FROM GUIDO’S HAND TO CIRCLE OF FIFTHS:

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF MEDIEVAL CHURCH MODES AND THE

BEGINNINGS OF RENAISSANCE TONAL HARMONY

James Cota
Music 124B: History of Western Music: Early-to-mid-Baroque Music
Professor Claire Thompson
21 May 2018

Prompt: Development of Tonality from Church Modes

Thesis: The development of medieval ecclesiastical modes arose from a need to classify

plainchant melodies, and evolved slowly towards a twelve mode system, paving the way for

modern tonal harmony, with an early example in Monteverdi’s Cruda Amarilli.

 1

The development of medieval ecclesiastical modes arose from a need to classify

Gregorian plainchant melodies, and evolved slowly towards a twelve mode system, paving the

way for modern tonal harmony. Initially misguided by an incomplete understanding of the modal

systems of Greek antiquity, and seeking to take advantage of their authoritative and affectual

connotations, medieval theorists assigned Greek ethnic names to modes that remain in use today.

With the development of Western polyphony, theorists strained to align modal systems with the

ever-changing repertoire. In the mid-sixteenth century, Heinrich Glarean’s and Gioseffo Zarlino’s

categorization of modes into twelve categories set the theoretical stage for a shift towards a

harmonic-tonal system that would gain traction in the early seventeenth century as music trended

towards monody and instrumental accompaniment, an unusual innovation in a field where theory

typically follows practice.

ORIGINS OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL MODES

In the eighth century, Carolingian theorists sought to categorize the massive repertoire of

the plainchant, using modes and reciting or “Psalm” tones as the primary classifications. This

reduction of the repertoire was a valuable aid to memorization at a time when the knowledge and

materials for writing were rare. In the recesses of abbeys where the requisite chants of the daily

liturgical office hours began and ended in the dim hours, reading light was also scarce, especially

in the winter months. Because music was sung from memory and largely composed through

improvisation or otherwise without writing, at this point, the modes “were nothing other than an

abstract classifying device.”1 However, by the ninth century, theorists began associating (and

confusing) modal classification with ancient Greek tonoi, or transposition keys. Thus began a

1 Anna Maria Busse Berger, Medieval Music and the Art of Memory. (Berkeley: University of California Press,
2005), 57.
 2

theoretical practice that continued through the Renaissance which attempted to connect

contemporary musical modalities with those of Greco-Roman antiquity. Only later, when

theorists engaged the mathematical ratios of Hellenic systematist philosophers to measure and

define the properties of musical intervals and octave species, did the incongruence between

church modes and those of ancient Greece become apparent.2

The earliest Western modal systems documented in eighth- and ninth-century Europe

include the “St.-Riquier Tonary,” the “Carolingian Tonary of Metz,” and the treatise by Alcuin,

De octo tonis. However, none of these offer a theoretical outline of the modal system, instead

they provide “intonation formulas,” using Latinized Greek nomenclature, suggesting its

derivation from the Byzantine oktoechos tone system which originated around the seventh

century. These formulas are categorized into eight echoi named in Greek ordinal numbers:

protus, deuterus, tritus, and tetrardus. each further divided into a subcategory, literally the
3
“powerful” authentes, or the “subordinate” plagalis Metz indicates that “tonus is that which

both regulates and lends coherence to melodies,” but without fully describing the “modal

significance” of tonus at the time. One can infer meaning from earlier definitions, such as the

ancient Greek tonos, the whole-tone interval, ptongos, a note or pitch itself, and from Boethius,

tonoi, or “transposition keys;” however Metz’s description remains veiled in ambiguity.

The second chapter of Aurelian’s Musica disciplina includes examples of basic intervals

by citing plainchant melodies: namely the octave, and the perfect fifth and fourth. However,

Aurelian’s treatise falls short of providing a pitch-specific description of modes in practice or

theory, making no “attempt to provide precise, intervallically determined instructions, much less

2 Harold S. Powers, "Mode." Grove Music Online.

3 David E. Cohen, “Notes, Scales, and modes in the earlier Middle Ages,” in The Cambridge History of Western
Music Theory, ed. Thomas Street Christensen. Cambridge History of Music. (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2002), 310-1.
 3

a translation of melodies into notes,” and still leaving the reader to define tonus using one of its

various connotations.4

The first truly theoretical understanding of Western modes came in the late ninth century

with the Carolingian rediscoveries of ancient Greek and Roman harmonic ratios, allowing them

to organize a quantitative system to describe pitch intervals and modes. Using this scale system,

chants could be categorized according to their intervallic structure using a blend of ancient a

priori systems and the qualitative descriptions from Musica disciplina. Thus, Western modal

theory began to take shape in the late ninth- and early tenth-centuries with the treatises of

Hucbald of Saint-Amand in De harmonica institutione, and the anonymous treatises, Musica

enchiriadis and Scolica enchiriadis.5 With these treatises, modal pitch collections began to take

shape with tetrachords divided into tone and semi-tone intervals with a tonal finalis specified

within the scale. However, they did not agree on the definition of scale, with the enchiriadis

treatises defining a scale derived of T-S-T tetrachords separated by a whole tone, resulting in

fifth periodicity, and therefore augmented octaves between the tritus and the deuterus eight steps

above. In contrast, Hucbald defined a system with the enduring theoretical feature of octave

periodicity.6 Finally, the eleventh-century Alia musica by three distinct, anonymous authors

attempted to lay out the musical modes mathematically, using string length ratios on a

monochord to define intervals.7 Here the species of octave modes take on truly qualitative

meaning that lays a foundation for our understanding and performance of late Medieval and

Renaissance Western music, showing the intervallic patterns characteristic of each mode and an

octave range for each mode.

4 Cohen, “Notes, Scales, and modes in the earlier Middle Ages,” 314-5.
5 Cohen, 317-23.
6 Cohen, 324.
7 Cohen, 334.
 4

Modal species from Alia musica (late ninth- to early tenth century)8
Mode Ethnic Name Boundary Notes Intervallic pattern
8 Hypermixolydian a – aa t–s–t–t–s–t–t
7 Mixolydian G–g t–t–s–t–t–s–t
6 Lydian F–f t–t–t–s–t–t–s
5 Phrygian E–e s–t–t–t–s–t–t
4 Dorian D–d t–s–t–t–t–s–t
3 Hypolydian C–c t–t–s–t–t–t–s
2 Hypophrygian B–b s–t–t–s–t–t–t
1 Hypodorian A–a t–s–t–t–s–t–t

MODES IN RENAISSANCE THEORY AND MUSIC

Since the advent of Notre Dame polyphony in the twelfth century, the Greek concept of

αρμονία, or harmony as an “ordered succession of intervals,” 9 had been extended to include the

vertical concordance of overlapping melodies. The modal system’s already thin analogical

connections to the Greek modes of antiquity were breaking down as theorists struggled to place

contemporary works into the ecclesiastical categories, or to compose new modal cycles from

formulas that had no basis on the affectation of their namesake modes. Perhaps experimenting

with modal tonality as an abstraction, the sixteenth-century composer Gioseffo Zarlino

composed an eight-mode cycle from the Song of Songs, the ordered cycle progressing through

numbered modes without apparent regard for the “modal ethos,” 10 a technique later employed

using tonal harmony by J. S. Bach for a cycle of keyboard works in his Well Tempered Clavier.

While many theorists remained firmly invested in the ecclesiastical system and its claims to

8 Reproduced from Cohen, 335.

9 See footnote 1in Henry George Farmer, A History of Arabian Music to the XIIIth Century. (London: Luzac,
1994), 73.
10 Cristle Collins Judd, “Renaissance modal theory: theoretical, compositional, and editorial perspectives,” in The
Cambridge History of Western Music Theory, edited by Thomas Street Christensen. Cambridge History of
Music. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002, 382.
 5

affectation, some strove to find a more befitting system for the polyphonic music of the day,

which would set the stage for a new generation of monodic music – yet again seeking connection

to the Greek ethos.

The church mode system of the early Renaissance remained largely unchanged since the

Middle Ages. Further sub-classifications had been added to encompass the primary

characteristics of plainchant melodies, each mode now included a specified final, reciting tone,

and ambitus (range).11 By the sixteenth century, practical music theory was largely transmitted to

choirboys using a slim instruction manual, or pamphlet called a cantorinus. They illustrated the

Guidonian hand, instructed in the basics of solmization, intervals, and the diapente and

diatessaron (species of fourths and fifths). As a choirboy, Zarlino was likely initiated in musical

theory using such a pamphlet,12 perhaps inspiring some of this later innovations in music theory,

moving towards a modal system based on the diapente – diatessaron relationships, and informed

by his studies of Pythagorean and Boethian ratios, which he published in Le istitutioni

harmoniche (1558), and Dimostrationi harmoniche (1571). Although the music theory of

Zarlino’s time had become quite static, there was one major change that had occurred in Western

musical practice, both secular and ecclesiastic since the Middle Ages – the widespread practice

of polyphony.

In an attempt to update theory to conform with the practice of polyphonic music, Zarlino

elaborated on a twelve-mode system in his Le istitutioni. He seems to have built on Heinrich

Glarean’s similar twelve-mode system from the Dodecachordon (1547) – although without

acknowledging Glarean’s influence. While Zarlino initially adopted Greek ethnic names for his

modal structure in Le istitutioni, he switched to an ordinal naming system by its end, perhaps due

11 Judd, “Renaissance modal theory: theoretical, compositional, and editorial perspectives,” 365.
12 Judd, 371.
 6

to his expanding awareness of Ptolemy’s work and other classical sources that made clear the

separation between the contemporary modes and the misguided Greek ethnic nomenclature that

had remained in use.13 Directed toward polyphony rather than chant 14, Zarlino’s twelve-mode

system described six pairs of modes characterized by diapente – diatessaron and octave

relationships. From Dimostrationi harmoniche, his table, “Ordine naturale de tutti li modi” is a

step towards a visualization of fifths relationships, however, he arranges them linearly,

progressing from one pair to the next, incrementally by tone (Table 1, original facsimile is

included in Appendix).

Table 1. Zarlino’s Twelve Modal Classifications15

1. Primo modo principale C G c
2. Segundo modo nonprincipale r C G

3. Terco modo principale D a d

4. Quarto modo principale A D a

5. Quinto modo principale E n e

6. Sesto modo nonprincipale n E n

7. Settimo modo principale F c f

8. Ottavo modo nonprincipale C F c

9. Nono modo principale G d g

10. Decimo modo principale D G d

11. Unidecimo modo principale a e aa

12. Duodecimo modo principale E a e

13 Judd, 392-3.
14 Judd, 394.
15 Adapted from a reproduction of Zarlino’s table “Ordine naturale de tutti li modi,” which is reproduced in the
Appendix. Judd, 398.
 7

Although Zarlino and Glarean’s work were groundbreaking in their approach to a harmonic-tonal

system, they were not widely accepted. Numerous treatises throughout the sixteenth- and into the

seventeenth-centuries retained the eight-mode system, including Dressler’s Practica modorum

explicatio (1561), Aiguino’s La illuminata de tutti tuoni di canto fermo (1562 and revised 1581),

Cerreto’s Della prattica music vocale (1601) and Dialogli harmonici (1626), while prominent

composers continued to setting eight-mode cycles, including Palestrina and Lassos, 16 (and

Zarlino himself) late into the sixteenth century. However, it would take a new style of music to

give harmonic tonality a practical advantage and make a decisive shift a theoretical necessity.

SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY THOROUGH BASS AND THE SHIFT TO MAJOR-MINOR TONALITY

As monody and the recitative style took hold in seventeenth-century music, and

composers of the seconda practtica, inspired by Renaissances humanists, sought a return to the

clarity and expression believed to be qualities of ancient Greek drama and music with a focus on

the text. The ecclesiastical modes were finally being superseded. Surprisingly, the shift was

initiated, not from practice per se, but from a system of printing notation that translated into

performance practice that would “fundamentally alter how musicians and theorists conceived

tonal organization.”17 Figured bass notation became popular for notating monodic music because

it was easier to read and required less space than tablature or full score; however, it required a

standardized harmonic system to allow a performer to realize harmonies with a minimal amount

of information. According to Barnet, this standardized system along with the choice of either

major or minor triads as basic harmonizing sonorities, and the ability to harmonize from any

16 Judd, 399.
17 Gregory Barnett, “Tonal Organization in seventeenth-century music theory,” in The Cambridge History of
Western Music Theory, edited by Thomas Street Christensen. Cambridge History of Music. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2002, 441.
 8

pitch, led decisively to the “eventual conception of tonal space,” or a harmonic-tonal system. 18

This system become ubiquitous in Western music until nearly the twentieth century, to such an

extent that we can analyze most Western art music from the Baroque until the Modern era using

roman numeral analysis to notate tonal functionality and progression through a piece of music.

A BRIEF COMPARISON OF THREE SECULAR SONGS

Theorists and musicologists began to define the characteristics of tonalité in the 1830’s,

with a definition first appearing in Alexandre Choron’s Sommaire de l’histoire de la musique

(1810). Choron defined tonality as a relation between its primary features: tonic, dominant and

subdomiant harmonies, and claims that with Monteverdi’s invention of the unprepared dominant

seventh “tonal harmony came to be.”19 François-Joseph Fétis made a similar claim in his Traité

complet de la théorie et de la pratique de l’harmoni, specifically referring to m. 13 of Cruda

Amarilli (1605) where the unprepared F# of the dominant seventh will descend to the tonic G 20

(See Appendix for analysis).

To better understand how madrigals of the late fifteenth century had shifted toward

harmonic tonality, I selected three pieces for comparison. In addition, to Cruda Amarilli I chose

two more pieces in the Italian style, the earliest being Jacques Arcadelt’s S’infinita bellezza, first

published in 1544, which is three years before Heinrich Glarean’s Dodecachordon. The

intermediary piece, Filipo di Monte’s Verament’in amore, was published in 1574, only three

years after Zarlino’s Le istitutioni. I do not mean to imply that di Monte’s composition was

directly influenced by either Zarlino or Glarean, but only to point out that this was a time when

18 Barnett, “Tonal Organization in seventeenth-century music theory,” 441.

19 Brian Hyer, “Tonality,” in The Cambridge History of Western Music Theory, edited by Thomas Street
Christensen. Cambridge History of Music. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 730.
20 Hyer, “Tonality,” 729.
 9

theorists were reconsidering modal functions in music, and it may have been reflected in

contemporaneous music. For each of these pieces I performed a rudimentary analysis which is

included in the Appendix. I worked backwards chronologically from Monteverdi to Arcadelt,

initially using Roman numerals; however, in the case of Arcadelt’s piece its lack of functional

tonality prompted me to simply notate the chordal sonorities and contrapuntal intervals for the

first half of the work.

I found that Cruda Amarilli actually stands up well to a harmonic analysis. Although the

melody of its main theme is built on the Mixolydian mode, the minor seventh of the mode is

often altered to create a leading tone characteristic of the G major key. The piece follows a rather

typical Baroque progression of tonic, predominant and dominant functions, with a modulation to

the subdominant key, and finally a return to the tonic key to end on an authentic cadence.

Verament’in amore is structured in the Dorian mode, but can be analyzed in the key of G

minor. It generally exhibits functional tonality, with dominant-tonic relationships and

predominant functions. There are tonicizations of closely related keys, including a plagal

cadence to the subdominant C in the first system. However, there are some chords that do not

seem to function harmonically, such as the major mediant chords, one m. 12 which is tonicized

(and which would probably not occur in tonal music), and another in m. 17. The final system

also uses a major-subtonic and a minor-dominant chord in its approach to the final cadence. The

harmonic analysis is useful in identifying and separating the tonal aspects from some of the

modal or non-tonal aspects of the piece’s structure.

Also in the Dorian mode, S’infinita bellzza was composed thirty years earlier than

Verament’in amore. I realized quickly that this piece is not suited to harmonic Roman numeral

analysis. The piece is structured contrapuntally, not vertically, such that Roman numerals do not
 10

reveal functional tonic, predominant, dominant relationships. Instead, I decided to use a chordal

analysis and noted the contrapuntal intervals. It is interesting how frequently the technique of

exchanging third and fifth intervals is used (see blue numerals in score in Appendix), and the

sparsity of dissonances. Also note that intervals of a fourth were considered dissonant at this time

and are circled as passing tones. While the composition technique seems to focus on melodic

counterpoint, it is interesting to see the variety and mix of major and minor chords as they

progress through the song, for example the mode mixture of the C sonority in mm. 5-7.

Measures 8 to 18 are primarily minor sonorities, and it is here diminished sonorities are

gradually introduced. It seems that this contrast of major and minor sonorities had a function

similar to the harmonic progression of tonal music. In addition, this piece is quite sensitive to

dissonance and uses it sparingly, quite a contrast with Cruda Amarilli and many of the works

written from the early sixteenth century onward.

CONCLUSION

As humanist-inspired composers of the Renaissance aspired to express emotion with the

empathic characteristics thought to embody the drama and tragedy of classical antiquity, they

began to phase out polyphony in favor of the clarity and flexibility of monody. A system of

twelve tonal scales took shape with emphasis on a primary tonal center with contrasting pivot at

the diatessaron, or in tonal terms, the dominant fifth, a system which would later prove adaptable

to music for instrumental accompaniment printed in figured bass. This prompted Western

musical composition and improvisation to move beyond the conventions of counterpoint and

melodic structure into a system of vertical, tonal harmony. Monteverdi, whose career coincides

with the advent of monody and the introduction of figured bass notation, is credited as the first
 11

composer to explore the use of the dominant seventh and work with functionally harmonic

progressions. With the power and flexibility of a new system that we associate with keys and the

circle of fifths, composers would soon discover the flexibility to modulate convincingly through

tonal centers. Although sacrificing some of the tonal character found in modal scales, ironically,

we have finally arrived at a more true realization of Greek transposition keys, an

accomplishment that eluded both the medieval and the Renaissance theorists.
 12

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Arcadelt, Jacues. S’infinite bellezza. Edited by Paul-Gustav Feller. Ritter von Schleyer
Verlag, 2014. http://ks.imslp.info/files/imglnks/usimg/4/42/IMSLP316877-
PMLP511947-Arcadelt;_S'infinita_bellezza.pdf
Barnett, Gregory. “Tonal Organization in seventeenth-century music theory,” in The
Cambridge History of Western Music Theory, edited by Thomas Street
Christensen. Cambridge History of Music. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2002.
Busse Berger, Anna Maria. Medieval Music and the Art of Memory. Berkeley: University
of California Press, 2005.
Cohen, David E. “Notes, Scales, and modes in the earlier Middle Ages,” in The
Cambridge History of Western Music Theory, edited by Thomas Street
Christensen. Cambridge History of Music. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2002.
Farmer, Henry George. A History of Arabian Music to the XIIIth Century. London: Luzac,
1994.
Hyer, Brian. “Tonality,” in The Cambridge History of Western Music Theory, edited by
Thomas Street Christensen. Cambridge History of Music. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2002.
Judd, Cristle Collins. “Renaissance modal theory: theoretical, compositional, and editorial
perspectives,” in The Cambridge History of Western Music Theory, edited by
Thomas Street Christensen. Cambridge History of Music. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2002.
Monteverdi, Claudio. “Cruda Amarilli,” in Il quinto libro de madrigali a cinque voci.
Editied by Gian Francesco Malipiero. Vienna: Universal Edition, 1927.
http://ks.imslp.info/files/imglnks/usimg/b/b3/IMSLP249376-PMLP82328-
Madrigali_Libro_5_1605.pdf
di Monte, Filippo. “Verament’in amore,” in The Golden Age of the Madrigal. Editied by
Alfred Einstein. New York: G. Schirmer, n.d.
http://petruccilibrary.ca/files/imglnks/caimg/4/49/IMSLP433082-PMLP704046-
(DvG)_Golden_age_of_the_madrigal_(Alfred_Einstein)_Schirmer.pdf
Powers, Harold S., Et. al. "Mode." Grove Music Online. Accessed 15 May. 2018.
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/grovemusic/view/10.1093/gmo/97815615926
30.001.0001/omo-9781561592630-e-0000043718.
Zarlino, Gioseffo. Dimostrationi harmoniche. Venice: 1571.
https://imslp.nl/imglnks/usimg/1/19/IMSLP03791-Zarlino_-
_Le_dimostrationi_harmoniche_(1571)_(facsimile).pdf
 13

APPENDIX

Reproduced from Dimostrationi harmoniche facsimile21

21 Zarlino, Gioseffo. Dimostrationi harmoniche. (Venice:1571), 306.

 S'infinita bellezza
for five voices (SATTB)
Text by Luigi Cassola (c.1480-c.1560) Jacques Arcadelt (c.1504-1568)
Edited by Paul-Gustav Feller

(The printer or composer is using Chiavette)

° ° bC
Cantus & b C Û Û ~ & ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑

b
Altus B bC Ú Ó ~ & bC ∑ Ó
˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙
S'in - fi - ni - ta bel - lez - za

Quintus B bC Ú ~ & bC ∑ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ Ó ˙
‹ S'in - fi - ni - ta bel - lez - za, s'in -

Tenor B bC Û ~ & bC ∑ ∑ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ
‹ S'in - fi - ni - ta bel - lez za'e

b ~ ? bC ˙ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ ˙
Bassus ¢? bC ¢ J œ œ ˙ Ó
S'in - fi - ni - ta bel -lez - za'e leg - gia - dri - a,

5
° b œ™ œ
& ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó Ó Œ
J
S'in - fi - ni - ta bel - lez - za'e leg - gia - dri - a, Tan -
# n
&b Πj
˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ
e leg - gia - dri - - - a, Tan - t'ex - cel - sa vir - tù, tan -

œ œ œ œ œ œ bœ œ ˙ œ œ ˙
&b œ œ œ œ ˙
‹ fi - ni - ta bel - lez - za'e leg - gia - dri - a, tan - t'ex - cel - sa vir - tù, tan -

& b œ™ œ ˙ ˙ Ó Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
J
‹ leg - gia - dri - a, Tan - t'ex - cel - sa vir - tù, tan - t'ho - nes -

? œ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙
¢ b˙ ˙
e leg - gia - dri - a, Tan - t'ex - cel - sa vir - tù, tan -

Ritter von Schleyer Verlag, 2014

Source: Di Cipriano de Rore, Il Secondo Libro de Madrigrali
a cinque voci insieme alcvni di M. Adriano & altri Autori Nuovamente Ristampato.
(Venice: Antonio Gardano, 1551)
2
10
° bœ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó ˙ œ œ
& œ œ œ ˙ ˙
t'ex - cel - sa vir - tù, tan - t'ho - ne - sta - de, Fra noi di -

&b œ œ
˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ
œ œ œ ˙ ˙
t'ho - nes - ta - de, tan - t'ho - nes - ta - de, fra noi di - vi - na fan, fra

œ œ #
˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ
&b ˙ ˙ Œ J œ
‹ t'ho - nes - ta - de, tan - t'ho - nes - ta - de, Fra noi di - vi - na fan la

˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙
&b ˙ ˙ ˙ Ó Œ œ
‹ ta - de, Fra noi di - vi - na fan, Fra

?b œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙
w Ó ˙ œ œ ˙
¢
t'ho - nes - ta - de, Fra noi di - vi - na fan, fra

15
° b˙ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ™ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ
& œ œ œ œ J
vi - na fan, Fra noi di - vi - na fan la don - na mi -

b n
&b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ
œ
noi di - vi - na fan la don - na mi - a, la don - na mi -
b n
œ
&b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
™ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙
J œ
‹ don - na mi - - a, la don - - na mi -

œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ
&b œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ Ó
J
‹ noi di - vi - na fan la don - na mi - a, O dol - ce'a -

? œ œ œ œ œ
¢ bœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w ∑
noi di - vi - na fan la don - na mi - a,
 3
20
° b˙ Ó
˙ œ œ œ™ œ œ™ œ œ
& J J œ ˙ w
a; O dol - ce'a - mor, dol - ce'a - mo - ro - so stra - le,

&b œ œ j
˙ bœ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ œ œ
- a, O dol - ce'a - mor, dol - ce'a - mo - ro - so stra - le, qua - l'è si

œ™ œb œ ™
&b œ œ œ œ Ó Œ œ œ ˙ œ œ Ó
˙ J J
‹ a, O dol - ce'a - mor, dol - ce'a - mo - ro - so stra - le,
b
œ™ œ œ™ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ
&b J J w Ó Œ
‹ mor, dol - ce'a - mo - ro - so stra - le, Qua - l'e si fran - c[a]'e

? b˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ
¢ bw œ œ œ œ
O dol - ce'a - mor, dol - ce'a - mo - ro - so stra - le, qua - l'è si -

25
° bÓ œ œ œ
& Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ Ó
Qua - l'è si fran - c[a]'e ca - ra li - ber - ta - de,
b
&b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ
˙ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ
œ
fran - c[a]'e ca - ra li - ber - ta - de, ca - ra li - ber - ta - de, Ch'al mio ser -
n
˙™ œ œ œ œ™ œb œ bœ ˙ œ œ
&b ˙
œ œ œ œ
J
‹ Qua - l'è si fran - c[a]'e ca - ra li - - ber - ta - de, ch'al mio ser -

Ϫ
&b œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ Ó Ó Œ œ œ œ œ
J
‹ ca - ra li - ber - ta - - de, Ch'al mio ser - vir sia'e -

? œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ
œ™ œ ˙ Ó Ó Œ œ J
¢ b J ˙
fran - c[a]'e ca - ra li - ber - ta - de, Ch'al mio ser - vir sia'e -
4
30
° bÓ Œ œ œ™ œ œ ˙ ∑
& J œ ˙
Ch'al mio ser - vir sia'e - qua - le

&b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙
˙ œ
vir sia'e - qua - le, ch'al mio ser - vir sia'e - qua - le, s'io

œ # #
œ œ™ œ œ œ œ œ
&b œ J œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ
‹ vir sia'e - qua - - - - - - - - le, s'io non fos -

œ œ œ œ œ
&b ˙ ˙ ∑ Ó Œ
‹ qua - le, S'io non fos - si mor -

?b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ Ó
¢
qua - le, ch'al mio ser - vir sia'e - qua - - le,

34 #
° bÓ œ œ œ
& Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ Ó Ó Œ œ
s'io non fos - si mor - ta - le, s'io

j
&b œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
Œ
œ
non fos - si mor - ta - - - - - - - - - le, s'io

œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
&b œ ˙
‹ si mor - ta - le, mor - ta - - le, mor - ta - - -
# #
œ
&b œ ˙ œ ˙ Ó Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ
‹ - ta - le, S'io non fos - si mor - ta -
œ œ œ œ
?
¢ bÓ Œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
S'io non fos - si mor - ta - le, S'io non fos - si mor - ta - le,
 5
39 # U
° bœ œ
& œ œ œ œ ˙ œ w w w w
non fos - si mor - ta - le.
b b U
&b œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ bœ œ œ ˙ ˙ w w
non fos - si mor - ta - - le, s'io non fo - si mor - ta - le.
b n
œ bœ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w U
&b ˙ Ó Ó Œ œ nw
‹ - le, S'io non fos - si mor - ta - - - le.
U
&b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w w w w
‹ - le, mor - ta - le.
n U
? œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w
¢ bŒ œ Œ œ œ œ œ w
S'io non fos - si mor - ta - le, S'io non fos - si mor - ta - - le.