban Coastal Slums.

beings instead. Meaning, an event may be called a disaster when the

when it leads to a situation of immense combined stress of the people

is something that helps people to survive because of the influence of the

within a wider social context” (Buckle, 2005). Meaning, the damages it

occurrences. Though it is stated that the people who experience disasters

(Department for Internal Development, 2006), as the world keeps facing

extraordinary types of disasters, disaster is now considered as a major

According to CRED (2012), disasters are those that causes vulnerabilities

because of converged hazards. “Disaster comes in many forms”, that is

like avalanches, earthquakes, landslides, tsunamis, and volcanic eruptions

accidents, and marine collisions (Baum, Fleming, & Davidson, 1983).

Natural disasters happens more quickly and unexpectedly just like

technological disasters and they both cause visible damages.

2. Women in the Context of Disaster

the capacity of a person, it also shapes it vulnerability. That even if the

society has come up with when it comes to women. Because of gender

household chores. Due to gender inequality, women becomes the most

vulnerable when a disaster occurs. But because of these gender roles,

handle difficult situation more than men does.

family when a disaster occurs (Enarson, 1999).

For Fothergill (1996), there is a higher risk that a person is exposed to