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To cite this article: Eric G. Lambert, Nancy L. Hogan, Marie L. Griffin & Thomas Kelley (2015)
The correctional staff burnout literature, Criminal Justice Studies, 28:4, 397-443
Correctional staff job burnout is costly to all involved. As such, it has generated a
growing body of research. This study reviewed 53 empirical studies of correc-
tional staff burnout and two review articles published between 1981 and 2014.
The majority of studies focused on staff working in a variety of institutional posi-
tions, fewer studies focused exclusively on the subgroup of correctional officers,
and even fewer focused on a different subgroup. The majority of studies also
involved staff at US government-run adult prisons. Most but not all studies uti-
lized Maslach’s Burnout Inventory. Research on the antecedents of job burnout
among correctional staff is more common than research on the possible conse-
quences or outcomes of job burnout. Interestingly, despite the empirical emphasis
on antecedents of burnout, there has been almost no research on effective inter-
ventions designed to deal with correctional staff burnout. Based on this narrative
review, significant gaps remain in the research on correctional staff burnout.
Keywords: correctional staff; job burnout; work environment; prison
Corrections is an integral part of the criminal justice system. In the US alone, more
than thirty billion dollars are spent annually to house over 1.4 million prisoners in
more than 1200 prisons, which collectively employ over 400,000 people (Maguire,
2014). Correctional staff are the driving force of these facilities. Staff are the heart
and soul of any correctional organization, because they are responsible for the myr-
iad daily tasks and duties that keep a facility running smoothly (Lambert & Hogan,
2009). Staff are a not only valuable resource, they are an expensive one. The
operation of correctional institutions is labor intensive, and personnel accounts for
over 70% of the costs of operating a typical correctional facility (Camp & Lambert,
2006). In addition to the effects that staff have on the correctional institution in
which they work, the work environment of their institution can have significant
effects on its staff.
Institutional corrections is a unique occupation. The first goal of a correctional
facility should be to provide a safe, secure, and humane environment. While this
goal appears relatively straightforward, reaching it can place strain and pressure on
the people working inside the institution. Shortages of resources and staff impact
the institution’s ability to accomplish these goals. Most correctional facilities are
not state-of-the-art, pleasant workplaces, and working in a difficult environment can
wear on employees over time (Lambert, Altheimer, & Hogan, 2010). Unlike many
organizations, correctional facilities require staffing 24 h a day, every day of the
year. Often staff can be required to work mandatory overtime and on holidays,
which can interfere with family or other social obligations and cause conflict for
staff (Lambert & Hogan, 2010). Furthermore, correctional role behaviors, such as
enforcer of rules, necessary for working in corrections, is not always conducive for
non-work roles, which can lead to strain for staff (Lambert, Hogan, Camp, &
Ventura, 2006). Working in institutional corrections also means doing ‘people
work,’ which, in itself, can be trying (Armstrong & Griffin, 2004). Moreover, cor-
rectional staff need to work with inmates, a group of individuals being held against
their will, who, at times, can be uncooperative, manipulative, and even violent
(Griffin, Hogan, Lambert, Tucker-Gail, & Baker, 2010). Armstrong and Griffin
(2004) contended that ‘few other organizations are charged with the central task of
supervising and securing an unwilling and potentially violent population’ (p. 577).
These and other challenges faced by correctional staff place a burden on them,
which, over time, can become overwhelming, resulting in job burnout (Carlson,
Anson, & Thomas, 2003; Whitehead, 1989). Keinan and Malach-Pines (2007)
found that correctional employees reported much higher levels of burnout than the
general population; indeed, they found that correctional employees reported higher
levels of burnout than police officers. Burnout is a losing proposition for all parties.
It has numerous negative effects for employees, their families, friends, coworkers,
inmates, the correctional facility, and society in general (Finney, Stergiopoulos,
Hensel, Bonato, & Dewa, 2013; Griffin et al., 2010; Neveu, 2007; Schaufeli &
Peeters, 2000).
In an era where rising costs, shrinking budgets, and personnel shortages are
common, ensuring that correctional staff do not suffer burnout is increasingly
important (Lambert & Hogan, 2009). Scholars have responded by studying job
burnout among correctional staff. While there has been an increase in research
looking at correctional staff job burnout, the overall message of this body of
empirical literature is unclear. Without clear information, it is difficult to implement
effective interventions. Due to the growing number of correctional staff burnout
studies, a systematic review of published articles on correctional staff burnout is
necessary to provide an overview of what has been studied and what has been
found. It is important to take stock of the work that has already been done, any
and all methodological issues that have arisen, and what issues remain to be
explored. This information will provide both scholars and correctional administra-
tors with a summary of what is known, the limitations of past studies, and recom-
mendations for future empirical research in the area. A qualitative review is
valuable for summarizing salient findings and limitations in a succinct manner,
while also providing a framework for future research. A qualitative review also
allows readers to gauge for themselves the current state of knowledge and possible
future research directions. This review is narrative rather that meta-analytic. We feel
that that the study of burnout among correctional staff is at an early stage and
needs further development before a rigorous and reliable quantitative meta-analysis
is ready to be conducted. A meta-analysis uses aggregate-level data to estimate
effect sizes, along with variance estimates of the effect sizes. While effect sizes are
Criminal Justice Studies 399
important, we feel that they do not present a complete picture of the current state
of research on burnout among correctional staff, such as issues and limitations of
past studies. Another reason for conducting a narrative review is that we do not feel
past studies have always used consistent measures, particularly in how burnout is
measured, to meet the homogeneity assumption of meta-analysis. Meta-analytic
research is important, and we hope this review will spur meta-analytic studies in
the future, as the number of additional burnout studies using consistent measures
grows.
apathetic, cynical, and rigid’ (p. 21). At the same time, other scholars were
approaching burnout from different perspectives.
At the same time as the above views and definitions were being proposed,
Maslach et al. proposed their views and definition of burnout, and, in the end, their
view of burnout has been widely accepted. Specifically, Maslach (1978), often seen
as a pioneering expert in the area of burnout, originally theorized that burnout
occurred when employees experienced ‘the gradual loss of caring about the people
they work with. Over time, they find that they simply cannot sustain the kind of
personal care and commitment required in the personal encounters that are the
essence of their job’ (p. 56). Several years later, Maslach and Jackson (1981)
defined burnout as ‘a syndrome of emotional exhaustion and cynicism that occurs
frequently among individuals who do “people work” of some kind’ (p. 99). They
postulated that burnout had three dimensions: emotional exhaustion, depersonaliza-
tion, and a reduced sense of personal accomplishment (Maslach & Jackson, 1981,
1984). Emotional exhaustion refers to feelings of being emotional drained and fati-
gued from work. Depersonalization is when an employee develops a cynical atti-
tude towards others and their motivations, and treats others in an impersonal and
callous manner. The sense of reduced accomplishment refers to the perception of
not being productive when working with other human beings, as well as having lit-
tle, if any, meaningful impact on others at work (i.e. feeling ineffective at work)
(Maslach, 2003; Maslach & Jackson, 1981, 1984; Maslach, Schaufeli, & Leiter,
2001). The three dimensions of burnout can occur in concert with one another or
may exist separately (Cordes & Dougherty, 1993; Maslach, 2003; Maslach &
Jackson, 1981). Further, Maslach and Jackson (1981, 1984) theorized that work-
place factors were the primary cause of job burnout. Maslach (2003) contended that
burnout was the ‘chronic strain that resulted from an incongruence, or misfit,
between the worker and the job’ (p. 198).
The various views and definitions of job burnout share two primary commonali-
ties. The first relates to process. Factors lead to a psychological strain for a person,
creating feelings of being drained from work, leading to the treatment of others at
work as objects, and a feeling that one is not effective at work. The second com-
monality is that workplace factors and not personal characteristics trigger burnout
(Maslach et al., 2001). Maslach (2003) pointed out that
Among the general public, the conventional wisdom about burnout is that the problem
lies within the person. Some argue that the person who burns out is trying too hard
and doing too much, whereas others believe that the weak and incompetent burn out;
however, research results have not supported the argument that burnout is related to a
person’s disposition. (p. 191)
Today, the general view of job burnout is that proposed by Maslach and Jackson
(1981) wherein burnout possesses three related but distinct dimensions – emotional
exhaustion, depersonalization, and feeling of reduced accomplishment.
(Continued)
403
Table 1. (Continued).
404
5. Whitehead and COs in all the prisons in one US state Maslach Burnout Inventory – three Age had a negative association with
Lindquist (1986) (#? prisons) dimensions using the frequency score depersonalization. Amount of inmate
option contact had a negative association with
lack of sense of accomplishment. Lack of
support, role conflict, job stress, and lack
of job satisfaction all had a positive
association with emotional exhaustion
and depersonalization. Inmate contact
had a negative association with lack of
sense of accomplishment, while lack of
job satisfaction had a positive
association. NS for emotional exhaustion:
age, inmate contact, and lack of input
into decision-making. NS for
depersonalization: inmate contact, lack of
input into decision-making, and lack of
job satisfaction. NS for sense of
accomplishment: age, lack of input into
decision-making, lack of support, role
conflict, and job stress
6. Gerstein, Topp, Staff from various positions at two US Total Exhaustion Scale –measured Positive views of inmates, inmate
and Correll prisons emotional exhaustion contact, and selecting the job because of
(1987) salary were negatively associated with
total exhaustion scores, and age and
selecting the job because of their
educational background had positive
associations. NS for exhaustion burnout:
age, tenure, number of children, job
classification, closeness with other prison
units/programs, coworker support, family
support, community support, inmate
relationship, self-efficacy, role ambiguity,
vacation days previous year, and view of
adequacy of vacation time
7. Whitehead, Sample of COs across one US state Maslach Burnout Inventory – all three Age had a positive association with
Criminal Justice Studies
Linquist, and correctional agency (#? prisons) dimensions using frequency score option depersonalization. Lack of job
Klofas (1987) satisfaction had a positive association
with emotional exhaustion and lack of
personal accomplishment. Role conflict
has a positive association with emotional
exhaustion and depersonalization. Job
stress had a positive association with
emotional exhaustion. Punitive
orientation towards offenders had a
negative association with
depersonalization. Keeping a social
(Continued)
405
Table 1. (Continued).
406
(Continued)
407
Table 1. (Continued).
408
(Continued)
Table 1. (Continued).
410
(Continued)
Table 1. (Continued).
412
(Continued)
413
Table 1. (Continued).
414
(Continued)
415
Table 1. (Continued).
416
(Continued)
417
Table 1. (Continued).
418
(Continued)
419
Table 1. (Continued).
420
organizational commitment
37. Lambert et al. Staff at a US private prison Short measures of the three dimensions Amount of inmate contact had a negative
(2010) of emotional exhaustion, association of feeling ineffective at work.
depersonalization, and reduced Management support and supervisor
accomplishment support had negative associations with
emotional exhaustion and a sense of
reduced accomplishment. Age, coworker
support and supervisor support had
negative associations with
depersonalization. Coworker support had
an inverse association with feeling being
(Continued)
421
Table 1. (Continued).
422
(Continued)
423
Table 1. (Continued).
424
(Continued)
425
Table 1. (Continued).
426
49. Gould, Watson, COs from 10 adult and youth offender Maslach Burnout Inventory – all three Reported that COs were high on
Price, and centers in Canada dimensions using the frequency scoring emotional exhaustion and
Valliant (2013) option depersonalization and average on
personal accomplishment. Males reported
higher depersonalization. Tenure was
positively associated with emotional
exhaustion and personal accomplishment.
COs working at adult centers reported
higher emotional exhaustion and
depersonalization and lower personal
accomplishment than did those working
at youth centers. Finally, even though
there was high reported use of emotion-
focused coping strategies (humor,
seeking emotional support, positive
reframing, and religion) and lower use of
dysfunctional coping strategies (e.g.
denial, venting, substance use, behavioral
disengagement), burnout was still high
50. Harizanova and Staff at a Bulgarian prison Created measure of burnout of which the Reported a high level of burnout. Single
Tarnovska (2013) main form of burnout was exhaustion staff, particularly those divorced, reported
higher levels of burnout. Educational
level had a positive association with
burnout. Burnout was higher among staff
with less than one year tenure or more
than 5 years tenure. Line staff reported
greater burnout
51. Lambert et al. Staff at a US prison Three item measure of emotional COs reported lower emotional
(2013) exhaustion from based on Wright and exhaustion. Amount of inmate contact
Saylor (1991) and continuance commitment had
positive associations with emotional
exhaustion. Affective commitment had an
inverse association. NS for burnout
measure: gender, age, tenure, educational
level, race, and moral commitment
52. Perkins and Interviewed 10 community and 10 US The Professional Quality of Life Scale, The majority of substance abuse
Sprang (2013) prison substance abuse counselors in #? which includes three subscales: counselors, regardless of location, scored
Criminal Justice Studies
prisons compassion satisfaction, burnout, and in the middle of burnout, and nine
compassion fatigue counselors scored high on the
compassion fatigue measure. There was
no significant difference on the measures
reported between community and prison
counselors. Prison counselors, however,
were found to be more likely to approach
their supervisors for assistance when they
felt overwhelmed by work
(Continued)
427
Table 1. (Continued).
428
working with inmates, but an analysis of their items indicated that they were
measuring the three dimensions of burnout proposed by Maslach and Jackson
(1981). Their measure of job stress was a combined measure of emotional exhaus-
tion and depersonalization, and their efficacy with inmates measure is similar to a
reverse coded measure of feelings of reduced accomplishment. Other studies
(n = 16) have used their own measures (12–14, 16–18, 20, 25, 28, 31, 35, 38, 40,
45, 51, 53).
Other studies (n = 11) used other types of burnout measures, of which all mea-
sured some form of emotional exhaustion and many measured one or more other
dimensions of burnout, including a seven-item measure to capture emotional burn-
out (27), the Spanish Burnout Inventory to measure job enthusiasm, psychological
exhaustion, indolence, and guilt (48), the Professional Quality of Life Scale, which
measured compassion satisfaction, burnout, and compassion fatigue (52), a measure
of exhaustion (50), a measure of physical and emotional exhaustion (30), a com-
posite measure of emotional exhaustion and depersonalization (41), a composite
measure of burnout consisting of emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and feel-
ing ineffective at work (33), and shortened measures of emotional exhaustion,
depersonalization, and reduced accomplishment (36–37, 39, 44).
Three things can be gleaned from the review of how burnout is measured. First,
there is no single measure of burnout used by all the correctional staff burnout
studies. This makes it difficult to compare the findings of these studies as it is
unclear if the findings may have been influenced by the manner in which burnout
was measured. Second, the modal measure of burnout was the MBI. It is important
to note that the MBI consists of 22 items and there is a fee required for its use.
The cost of using the MBI may lead some researchers to use alternative measures
of burnout. Similarly, researchers who measure a wide array of workplace factors
may choose not to use the 22-item MBI in its entirety to prevent the survey from
being too long. As such, some researchers have used a measure of burnout consist-
ing of fewer items. Third, emotional exhaustion is the most common dimension of
burnout measured. Emotional exhaustion is a critical element of burnout in the
literature (Cherniss, 1980a, 1980b; Keinan & Malach-Pines, 2007; Maslach &
Jackson, 1981; Pines & Keinan, 2005). As noted Maslach et al. (2001), ‘when peo-
ple describe themselves or others as experiencing burnout, they are most often
referring to the experience of [emotional] exhaustion’ (p. 402).
staff is also a marked limitation of burnout research. In the US, there are over 3000
jails employing more than 200,000 staff members (Maguire, 2014). Working in a
jail differs from working in a prison. Offenders in prison usually arrive with written
information concerning their history and needs, and offenders are sent to facilities
with different security levels based on their risk and needs assessments. Jails, on
the other hand, house a very different kind of offender. Jails generally hold both
pretrial and convicted offenders, who may differ significantly from those housed in
prison. For many pretrial detainees, particularly those just arrested, there has been
little time to provide an assessment of their risk and needs (Lambert, Reynolds,
Paoline, & Watkins, 2004). From a management perspective, the turnstile nature of
the jail population raises very different issues for jail staff. With only a single study
on burnout in jail staff (23), understanding whether the development and impact of
burnout differ between jail and prison staff is impossible. Third, the vast majority
of studies have focused on either a wide array of staff or just correctional officers.
Including all staff is sometimes done in an effort to increase the number of partici-
pants to reach a sufficient number to allow for multivariate analysis (i.e. power of
analysis requirements). Including all staff makes a critical assumption that the
causes and effects of burnout are the same regardless of one’s role within the
organization. Yet arguably, burnout could differ by position (the findings when a
position variable is included is discussed later). Likewise, while it makes sense to
study burnout among correctional officers, one should not make the assumption that
the correlates of burnout do not vary by officer position. For example, role over-
load (i.e. too much to do) could be problematic for officers working a busy housing
unit, while role underload (i.e. too little to do) could be an issue among armed
patrol officers (i.e. driving around the perimeter of a facility for an entire shift).
The research to date has cast a wide net of staff that may impede the ability to
observe nuances associated with burnout.
dangerousness of the job, harassment, and work-family conflict (Lambert & Hogan,
2010; Lambert et al., 2006, 2009).
The conservation of resources model holds that when needed and valued
workplace resources are lost, do not meet job requirements, are not sufficient, or
are missing, the likelihood of burnout increases (Hobfoll & Freedy, 1993; Lee &
Ashforth, 1996; Leiter & Maslach, 1988; Neveu, 2007). Resources are valued by
employees because they help employees do their jobs, and can either prevent work-
place stressors from occurring or can buffer workers from the full effects of the
stressors. Additionally, missing or threatened removal of workplace resources can
be a stressor, which can wear on a person, ultimately leading to burnout (Neveu,
2007). Examples of workplace resources are input into decision-making, organiza-
tional support, supervisor support, coworker support, social support, job autonomy,
organizational fairness, trust of supervisors and managers, job satisfaction, job
involvement, and organizational commitment (Griffin et al., 2010; Lambert, Hogan,
Dial, Jiang, & Khondaker, 2012; Lambert et al., 2010, 2012; Wells et al., 2009;
Wright, Saylor, Gilman, & Camp, 1997). Both the job demand-control model and
the conservation of resources model hold that workplace psychological strain leads
to burnout; however, the two theories differ in the source of the strain. The first
model holds that workplace demands which cannot easily be controlled result in
strain for people. The second model holds that the removal or threatened removal
of valued workplace resources results in the strain. In the end, for both models, this
strain wears on workers, increasing the chances of burnout from the job.
Among stressors, role overload has been reported to have a positive association
with burnout, especially emotional exhaustion and depersonalization (2–4, 33).
Likewise, role ambiguity and role conflict have been reported to lead to greater
burnout, especially emotional exhaustion and depersonalization (3, 7, 9, 11, 27,
38). Perceived dangerousness of the job and work pressure can result in higher
levels of emotional burnout (23, 24, 35, 38). Work-family conflict appears to con-
tribute to correctional staff burnout, particularly the emotional and depersonalization
dimensions (38). A combined measure of stressors (i.e. perceived dangerousness of
the job, role ambiguity, role conflict, and exposure to violence) was found to be
associated with greater emotional exhaustion and depersonalization, and a reduced
sense of personal accomplishment (32). For women, harassment may lead to higher
levels of emotional exhaustion (23). Interestingly, workload was found to have a
positive relationship with feelings of personal accomplishment among correctional
officers working in a US prison (3). The amount of time spent on paperwork was
reported to have a negative relationship with depersonalization and a positive
association with sense of personal accomplishment (4). Job stress has also been
reported to be linked to higher levels emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and
reduced sense of accomplishment (5, 7, 8, 11, 27, 30, 36, 47).
Working directly with inmates may be a stressor; however, the relationship
between inmate contact and burnout has had mixed findings. In some instances, the
amount of inmate contact has been reported to be linked to higher emotional
burnout and depersonalization (12, 40, 45, 52); in other cases, inmate contact has
been linked to lower levels of these dimensions of burnout (6, 13, 24), and still
other studies have observed no relationship (4–5, 11, 18, 21, 33–34, 37, 44). A
more consistent finding is that inmate contact is associated with an increased sense
of personal accomplishment (4–5, 11, 13, 18, 37, 44), although one study reported
no significant relationship between inmate contact and the sense of personal
Criminal Justice Studies 433
accomplishment (21). These mixed findings could be a result of how past studies
have measured contact with inmates. Typically, contact with inmates has been
measured as a dichotomous variable (i.e. yes or no) or reflecting the amount of
contact (e.g. number of hours of contact with inmates in a typical day). This
approach to measuring inmate contact is simplistic and fails to differentiate positive
and negative interactions with inmates. Intuitively, it would seem important to
understand the quality of the interaction between officer and inmate, but there is
limited research to support this notion. The research that does exist suggests that
negative inmate contact is linked to higher levels of emotional burnout, while posi-
tive contact with inmates is associated with increased feelings of personal accom-
plishment (3). Additionally, feelings of exploitation at the hands of inmates has
been found to be positively related to emotional exhaustion and negatively related
to a sense of accomplishment (10). Adding to the complexity of the issue of inmate
contact is officer perceptions of offenders. A negative view of inmates is linked to
greater emotional burnout, while holding punitive views of offenders is associated
with higher depersonalization (6–7, 34). Maintaining a social distance from
inmates was reported to be negatively associated with a sense of personal accom-
plishment, while holding a counseling view was associated with a greater sense of
accomplishment (7).
Interestingly, one study reported those working with adult offenders were more
likely to report higher levels of emotional exhaustion and depersonalization and a
decreased sense of personal accomplishment than were staff working with juvenile
offenders (49). Some studies suggest that the reasons why a person took a correc-
tions job may be linked to burnout. Those who did not initially plan a career in
corrections reported higher levels of the burnout dimensions of emotional exhaus-
tion and depersonalization, and those who selected the job because of educational
level or the salary experienced greater emotional exhaustion (4, 6).
As previously indicated, some studies only focused on a single work position
(e.g. correctional officers) and other studies have examined multiple work positions.
Among those that included staff holding different positions and also included a
variable measuring position, the findings are mixed. Some studies have reported
that custody/correctional officers tended to have higher levels of burnout (13, 30,
44, 49). Other studies found that non-custody staff had higher levels of burnout
(26, 38, 45, 51). Still other studies observed that position was not a significant pre-
dictor of burnout (6, 24, 31, 33, 36, 37, 40, 41). The findings on position could
vary by type of correctional facility or by how the position variable was measured.
Of the studies that included a variable for position, only two (24, 26) focused on
whether the level of burnout varied from one position to another. The majority of
these studies (e.g. 31, 33, 36, 37, 40, 41) included position more as a control than
an explanatory variable, and most measured position as a simple dichotomous
variable (i.e. custody/non-custody). Workplace variables may play a greater role in
shaping burnout among staff, regardless of position, as is postulated by the
demand-control and conservation of resources models.
Among workplace resources, satisfaction with supervision and positive supervi-
sion have been negatively linked to job burnout, particularly emotional exhaustion
(1, 18, 23). Conversely, perceptions of coercive supervision was associated with
higher depersonalization (23). Satisfaction with promotional opportunity appears to
have a negative relationship with burnout (1, 40). Job autonomy is negatively
related to emotional and depersonalization forms of burnout (20, 45). In addition,
434 E.G. Lambert et al.
particularly when they are missing. As with stressors, workplace factors appear to
vary in their effects depending what other workplace factors are included in the
multivariate analysis. No past study has included all the major workplace factors in
a single multivariate analysis to see which ones are more salient predictors of the
different burnout dimensions. Without comprehensive studies that include all the
major workplace factors, we are unable to identify with certainty which factors
contribute to or act as protective factors reducing burnout among correctional staff.
All that can be concluded is that workplace factors play a role in burnout.
institution; (3) what other possible consequences of job burnout exist for
correctional staff (e.g. if job burnout decreases the effectiveness and efficiency of
work performance, places greater burden on coworkers, reduces the quality of life
for inmates, and increases the chances of substance abuse, divorce, physical and
mental health problems, and suicide of the affected correctional staff). Furthermore,
future studies on correctional staff burnout should strive for some consistency in
the measurement of burnout. For the purpose of comparisons across studies,
researchers should make clear what measure of burnout was used. In addition,
future studies making use of a composite measure should make clear why two or
more dimensions of burnout were combined. Failure to do so adds to the difficulty
in providing a more comprehensive understanding of how staff burnout develops
and functions across multiple sites and over varying periods of time. In light of the
harmful effects of burnout, there is the need for additional research on the factors
which may lead to or may help prevent burnout among those working at a
correctional institution.
Moreover, longitudinal studies are needed to determine how workplace factors
specifically contribute to correctional staff burnout, and, in turn, if burnout actually
leads to specific outcomes or are other variables causing these outcomes. In addi-
tion, longitudinal studies could provide empirical support as to whether the dimen-
sions of burnout occur simultaneously or if one occurs first and then leads to the
other two burnout dimensions. Furthermore, future research should examine burn-
out as a dynamic causal process rather than a static model where all the stressors
and workplace factors have a direct effect on the different dimensions of burnout.
One approach would be to use path analysis to model the direct and indirect effects
of groups of variables on burnout, where one group of variables has effects on a
different group of variables, and, in turn, these variables have either direct negative
or positive effects on burnout. For example, workplace variables, such as job vari-
ety and instrumental communication, could have direct effects on job stress, job
satisfaction, and organizational commitment, and, in turn, job stress, job satisfac-
tion, and organizational commitment could then have direct effects on burnout.
Another possible path is that workplace factors have direct effects on job satisfac-
tion and organizational commitment, and these work attitudes have negative effects
on burnout. Testing different dynamic causal models would allow for a better
understanding of the direct and indirect effects of variables on burnout. There is
support for this approach. In a test of a path model, workplace support did not have
a direct effect, but was indirectly linked by having a negative association with role
ambiguity, which then had a positive relationship with a combined burnout measure
of emotional exhaustion and depersonalization (3). In another study, a lack of input
into decision-making, while not having a direct effect, had in indirect effects on
burnout by having a positive association with lack of job satisfaction and role con-
flict, which, in turn, had direct positive relationships with the burnout measures (5).
A glaring gap in this area of research to date is the lack of an assessment of
effective interventions taken to prevent burnout, as well as an examination of inter-
vention strategies once burnout occurs. No studies could be located which directly
tested the effectiveness of interventions to either prevent or deal with correctional
staff burnout. How staff responds to the strains of working in a correctional facility
may play a role in the burnout process. For example, coping styles may be linked
to burnout (32, 49); however, intervention strategies designed to develop better
coping skills among staff remain untested. Likewise, if research finds that specific
Criminal Justice Studies 437
As originally noted, only selected journals and the reference sections of correctional
staff burnout articles were searched. There are wide arrays of publication outlets
for studies on burnout among correctional staff. In addition, only published articles
were selected for review. There are dissertation and thesis studies that could be
reviewed to determine whether similar conclusions are reached. The current study
was a narrative review of past findings. There was no estimate of effect sizes of
different workplace variables on burnout as would be done in a meta-analysis. A
meta-analysis is needed in this area after there is prolonged use a consistent mea-
sure of job burnout. Nevertheless, the current narrative review provides a good
starting point for a meta-analytic study on burnout among correctional staff.
Conclusion
When correctional staff experience job burnout, the costs to their mental and physi-
cal health, their families, their ‘clients,’ and their organizations can be astronomical.
This awareness has generated considerable research on correctional staff burnout in
varied correctional facilities with a wide range of corrections personnel. The major-
ity of this research concluded that factors in the work environment, rather than indi-
vidual factors, are to blame for correctional staff job burnout. While several factors
made it difficult to compare the findings of the 55 studies we reviewed (e.g. differ-
ent measures of burnout use, different categories of corrections personnel surveyed,
various types of facilities), we were able to discern several patterns in the findings
and several gaps in the corrections job burnout literature. We offered recommenda-
tions to help fill these research gaps.
By far, the most glaring gap in this research is the absence of studies that exam-
ine how corrections organizations can prevent job burnout from happening in the
first place or how they can intervene successfully once job burnout has begun. The
importance of such research is obvious. Burned out correctional personnel often
reduce their level of work performance, have lower work standards, care less about
work quality, make more errors, are poorer problem solvers, and are less committed
to their organizations (Lambert et al., 2013). At present, job burnout research in
corrections has made great strides in understanding the nature of job burnout and it
antecedents. Future research must focus on what can be done to prevent and control
it. It is hoped this review will spark further research on correctional staff burnout.
There is too much at stake to do nothing.
Acknowledgements
The authors thank Janet Lambert for editing and proofreading the paper. The authors also
thank the anonymous reviewers and the editor for their comments and suggestions. These
comments and suggestions improved the paper. The authors thank them for their input on
the presentation.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes on contributors
Eric G. Lambert is a faculty member in the Department of Criminal Justice at Wayne State
University. He received his PhD from the School of Criminal Justice at the State University
Criminal Justice Studies 439
of New York at Albany. His research interests include organizational issues, job and
organizational effects on the attitudes, intentions, and behaviors of criminal justice employ-
ees, and the international perceptions, attitudes, and views on criminal justice issues.
Nancy L. Hogan is a faculty member in the School of Criminal Justice at Ferris State
University and Graduate Program Coordinator at Ferris State University. She received her
PhD in Justice Studies from Arizona State University. Her research interests include job
satisfaction and organizational issues of correctional staff, use of force, and cognitive behav-
ioral treatment for inmates.
Marie L. Griffin is a faculty member in the School of Criminology and Criminal Justice at
Arizona State University. She received her PhD in Justice Studies from Arizona State
University. Her research interests include organizational issues in the correctional setting,
use of force in corrections, prison and jail misconduct, and gender and crime.
Thomas Kelley is a faculty member in the Department of Criminal Justice at Wayne State
University. He received his PhD from Wayne State University. His research efforts are juve-
nile justice and delinquency, child abuse and neglect, correctional counseling methods, posi-
tive psychology, and mindfulness.
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