ADAMSON UNIVERSITY

A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

ON SELECTED ONLINE ARTICLES ON CHARTER CHANGE

Researchers:

Dela Cruz, Jonathan Erol F.

Lachica, Alisa C.

Migullas, Adrifer J.
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CHAPTER 1

The Problem and its Background

INTRODUCTION

As a mass communication theory suggests, civilizations in states of crisis or

confusion most commonly rely on the mass media for information on important

discussions especially to political discourses (Loveless, 2009). Of current times,

credibility of the news is often questioned by critics of the media and even normal

civilians in various countries of the world. Due to uneven media coverage and the

alleged bias of news outlets, the presence of alternative and competing media, news

outlets struggle to defend its objectivity. Some scholars have focused in assessing the

credibility of published news through content factors which include apparent bias,

accuracy, and trustworthiness of the writing (Gaziano and McGrath, 1986).

The Philippine media is said to be the freest media community in Asia that has

a full protection from The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines 1987. It

states that “no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression,

or the press...” However, critics argue that the media has its flaws on the definition

of having freedom. The media plays a variety of roles in reporting political issues,

where the main duty is to present the news as it is or objectively as possible. The

most widespread problem against the news media is the issue that conflicts of the

interest with political bias, where the audience have seen several slanted angled
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news regarding politicians (Beltran, 2017). The framing of the news creates an issue

not just to the subject but to the concerned audience, the Filipinos.

According to a report from the Philippine Daily Inquirer (2017), the Philippine

President Rodrigo Duterte has addressed one or more news company in being unfair

in relation to the alleged reports about him. The Philippine Daily Inquirer is one of

the mentioned news company by the President (Mass oath taking of appointed

government officials and the Philippine Councilors League, Thursday, March

30,2017), and their executive editor Jose Ma. Nolasco said that the paper had always

aimed for accurate, fair, and balance reporting. Aside from Inquirer, he also shamed

various other news sites including Rappler and ABS-CBN News (August 2018). In

return, majority of his political fans resorted to inciting boycotts on news channels

or further discrediting media, marking them as biased or as ‘dilawan’ - the color of

the opposition.

How journalists present their stories creates a huge difference on how the

readers will feel and react about important issues. News writers can implicitly or

directly tell the people what the problem is, who or what caused it, and incite actions

for it. This powerful tool being used by all media today is called news framing. As it

is, news framing is most of the time subjective as it originates from the journalist’s

opinion and take on the matter at hand. Therefore, perspectives change in the

switching of media outlets, the persons retelling the story. The journalists’ decision
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processes greatly influence the content and the media perception of the story (Real,

1989). The aim of this study is to further analyze and understand the concept of

framing in chosen Philippine news media and to identify the frames and slants, if

there is any, in the online platforms of top leading broadsheets.

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

Several studies had already argued on the credibility of the press on reporting

political issues. It is also proved in several studies that although traditional printed

media is superior in terms of journalistic approach (Aiesteran, 2014), online media is

more accessible and allows faster dissemination to current audiences (Olivia 2011,).

Content may be focused on popular sides of an issue from various sources that may

create misleading or inaccurate information to its stakeholders (Mustafaraj and

Metaxas, 2010). People of today tend to believe other ‘fake’ or invalidated news

sites that have come into their feed due to certain circumstances. Based on the

repetitive use of social media, people can also be susceptible to being greatly

influenced by exposed media outlet thus becoming less aware and not well-

supported statements (Pearson & Westerwick, 2018).

Several studies had also studied bias or side depicted in the framing of the top

three leading broadsheets. Further explained in this paper, a research study from

Polytechnic University of the Philippines proved a neutral stand on the three leading

broadsheets. Their study examined the editorials of the three leading Philippine
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broadsheets; The Philippine Daily Inquirer, the Philippine Star, and the Manila

Bulletin. The researchers aimed to examine the factors and treatment that are

present in the editorial articles of the three leading broadsheets.

Similar to cited studies, the study recognizes the influence of mass media on

the general public. This also notes the importance of angles, and how well ideas are

presented in headlines, the words and body of the story. Thus, framing can create a

whole new point of view, especially when it focuses on issues of national importance,

susceptible listeners or the audience, particularly those without any strong opinion

will usually believe what it is stated or mentioned in the story (Entman, 2008).

Placed on a different timeframe from that of the earlier cited researches on an

era of the shifting of the constitution and an implementation of a new political

principle, this study will infer the change evident on the top leading broadsheets and

online outlets of the country. HoweverHowever, this study will use articles from

leading online news sites on federalism from the three leading broadsheets in the

Philippines; The Philippine Daily Inquirer, the Philippine Star, and the Manila Bulletin.

It will include straight news articles, feature news and opinions, slightly different and

in a wider perspective than that of only an editorial. Contrary to previous studies, the

research will be using data published online rather than in print. The researchers in

this study will be aided by the theories of Political Propaganda and Media Framing.
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THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This study is mainly supported by two scholarly accredited mass

communication theories – Media Framing and Political Propaganda. Although

expected to be told in objectively and in full detail, a journalist must know how to

pick an angle that would ensure that his story gets read. In this process, journalists

construct a version of reality for the readers to see. Framing is when few chosen

aspects of a perceived reality is selected, and connected in one narrative that implies

a specific interpretation. It can function to define the problems, identify causes,

convey assessments, and endorsing solutions. (Fairhust & Sarr, 1996) The next theory

includes the idea of political propaganda. This can be seen in apparent and obvious

depiction of political ideologies in a news output. Harold Losswell’s theory on Political

Propaganda (2016) incorporated the mass media on political discussions. It focused

on the strong influence of the media on the public agenda even affecting decision

making and political beliefs, and the existence of propaganda in news media- may it

be done deliberately or not.

When the public remain oblivious and struggle to understand information,

framing can significantly affect the mind and the perception of the public (Entman,

2008). This may be labeled as bias when proposed to audience with contrasting

views. Before introducing the idea of bias besides framing, we must first differentiate

the former from a term called slant. Some news angles may be referred to as a bias

but can be more appropriately referred to as a slant. A slant occurs when a news
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report emphasizes one side’s preferred frame in a political conflict while ignoring or

derogating another side’s. One-sided framing emphasizes some elements and

suppresses others in ways that encourage recipients to give attention and weight to

the evaluative attributes that privilege the favored side’s interpretation. Slanted

framing is essential in interpersonal communication that influences political power

in speeches, conversations, as well as negotiations (Riker, 1986).

In the Political Propaganda theory, Loswell identified the presence of various

stimulus of the media that may help induce ideas and decisions into the public

perception. However, he emphasized the need for a well-targeted, well-developed

and long-term campaign strategies in the endorsement of the new principles

especially in cases of radical beliefs or a transition to a new ideology. Losswell also

mentioned social movements that became successful through this propaganda

approach. However, this study does not suggest the presence of a whole

propagandist approach by certain news media as it is also further stressed in this

study that interpreted meanings by the audience may or may not be deliberately

placed for propaganda or for information communication.

Both theories prove the assumptions that the research stands on; to wit, the

frames exist in the journalism word and is unavoidable, however slanted framing is a

form of framing deliberately done to influence the public agenda; and the public
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agenda and political discourse can be influence greatly by stimulus, in this case, the

constant exposure to news outlets present in online outlets and even in mass media.

CONCEPTUAL MODEL

Online News Platforms 1, 2 & 3

Treatment of Articles according to:

• Headlines
• Section or Style of Writing
• Sources Cited
• Framing

Overall Treatment of Charter Change per Platform

Comparison of Three Online Platforms Treatment on

the issue of Charter Change

Figure 1. Conceptual Model

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CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

The online news platforms or digital counterparts of the major broadsheets

namely The Philippine Inquirer, Manila Bulletin and The Philippine Star compose the

articles that will be subjected to this study. They are chosen based on their ability to

influence the public agenda on various issues including political discourse.

News framing exists in all stories. This may be typically defined as athe

highlighted angle. In the study, researchers will use headlines, sources cited, and

section and style of writing to determine the apparent frames used in the story. The

framing and story the journalist may choose to write about can be seen in the angle

of the headline as it can either focus on the subject or the activity, or the positive or

the negative, etc. The sections and style of writing are limited to news, features and

opinion articles. The sources used may or may not be limited to press releases,

statements from the lawmakers and representatives of the Congress, critics of the

Constitutional change, actual constitutional drafts and other resources available to

them.

Through analyzation of the three (3) factors including framing itself, the

researchers will identify the political ideologies that are set in the frames, headlines

and contextual data. Upon comparison of the three broadsheets, the researchers will

find out the emphasized political ideologies of the stories and the view on charter

change and Federalism of each news company.

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STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The credibility of the “mainstream media” diminished when critics from both

left and right questioned the bias of news outlets. The audience, in return, perceived

media negatively. However, as further explained in this research, ideas such as slants

and frames exist together in the various aspects of journalism.

In this research, the researchers seek to answer the following questions:

1. What treatment are used by each news site on issues regarding charter change

according to their:

a) Headlines

b) Section of Style or Writing

c) Sources Cited

d) Framing

2. How do the slants, frames used in the stories affect the coverage of the news

outlets?

3. What comparisons can be made with the three online platform’s treatment of

charter change?
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SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The main function of the news media is to inform and further explain the news

that presented to the public. The Filipino's view on Charter Change is important to

make the government more aware of what the people think. This study will discuss,

and compare the different approaches used by the three leading online news portals

aiming towards a better understanding of the views, angle of the news created and

disseminated and the purpose of it is of.

Online News Audience. As the main audience and recipient of the news, this

proposed study will help the people understand the notion of news framing. This will

also give them a background or overview of what effects various framing can do to a

story as practiced by different sites. Thus, the people would be more sentient on the

effect of mass media to public agenda and political discussions. The beneficiaries will

get to differentiate and use the views emphasised by each of the leading online news

portals in reporting the national political interest as shown in each media’s coverage

of Charter Change

Media Organizations. As the second main recipient, media organizations will see

how framing as a whole can make people perceive the main ideologies that may or

may not be directly insinuated or stressed in most of the organisation’s output. Thus,

improving their idea of the target market for news and, therefore, providing as a start

on the restoration of the credibility of mass media to people.

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Journalists and Practitioners. This study will furthermore expand their knowledge in

news writing and as well as in. They will be able to discern how various implications

can be given by a single perspective. Thus, it will aid in better journalism approaches.

Academic Institutions. The information that is presented will enable students to

have a sense of responsibility as citizens of their nation. This will give them the

chance to know the concept of framed news and biased news. The study will provide

help knowledge on fair and unfair judgments on news media and inspire the students

to do something and contribute to the government and to the whole country.

Instructors. The result of the study will help them create a better approach in

teaching the students how to write a news or article. Furthermore, they will be able

to provide students ample information on news framing and also introduce the

concept or a fair or correct type of framing.

Future Researchers. The ideas presented may be used as reference data for further

researches relating to mass media and political discourse. More specifically, this can

be used as related literature on news framing, propaganda, and credibility of news,

particularly online. This will also give them the validity of the researches conducted

by others. The study will also serve as an overview of the News framing of Charter

Change in the Duterte Administration.

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SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

The vastness of this study poses a threat to complicate the findings and

information acquired from the study. To bring analytical depth on this study the

researchers will set a definite scope and limitations for this study.

The researchers of this study will mainly focus on the top three leading online

newspapers: Philippine Star, Philippine Daily Inquirer, and Manila Bulletin, in their

online published news and stories regarding Charter Change; the chosen articles are

from July 2016 to October 2018. These news portals are accessible to the public and

have a big number of audience. In addition to that, these chosen newspapers are

known for producing quality news content and preserving their own set of journalism

ethics for years. This guarantees credibility for this study. The researchers will gather

a collective 60 (sixty) articles based on themes deemed important in connection to

the subject, charter change. The researchers will examine overall treatment of the

stories through their various approaches, the writing style that were used to write

the story, the section or field of writing, the sources cited and the framing of the

story.

However, the study will not cover the perception of the public and the deemed

image of the news companies according to them. This will not also include a word

per word analyzation of the stories, but rather mainly focusing on the highlighted

perspectives and framing used to depict the subject.

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DEFINITION OF TERMS

Angle, similar to a frame, is the point or theme of a news story, and often be easily

found in the lead.

Charter Change is a constitutional reform in the Philippines that refers to the

revisions in the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines.

Constituent Assembly (Con-Ass) is a set of elected representatives who will come up

with a proposition in the changes or amendments of the 1987 Constitution.

Consultative Committee (Con-Com) is the appointed members of the President to

study, conduct consultations, and review the provisions of the 1987 Constitution.

Federalism is a type of government in which its power is divided between the

national government and other governmental units.

Framing is creating a certain or limited viewpoint in a particular topic or issue.

Mainstream Media refer to widely known and patronised news and media

organizations that have the capacity to broadcast and influence a large number of

audiences in reflecting and shaping views on specific topic.

Media Agenda is the coverage of news institutions of issues that they deem worthy

to present to the public. This is the proof of filtering and gatekeeping.

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Media Bias is the perceived bias of the journalists and news producer in writing,

producing in disseminating the news articles through the mass media.

News is the gathered and detailed information about a particular topic, and should

be reported objectively as possible.

News Treatment is the handling and presentation of ideas and information.

Newspaper is usually issued daily or weekly, is a printed paper or publication

containing different news all over a certain country or all over the world, regarding

politics, economy, phenomenon and etc.

Public Agenda plainly refers to the public discussions and perceptions of issues. It is

the literal agenda of the public in every issues that the majority believes to concern

them.

Propaganda is a communication style that can influence the opinions of a certain

group of individuals that supports a main cause or belief.

Salience is the act of being salient, pertaining to being of great and notable

importance

Slant occurs when writing or presenting news with a strong bias ; to tell a news story

that highly favors a particular group of people, opinion, belief, and etc.
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CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

The media, may it be in print, television, radio or any kind of platform, play a

big role in creating and shaping societal opinions and discussions. This institution,

especially if capable of fully harnessing its freedom, can become a very effective

watchdog of the State and especially its government. Allowing the press to report,

show stories to the public eye, allows its audience, the Filipino people, to have their

own perspective of what is happening.

Online Mediated News

The contemporary period also allows competition from all forms of media

including digital and online media. Sometimes, it is also a trademark of a news outlet

to have sides, or be neutral in issues that involves public opinion. Competing on

uneven platforms of digital and print, online discussions triggered by interactive and

accessible mobile news outlets come in a very fast phase compared to printed

papers.

With the invention of the internet, the traditional way of transmitting news

seems to now compete evenly with digital channels for news consumption,

specifically among millennials (De Waal & Schoenbach, 2010; Newman, Levy, &
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Nielsen, 2015; Papathanassopoulos, Soroka, Curran , Hayashi, Iyengar , Jones ,

Mazzoleni , Rojas , Rowe & Tiffen., 2013).

In a research study conducted by Txema Ramírez de la Piscina, Maria González

Gorosarri, Alazne Aiestaran, Beatriz Zabalondo and Antxoka Agirre (2014) wherein

they differentiated the quality of the printed and online versions of German leading

news companies publishing in both platforms, they stressed how the number of

readers in the digital platform has increased exponentially all over the world, while

sales in the printed industry have dropped drastically compared to the previous

decades.

One of the news companies included in the study was Frankfurter Allgemeine

Zeitung. FAZ, according to them, is characterized by its own investigative news

reports prepared journalistically when published in the printed versions. These,

afterwards, are transmitted and converted to their digital editions. The printed

broadsheets will then be released.

This research validates the theory that the news produced for their website

reflects the immediacy of the news. In this sense, the elaboration of that same news

in the printed edition is far more complete and investigative. They also noted

remarkable differences in the two platforms that the researchers could use as factors

in the study. Headlines from the digital publication carried direct statements from

sources most of the time, while the printed news is done traditionally wherein the
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headline summarizes the article. Online versions contain a maximum of two

perspectives while printed versions contain three. They also noted more

grammatical errors on the former. However, they emphasized the informative and

artistic quality given by its multimedia elements (graphics, videos, photos, etc.)

evident and more frequently used in the online publication.

A study of Anne Kruikemeier, Sophie Lecheler and Ming M. Boyer (2018)

focuses on the learning of audience on different media platforms. They noted the

presence audience segmentation, where citizens mainly follow for their own

interests only, it may also mean that people are motivated to develop detailed and

conscious knowledge on important aspects of public life. Segmentation, however,

must not necessarily lead to ignorance only, and journalists may be inspired by

finding that attention spans are not necessarily shortened online (Adam et al., 2007).

Looking at their defined dichotomy of printed versus website news, they

concluded that continuous readership of printed media leads to a diverse

knowledge, while selective attention to news on news websites leads to deeper

knowledge of specific subjects.

Spiraling Credibility of Online News

Online news has changed the accessibility and the extent of news sources.

These changes are caused by the structural differences in connection to online news.

Contemporary news, especially those published online are considered less

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believable since news sources available online are varied and are almost countless.

They can also be posted by people with lesser or no ‘“authority” to post a news

output (Metzger, 2007).

Now, online news can be created and managed by different citizen journalists

with no formal training in journalism (Allen, 2006); in other words, a news dependent

can now be a news journalist and producer (Gunter et al., 2009: 185).

Additionally, social pressure and journalism ethics and mores do not exist for

the online citizen journalists (Johnson and Kaye, 2000). The acceleration of online

news meant “shifting the burden of credibility assessment and quality control from

professional gatekeepers to individual information seekers” (Metzger, 2007: 2079).

While most of the news is still consumed from legitimate sources, the patterns online

started to change, and increases news consumptions from social media (Pew

Research Center, 2015) and different search engines (Kohut et al., 2012).

Nevertheless, these services do not produce their own news instead they rely

on other news sources, and these aggregators do not choose reliable news sources,

especially in social media that focuses on the number of shares and views an article

should get and will increase the promotion of a low credible source of news.

(Mustafaraj and Metaxas, 2010; Silverman, 2016; Yee, 2016). This could lead the

news consumer to a lesser known site and have a sense of unfamiliarity with the site.

(Jurkowitz, 2014).
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Social media enables news clients to bounce between different sites,

expending stories based upon enthusiasm from a wide range of sources, while more

customary news utilize included picking between well-established and trustted

gatekeepers (Pearson and Kosicki, 2016).

Scholars have formulated ways to weigh the credibility of online news outlets.

Some based on content factors: apparent bias, accuracy, and trustworthiness of the

writing (Gaziano and McGrath, 1986), contextual indicators such as design of website

and authority of the source (Metzger & Flanagin, 2015, and Aiestaran et al., 2014).

According to a survey conducted by Isabelle Krebs and Juliane A. Lischka (2017) on

online audience engagement, results confirm online news carry a passive audience.

Thus, highlighting the need for the quality of content of news brands. This can be

seen as the core element of the identity of the brand (Siegert et al., 2011) as it

enhances user engagement.

Descriptive vs. Interpretative Reporting

Descriptive reporting is explained as a way of journalism that uses a much more

straightforward approach of deliberately describing the events or issues by focusing

mainly on the facts, leaving it solely for the readers to think of (Patterson,

2006). Nonetheless, Patterson also argued in his study that this reporting is

“upstaged” by interpretative approaches that shows in-depth analysis of stories and

showcases a well-thought angle and perspective already laid out for the audience.
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Journalism here combines social, cultural and political roles to fit better in the

public agenda. Rather than reflect events, news is said to be constructed from

scratch (Coleman et al., 1990), with the interpreting of the audience of journalists’

provided perspective, media’s depiction of reality becomes the true reality (Scraton

et al., 1995).

Before the 1960s, “straightforward or direct reporting” was abundant to the

press and acceptable to the public market (Jamieson & Weldman, 2003). On the

development of other media platforms, conversely, print media decided to compete

with television-aided news through interpretative reporting

All about Charter Change

The call to change the presidential type of government implanted in the 1987

Philippine Constitution to a parliamentary one has been a focal part of the reform

campaigns that have marked the three progressive organizations that came after

Corazon Aquino. This call was heard amid the 1994-1997 contract change ("Cha-

cha") campaign under the Ramos organization, the 1999-2000 protected revision for

advancement ("Concord") battle under the fleeting Estrada organization, and the

2001-2004 re-launching of the charter change ("Cha-cha 2") under the Arroyo

organization.

The significance of this call is difficult to overestimate. Since the move to

parliamentary includes essential changes as government itself influencing the way

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the both its official and administrative branches are comprised and identified with

one another, this call is a standout amongst the most-if not the most fundamental

and expansive issues in the reform agenda in the Philippines (Torres, 2014).

According to the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines, the Constitution

overseeing the state of the Philippines can only be amended through three (3)

methods, a People's Initiative, and through a Constituent Assembly or a

Constitutional Convention. It will then undergo tedious processes in the court till it

reaches the final requirement - a ratification through voting by majority in a national

referendum.

The first news on the amending of the Constitution in the administration of

Duterte broke on July, 2016 (Philippine Star, 2016; Inquirer, 2016; Manila Bulletin,

2016).

A con-com vs con-ass debate on the amendments of the Constitution had been

a debate since the Arroyo administration (April 18, 2015). In the Gonzales vs.

COMELEC case, G.R.No. L-28196, it is stated that "Senators and Members of the

House of Representatives act, not as members of Congress, but as component

elements of a constituent assembly. When acting as such, the members of Congress

derive their authority from the Constitution." Thus, given the rights by our

Constitution, representatives of assembly can only come from the elected officials

of the congress, not appointed. A Constitutional Convention will be made up of

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people representatives that the Filipino people will elect for the purpose of

ammending the Constitution.

As of Executive Order No. 10, a consultative committee tasked to “study,

conduct consultations, and review the provisions of the 1987 Constitution including

but not limited to the provisions on the structure and powers of the government,

local governance, and economic policies" was made. Upon the commitee

formulating its suggested proposal ammendments to the Congress, it will cease to

exist.

The Consultative Commitee composed of appointees of the president

published their final draft of a Federalism Charter on July 9, 2018 (Inquirer, 2018;

Rappler, 2018). Another draft by the House of Representatives authored by House

Speaker Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and 21 other lawmakers was passsed this October

(Rappler, 2018).

In presenting Torres’ defense, parliamentary supporters have raised various

arguments why the parliamentary frame is better over the presidential shape. While

their arguments and the pressure they provide for them vary, these promoters are

joined in the conviction that whatever their coveted political objectives for the

nation, these will be ideally serviced by a parliamentary frame as opposed to a

presidential type of government. A portion of the arguments are sponsored by

modern investigations that have lit up critical qualities of parliamentary majority rule
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governments and shortcomings of presidential vote based systems. Others, in any

case, are out and out worn-out with a romanticized comprehension of

parliamentary, recommending it as a panacea to the nation's issues, and a

personified perspective of presidentialism, utilizing it as a substitute for the vast

majority of the nation's heap political ills. A portion of these contentions are

noteworthy in utilizing the relative established outline writing to back their similar

cases. Others, in any case, are woeful either in their parochialism or in their gross

misconception of the near record of both parliamentary and presidential majority

rules systems.

Despite the significance of a considerable lot of the contentions mounted by

the pro-parliamentary position for the predominance of the parliamentary system

over the nation's current presidential system, they have generally stayed

unanswered by the resistance against the move as government. Up to now, a diverse

gathering made out of the individuals who protect the presidential system, the

individuals who are suspicious of the solid cases made for the parliamentary

framework, the individuals who are wary of the proponents of charter change, and

the individuals who essentially don't see the requirement for an update of the

constitution have just offered confused, fragmented, or erratic guards.

While something like three book-length accumulations of articles thoughtful to

the parliamentary reason have been distributed since the 1987 endorsement of the
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EDSA Constitution, first, not a solitary gathering guarding the current presidential

shape or noting the particular reactions of or asserts by the pro-parliamentary

position has turned out. In fact, not one single article by any Filipino researcher has

turned out to efficiently answer or if nothing else give a far reaching basic audit of

the parliamentary position in the Philippines as it has created over the progressive

charter change campaigns. Second, nor has anybody utilized the comparative writing

on the constitutional plan of the pro-parliamentary position to answer either the

cases of the local parliamentary position or its utilization of the comparative writing.

Third, instead, the most striking resistances offered against a move are neither

hypothetical nor theoretical though a large group of conjunctural, skeptical, social,

and "personality not-the-system" arguments.

The conjunctural argument is that charter change for the Philippines is

unseemly as of now since it will be excessively troublesome for the nation and

excessively problematic, making it impossible to the nation's undertakings of tending

to its political and economic issues. The critical argument zeroes in on the thought

processes of the lawmaker advocates seeing the call as a smokescreen to a power

get to sustain themselves in power or, on account of the Cha-cha 2 campaign driven

by House Speaker Jose De Venecia, to sling a government official to control.

The social argument is that the Philippines' exceptionally personalistic political

culture isn't suitable to the more depersonalized political conduct related with a
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parliamentary system. The "personality not-the-system" argument is that

established change isn't fundamental since it isn't the "system" that necessities

changing but the identities in the framework. Left untouched is the hypothetical and

applied legitimacy of the claimed superiority of parliamentary over presidential

majority rule governments. The restriction has in this way neglected to confront a

head-on many of the focal arguments of the pro-parliamentary position in the

Philippines (Torres, 2004).

Influence of the Media in Political Issues

Framing exists in the construction of social reality. According to McQuail

(1994), all communication studies are based on the fact that people believe media

has significant effects on the public.

According to a blog of Critical Media Review (2015), a term called Agenda-

setting exists in the context of mass media. This phenomenon revolves on the

decision of what stories a newspaper or even a news company will cover or not. It

dictates not what people should think but what they should think about. Media

agenda in this theory involves the length or how news is covered based on its

prominence in the media and how long it is depicted (Griffin, 2013). This theory notes

that people desire the aid of media in understanding political reality even if it can be

viewed into numbers of other outlets (McCombs & Shaw, 1972). Theodore White
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noted the ability of the press in agenda-setting comparing its “unrestrained” political

power to the authority of tyrants, priests, parties and mandarins.

From the start, the concept of bias has a big impact in examining media

publicity surrounding the Human Rights Act. As Street (2001) explains that bias starts

within the idea the practices of the journalists and media editors result in news

articles and programs in which favors one particularly point or view of a certain topic,

sustaining set of interests while undermining an alternative.

Bearing in mind that news does not exist independently from news

organizations, it is a product of selectivity and construction in which the story usually

reveals about the ethics and practices of the media than it does regarding the reality

that the news it reflects. Sources compete for access; nevertheless, the sources, that

happens to be the most influential does not necessarily dominates the news media

(Street, 2001).

In a study of Kasoma (1997), African writers on autonomous daily papers do

not appear to have the capacity to get over the habit of distributing a story

containing genuine claims about someone dependent on one, regularly

questionable, source. They do not appear to be sufficiently proficient to cross-check

any data they get before distributing it.

Another habit of journalism on free daily papers is that of honing awful

advocacy reporting which is frequently joined by sensationalism. Advocacy

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Journalism in itself is great whenever done by the principles; though, it goes bad

when those honing it disregard the essential journalistic standards under which it

ought to be honed. A significant number of the daily papers in Africa have failed to

produce and share the good advocacy journalism. Advocacy journalism is tied in with

supporting a reason by showing cases and consistent arguments to prevail upon the

public's sympathy. It is not about the reiteration of the same annoying and obscene

articulations against those in power as the same number of free daily papers in Africa

are in the habit of doing. Emotional harping on an issue, especially when it is joined

by uncivil dialect, just serves to estrange a daily paper from insightful and develop

readers who need to see reasons as opposed to feelings given in help of or against

an issue before they agree with the daily paper.

Giving a consultation or attention to the opposing side ought to be real and

fair. It ought not to be done in an out of line way in which data from the contradicting

side is twisted to demonstrate a point. There are writers from daily papers in Africa

today who specifically pick what to distribute from the opposition, detailing just data

which tends to demonstrate that their daily papers' remain against those they

politically contradict is right. They are even prepared to cite articulations from the

government officials they restrict outside of any relevant connection to the issue at

hand to demonstrate their point. The majority rule obligation of the press as a

watchdog of government necessitates that it demonstrations to alarm individuals to

government recklessness, unaccountability, inflexibility, inhumanity, and

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'incorrigibility'. The watchdog role isn't about the press pursuing political quarrels

against those in government which cannot be supported by facts (Kasoma, 1997).

Influence of Political Powers to the Press

It is part of a government’s nature and interest to protect the image of their

societies by ensuring its safety, stability and progress. To protect the people’s

interest, though, the media must seek its freedom to also share their vision of this

state even if it opposes what the government wants the people to believe.

Nevertheless, the true concern in the relationship of the media and government falls

to the extent of which the news outlets are able to expose and discuss societal

problems (Elmasry, 2012).

In cases of a strong opposing views from the audience themselves, journalists

also tend to avoid dissonance- the clashing of ideas from the truth and what people

want to believe. Playing safe in the public agenda is a very easy choice.

Another one of these factors is power pressure. Scandals, intimidation and

threats from prominent people and even institutions, lawsuits, removal of

sponsorship or advertising and even government regulatory sanctions sabotage

a news outlets shot at unveiling controversial issues as they might put their own

institutions in jeopardy (Campbell, et al, 2011).

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Reporting happens within the boundaries and edges political struggles in the

field of media and journalistic practice. Since the mid-1970s, concern over

condensed media ownership on small, powerful elite who are able to control the

transmission of ideas and ideologies had been expressed (Murdock and Golding,

1977; Hollingsworth, 1986; Curran and Seaton, 1997).

In this narrow framework on the edges of political power and journalism

imperative, news companies, stories and frames remain on the meeting of ends of

both realms.

In the era of Martial Law, it is believed that newspapers and all other forms of

media were forced to close down. On the contrary, some kept its business going

amidst the political unrest. This is for the sole reason that they operated under the

name of the dictatorial administration- as pro-administration papers.

This included the Bulletin Today, and the Daily Express. While the Bulletin

underwent censoring from the Media Advisory Council, the Daily Express, owned by

Roberto Benedicto, a close friend of Ferdinand Marcos, did not need to suffer the

same consequences (Pinlac, 2007).

In Pinlac’s article, Enrique “Pocholo” Romualdez, the former Daily Express

Editor-in-Chief, stated that the paper was not a pro-administration publication

that defends the government from critics. Instead, it was formed to show that

Marcos was doing his part for the country’s betterment.

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In an era, free from Marcos’s dictatorship, press freedom is supported by the

Constitution of the country. Nonetheless, the press is still not free from the internal

and external pressures mentioned above. Current news outlets and companies

experience a certain kind of freedom. Moving by the bounds of journalism ethics and

media laws, the press can be said to somehow perform most of their functions as

the eyes of the people. However, the press is still not safe from a lot of factors both

inside and outside the institution.

The president has already slammed the limited framing of media for alleged

sensationalized, biased and ‘dilawan’ in notably countable speeches. This thinking

divides the community into the red and the yellow. Majority of his political fans

resorted to inciting boycotts on news channels or further discrediting media,

marking them as biased or as ‘dilawan’ - the color of the opposition.

The president labels the said news as garbage and is quoted to that the morals

presented by the agencies are make believe and are, thus, just pretending to be

“moral torches of the country” (Inquirer, May 2016).

ABS-CBN Corporation, the biggest Filipino media and entertainment group,

that existed in the era of the Martial Law was only closed for a period of time in the

Martial Law era and was reopened in during the people power uprising. Without the

formal implementation of Martial Law nonetheless, Duterte has threatened the

renewal of the license of the corporation as it nears its expiration on 2020. ABS-CBN
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Corporation (2016), however, believes that the "government will uphold the ideals

of democracy, including the rights to freedom of speech and expression."

Duterte also accused the Philippine Daily Inquirer of being "rude, corrupt, and

unfair" in their news related to him and his administration. One of Duterte’s remarks

was that he will come up with an expose that will cause the downfall of the

publication. Jose Ma. Nolasco, the Executive Director of the media agency, was firm

that they "have courageously pursued the truth in their coverage, they’ve

endeavored to get the administration’s side of any controversy."

Former Presidential Communication Operations Office’s (PCOO) Assistant

Secretary Esther Margaux "Mocha" Justiniano Uson moved to reclassify Rappler into

a social media instead of news organization.

As the president states that Rappler is owned by a majority of Americans

(foreign investors), it is soo under investigation as it is allegedly “liable for violating

the constitutional and statutory Foreign Equity Restrictions in Mass Media

enforceable through rules and laws within the mandate Commission.”

The managing editor of Rappler, Glenda Gloria said that whoever is producing

fake news in the country definitely not Rappler and slams the former assistant

secretary as the main source.

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Regardless of years of service to the Filipino people, some audience are target

of fake news outlets due to lack of verification, filters and deliberate avoidance of

the “biased’ and “dilawan” mainstream media.

News and News Media

For the straight, collaborative, and opinionated news conditions, social nearness

scarcely enrolled, which proposes that enabling journalists to share their voice,

identity, or perspectives does little to urge the readers to consider them to be credible

(Hamman's 2006).

Straight, hard news condition was consistent with customary daily paper stories,

written to pass on objectivity, equilibrium, and authority and lacking signs that may

pass on data about the individual who composed the story (Meyer, 2010).

News media seem to have had some effect on the view of the public of the

standard news media (Smiths, 2010).

However, if the elites increase the media perceptions, they can possibly

debilitate political responsibility, or, in other words the foundation of the

representative democracy. The news media assume essential jobs in delegate

majority rules systems as open witnesses and government watchdog. The prevailing

press' capacity to satisfy those jobs relies upon their validity. A lot of research

demonstrates that individuals will probably dismiss messages from low validity
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sources (Hass 1981). In the event that individuals think, a source is one-sided; they

will probably disregard that source's messages (Eagly et al. 1978).

Expressing an opinion in the public status is directly associated with self-

presentational objectives (impression motivation). In addition, the intentions of

introducing oneself emphatically and persuading others are vital for individuals with

high identity quality. The present discoveries broaden past learning by rethinking the

idea of opinion leadership in new media situations and depicting motivational

connections between people's inclinations and their exercises to affect others'

conclusions.

Framing and Political Communication

News framing is present everywhere and it gets powerful every time an issue

emerges, and this is where the people gets to see an angle of it. A war, for example,

is a clash between or among two or more parties. The information that will be

received by the public gives them an opinion or notion of what is happening. In

relation to the example mentioned, the media brings news and information and

usually draws attention to the big number of audiences. News framing gives the

audience an idea of how they will perceive a certain topic depending on how it is

presented by the media.

(definition of framing)
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A frame may be bad, good, significant, or insignificant to both the media and

the public. We can observe framing in all topics in various aspects of life such as

economics, politics, human issues, and etc. (Sehat, 2017). News framing, therefore,

is where the journalists’ get to choose the side or the particular portion of the story

or define the idea of the subject in a certain perspective to share to the audiences.

Framing focuses on influencing. The findings of measuring framing effects show that

most of the individual resists inconsistent communication with their previous

thinking (Chong and Druckman, 2007; Entman et al., 2009).

Contrary to some interpretations, that does not consider framing a minor

feature of politics and policymaking. The effects of framing on a small number of

citizens at the elite level could have negative connection for political power. Framing

is done effectively when it reaches to two general audiences, those with malleable

opinion and those of the political elite (Entman, 2008).

Hofstetter's examination on television company inclusion of the 1972

presidential campaign shows that it was impractical to put forth a defense for

considerable factional political inclination (i.e., choice of news dependent on political

partialities). The creator implied problems in studying bias included having the

capacity to perceive a standard for examinations of news inclusion, for example,

what might be the measures to show the presence of political bias? How much
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contrast between guidelines of inclination would establish ''significance?''

(Hofstetter, 1976).

An examination of system news bias in the presidential race of 1992 by Lowery

and Shidler (1995) uncovered that albeit divided applicant sound bites were

relatively even, twice the same number of noncandidate negative sound bites were

broadcast on ABC, CBS, NBC, and CNN, in regards to the Bush-Quayle ticket, as

contrasted and those in the Clinton-Gore group, proposing a liberal bias. They

dismissed option contentions, for example, an anti-incumbent predisposition (i.e,

the Republican ticket, as the eventual failure, merited such coverage), as the third-

place Perot-Stockwell ticket got less negative inclusion, and an anti-front runner bias,

since Clinton-Gore leads the poll for a large portion of the race.

The utilization of news sources is significant because sources often characterize

the nature the news (Zhang and Fahmy, 2009). As Entman (1991) noted, it is 'the

initial interactions of sources and journalists that set the framing process in motion'.

As a worldwide emergency more often than not includes different national

interests, media framing reflects the abstract points of view of writers dependent on

their decision of news sources (Graber, 1997). For model, Paraschos and Stewart

(1985) found that 75% of the credited data for the KAL 007 flight shooting in the US

news reports originated from Western sources.

A few researchers hold that writers simply refer to the suitable sources, that is,

sources that are definitive, dependable, solid, as well as relevant, and let the sources
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express their sentiments (Gans, 1980), while others trust that columnists and editors

deliberately select certain sources to recount the accounts in manners that fit their

predetermined frames (Kim and Lee, 2008).

For the case study of the KAL 801 crash,2 Kim and Lee (2008) found that

American columnists depended principally on authority US sources, especially the

National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB), while Korean columnists trusted that

NTSB was one-sided toward US interests. They depended on elective sources, for

example, Korean government authorities, flying specialists, and officials and

spokespersons from Korean Air, whom they saw to be more trustworthy and solid

than NTSB investigators.

Tuchman (1978) defined media frames as “The news frames organizes

everyday reality and the news frames is part and parcel of everyday reality is the

essential feature of news”. Media frames allows the journalists to identify and

classify information and able to convey the message to the audiences (Gitlin, 1980).

News and Treatment

Mainstream news groups argue that by conforming to existent norms (Bennett,

2009) they implement the same treatment to competing frames and prevent their

reports from slanting. Nevertheless, slanted framing is commonly according to the

journalists’ self-perceptions, and the continuous equal treatment of the competing

frame cannot be guaranteed when the competitors’ ability is different and the
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significant information changes frequently. But this does not mean that the actor

who dominates the media frame is certain in controlling the public opinion.

Defined as showing “unjustified favoritism” towards a subject, media bias

occurs when the coverage of news is seemingly unfair, inaccurate or unbalanced

(Levasseur 2008). The integrity and credibility of a news source is also dependent on

the bias that is seen by its audience.

Nonetheless, the said bias of a network or news company also falls down to the

perspective of its market. In contemporary times, the definition of media bias

may be controlled by trolls and other opinionated institutions. For example, in their

chosen framing, mainstream media in the country can be labeled as biased and of

having sides in their report.

This conveys us at long last to our clarification of media bias. The two most

appropriate yet frequently conflated senses of the term are content bias and

decision-making bias.

Content bias is the slanted framing of mediated communication that

consistently advances the achievement of a particular interest, gathering or

philosophy in rivalries to control government power (Entman, 2007). Researchers

should utilize the term media bias just when research demonstrates that slants holds

after some time, and suffuse the most powerful media outlets. Under this definition,

biased content assists such as political groups in consistently convincing individuals

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to acknowledge interpretations helpful to the favored party for some time. At the

point when slant persists along these lines that biased content enables recipients to

get what they need from the government. Hypothetically, media bias can help

circulate political power.

The second use of the term bias is decision-making: the journalists’ influence

by writing and producing a news or story. Organizing news stories comes from a

process. It includes decision making in the selection of the subject and the angle,

selecting which sources one could use, and even the layout of the words and photos.

In this way, the process alone triggers bias even before the content is disseminated

to its market (Campbell, LeDuff, Jenkins & Brown, 2011).

Bias may be said to appear in the stories that news companies cover including

the way they present the story for readers to interpret- the frame. When covering

issues and events that require and demand national attention, a context paired with

its own interpretative lens gives its market a larger idea of the subject (Campbell, et

al, 2011).

Thus, a news story’s perspective is limited only to what story a journalist could

show and what angle he or she can best give to the reader. In this manner, a media

frame may be identified as a bias.

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Bias Forms

According to the book of Baker’s (1994): How to Identify, Expose & Correct

Liberal Media Bias, there are types of media biases namely; bias by commission, bias

by omission, bias by story selection, bias by placement, bias by selection of sources,

bias by spin, and bias by labelling.

Bias by Commission is a repetitive flow of passing along theories or mistakes

that will in general help a left-wing or liberal view. This is the most well-known type

of bias. Within the time pressure, reporters are supposed to provide equal and

objective time exposure in reporting the best contents of the both sides of the news.

Bias by Omission occurs when the writer ignores the fact that tend to

disapprove or supports the liberal or the conservative beliefs.

Bias by Story Selection is the featuring news stories that concur with the

motivation of the Left while disregarding stories that harmonize with the views of

the Right. This form of bias frequently happens when a media outlet chooses to

complete a story on an examination discharged by a liberal gathering, yet disregards

studies on the equivalent or comparative subjects discharged by conservative

groups.

Bias by Placement is happens when a news outlet places stories to harmonize

with a particular agenda.

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Bias by Selection of Sources occurs when a writer or reporter releases or

provides stories that supports one view over another.

Bias by Spin is stressing parts of the policy favorable to liberals without noting

the points favorable to the conservatives; putting out the liberal interpretation of

what an occasion implies while giving practically no time or space to interpret then

conservative side.

Bias by Labelling happens when attributing a name to conservatives but not to

liberals; utilizing more extraordinary marking for conservatives than for liberals;

distinguishing a liberal person or group as an "expert" or as free.

Bias by Policy endorsement of condemnation occurs when a correspondent

goes past announcing and endorses the liberal perspective of which approaches

ought to be authorized, or affirms the liberal feedback of current or past policies.

Policy Frames

According to Boydstun’s (2018) Policy Frames Codebook, it is intended to

provide a general system for categorizing frames across policy issues designed so

that it can also be specialized in issue-specific ways. The codebook contains 14

categories of frame dimensions that are intended to be applicable to any policy issue

and in any communication context. The 4 out of 14 dimensions used in our codebook

are listed below.

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Constitutionality and jurisprudence frames, the constraints imposed on or

freedoms granted to individuals, government, and corporations via the Constitution,

Bill of Rights and other amendments, or judicial interpretation. This deals specifically

with the authority of government to regulate, and the authority of

individuals/corporations to act independently.

Capacity and resources frames are the lack of or availability of physical,

geographical, spatial, human, and financial resources, or the capacity of existing

systems and resources to implement or carry out policy goals.

Political frames are any political considerations surrounding an issue. Issue

actions or efforts or stances that are political, appealing to one’s base, mentions of

political maneuvering. Explicit statements that a policy issue is good or bad for a

particular political party.

Economic frames are the costs, benefits, or monetary/financial implications of

the issue to an individual, family, community or to the economy as a whole.

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CHAPTER 3

RESEARCH METHODOLOGIES

RESEARCH DESIGN

This study will be conducted as a Qualitative research and implement Content

and Comparative analyses.

The research is a range of methodological approaches whose goal is to get a

deeper and interpreted understanding of the world through the researchers'

eyes. This uses other people’s experiences, perspectives and stories. In these

studies, researchers are expected to be involved in the process of study

tremendously as they interpret and retell the facts and the notable developments a

single story, issue, idea, event or phenomenon or even a collection of such possesses.

The most important thing about this type of research is when it becomes able to

answer questions of social relevance and importance (Kemparaj & Chavan, 2013).

In this concept, qualitative research showcases mainly the different

perspectives on simple events, ideas, phenomenon and others that is shown through

the studies of countless researchers in various fields and in various aspects of life.
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Content Analysis is a research method meant for interpreting meaning from a

set of text data (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005), in this case consisting of a collection of

online news, features and opinion articles published in light of charter change in the

Duterte administration. A comparative analysis as defined by Business Dictionary is

as an “item-by-item” comparison of two or more comparable alternatives” consisting

of a set of data that qualify in the list of standard set by the research. Chris Pickvance

(2009), however, separated comparative analysis with only the presentation of some

descriptive data which are informative and in a sense, comparative. He further

explained that all analysis all are attempts to compare— finding what ought to have

happen in the absence of a variable present in the actual situation (Smelser, 1976).

In his study, he identifies two major features that define comparative analysis. The

first being an interest in the explanatory question of why the observed similarities

and differences between cases exist, and reliance on the collection of data on two or

more cases, ideally according to a common framework.

Both analysis will be used as the provided sample materials are all materials

published in text. These materials will be studied mainly on each of its individual

content with the researchers interpreting the frames and bias of the news outlet

present in the material. Researchers in this analyzation will examine the patterns,

style of writing, choice of words and angling of stories used by writers of articles.

Afterwards, the results of the first part of the study will be analysed in comparison

to the outputs of other news companies included in the research.

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SAMPLING TECHNIQUE

Sampling is the method of selecting a small percent of a population of sample

materials to represent a whole. Making the study more economical yet accurate, a

sampling enables the generalization of the study to other studies (Showkat &

Parveen, 2017). A main characteristic of non-probability sampling is how sample

materials are mainly chosen from available sources due to selective judgement of the

researchers, rather than through random (Lund Research Ltd, 2012).

The purposive sampling is under the probability methodology of garnering

sample materials. Probability sampling is a gathering of sample materials where the

provided materials are chosen from all qualified materials (Explorablemind, 2009).

The articles are randomly picked from many and various articles about

Federalism and Charter Change based on themes deemed important by the

researchers. In this study, the researchers chose articles from key words of great

importance to the subject at hand, to wit: charter change (CHACHA, Cha-cha),

federalism, “pepedederalismo”, constitutional draft, Constitutional Commiittee

(ConCom), Constitutional Assembly (ConAss), and Constitutional Convention

(ConCon).
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Although most researchers may exhaust resources (e.g time and money) on

probability sampling, it eliminates or if not lessens the bias that the researchers can

exert on the study.

RESEARCH INSTRUMENT

The analysis of this research will be aided by a coding sheet and a code book to

guide the researchers in encoding the right variables in the study.

The code book shall indicate the the name of the broadsheets and its online

counterpart. The encoders will also indicate their date of coding of the articles. As

each coding sheet is set for one (1) online article, the coding sheet shall contain

specified publication dates of the 20 articles from each online news platform. The

news will also be labeled as to what section it belongs. In addition, the Headline must

be written completely to get its angle. The encoder will simply put a check on the

boxes of the choices given by the researchers according to the coding of each of the

news articles.

Aside from these themes, the framing of the news articles will be based on

three factors – the headlines, the sources cited and the section or style of writing.

This, further explained in the codebook, will result to the identification of the framing

and the overall treatment of charter change on the online counterparts of the three

major Philippine broadsheets.

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DATA GATHERING PROCEDURE

With the subject of Charter Change at hand, the researches saved screenshots

of articles, news features, and opinions of writers to represent the news company’s

media agenda.

The articles will be saved in form of screenshots (JPEG) of the actual articles, all

accessible online through the main accounts and digital archive of the three online

news platforms. It will then be printed and and attached to this study.

The coding sheet made by the researchers focuses the style of how the news is

written, the treatment on the subject (charter change) on hand, the type of people

and sources used in the news, and the tone of the writer in writing the news. They

will also aim to decode the present prejudice in each article through, the headlines

frames and sources used, all of this contributing to answering if a particular article

practices a slanted framing.

The coding sheet separates the articles found in the three online platforms of

the top broadsheets: Manila Bulletin, The Philippine Daily Inquirer and Philippine
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Star. These articles, in issue or by period (month) of publication, are consistently

present in the three portals. The coding book will define the answers that the coders

will answer on the coding sheet to analyze each article.

SAMPLE MATERIALS

The study was built on previous related literature were communication studies

focused on the relationship of journalism and political issues. Noting the prominence

of the three leading news portals and the necessity of media coverage on charter

change, the proponents of the study will use online news articles of various styles of

writing, may it be editorial, straight news or feature approach. These are articles

found in the three online platforms of the top broadsheets: Manila Bulletin,

Philippine Star, The Philippine Daily Inquirer.

These articles may contain progress or not, these may be framed in a slanted

manner or under biased writing. However, all main themes were the talk of the town

and the media can get a whole lot of information from these issues, thus, we can

expect that the three leading newspapers may have the same theme but have

different techniques and angles used in writing each news stories.

The contents of the collective 60 (sixty) articles will be analyzed; the

researchers will study the news framing in these articles. In addition, the coverage of

the study for the chosen material will not limit to the headline and lead only, hence,

the overall of the story will be observed. The timeframe of these articles are during
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The President Rodrigo Duterte's Administration only or between July 2016 and

October 2018. All articles are accessed through the online sites of the leading

newspapers for the credibility of the subject and this study as well.

DATA ANALYSIS

Thematic analysis (TA) is the clustering of patterns found after examinations of

provided data. In our case, the study will refer to the consistency or inconsistency of

overall treatment or framing of the leading news outlets whether they may be in

favor, not in agreement or neutral on the position of charter change.

According to a study under the University of Auckland (2016), this analysis aims

to find answers through analyzations to a set of research questions addressed. This

is got from data familiarization, coding, and analyzations guided by guidelines set by

supporting theories and studies. Furthermore, it states that there are six ways to do

a thematic analysis which are: inductive, deductive, semantic, latent, realist or

essentialist way and a constructionist way. Inductive, semantic and realist

approaches are grouped together while deductive, latent, and constructionist are

alike.

This research will be a mixture of the latter group of methodologies- a

deductive, latent and constructionist analyzation. In consecutive purposes, the

approaches will garner date for coding and theme development based on existing

concepts and ideas (deductive), concepts and assumptions from data (latent), and
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the certain reality or realities depicted by the data (constructionist). This method will

be used to identify the kind of texts and words that are used in the sample materials

by examining each of its features. Additionally, this method will help the researchers

provide answers to the research questions addressed to this particular study.

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 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY
Coding Sheet
Coder:
Date of Coding:
Name of Publication:
Date of Publication:
Newspaper Section:

Headline:

Type of News Story:

STRAIGHT NEWS FEATURE NEWS

Angle of the Headline:

A. NEGATIVE POSITIVE NEUTRAL

B. Bias by Omission Bias by Story Selection

Bias by Labeling Bias by Placement

Bias by Spin No Apparent Bias

Sources Cited:
Primary Source Secondary Source
 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY

Framing:

Constitutionality Capacity Political Economic

CODEBOOK:

This codebook is designed to help the coders in the process of encoding the

data. This shall indicate researcher's definition of its variables on deciding the frames,

slants and bias present in an article and the news media.

Each variable below has a definition on its use in this study. The coders must

only refer to the given instructions and definitions. The coders must complete each

unit.

Choose the option that best describes each unit.

Name of Coder: (Indicate the complete name and the number of the coder.)

News Company: (Choose from Manila Bulletin, Philippine Star, Philippine Daily

Inquirer)

Date of Coding: (Indicate date of encoding)

Publication Date: (Indicate date of article publication)

Newspaper Section: (Indicate which section (lifestyle, news, etc) the online news is

published in)
 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY

There are (4) aspects in relation to discovering the treatment of Charger Change

in an article. These will be tackled first before the overall treatment of the story.

• Headline Angle

1. Pro- when the writer uses positive words ( Abound, accurate,

achievable, adequate, admirable, agreeable, amenable, appealing,

aplaud, approve, blessing, commendable, consistent, delightful and

more) in the headline, may also contain positive superlatives. Headline

that supports the idea of Charter Change.

2. Anti- when the headline contains negative words ( Abolish, abuse,

adultered, allegation, annihilate, anti-, assault, autocratic, banish, cruel,

dictator, and more) to bring up the topic. It is anti when the headline

opposes to the idea of Charter Change.

3. Neutral- does not fall to earlier choices thus having no sufficient data to

discern a certain side of the story. Headlines are written objectively and

are not sensationalized.

• TYPES OF BIAS FORM

 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY

1. Bias by Omission is a bias that focuses particularly on one side of the

story and sets out a bad image to the other side of the story.

2. Bias by Story Selection is a form of bias that sides with the story and

promotes the idea of the chosen side, however, it does not directly

target the subject involved but rather it emphasizes the news story

about the subject.

3. Bias by Labelling is a bias giving title or labelling the subject.

• Sources cited - this refers to the resources used by the journalist in the making

of the article. (Please note the actual source in a parentheses).

1. Primary resources –the people cited, interviewed, mentioned or in any way used

in the story are people directly connected in the implementation or cessation of

charter change. This shall include people drafting the new Constitution (Members

of Congress, ConCom, ConAss ConCon).

2. Secondary Resources – shows if people cited, interviewed, mentioned or in any

way used in the story are not directly connected in the implementation or

cessation of the charter change but can, in any other way, influence the process

(Opposition, President Rodrigo Duterte,) and also those whose opinion as a

majority is valuable to the implementation or cessation (Filipinos, critics).

 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY

Note: A term such as Bias by Selection of Sources occurs when a media outlet leaves

out sources that expresses an opposing point of view. An article displays this bias when

having unequal sides of a story (Positive=/=Negative).

• Type of News Story- Refers to how the article is written, and presented to the

audience.

1. Straight News– the article is written in a reporting style with hardly any visible

remarks from writer connected to the matter at hand.

2. Featurized News/Features- the article is reported in a featurized manner in

which the writer may describe, narrate or tell an event, idea, or a person

connected to the matter at hand. This may also consist of articles that refer to

the issue as a type of human interest.

Framing refers to the angle or perspective that a news story shows.

1. Constitutionality and jurisprudence frames - The constraints imposed on or

freedoms granted to individuals, government, and corporations via the

Constitution, Bill of Rights and other amendments, or judicial interpretation.

This deals specifically with the authority of government to regulate, and the

authority of individuals/corporations to act independently.

2. Capacity and resources frames - The lack of or availability of physical,

geographical, spatial, human, and financial resources, or the capacity of

existing systems and resources to implement or carry out policy goals.

 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY

3. Political frames - Any political considerations surrounding an issue. Issue

actions or efforts or stances that are political, appealing to one’s base,

mentions of political maneuvering. Explicit statements that a policy issue is

good or bad for a particular political party.

4. Economic frames - The costs, benefits, or monetary/financial implications of

the issue to an individual, family, community or to the economy as a whole.

• Overall Treatment of the Article

1. Affirmative – the article poses more positive feedback about the constitutional

change and may influence the same favorable response to its reader.

2. Negative - the article poses more negative feedback about the constitutional

change and may influence the same unpleasant response to its reader.

3. Neutral – the article poses sufficient amount of data yet renders no apparent

tone to influence its readers.

 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY
Primary Members shall include:
House of Representatives Members:
17th CONGRESS
1. Abad, Henedina
R. (Deceased)
Batanes, Lone District
2. Abaya, Francis Gerald
A.
Cavite, 1st District
3. Abayon, Harlin Neil III J.
Party List - AANGAT TAYO
4. Abellanosa, Rodrigo A.
Cebu City, 2nd District
5. Abu, Raneo E.
Batangas, 2nd District
6. Abueg, Frederick
"Erick" F.
Palawan, 2nd District
7. Acharon, Pedro Jr. B.
South Cotabato, 1st
District
8. Acop, Romeo M.
Antipolo City, 2nd District
9. Acosta, Gil
"Kabarangay" P.
Palawan, 3rd District
10. Acosta-Alba, Ma.
Lourdes
Bukidnon, 1st District
11. Adiong, Ansaruddin
Abdul Malik A.
Lanao del Sur, 1st District
12. Advincula, Alex
Cavite, 3rd District
13. Agarao, Benjamin Jr.
C.
Laguna, 4th District
14. Aggabao, Ma. Lourdes
R.
Isabela, 4th District
15. Aglipay-Villar,
Emmeline (Appointed DO
J Under-Secretary)
Party List - DIWA
16. Akbar, Jum
J. (Deceased)
Basilan, Lone District
17. Albano, Rodolfo III T.
Isabela, 1st District
18. Alcala, Vicente "Kulit"
J.
Quezon, 2nd District
19. Alejano, Gary C.
Party List - MAGDALO
20. Almario, Joel Mayo Z.
Davao Oriental, 2nd
District
21. Almonte, Jorge T.
Misamis Occidental, 1st
District
22. Alonte, Marlyn B.
Biñan City, Lone District
23. Alvarez, Franz
Palawan, 1st District
24. Alvarez, Mercedes K.
Negros Occidental, 6th
District
25. Alvarez, Pantaleon D.
Davao del Norte, 1st
District
26. Amante, Erlpe John
"Ping" M.
Agusan del Norte, 2nd
District
27. Amatong, Isagani S.
Zamboanga del Norte,
3rd District
28. Andaya, Rolando Jr. G.
Camarines Sur, 1st
District
29. Angara-Castillo,
Bellaflor J.
Aurora, Lone District
30. Antonino, Magnolia C.
Nueva Ecija, 4th District
31. Antonio, Michelle M.
Party List - AGBIAG
32. Aquino-Magsaysay,
Milagros
Party List - Senior Citizen
33. Aragones, Sol
Laguna, 3rd District
34. Arbison, Munir M.
Sulu, 2nd District
35. Arcillas, Arlene B.
Laguna, 1st District
36. Arenas, Rose Marie
"Baby" J.
Pangasinan, 3rd District
37. Atienza, Jose Jr. L.
Party List - BUHAY
 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY
38. Aumentado, Erico
Aristotle C.
Bohol, 2nd District
39. Austria Barzaga,
Jennifer
Cavite, 4th District
40. Bag-ao, Kaka J.
Dinagat Islands, Lone
District
41. Bagatsing, Cristal L.
Manila, 5th District
42. Baguilat, Teddy Jr.
Brawner
Ifugao, Lone District
43. Banal, Jorge "Bolet"
Quezon City, 3rd District
44. Barbers, Robert Ace S.
Surigao del Norte, 2nd
District
45. Bataoil, Leopoldo N.
Pangasinan, 2nd District
46. Batocabe, Rodel M.
Party List - AKO BICOL
47. Bautista-Bandigan,
Lorna P.
Davao Occidental, Lone
District
48. Belaro, Salvador Jr. B.
Party List - 1-ANG
EDUKASYON
49. Belmonte, Ricardo
"RJ" T.
Party List - SBP
50. Belmonte, Feliciano
Jr. R.
Quezon City, 4th District
51. Belmonte, Jose
Christopher Y.
Quezon City, 6th District
52. Benitez, Alfredo
Negros Occidental, 3rd
District
53. Bernos, JB Cebu, 7th District
Abra, Lone District 68. Calixto-Rubiano, Emi
54. Bertiz, Aniceto "John" G.
III D. Pasay City, Lone District
Party List - ACTS OFW 69. Caminero, Wilfredo S.
55. Biazon, Rozzano Cebu, 2nd District
Rufino B. 70. Campos, Luis Jr. N.
Muntinlupa City, Lone Makati City, 2nd District
District 71. Canama, Sabiniano S.
56. Billones, Emmanuel A. Party List - COOP NATCCO
Capiz, 1st District 72. Cari, Jose Carlos L.
57. Biron, Ferjenel G., Leyte, 5th District
M.D. 73. Casilao, Ariel 'Ka Ayik'
Iloilo, 4th District B.
58. Bolilia, Lianda B. Party List - ANAKPAWIS
Batangas, 4th District 74. Castelo, Winston
59. Bondoc, Juan Pablo Quezon City, 2nd District
Pampanga, 4th District 75. Castro, France L.
60. Bordado, Gabriel Jr. Party List - ACT TEACHERS
H. 76. Castro, Fredenil
Camarines Sur, 3rd "Fred" H.
District Capiz, 2nd District
61. Bravo, Anthony M., 77. Catamco, Nancy A.
Ph.D. North Cotabato, 2nd
Party List - COOP NATCCO District
62. Bravo, Maria Vida 78. Cayetano, Pia S.
Espinosa Taguig City-Pateros, 2nd
Masbate, 1st District District
63. Brosas, Arlene D. 79. Celeste, Jesus
Party List - GABRIELA Pangasinan, 1st District
64. Bulut-Begtang, 80. Cerafica, Arnel M.
Eleanor C. Taguig City-Pateros, 1st
Apayao, Lone District District
65. Cagas, Mercedes 81. Cerilles, Aurora Enerio
"Didi" C. Zamboanga del Sur, 2nd
Davao del Sur, Lone District
District 82. Chavez, Cecilia Leonila
66. Calalang, Ciriaco V.
S. (Deceased) Party List - BUTIL
Party List - KABAYAN 83. Chipeco, Joaquin Jr.
67. Calderon, Peter John M.
D. Laguna, 2nd District
 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY
84. Co, Christopher S.
Party List - AKO BICOL
85. Cojuangco, Carlos O.
Tarlac, 1st District
86. Collantes, Ma.
Theresa V.
Batangas, 3rd District
87. Cortes, Jonas C.
Cebu, 6th District
88. Cortuna, Julieta R.
Party List - A TEACHER
89. Cosalan, Ronald M.
Benguet, Lone District
90. Crisologo, Vincent
"Bingbong" P.
Quezon City, 1st District
91. Cua, Dakila Carlo E.
Quirino, Lone District
92. Cuaresma, Luisa
Lloren
Nueva Vizcaya, Lone
District
93. Cueva, Leo Rafael M.
Negros Occidental, 2nd
District
94. Dalipe, Manuel Jose
"Mannix" M.
Zamboanga City, 2nd
District
95. Dalog, Maximo
B. (Deceased)
Mountain Province, Lone
District
96. Datol, Francisco Jr. G.
Party List - Senior Citizen
97. Daza, Raul A.
Northern Samar, 1st
District
98. De Jesus, Emmi A.
Party List - GABRIELA
99. De Venecia,
Christopher V.P.
Pangasinan, 4th District 114. Ermita-Buhain,
100. De Vera, Eugene Elenita Milagros
Michael B. Batangas, 1st District
Party List - ABS 115. Escudero, Evelina G.
101. Defensor, Arthur Jr. Sorsogon, 1st District
R. 116. Espina, Rogelio
Iloilo, 3rd District J.,M.D.
102. Del Mar, Raul V. Biliran, Lone District
Cebu City, 1st District 117. Espino, Amado Jr. T.
103. Del Rosario, Manuel Pangasinan, 5th District
Monsour III T. 118. Estrella, Conrado III
Makati City, 1st District M.
104. Deloso-Montalla, Party List - ABONO
Cheryl P. 119. Eusebio, Richard C.
Zambales, 2nd District Pasig City, Lone District
105. Dimaporo, Abdullah 120. Evardone, Ben P.
D. Eastern Samar, Lone
Lanao del Norte, 2nd District
District 121. Fariñas, Rodolfo C.
106. Dimaporo, Ilocos Norte, 1st District
Mohamad Khalid Q. 122. Fernando, Bayani F.
Lanao del Norte, 1st Marikina City, 1st District
District 123. Ferrer, Juliet Marie
107. Duavit, Michael John D.
R. Negros Occidental, 4th
Rizal, 1st District District
108. Durano, Ramon 124. Ferrer, Luis "Jon-Jon"
"Red" VI H. IV A.
Cebu, 5th District Cavite, 6th District
109. Dy, Napoleon S. 125. Ferriol-Pascual,
Isabela, 3rd District Abigail Faye C.
110. Elago, Sarah Jane I. Party List - KALINGA
Party List - KABATAAN 126. Floirendo, Antonio
111. Enverga, Anna Jr. R.
Katrina M. Davao del Norte, 2nd
Quezon, 1st District District
112. Erice, Edgar R. 127. Flores, Florencio Jr.
Caloocan City, 2nd T., M.D.
District Bukidnon, 2nd District
113. Eriguel, Sandra Y., 128. Fortun, Lawrence H.
M.D. Agusan del Norte, 1st
La Union, 2nd District District
 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY
129. Fortuno, Salvio B.
Camarines Sur, 5th
District
130. Fuentebella, Arnulfo
P.
Camarines Sur, 4th
District
131. Garbin, Alfredo Jr. A.
Party List - AKO BICOL
132. Garcia, Gwendolyn
F.
Cebu, 3rd District
133. Garcia, Jose Enrique
III "Joet" S.
Bataan, 2nd District
134. Garcia-Albano,
Mylene J.
Davao City, 2nd District
135. Garin, Oscar
"Richard" Jr. S.
Iloilo, 1st District
136. Garin, Sharon S.
Party List - AAMBIS-OWA
137. Gasataya, Greg G.
Bacolod City, Lone District
138. Gatchalian, Wes
Valenzuela City, 1st
District
139. Geron, Rico B.
Party List - AGAP
140. Go, Ana Cristina
Siquian
Isabela, 2nd District
141. Go, Mark O.
Baguio City, Lone District
142. Gomez, Lucy T.
Leyte, 4th District
143. Gonzaga, Ruwel
Peter S.
Compostela Valley, 2nd
District
144. Gonzales, Alexandria 158. Lacson, Virgilio S.
P. Party List - MANILA
Mandaluyong City, Lone TEACHERS
District 159. Lagman, Edcel C.
145. Gonzales, Aurelio Jr. Albay, 1st District
"Dong" D. 160. Lanete, Scott Davies
Pampanga, 3rd District S., M.D.
146. Gonzalez, Fernando Masbate, 3rd District
V. 161. Laogan, Dennis C.
Albay, 3rd District Party List - ANG
147. Gorriceta, Arcadio H. KABUHAYAN
Iloilo, 2nd District 162. Lazatin, Carmelo II
148. Gullas, Gerald "Jon" B.
Anthony Jr. "Samsam" V. Pampanga, 1st District
Cebu, 1st District 163. Leachon, Doy C.
149. Hernandez, Oriental Mindoro, 1st
Ferdinand L. District
South Cotabato, 2nd 164. Lee, Delphine Gan
District Party List - AGRI
150. Hernandez, Paul P. 165. Limkaichong, Jocelyn
Party List - KABAYAN Sy
151. Herrera-Dy, Negros Oriental, 1st
Bernadette "BH" District
Party List - BH 166. Lobregat, Celso L.
152. Hofer, Ann K. Zamboanga City, 1st
Zamboanga Sibugay, 2nd District
District 167. Loong, Tupay
153. Jalosjos, Seth T. (Deceased)
Frederick P. Sulu, 1st District
Zamboanga del Norte, 1st 168. Lopez, Benhur Jr. B.
District Party List - YACAP
154. Javier, Paolo 169. Lopez, Carlo V.
Everardo S. Manila, 2nd District
Antique, Lone District 170. Lopez, Manuel Luis
155. Kho, Elisa T.
Masbate, 2nd District Manila, 1st District
156. Khonghun, Jeffrey D. 171. Loyola, Roy M.
Zambales, 1st District Cavite, 5th District
157. Labadlabad, Glona 172. Macapagal-Arroyo,
G. Gloria
Zamboanga del Norte, Pampanga, 2nd District
2nd District
 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY
173. Maceda, Edward
Vera Perez
Manila, 4th District
174. Madrona, Emmanuel
F.
Romblon, Lone District
175. Malapitan, Dale
"Along" R.
Caloocan City, 1st District
176. Manalo, Jesulito
"Jess" A.
Party List - ANGKLA
177. Mangaoang, Allen
Jesse C.
Kalinga, Lone District
178. Mangudadatu,
Suharto T.
Sultan Kudarat, 1st
District
179. Mangudadatu, Zajid
G.
Maguindanao, 2nd
District
180. Marcoleta, Rodante
D.
Party List - SAGIP
181. Marcos, Imelda R.
Ilocos Norte, 2nd District
182. Mariño, Mario
Vittorio "Marvey" A.
Batangas, 5th District
183. Marquez, Carlito S.
Aklan, Lone District
184. Martinez, Eric M.
Valenzuela City, 2nd
District
185. Matugas, Francisco
Jose II F.
Surigao del Norte, 1st
District
186. Mellana, Evelyn P.
Agusan del Sur, 2nd 200. Ocampo, Rosenda
District Ann
187. Mending, Makmod Manila, 6th District
Jr. D. 201. Olivarez, Eric L.
Party List - AMIN Parañaque City, 1st
188. Mendoza, Raymond District
Democrito C. 202. Ong, Edwin C.
Party List - TUCP Northern Samar, 2nd
189. Mercado, Roger G. District
Southern Leyte, Lone 203. Ong, Henry C.
District Leyte, 2nd District
190. Mirasol, Alejandro Y. 204. Ortega, Pablo C.
Negros Occidental, 5th La Union, 1st District
District 205. Ortega, Vini Nola A.
191. Montoro, Teodoro Party List - ABONO
"Ted" G. 206. Pacquiao, Rogelio
Party List - AASENSO "Ruel" D.
192. Nava, Ma. Lucille L., Sarangani, Lone District
M.D. 207. Paduano, Joseph
Guimaras, Lone District Stephen S.
193. Nieto, John Marvin Party List - ABANG
"Yul Servo" C. LINGKOD
Manila, 3rd District 208. Palma, Wilter
194. Noel, Victoria Isabel "Sharky" II Wee
G. Zamboanga Sibugay, 1st
Party List - AN WARAY District
195. Nograles, Jericho 209. Pancho, Gavini
Jonas B. "Apol" C.
Party List - PBA Bulacan, 2nd District
196. Nograles, Karlo 210. Panganiban, Jose Jr.
Alexei B. T. CPA,LLB
Davao City, 1st District Party List - ANAC-IP
197. Nolasco, Ramon C. 211. Panotes, Marisol C.
Cagayan, 1st District Camarines Norte, 2nd
198. Nuñez-Malanyaon, District
Corazon N. 212. Papandayan,
Davao Oriental, 1st Mauyag Jr. "Jun" B.
District Lanao del Sur, 2nd
199. Oaminal, Henry S. District
Misamis Occidental, 2nd 213. Pichay, Prospero Jr.
District A.
 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY
Surigao del Sur, 1st
District
214. Pimentel, Johnny Ty
Surigao del Sur, 2nd
District
215. Pineda, Enrico A.
Party List - 1-PACMAN
216. Plaza, Maria
Valentina G.
Agusan del Sur, 1st
District
217. Primicias-Agabas,
Marlyn L.
Pangasinan, 6th District
218. Quimbo, Romero
Marikina City, 2nd District
219. Radaza, Aileen C.
Lapu-Lapu City, Lone
District
220. Ramirez-Sato,
Josephine
Occidental Mindoro, Lone
District
221. Ramos, Deogracias
Jr. B.
Sorsogon, 2nd District
222. Relampagos, Rene L.
Bohol, 1st District
223. Revilla, Strike B.
Cavite, 2nd District
224. Roa-Puno, Cristina
"Chiqui"
Antipolo City, 1st District
225. Robes, Florida "Rida"
P.
San Jose Del Monte City,
Lone District
226. Rocamora, Ramon V.
A."Rav"
Siquijor, Lone District
227. Rodriguez, Isidro Jr.
S.
Rizal, 2nd District 242. Sambar, Mark Aeron
228. Rodriguez, Maximo H.
Jr. B. Party List - PBA
Cagayan de Oro City, 2nd 243. Sandoval, Federico II
District "Ricky" S.
229. Roman, Geraldine B. Malabon City, Lone
Bataan, 1st District District
230. Romero, Michael L., 244. Sangcopan, Amihilda
PhD. J.
Party List - 1-PACMAN Party List - AMIN
231. Romualdez, Yedda 245. Santos-Recto, Vilma
Marie K. Batangas, 6th District
Leyte, 1st District 246. Sarmiento, Cesar V.
232. Romualdo, Xavier Catanduanes, Lone
Jesus D. District
Camiguin, Lone District 247. Sarmiento, Edgar
233. Roque, Harry Jr. Mary S.
L. (Appointed Presidential Samar, 1st District
Spokesperson) 248. Savellano,
Party List - KABAYAN Deogracias Victor "DV" B.
234. Roque, Rogelio Neil Ilocos Sur, 1st District
P. 249. Sema, Bai Sandra A.
Bukidnon, 4th District Maguindanao, 1st District
235. Sacdalan, Jesus 250. Siao, Frederick W.
Nonato Iligan City, Lone District
North Cotabato, 1st 251. Silverio, Lorna C.
District Bulacan, 3rd District
236. Sagarbarria, Manuel 252. Singson, Eric D.
T. Ilocos Sur, 2nd District
Negros Oriental, 2nd 253. Suansing, Estrellita
District B.
237. Sahali, Ruby M. Nueva Ecija, 1st District
Tawi-Tawi, Lone District 254. Suansing, Horacio Jr.
238. Salceda, Joey Sarte P.
Albay, 2nd District Sultan Kudarat, 2nd
239. Salimbangon, District
Benhur L. 255. Suarez, Danilo E.
Cebu, 4th District Quezon, 3rd District
240. Salo, Ron P. 256. Sy-Alvarado, "Kuya"
Party List - KABAYAN Jose Antonio R.
241. Salon, Orestes T. Bulacan, 1st District
Party List - AGRI 257. Tambunting, Gus S.
 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY

Parañaque City, 2nd Oriental Mindoro, 2nd Camarines Sur, 2nd

District District District
258. Tan, Angelina 273. Unabia, Peter 287. Villanueva, Noel L.
Quezon, 4th District Misamis Oriental, 1st Tarlac, 3rd District
259. Tan, Milagrosa District 288. Villar, Mark
"Mila" T. 274. Ungab, Alberto T. A. (Appointed DPWH Secr
Samar, 2nd District Davao City, 3rd District etary)
260. Tan, Shernee 275. Unico, Renato Jr. J. Las Piñas City, Lone
Abubakar Camarines Norte, 1st District
Party List - KUSUG- District 289. Villaraza-Suarez,
TAUSUG 276. Uy, Juliette T. Anna Marie
261. Tejada, Jose Misamis Oriental, 2nd Party List - ALONA
"PingPing" I. District 290. Villarica, Linabelle
North Cotabato, 3rd 277. Uy, Rolando Ruth R.
District Cagayan de Oro City, 1st Bulacan, 4th District
262. Teves, Arnolfo Jr. District 291. Villarin, Tom S.
"Arnie" A. 278. Uybarreta, Carlos Party List - AKBAYAN
Negros Oriental, 3rd Roman 292. Violago, Micaela S.
District Party List - 1-CARE Nueva Ecija, 2nd District
263. Tiangco, Tobias 279. Vargas, Alfred D. 293. Yap, Arthur C.
"Toby" M. Quezon City, 5th District Bohol, 3rd District
Navotas City, Lone 280. Vargas-Alfonso, Baby 294. Yap, Melecio Jr. J.
District Aline Negros Occidental, 1st
264. Ting, Randolph S. Cagayan, 2nd District District
Cagayan, 3rd District 281. Velarde, Mariano 295. Yap, Victor A.
265. Tinio, Antonio L. Michael Jr. M. Tarlac, 2nd District
Party List - ACT TEACHERS Party List - BUHAY 296. Yu, Divina Grace C.
266. Tolentino, Abraham 282. Velasco, Lord Allan Zamboanga del Sur, 1st
Cavite, 7th District Jay Q. District
267. Treñas, Jerry P. Marinduque, Lone District 297. Zamora, Maria
Iloilo City, Lone District 283. Velasco-Catera, Carmen S.
268. Tugna, Sherwin N. Tricia Nicole Q. Compostela Valley, 1st
Party List - CIBAC Party List - MATA District
269. Tupas, Raul "Boboy" 284. Veloso, Vicente 298. Zamora, Ronaldo B.
C. "Ching" S.E. San Juan City, Lone
Iloilo, 5th District Leyte, 3rd District District
270. Turabin-Hataman, 285. Vergara, Rosanna 299. Zarate, Carlos
Sitti Djalia A. (Resigned) "Ria" V. Isagani T.
Party List - AMIN Nueva Ecija, 3rd District Party List - BAYAN MUNA
271. Ty, Arnel U. 286. Villafuerte, Luis 300. Zubiri, Manuel F.
Party List - LPGMA Raymund Jr. F. Bukidnon, 3rd District
272. Umali, Reynaldo V.
 ADAMSON UNIVERSITY
Link accessed:
http://www.congress.gov
.ph/members/
17th Congress Senators
1. Senator Vicente C.
Sotto III - Senate
President
2. Senator Ralph G. Recto
- Senate President Pro-
Tempore
3. Senator Juan Miguel
"Migz" F. Zubiri - Majority
Leader
4. Senator Franklin M.
Drilon - Minority Leader
5. Senator Sonny M.
Angara
6. Senator Paolo Benigno
Aquino IV - Assistant
Minority Leader
7. Senator Maria Lourdes
Nancy Sombillo Binay
8. Senator Leila De Lima
9. Senator Joseph Victor
G. Ejercito
10. Senator Francis “Chiz”
G. Escudero
11. Senator Sherwin
Gatchalian
12. Senator Richard J.
Gordon
13. Senator Gregorio B.
Honasan II
14. Senator Risa
Hontiveros
15. Senator Panfilo "Ping"
M. Lacson
16. Senator Loren B. • Edmund Soriano
Legarda Tayao
17. Senator Emmanuel • Eddie Mapag Alih
"Manny" D. Pacquiao • Bienvenido Reyes
• Julio Cabral
Senator Francis "Kiko”
Teehankee
Pangilinan
• Antonio Nachura
18. Senator Aquilino • Rodolfo Dia
"Koko" Pimentel III Robles
19. Senator Grace L. Poe • Virgilio Bautista
20. Senator Antonio • Ranhilio Aquino
"Sonny" F. Trillanes IV • Victor de la Serna
21. Senator Joel • Ferdinand Bocobo
• Rex Robles
Villanueva
• Jose Martin Loon
22. Senator Cynthia A.
Villar
LINK:
Link accessed: https://www.rappler.co
https://www.senate.gov. m/nation/200039-
ph/senators/sen17th.asp constitutional-
commission-new-
Consultative Committee members-rex-robles-
of Duterte jose-martin-loon
Administration
1. Reynato Puno as
chairman
2. Aquilino "Nene"
Pimentel Jr
3. Randolph Climaco
Parcasio
• Antonio Arellano
• Susan Ubalde-
Ordinario
• Arthur Aguilar
• Reuben Canoy
• Roan Libarios
• Laurence
Wacnang
• Ali Pangalian
Balindong