Islamic Studies 40:1 (2001) pp.

105–132 105

Notes and Comments

The Darg┐h of B┐b┐ ╓┐j┘ Ratan at Bhatinda

SUBHASH PARIHAR

The Darg┐h of B┐b┐ ╓┐j┘ Ratan is situated on the outskirts of the city of
Bhatinda (East Punjab), some 300 kilometers north-west of Delhi 1 At present,
the shrine is little known outside the city. The local populace, chiefly non-
Muslim, continues to hold the shrine in reverence but it has little idea of who
B┐b┐ ╓┐j┘ Ratan was and what is the real historical significance of the shrine. 2

The Legend of B┐b┐ ╓┐j┘ Ratan

Like many other religious figures, no authentic historical information about
╓┐j┘ Ratan is available. Whatever is known about him is based on the
prevalent oral traditions and hagiographic literature. These sources show that
the fame of B┐b┐ Ratan was not limited to the Indian sub-continent only but it
extended over the whole of the Islamic world. The main basis of the

1
See, fig. 1, p. 120 below. Bhatinda (30013’N and 74056’E) is a prominent city and district of the
(East) Punjab State, India. Situated approximately at the middle point of the medieval route
from Multan to Delhi, it formed a significant military outpost to check the invaders from the
north-west. Due to such strategic location of the place, it was defended by a strong fort.
About the end of the fourteenth century or the beginning of the next, due to various
geographical and political factors, Bhatinda no longer remained strategically important. Timur
completely destroyed the cities along the Multan-Delhi route. Also as a result of his invasion,
Multan was severed from Delhi. The Bhatti chiefs became powerful in the Ghaggar valley from
Bhatner (now Hanumanagarh, Rajasthan) to Tohana (Haryana). Also the encroaching Thar
desert began to render this route to Multan difficult to traverse. The future line of
communication was to the north, via Sirhind. A.M. Stow, “The Road between Delhi and
Multan” (a paper read at the meeting of the Punjab Historical Society, Lahore on 16th
September 1912). Reprinted in Selections from the Journal of Punjab Historical Society [henceforth
Selections], ed., Zulfiqar Ahmed (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, c.1982), 2: 81–94.
Bhatinda is frequently mentioned in the Persian chronicles of the Sultanate period under
the name Tabarhinda. The name of the city has recently been changed to Bathinda.
2
In the wake of the partition of India in 1947, the Muslim population of the region migrated to
Pakistan.

© Dr Muhammad Hamidullah Library, IIU, Islamabad. http://iri.iiu.edu.pk/

 SUBHASH PARIHAR
106

popularity of ╓┐j┘ Ratan was his alleged claim that he had met the Prophet
Mu╒ammad in person and lived with him for some time.
Various traditions narrate differing accounts of B ┐b┐ Ratan’s life. Here we
shall narrate only three of them. The first one is by Abu’l-Fa l. He writes that
Shaykh B┐b┐ Ratan was the son of Nu╖rat Tabrind┘3 (in medieval chronicles
the name of Bhatinda is mentioned as Tabarhind ┐; hence ‘Tabrind ┘’ means ‘of
Tabarhind┐ ’). He adds that the patronymic of the B┐b┐ was Ab┴ Ri ┐. He was
born at Bhatinda. Later, he went to ╓ij┐z and, according to the alleged claim,
met the Prophet, and after many wanderings returned to India. He died at
Bhatinda in 700/1300–01.
The second tradition has it that B ┐b┐ Ratan was born at Bhatinda before
the birth of the Prophet Mu╒ammad (peace be on him). He used to pray for
the appearance of a great leader. Then he heard about the Prophet Mu ╒ammad
and the religion of Islam that he was propagating. He went to Makkah and
Mad┘nah, became a Muslim and a Companion of the Prophet. After living for
some time with the Prophet, he returned to Bhatinda and died there. During
his lifetime he is said to have composed a treatise entitled Ris┐lah-’i Rataniyyah
recording the a╒┐d┘th which the Prophet Mu╒ammad had personally related to
him.4
The third tradition was recorded by H.B.W. Garrick, Assistant
Archaeological Surveyor of India, in 1883–84. 5 He writes that the original
name of ╓┐j┘ Ratan was Chankar and that of his father, Kanwar Pal. He was a
minister of R┐j┐ Venu Pal. But when Sul═┐n Mu‘izz al-D┘n Mu╒ammad ibn
S┐m invaded Bhatinda fort [in 1191 or 1192], Chankar connived, thus
rendering Sul═┐n assistance to enter the fort. Later, he himself embraced Islam
and made ╓ajj. Garrick also gives the following genealogy of Kanwar Pal and
B┐b┐ ╓┐j┘ Ratan to show that their descendants retained the faith of Islam:

Kanwar Pal
|
Chankar or B┐b┐ ╓┐j┘ Ratan
|

3
Ab┴ ’l-Fa l, └’┘n-i Akbar┘, trans., by H.S. Jarrett, reprint (Delhi: Oriental Books, 1978), 3: 401.
Mu╒ammad Ghauth┘ Shatt┐r┘ gives the name of his father as Na╖r-i Hind┘. See Gulz┐r-i Abr┐r,
ed., Mu╒ammad Zak┘ (Patna: Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, 1994), 20–21.
4
A slightly different version of the legend is given by J. Horovitz, “Baba Rattan, the Saint of
Bhatinda” (a paper read at the annual meeting of the Punjab Historical Society, Lahore, on 5th
October 1911), published in the Journal of Punjab Historical Society, vol. XI, No. 2 [Lahore],
(1913) and reprinted in Selections, 1: 64.
5
H.B.W. Garrick, Report of a Tour in the Punjab and Rajputana in 1883–84, vol. XXIII of
Archaeological Survey of India Reports , reprint (Varanasi: Ideological Book House, n.d.), 6–7.
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 107

D┐’┴d
|
T┐j Mu╒ammad
|
Shaykh Mu╒ammad
|
All┐h Bakhsh
|
Mu╒ammad Raushan
|
Ratan Bakhsh

B┐b┐ Ratan’s claim of having met the Prophet Mu╒ammad could have been
true only if he had lived a long life of about seven hundred years. Ab ┴ ’l-Fa l
writes that holy men like Shaykh Rukn al-D ┘n ‘Al┐ al-Daulah al-Simn┐n┘
(Iranian ╖┴f┘ of the Kubrawiyyah order, d. Rajab 736/March 1336), Majd al-
D┘n Mu╒ammad F┘r┤z┐b┐d┘ (the author of Safar al-Sa‘┐dah or al-╗┘r┐t al-
Mustaq┘m, d. 817/1414), Khv┐jah Mu╒ammad P┐rs┐ (a ╖┴f┘ of Naqshband┘
order, d. 822/1420), and Ibn ╓ajar al-‘Asqal┐n┘ (d. 852/1449), acknowledged
B┐b┐ Ratan’s claim.6
It would be interesting to note that the Sikh traditions extend the life
span of B┐b┐ Ratan on the other end, up to the early eighteenth century. One
painting in a Janam-S┐kh┘ depicts the B┐b┐ in discussion with Gur┴ N┐nak
D╚v (d. 1529).7 Another oral Sikh tradition narrates the confrontation between
B┐b┐ Ratan and the tenth Gur┴ Gobind Singh (d. 1708). 8
J. Horovitz, the erstwhile Professor of Arabic at M.A.O. College,
Aligarh, undertook a detailed study of numerous legends about B ┐b┐ Ratan

6
Ab┴ ’l-Fa l, A’┘n-i Akbar┘, 401. See also, S.A.A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India (Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978), 1: 320–21, 354.
Some scholars dismissed B┐b┐ Ratan’s claim to such a long life. One of them, al-Dhahab┘
(born 673/1274–75; died 748/1347–48) wrote a monograph, Kasr Wathan Ratan (The Breaking
of the Idol Ratan). Parts of the monograph are preserved in quotations from it given by later
scholars. Al-Dhahab┘ outrightly rejects the claim, decrying it as a lie. Al-Kutub┘, Faw┐t al-
Wafay┐t, 1: 163 quoted by J. Horovitz, “Baba Rattan, the Saint of Bhatinda”, 67.
The ╓ad┘th scholar Maul┐n┐ Ra╔┘ al-D┘n Hasan ╗┐gh┐n┘ also considered the traditions
attributed to B┐b┐ Ratan as apocryphal. M. Ishaq, India’s Contribution to the Study of Hadith
Literature (Dacca: University of Dacca, 1955), 227.
7
Surjit Hans, ed., Janam-Sakhi Guru Baba Nanak Paintings (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev
University, 1987), plate 14.
8
The present author has himself heard a poem on the theme being recited at a festive gathering
in the Gur┴diw┐r┐h, situated on the backside of the Darg┐h ╓┐j┘ Ratan.
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
108

prevalent in the whole of the Islamic world. 9 He reached the conclusion that
╓┐j┘ Ratan lived towards the end of the sixth or the beginning of the seventh
century of the Hijr┘ era, i.e., the early part of the thirteenth century CE.10

The Darg┐h Complex

The Darg┐h of B┐b┐ ╓┐j┘ Ratan is situated in the locality which is also known
by the name of ╓┐j┘ Ratan. The present complex comprises the tomb of ╓┐j┘
Ratan, a small mosque and a ╒ujrah and a number of structures of recent date.
Another tomb building believed to be that of some P ┘r Sh┐h Ch┐nd is situated
outside the Darg┐h enclosure.

Tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan

Description of the Tomb
The tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan is a moderate-sized (8.0 by 8.0 meters) square building
of slightly sloping walls. 11 An archway (1.2 meters broad) in its southern wall
gives access to the interior (5.40 by 5.25 meters), enshrining the main grave
along with four other ones. The western wall of the interior originally had a
mi╒r┐b, the contours of which were bordered with the text from verse 17 of
chapter 3 of the Qur’┐n. This inscription was further framed with the Throne
Verse [└yat al-Kurs┘].12
Each corner of the interior has a squinch, converting the square of the
room into an octagon which supports a domical ceiling.
On the exterior, each corner of the building at parapet level (height 4.45
meters) is marked by a turret (1.2 by 1.2 meters; height 2.0 meters), a small
replica of the tomb. In the centre rises a hemi-spherical dome (circumference
20.6 meters; height 1.55 meters), sitting on a tapering circular drum and

9
J. Horovitz, “Baba Rattan, the Saint of Bhatinda”, 62–82. For some more references to B┐b┐
╓┐j┘ Ratan, see, ‘Abd al-Ra╒m┐n J┐m┘, Kit┐b Nafa╒at al-Uns (Teheran: Intash┐rat Kit┐bfar┴sh┘
Ma╒m┴d┘, 1337/1918), 435–37; Richard Temple, Punjab dian Lok Gathavan [Punjabi] [Legends
of the Punjab], reprint (Patiala: Languages Department, Punjab, 1971), 1: 128–29; Ibn ╓ajar al-
‘Asqal┐n┘, al-I╖┐bah f┘ Tamy┘z al-╗a╒┐bah, 1: 1088–93, 1096–97, 1099–1102; 2: 354; 4: 88 cited by
J. Horovitz, “Baba Rattan, the Saint of Bhatinda”, 71–77.
A nineteenth century German traveller, Charles Hugel, records a legend from Kashmir in
1845. See Travels in Kashmir and the Punjab, reprint (Patiala: Languages Department, Punjab,
1970), 127–29. On the basis of certain similarities, J. Horovitz feels that this legend may have
originally been connected with B┐b┐ ╓┐j┘ Ratan. See, J. Horovitz, “Baba Rattan, the Saint of
Bhatinda”, 68.
10
Ibid., 75.
11
See, fig. 2, p. 121 and plate 1, p. 124 below.
12
The present author himself saw the inscription in early 1980s.
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 109

crowned with a nipple-shaped finial. Similar finials crown the domes of the
corner turrets also.
Outside, near the western wall of the tomb is a modern grave, built in the
shape of a sitting camel. This grave is believed to be that of the she-camel
which the Prophet Mu╒ammad is said to have gifted to B┐b┐ Ratan.

Date of Erection
Garrick cliams that the inscription around the mi╒r┐b “exhibits the Hijr┘ date
309 [921–22], and this is date of the ╓┐j┘’s death”.13 He adds that “in the book
written by command of Shah┐b al-D┘n Gh┤r┘ this date is, however,
contradicted, for here — Siyar al-Muta’khkhir┘n — the demise of B┐b┐ ╓┐j┘
Ratan (who commenced building his tomb in Hijr ┘ 700 [1300–01]) is placed in
722 [1322–23] of the flight ….” But this whole account is quite confusing. The
tomb cannot be assigned such an early date as 309/921–22 when there was no
trace of Islam in northern India. Neither the Gh ┤r┘ Sul═┐n is known to have
got written any book of the title Siyar al-Muta’akhkhir┘n.14 In any case, if any
such book was written at all, how could it contain a date as late as 722/1322–
23 when the Sul═┐n had already been assassinated in Sha‘b ┐n 602/March 1206.
The date of commencing the tomb, i.e., 700/1301–02 and the date of the ╓┐j┘’s
death, 722/1322–23 as given in the said book, are also off the mark.
Professor J. Horovitz’s conclusion that ╓┐j┘ Ratan lived about early
thirteenth century is quite reasonable. One source gives the exact date to be
632/1234–35 which may be very much true. 15 Hence the date of construction
of the tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan can also be placed about this period. This date is
further corroborated by the calligraphic style of the mi╒r┐b inscriptions.16
If our conclusion is true, the tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan ranks as the earliest
surviving Sultanate monument not only of the East Punjab but also of the
whole of the Delhi Sultanate. The main architectural features of this
monument, namely, battering walls, hemi-spherical dome, use of squinch in
the zone of transition, nipple-like finial, corner-turrets, and framing of the

13
H.B.W. Garrick, Report of a Tour in the Punjab and Rajputana in 1883–84, 6.
14
The only known book of the name was written by Sayyid Ghul┐m ╓usain Kh┐n ║ab┐═ab┐’┘
covering the period from 1118/1707, the year of Aurangz╚b’s death, to 1196/1781. This
monumental work was translated into English by a French scholar who had embraced Islam,
named Raymond or ╓┐j┘ Mu╖═af┐. It was first printed in 3 vols. from Calcutta in 1789. Since
then, the work has been reprinted several times, as late as 1986.
15
‘Asqal┐ni, I╖┐bah, 1: 1100 quoted by J. Horovitz, “Baba Rattan, the Saint of Bhatinda”, 74.
16
Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy (1973–74), 180. The editor of the journal dates the
characters about the 13th century. For a plate of the inscription, see Subhash Parihar, Muslim
Inscriptions in the Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh (Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1985),
plate 2.2.
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
110

mi╒r┐b with inscription, which survived in the Muslim buildings of the region
for a long time to come, deserve some discussion.
As mentioned earlier, Bhatinda was located midway between Delhi and
Multan. Hence, for the design of the tomb of B ┐b┐ ╓┐j┘ Ratan, the builder
could follow the monuments of these two cities. The use of sloping walls,
squinch arches and inscription along the contours of the mi╒r┐b and framing
the whole with a rectangular frame of inscription, are already present in the
earliest known burial monument near Multan, namely, the tomb of Kh ┐lid
Wal┘d (datable to 11th century) at Khati Chor near Kabirwala (Multan
District).17 These features are also present in the earliest tomb at Delhi, the
tomb of Iltutmish (d. 633/1235) with which the Bhatinda tomb was more or
less contemporaneous. 18 The earliest memorial at Multan proper, the tomb of
Shaykh Bah┐ al-D┘n Zakariyy┐ (d. 661/1262), was yet to be built.
The tomb of B┐b┐ Ratan also has the earliest surviving hemi-spherical
dome in the Indian sub-continent. It might have derived its square plan and

17
For some details of the tomb of Kh┐lid Wal┘d, see, N. Khan, Multan: History and Architecture
(Islamabad: Institute of Islamic History, Culture & Civilization, 1983), 183, plate 11, colour
plate, frontispiece; idem, Islamic Architecture of Pakistan: An Analytical Exposition (Islamabad:
National Hijra Council, 1990), 75–78, plates 1, 29, 74–79, fig. 25; idem, Development of Mosque
Architecture in Pakistan (Islamabad: Lok Virsa, 1991), plate 12; idem, “Evolution and
Development of Islamic Funerary Memorial Architecture in Pakistan” in Siddiq-a-Akbar [sic],
Abdul Rehman and Muhammad Ali Tirmizi, eds., Sultanate Period Architecture [henceforth
SPA] (Lahore: Anjuman Mimaran, 1991), 21–22; idem, “Naked Brick Architecture of Early
Islamic period of Pakistan: An Analytical Study” in Riazul Islam, Kazi A. Kadir and Javed
Hussain eds., Central Asia: History, Politics and Culture [henceforth Central Asia] (Karachi:
Institute of Central and West Asian Studies, 1999), 274, 276–79, 285, 287, 288, plates on 289;
Abdul Aziz Farooq, “Mosque of Khalid Walid’s Tomb” in Journal of Pakistan Historical Society,
vol. XXXVI, No. 3 (July 1988), 243–54; Abdul Rehman, “Sultanate Period Architecture in
Punjab (1000 A.D.—1500 A.D.)” in SPA, 41–42; Kamil Khan Mumtaz, Architecture in Pakistan
(Singapore: Concept Media, 1985), 39–42, plates 3. 3–3.6.
18
Here I have not considered the tomb of N┐╖ir al-D┘n Mu╒ammad (d. 1231), popularly known
as Sultan Ghari (near Mahipalpur, Delhi), which falls in a class apart. For some details of the
above tomb and the tomb of Iltutmish, see, Percy Brown, Indian Architecture (Islamic Period),
reprint (Bombay: Taraporevala, 1975), 13–15, plates VII, fig. 1, VIII; Carr Stephen, The
Archaeology and Monumental Remains of Delhi, reprint (Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, n.d.),
70–75; Satish Grover, The Architecture of India, Islamic 727–1707 (Delhi: Vikas Publishing
House, 1981), 14–18, plates 1.13–1.20; Y.D. Sharma, Delhi and its Neighbourhood, reprint (Delhi:
Archaeological Survey of India, 1982), 56–57, 68–70, plats Va, XIII; R. Nath, Monuments of
Delhi: Historical Study (Delhi: Ambika Publications, 1979), 28–29, illustration no. 20; R. Nath,
History of Sultanate Architecture (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, n.d.), 38–40, plates XXVIII–
XXX; Sayyid A╒mad Kh┐n, Ath┐r al-╗an┐d┘d, reprint (Delhi: Urdu Academy, 1992), 88–91;
Ziyaud-Din A. Desai, Indo-Islamic Architecture (Delhi: Publication Division, Ministry of
Information & Broadcasting, Government of India, 1970), 5, uppermost plate opposite p. 11;
S.A.A. Naqvi, “Sultan Ghari, Delhi” in Ancient India (Bulletin of the Archaeological Survey of
India), no. 3 (1947), 4–10, plates I–XI.
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 111

the profile of the dome complete with its nipple finial from the distant Central
Asian tomb of Ism┐‘┘l the S┐m┐nid at Bukh┐r┐, built at the turn of the 9th and
10th centuries.19
In the use of the corner turrets in the shape of the replicas of the
monument itself, the Bhatinda tomb is the earliest surviving Sultanate
monument. The next surviving specimen having this feature is the tomb of
B┘b┘ Sub╒┐n (Sirhind), the daughter of Bahl ┴l L┤dh┘, who died on 11 ╗afar
901/31 October 1495.20 This feature seems to have been of indigenous origin as
was the innovation of placing a chatr┘ at each corner of the parapet of Sayyid
and L┤dh┘ tombs in Delhi.

Repairs of the Monument

The tomb of B┐b┐ ╓┐j┘ Ratan was subjected to repairs a number of times.
Four Persian and Arabic inscriptions to the effect are still extant on the eastern
wall of the building. 21
Of these, the earliest epigraph is the one dated 25 Rama ╔┐n 1011/26
February 160322. It is written in Naskh and Nasta‘l┘q scripts.

Urdu Text

19
For some details of the tomb of Ism┐‘┘l the S┐m┐nid at Bukh┐r┐, see, Iraida Borodina, Central
Asia: Gems of 9th–19th Century Architecture, trans., Arthur Shkarovasky-Raffe (Moscow: Planeta
Publishers, 1987), plates 96–97; A.U. Pope, Persian Architecture (London: Thames and Hudson,
1965), 81, 85, figs. 77–79; G.A. Pugachenkova, et al, Bukhara: Architectural Monuments
(Tashkent: Department for Preservation of Monuments, Ministry of Culture, Republic of
Uzbekistan, 1997), 10 and plates on pp. 34–35; Richard Ettinghausen and Oleg Graber, The Art
and Architecture of Islam: 650–1250 (Harmondsworth: Pengui, 1987), 217–18, 220, figs. 219–21;
David Talbot Rice, Islamic Art (London: Thames and Hudson, 1975), 49–50, figs. 40–41; David
James, Islamic Art: An Introduction (London: Hamlyn, 1974), 92, plate 100; Mulk Raj Annad,
“The Green City” in Marg, vol. XXIX, no. 2 (March 1976), 11, plate 16 Shaikh Khurshid Hasan,
“Central Asia and Funerary Islamic Architecture in Pakistan” in Riazul Islam, et al, eds., Central
Asia, 254, 257, 260, 261, 263; John D. Hoag, Islamic Architecture (New York: Harry N. Abrams,
1977), 184–85; Ernst J. Grube, The World of Islam, reprint (London: Paul Hamlyn, 1966), 42, 44,
plate 20.
20
For more details of the tomb of Sub╒┐n, see Subhash Parihar “Tomb of Subhan: A Little-
Known Tomb of the Lodi Period” in Marg 52 (3): 69–75.
21
The author is grateful to Dr Z.A. Desai, Former Director of Epigraphy, Archaeological
Survey of India, for deciphering and translating all the inscriptions on the tomb of B┐b┐ ╓┐j┘
Ratan. These stucco inscriptions were covered with multiple coatings of white-wash and hence
not visible clearly. The present author picked up the letters of the inscriptions with dark colour
to increase their visibility.
22
See, plate 2, p. 125 below.
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
112

Translation

1. There is no god but Allah. Mu ╒ammad is the Messenger of Allah.

2. White-washing during the governorship of Naww ┐b Jabb┐r┘ Kh┐n
3. At the hand of the attendant Shaykh D ┐’┴d was made (literally
renovated). Date 25 of the month
4. auspicious of Rama╔┐n the magnificent, Hijr┘ year 1011.

The attendant here evidently stands for the attendant of the shrine. 23
The next inscription is dated 1 Mu ╒arram 1023/1 February 161424.
Scribed in Persian Nasta‘l┘q characters, it records that the white-washing of the
shrine was carried out by Bidey Chand, son of Girdhar La‘l ┬ppal, an official.
It also records the name of the scribe as Maul ┐n┐ M┴s┐.

Urdu Text

Translation
1. O Opener!
2. The servant of the court of Kh┐q┐n (i.e. emperor) [Kh┐ky┐n┘]25
3. Bidey Chand, son of Girdhar La‘l
4. ┬ppal, white-washing was freshly done.
5. Mu╒arram Year 1023 ( AH). The writer of these words is
6. Maul┐n┐ M┴s┐.26
Bidey Chand appears to have been a local official.

23
H.B.W. Garrick gives the following translation: “repaired by command of Nawab Jabar
Khan, by the hands of Sheikh Khadim, in the commencement of Ramzan the auspicious, 1011
H”, Report of a Tour in the Punjab and Rajputana in 1883–84, 6. See also Annual Report of Indian
Epigraphy (henceforth ARIE) (1963–64), 145. This is the earliest dated inscription of repair. J.
Horovitz is not correct when he writes that the earliest inscription on the tomb is dated 1005
Hijr┘, “Baba Rathan, the Saint of Bhatinda”, 63.
24
See, plate 3, p. 126 below.
25
The word could also be read as “Kh┐kp┐’╚” “Dust of the feet”, i.e., insignificant.
26
H.B.W. Garrick gives the following translation: “The respects of the humble slave Badi
Chand, father of Girdhar Mal, of the Fort, Muharram 1033 H”. H.B.W. Garrick, Report of a
Tour in the Punjab and Rajputana in 1883–84, 6. See also ARIE (1963–64), 146.
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 113

The third inscription in Nasta‘l ┘q style states that the tomb was repaired
and white-washed under the supervision of J ┤g┘ D┐s, the shiqqd┐r (the revenue-
collector of a territorial division forming a collectorate), during the
ministership of Rai Todar Mal. 27 The exact date is not legible. Probably it is 1
Dh┴ ’l-╓ijjah 1[0]5[2]/10 February 1643.

Urdu Text

Translation
1. Allah (God)
2. On behalf of the asylum of the ministership
3. Rai Todar Mal, under the superintendence of
4. J┤g┘ D┐s the shiqqd┐r
5. White-washing (of the building) was made.
6. 1st Dh┴’l-╓ajj year 1[0]5[2] ( AH).28

Rai Todar Mal of the inscription could have been none other than the
renowned man╖abd┐r (rank-holder) of Sh┐h Jah┐n. The title of Rai was
conferred upon him in the thirteenth regnal year of Sh ┐h Jah┐n, i.e.,
1049/1639–40.29 In the year 1052, mentioned in the inscription, he was
working as the d┘w┐n (minister-incharge of imperial finance), am┘n (supervisor
of the cultivation of arable land) and faujd┐r (incharge of law and order) of
Sirhind as well as the faujd┐r of Lakhi Jangal.
The fourth inscription in Persian Nasta‘l ┘q gives that the shrine was
repaired and white-washed by Mu ╒ammad Af al under the orders of Naww┐b

27
See, plate 4, p. 127 below. H.B.W. Garrick wrongly reads the name of Todar Mal as Lodar
Mal. Ibid. See also ARIE (1963–64), 33, 145.
28
H.B.W. Garrick gives the date 1002 Hijr┘, Report of a Tour in the Punjab and Rajputana in
1883–84, 6.
29
For details of the career of Todar Mal, see, ╗am╖┐m al-Daulah Sh┐h Naw┐z Kh┐n, Ma‘┐╖┘r al-
Umar┐’, trans., H. Beveridge, reprint (Patna: Janki Parkashan, 1979), 957–58; ‘Abd al-╓amd┘
L┐h┤r┘, B┐dsh┐h N┐mah, eds., Maulv┘ Kab┘r al-D┘n and Maulv┘ ‘Abd al-Ra╒┘m, Bibliotheca Indica
[Calcutta] (1867–68), 2: 206, 236, 247, 319, 413, 473, 627, 728; Mu╒ammad W┐rith, B┐dsh┐h
N┐mah, I.O. Ethe, 329, fols. 14b, 261b; Mu╒ammad ╗┐lih Kambuh, ‘Amal-i ╗┐lih, ed., G.
Yazdani, Bibliotheca India [Calcutta] (1923–46), 2: 342, 345, 378, 459, 3: 7.
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
114

Shahd┐d Kh┐n.30 The date recorded is Dh┴ ’l-╓ijj 1131/October–November

1719.

Urdu Text

Translation
1. O Mu╒ammad!
2. The servant of the court Naww┐b
3. Shahd┐d Kh┐n, white-
4. washing, at the hand of the attendant Mu ╒ammad
5. Af al was done (literally renovated).
6. Month of Dh┴ ’l-╓ijj Year 1131 (AH).31

Naww┐b Shahd┐d Kh┐n of the inscription was, most probably, the powerful
Afghan chief a detailed account of whose career appears in the Ma‘┐╖┘r al-
Umar┐’ under the name Shahd┐d Kh┐n Khw╚shg┘.32 His original name was
‘Abd al-Ra╒┘m. The title of Shahd┐d Kh┐n and a man╖ab of 500 was granted to
him by Emperor Bah┐dur Sh┐h (r. 1707–12). As the faujd┐r of Jalandhar d┤’┐b,
he had several successful fights with the Sikhs. Later, he was made the faujd┐r
of Lakhi Jungle. His victory over ‘ ├s┐ Kh┐n Mein, a powerful R┐ngha R┐jp┴t

30
See, plate 5, p. 128 below.
31
H.B.W. Garrick gives the following reading of the inscription: “Repaired with chuna (lime)
and kalai (mortar) by order of the humble Nawab Shahdad Khan, by the hand of Khadim
Muhammad Afzal (Probably the mason) Zilhaj, 1131 AH”. Report of a Tour in the Punjab and
Rajputana in 1883–84, 6. See also ARIE (1963–64), 145.
In December 1880, one loose Sanskrit inscription in Nagri characters of about the end of
the tenth century CE was discovered by Sir Robert Egerton, the erstwhile Lieutenant Governor
of the Punjab, from in this tomb. H.B.W. Garrick, Report of a Tour in the Punjab and Rajputana
in 1883–84, 8, and plate XXVII. It is not of Gupta period as mentioned by H.B.W. Garrick. For
a reading of the inscription and its contents, see Daya Ram Sahni, “Six Inscriptions in the
Lahore Museum”, Epigraphia Indica, vol. XXI (1931–32), reprint Six Inscriptions in the Lahore
Museum (Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India, 1984), 297–98, and plate 3.
32
Sh┐h Naw┐z Kh┐n, Ma‘┐╖┘r al-Umar┐’ 2: 747–50.
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 115

zam┘nd┐r (hereditary landed proprietor) of Bet33 Jalandhar greatly enhanced his

prestige. He lost his life in the battle against N┐dir Sh┐h, in the battle of
Karnal, on 13 February 1739. 34
Garrick considered these inscriptions interesting principally on account
of the large proportion of Hindu names which they exhibit as having
contributed towards the repairs of a Muslim’s tomb. 35 But there is nothing
strange in this fact. The phenomenon continues even today. The non-Muslim
masses of the region are not very rigid in their religious affiliations. There is
hardly any city, town or village of India which does not has a darg┐h, tomb or
maz┐r (grave) of some Muslim saint. There may or may not be any Muslim
population there but the tombs and maz┐rs of the Muslim saints are highly
revered by the Hindu and Sikh masses. Here one example would suffice. In the
city of Faridkot (East Punjab), it is believed that Shaykh Far ┘d al-D┘n Mas‘┴d
Ganj-i Shakar of Pakpatan (Ajodhan, West Punjab) popularly known as B ┐b┐
Far┘d (1175–1265) visited the town and performed a chillah (a forty-day
seclusion for penance) here. Although there is hardly any Muslim population
in the city, the number of daily Hindu and Sikh visitors to the local shrine of
the saint and particularly of those who visit it on every Thursday is far greater
than the number of the visitors to any local Hindu temple or Sikh
Gur┴diw┐rah. Every year, in September, the largest fair of the region is held at
this Darg┐h. J. Horovitz correctly observes: “However hostile the official
relations were between the various religious systems that shared between
themselves the masses of the worshippers in the land, the worship of the saints
formed a bond of union between the otherwise hostile groups ... the saints
found followers in all the camps”. 36
Sometimes even the person interred in a tomb is not a religious figure but
some ordinary noble. But common people hold many such tombs also in the
same reverence as is shown to the tombs of saints. For example, at Hatur
(District Ludhiana, East Punjab) the tomb of Rai F ╚r┤z, a zam┘nd┐r of the
region during the period of Sul ═┐n Mub┐rak Sh┐h (r. 1421–1434) is considered

33
The word ‘Bet’ is used in the sense of D┤’┐b, here refering to the area between rivers Sutlej and
Beas. For some details, see, Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1999), second revised edition.
34
For some other references to Shahd┐d Kh┐n, see Mu╒ammad Q┐sim “‘Ibrat L┐h┤r┘”,
‘Ibratn┐mah, text, edited by ah┴r al-D┘n A╒mad (Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, 1977),
185, 186, 296, 300; William Irvine, Later Mughals, ed., Jadunath Sarkar, reprint (Delhi: Oriental
Reprint, 1971), 2: 349; Muzaffar Alam, The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India, Awadh and
the Punjab, 1707–1748, reprint (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1993), 82 n. 84.
In the Gazetteer of the Faridkot State, the name of Shahd┐d Kh┐n is wrongly mentioned as
Shahzad Khan, Punjab States Gazetteers, vol. VXI–A, Faridkot State (1907), Lahore, 1909, 2–3.
35
H.B.W. Garrick, Report of a Tour in the Punjab and Rajputana in 1883–1884, 6.
36
J. Horovitz, “Baba Rattan, the Saint of Bhatinda”, 62.
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
116

by local people to be the tomb of some saint. 37 Similar is the case at Batala
(District Gurdaspur, East Punjab), where the tomb of Shamsh ╚r Kh┐n, a
revenue official of the period of Akbar, is shown great respect. 38

Mosque
It is situated to the south-west of the tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan.39

Description of the Monument

It is a small rectangular structure (8.5 by 4.5 meters). 40 The interior of the
building is divided into a nave (2.7 meters square) and two aisles (2.7 by 1.3
meters). Each corner of the nave is occupied by a squinch arch above which
rises the domical ceiling. Each aisle has a flat ceiling.
On the exterior, the facade is pierced by three archways, the central one
having a cusped profile. On the central part of the roof rises an octagonal
drum above which is placed a dome without any finial. The parapet of the
mosque (height 3.8 meters) and that of the octagonal drum is marked with
decorative crenellation.

Date of Construction
Traditionally, this mosque is said to have been built by Sul ═┐n Ra iyyah (r.
1236–40).41 But the structure does not appear to be that old. Such abbreviated
versions of mosque, comprising just a nave and two aisles, came into vogue
not before the L┤dh┘ period (1451–1526). And if the cusped arch of the central
opening is original, the mosque was not built before the reign of Sh ┐h Jah┐n
(1627–58) when this type of arch came into vogue.

╓ujrah of B┐b┐ Ratan

It is also called the ╒ujrah (literally meaning “chamber”) of Shaykh Far ┘d Ganj-
i Shakar (1175–1265).

37
For more details of the tomb see Subhash Parihar, “Tomb of Rai Firuz at Hatur” in Journal of
Pakistan Historical Society, 40 (1992), 143–150. Reprinted in Subhash Parihar, Some Aspects of
Indo-Islamic Architecture (Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1999), 75–79, plates 1–5, fig. 1.
38
For details of the tomb of Shamsh╚r Kh┐n see, Subhash Parihar, “Mughal Monuments of
Batala” in Journal of Pakistan Historical Society, 43 (1995), 20–23, figs. 2–3, plates I–V. Reprinted
in Subhash Parihar, Some Aspects of Indo-Islamic Architecture, 104–06, plates 36–40, figs. 10–11.
39
See, plate 6, p. 129 below.
40
See, fig. 3, p. 122 below.
41
Karam Singh, Bathindah [Panj┐b┘] (Patiala: Languages Department, Punjab, 1996), 13.
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 117

Description of the Monument

It is a very small chamber covered with a dome the outer surface of which bear
heavy moulded flutings. 42 Similar markings are also seen in the domes of the
tombs of Am┘rz┐dah (1386) and Shadi-Mulk-Aka (1372) at the Sh ┐h-i Zindah
Necropolis at Samarqand (Uzbekistan) and on a monument in the funerary
mosque of the Zayd┘ Im┐ms at Sa’da (Yemen). 43
Some two decades back, the present author saw a rusted but still beautiful
iron lamp in this ╒ujrah.44

Tomb of P┘r Sh┐h Ch┐nd

H.B.W. Garrick writes that around the tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan “are grouped five
smaller tombs; these are built of brick, facing the south, and are inscribed in
parts by lines of Arabic writing — apparently quotations from the Qoran-
worked into the stucco in relief, but so much have been broken away that
comparatively little can be read”. 45 Of these smaller tombs only one is extant
now. It is known as the tomb of P┘r Sh┐h Ch┐nd.46

Description of the Monument

It is a small rectangular structure (5.65 by 4.80 meters). 47 The access to the
interior (3.5 by 3.0 meters) is provided through a cusped archway. It enshrines
only one grave. At each corner of the building there is a small cupola. The
monument is covered by a dome slightly constricted at the base, sitting on an
octagonal drum. The base of the dome is marked with an ornamental leaf-
pattern.

Date of the Tomb

Sayyid Sh┐h Ch┐nd is said to have founded the village around the tomb of
╓┐j┘ Ratan. According to some revenue documents dated 1958–59
Bikarami/1901–02 CE, Sayyid Sh┐h Ch┐nd of the Mad┐r┘ silsilah (order)
originally belonged to village Lakhanpur in District Kanpur. 48

42
See, plate 7, p. 130 below.
43
The Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture, Annual Report, 1986–87 (Cambridge: The Aga
Khan Program for Islamic Archtecture, 1987), 12, plate.
44
See, plate 8, p. 131 below.
45
H.B.W. Garrick, Report of a Tour in the Punjab and Rajputana in 1883–84, 5–6.
46
See, plate 9, p. 132 below.
47
See, fig. 4, p. 123 below.
48
The original documents are in the collection of the Waqf Board.
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
118

According to J. Horovitz, P┘r Sh┐h Ch┐nd ascended the gadd┘ (literally

meaning “seat”) of the shrine in the fifteenth century. 49 But the architectural
style of the tomb places its construction in the late Mughal period, i.e.
eighteenth century.

The Darg┐h Administration

Garrick, on the basis of Siyar al-Muta’akhkhir┘n, mentions a grant (obviously
made by Mu╒ammad Gh┤r┘) “of monthly stipend of 1,111 rupees to keep
these tombs in repair”. 50 This cannot be true for the following two reasons:
first, the monetary unit of rupee (the Anglicised form of original r┴payah) was
introduced in India not earlier than the sixteenth century, and secondly, the
“monthly stipend of 1,111 rupees” was a too big an amount for those times.
According to Phulkian States Gazetteer (1904), the erstwhile muj┐virs
(attendants) of ╓┐j┘ Ratan’s tomb have had a pattah (document) of Akbar’s
time, dated 984/1577, granting the mu‘┐f┘ (remission) of five villages [revenue
free assignment of land] and authorizing the collection of one rupee per village
annually. 51 In this document Bhatinda was mentioned as belonging to the
sark┐r (the territorial division of a province) of ╓i╖┐r, under the province of
Sh┐hjah┐n┐b┐d, another name for Delhi. But this document too could not
have been genuine because the name Sh ┐hjah┐n┐b┐d for Delhi came into vogue
only after 1638 when Sh┐h Jah┐n rebuilt the city.
Anyway, originally a lot of landed property was attached to the Darg ┐h.
A rough estimate of it can be had from the fact that the land now occupied by
the Fruit Research Centre of Punjab Agriculture University, Milk Plant,
Spinning Mill, Government Rajindra College, New District Courts, Civil
Station, Civil Hospital, Gur┴diw┐rah ╓┐j┘ Ratan, New Grain Market, New
Vegetable Market, actually belonged to the Darg ┐h.52 But now only a fraction
of its original property is under the control of the Darg ┐h.
About the beginning of the twentieth century the management of the
shrine was in the hands of the gadd┘-nash┘ns or the sajj┐dah-nash┘ns (the
occupants of the gadd┘), who shared the income of the shrine with the
muj┐virs (attendants) and the q┐┌┘s (judges). The gadd┘-nash┘ns of whom there
were always two, nominated by their predecessor’s last will, let their hair
grow long and did not marry. They have always been faq┘rs (holy men) of the
Mad┐r┘ silsilah since P┘r Sh┐h Ch┐nd ascended the gadd┘. The land granted to

49
J. Horovitz, “Baba Rattan, the Saint of Bhatinda”, 81.
50
H.B.W. Garrick, Report of a Tour in the Punjab and Rajputana in 1883–84, 6.
51
Punjab States Gazetteers, vol. XVII–A, Phulkian States, Patiala, Jind and Nabha, with maps (1904)
(Lahore: Punjab Government Press, 1909), 188, n. 1.
52
Karam Singh, Bathindah, 12.
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 119

the shrine was in their hands and the nuzurat (offerings) at the shrine also
went to them.
Now the management of the Darg┐h is under the control of the Waqf
Board, Punjab. Maulv┘ Sir┐j al-D┘n Qur╚sh┘ is the present incharge and care-
taker of the Darg┐h.

Festivities at the Darg┐h

Before the partition of India in 1947, a very large annual fair was held at the
Darg┐h. The splendour of the fair is preserved in some poems of a traditional
poet of the region, B┐b┴ Rajab ‘Al┘ (1894–1979) who, after the Partition,
migrated to Pakistan. Some of his poems record his nostalgia for the fair at the
Darg┐h. Some lines from two of his poems read as under:

Ath┐r┐ bars guj┐r m

jigar p┐r khich k tikh sail
vich┤ ┐ m┐r , rah t┐ngh watan d┘ j┘
nehr d bangl Ratan d m l
Bhullan n┐ piy┐r .53

(I have spent eighteen years bearing sharp spears on my heart. Separation is

killing [me]. Yearning for the native land I always have. Bungalows of Canal
[colonies] and festival of Ratan I do not forget).

Jith kh┐ lagd s┘, y┐d aun Ratan diy┐ dh ry┐ .54
(The sand dunes of [╓┐j┘] Ratan where singing concerts were held, haunt me).55

J. Horovitz writes (in 1911) that the fair was “attended by both Hindus
and Muhammadans from Firozpur, Alwar, Rawalpindi and Bikaner”. 56
Now, the ‘urs (death anniversary) of B ┐b┐ Ratan is celebrated from the
7th to the 10th Dh┴ ’l-╓ijjah every year. Though the pre-partition splendour
of the fair has been lost, the local devotees, cutting across religious affiliations
attend the celebrations.

+ + +

53
For complete poem, see, B┐b┴ Rajab ‘Al┘ d┘ chaunv┘n kav┘t┐ [Panj┐b┘] (Selected Poetry of Babu
Rajab Ali), edited by Atam Hamrahi (Patiala: Languages Department, Punjab, 1986), 74–75. The
poet also wrote a poem praising the city of Bhatinda. Ibid., 90–92.
54
Karam Singh, Bathindah, 15.
55
Not long ago, the region of Bhatinda was more or less a desert. This line refers to the sand
dunes of this desert.
56
J. Horovitz, “Baba Rattan, the Saint of Bhatinda”, 63.
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
120

Fig. 1
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 121

Fig. 2
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
122

Fig. 3
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 123

Fig. 4
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
124

Plate 1
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 125

Plate 2
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
126

Plate 3
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 127

Plate 4
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
128

Plate 5
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 129

Plate 6
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
130

Plate 7
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 131

Plate 8
 SUBHASH PARIHAR
132

Plate 9
THE DARG└H OF B└B└ ╓└J├ RATAN AT BHATINDA 133

Illustrations

Figures

Fig. 1. Map showing the location of Bhatinda with respect to Delhi, Lahore
and Multan.

Fig. 2. Bhatinda: Tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan, ground plan.

Fig. 3. Bhatinda: Darg┐h of ╓┐j┘ Ratan, mosque, ground plan.

Fig. 4. Bhatinda: Darg┐h of ╓┐j┘ Ratan, tomb of P┘r Sh┐h Ch┐nd, ground plan.

Plates

Plate 1. Bhatinda: Tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan.

Plate 2. Bhatinda: Tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan, inscription (letters picked up with

dark colour by the author).

Plate 3. Bhatinda: Tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan, inscription

(letters picked up with dark colour by the author).

Plate 4. Bhatinda: Tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan, inscription

(letters picked up with dark colour by the author).

Plate 5. Bhatinda: Tomb of ╓┐j┘ Ratan, inscription

(letters picked up with dark colour by the author).

Plate 6. Bhatinda: Darg┐h of ╓┐j┘ Ratan, mosque.

Plate 7. Bhatinda: Darg┐h of ╓┐j┘ Ratan, ╒ujrah.

Plate 8. Bhatinda: Darg┐h of ╓┐j┘ Ratan, iron-lamp found in the ╒ujrah.

Plate 9. Bhatinda: Darg┐h of ╓┐j┘ Ratan, tomb of P┘r Sh┐h Ch┐nd.