DEMOCRACY can be defined in a variety of ways, from definitions with

varying complexities to a rather simple one. Let us pick a basic and simple
definition: a form of political association among the people of a state within a
defined geographical area where sovereignty resides in the people who
express such sovereignty by voting to select the leaders of the government of
the state.

The ancient Greek philosopher Plato, in his book, Republic, considers a

democracy an inferior form of government and holds the view of its likely
deterioration into despotism.

Later philosophers have expressed their thoughts about the structures of

government. Of particular note are those of Polybius (Roman era) regarding
checks and balances, and Montesquieu (18th century) about separation of
powers (both referenced from The Great Political Theories [Vol. 1], edited by
Michael Curtis).

The most popular country that adopted democracy as a form of government

right from its founding is the United States, with its systems of separation of
powers (executives, legislative, and judicial) and of checks and balances.

Then the Philippines became a US colony during the term of President

William McKinley. Succeeding US political leaders, urged on by Filipino
nationalists, prepared the Philippines to a path towards independence. In
doing so, the influence of the US was very strong in developing the
government structure of the nascent independent Philippines. The resulting
Philippine government structure, as promulgated in the 1935 Constitution and
retained in the existing Constitution, is substantially a mirror image of the US
federal government structure. However, I thought a big mistake was made
when the members of the Philippine Senate were made to be elected at large
in the whole country. This is very different from the US (Federal) Senate, to
where each US state sends two senatorrepresentatives who are elected
statewide by each state. It was an unfortunate oversight. It was not a case of

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differentiating a federal senate from a national senate. The underlying
principle is whether the members of a country’s senate (the second legislative
chamber) are to be elected geographically (by province or by region, in the
case of the Philippines) as it is in the US Senate (two senators from each
state).

Interestingly, in my review of the present structures of the state senate

(different and separate from the US or Federal Senate) of large US states
(California, New York, Texas, and Florida), I find that the state senators in
these states are elected by district (one for each district) and not statewide.
There are indications that these structures had developed later than the time
when the Philippine 1935 Constitution was promulgated. What I want to
emphasize is that, even in a US state government itself, the senators in the
state senate are presently elected geographically and not statewide.

More interestingly, I find that California imposes term limits for their state
legislators. It has the novel practice of requiring a term limit of 12 years for a
legislator, the period of which is counted in any combination of four-year state
senate and two-year state assembly terms.It appears that this term limit is
counted cumulatively and not necessarily consecutively.Therefore, when a
state legislator completes a term of 12 years, they cannot run for either the
state house or state senate anymore. We should adopt a similar requirement
to prevent our own legislators to hop from the Senate to the House or vice-
versa and turn around again, ad infinitum.

To this day, the members of the Philippine Senate continue to be elected

nationwide. As a result, the provinces have a weaker voice in the Philippine
Congress, because the perspectives of Philippine senators are not about
specific provincial concerns, unlike their US counterparts whose perspectives
are about the concerns of their respective states. Each Philippine senator
takes the role of a national spokesperson and postures themselves as the
probable next President. No wonder that the national government has been

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given the sobriquet “Imperial Manila,” in spite of the presence of the people’s
provincial representatives in the House.

That said, there is a much bigger concern, though. It is clear to me that

Philippine “democracy” has turned into a government of oligarchs, a condition
that may turn into despotism as anticipated by Plato. It happened before,
during the time of Marcos.

The reason is clear. Voting, the people’s expression of their sovereignty, is not
being exercised properly. And our leaders do not seem to care; they probably
like it that way. There are two main causes of this existing condition: a voter’s
lack of adequate information about relevant issues and problems to enable
them to make an informed judgement about who to elect; and vote buying.
These two factors actually overlap.

A voter’s lack of adequate information is a consequence of widespread

poverty and applies to most voters. As a result of poverty, a large majority of
the present adult population did not finish high school and many of them did
not even go farther than elementary school. Because of this handicap, they
tend not to have interest in acquiring a good understanding of important
current problems and issues, not to mention the already existing political,
social, and economic conditions. They generally do not read newspapers,
which are mainly published in English. The television shows they watch are
slapstick programs during the daytime and movies throughout the day. Since
they provide the biggest audience for television, television broadcasters match
their programs to their tastes and, therefore, continue to produce similar
shows over and over. This audience, seldom, if not at all, tune up to programs
that deal with political, social, and economic news, views and issues which
are expressed in English. In any case, such programs are now rare on
mainline TV and are mostly found on cable TV, to which most of the poor do
not have connection.

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The other cause relating to most voters’ lack of adequate information is the
unfortunate existing lack of use of a common language. The government, both
national and local, deliberate in English and issue their communications in
English. On the other hand, most of the population do not have the
appropriate level of understanding of English, because of inadequate
education or, simply, they do not use the English language at all. As a result,
they are unable to appreciate the deliberations in government;
communications issued by government; and news, views, and reports in print
media and English TV programs. Had we developed a common language for
common use, whether such language be Filipino, English, or Spanish,
Filipinos, even the poor ones, may have a better understanding of current
events and issues.

Countries in Southeast Asia that were similarly colonized as the Philippines

had conclusively dealt with such an important issue. Indonesia, a former
Dutch colony, right at the time of its independence, chose a native language,
Bahasa Indonesia. Similarly, the former French colonies, Vietnam, Cambodia,
and Laos use a native language. Among the British colonies, multi-ethnic
Singapore, whose population is predominantly Chinese, chose English. Multi-
ethnic Malaysia, predominantly Malay, had decided on Bahasa Malaysia,
which is similar to Bahasa Indonesia, many years ago. In Myanmar, the
official language is Burmese, a native language.

The lack of adequate information among voters leads to their inability to make
well-evaluated personal choices. Instead, they go for name recall, which
created the development towards movie and TV personalities getting into
electoral contests. Moreover,these voters are also easily influenced and
swayed by strong local leaders to support these leaders’ choices, enhanced
by vote buying.

Vote buying, the other cause of improper expression of people’s sovereignty,

is now common, particularly in elections for local government officials and
House representatives. There are standard prices for vote buying in each

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province or region, depending upon the position being contested. The
government is not doing anything about it.

So, under these circumstances, what are the possible solutions? The short-
term solutions are obvious, but could not be promulgated and, if already
promulgated, could not be implemented, because the decision makers,
members of the present oligarchy, will not relinquish their hold on power and
so lose their superior political advantages. The framers of the present
Constitution did recognize the problem and included provisions in the
Constitution that may provide solutions. They provided for the adoption of an
anti-dynasty legislation but, which, sadly, has been totally ignored by
legislators. They also provided for mandatory term limits, but this requirement
cannot stand alone. It has to be paired with an anti-dynasty law to work
effectively. Note that these remedies do not even directly deal with the
problem. These are indirect measures that merely reduce the size of the
problem, because the direct solution of improving the education of the voting
mass will take much time, especially under present political circumstances.

The adoption of a language for common use is highly desirable. But it needs a
strong leader who recognizes the underlying issue to get the solution, which is
necessarily long-term, done.

Vote buying is right in front of our eyes for some time now. But those who can
deal with it, don’t.

So, under these circumstances, the only alternative is to wait for the Filipino
voters to get better educated and, thus, acquire the discernment to exercise
properly their sovereignty by making an informed judgement when making
choices in electoral contests. That, of course, will be a very long wait.

We are not a democracy today. We are under an oligarchical rule, with its
consequent unchecked abuse of power and promotion of self-interest and the

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 inevitable effects of limiting the sustainability of political and economic growth
and development.

We, the sovereign Filipino people, now find ourselves inside a straitjacket. We
will stay that way for generations, if we continue to be indifferent. Must we?

https://www.bworldonline.com/philippine-democracy/Philippine ‘democracy’
March 13, 2019 | 10:00 pm

By Benjamin R. Punongbayan

Democracy in the Philippines

Vicente G. Bunuan
The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science
Vol. 131, Supplement. Are the Filipinos Ready for Independence? (May, 1927), pp. 22-29
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of Political and
Social Science
https://www.jstor.org/stable/1015507
Page Count: 8
More significantly, while the Philippines has embraced the democratic
traditions of participation and the freedom of choice and expression, the
longer-term challenge remains to deepen the quality of its democracy.
Building political parties on ideology and merit rather than personality,
strengthening accountability mechanisms within government, creating
alternative sources of reliable information, and enabling the electorate to
make informed choices – there is clearly much more work that needs to
be done, despite the progress that has been made.

Author: Julia Andrea R. Abad is the Head of the Presidential Management

Staff at the Office of the President of the Republic of the Philippines
What the Philippines tells us about democracy
22 May 2014

1. Julia Andrea R. Abad

https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2014/05/philippines-democracy-east-asia-2014/

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 Download full-text PDF

Democratizing democracy in the Philippines

Conference Paper (PDF Available) · October 2016 with 6,726 Reads

DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.12797.56801
Conference: Social Ethics Society Conference, At SECDEA, IGACUS, Davao del Norte
Philippines
Cite this publication

Sherlito Sable

o 3.45
o University of Southeastern Philippines

Abstract

This paper examines what the research communities say about the Philippine democracy based
on their findings, the deficiencies underlying its democratic practice, and what reforms could be
introduced to improve its democracy using taxonomic analytic review. The current attributes of
Philippine democracy from the very start until today are: nominal democracy, democracy on the
surface only, institutionally weak to make democracy work, oligarchic interests pervade in the
system, burgeoning of power and affluence of the political elites making wealth inaccessible to
the poor, unaccountable decision-makers, absence of political equality in the allocation of
powers among political parties, and governance weakness with illusive representation in the
very heart of policy making. It is defective because its democratization did not emanate from the
domestic and sovereign project of the governed that will build arrangements to strengthen
diversity and social harmony and consent due to the fact that it is a blue print copied from the
colonial powers, rootless and ruthless because it did not evolve from the democratic aspirations
of the citizens and culture of complacency & lethargy due its failure to articulate public voice that
will chart out their destiny. To democratize Philippine democracy, there is a need to bring
democratic norms and ideals down to the level of smaller units, and allow local units to articulate
self-rule of their territories as states under a federalized regime with due regard to the norms of
shared responsibility, shared economy, shared values, and shared leadership in governance.

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4. Uphold and promote the people’s democratic rights.

The Filipino people’s struggle for

Upon the establishment of the people’s democratic republic, the democratic rights of the
people, especially those most oppressed, shall be promoted, expanded and
guaranteed. The main substance of democracy shall be realized through genuine and
thoroughgoing land reform. The freedoms of the people shall be guaranteed by a
democratic bill of rights and by the actual national and social liberation of the people.
The basic democratic rights include the fundamental rights to free speech and free
press; to freedom of thought and expression; to freedom of religious belief and practice;
to free choice of domicile and movement. They also include the right to free association
and assembly; to strike; to universal suffrage through secret ballot. The people will have
the right to due process; protection against arbitrary arrest; guarantees against torture,
solitary confinement and other inhuman forms of detention and punishment; right
against self-incrimination and right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty; right to
equal protection of the law and the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.

The new government shall guarantee the right to universal and free education, delivery
of basic services, including health care.

https://www.ndfp.org/about/the-twelve-points-of-the-ndf-program/4-uphold-and-promote-
the-peoples-democratic-rights/

Preamble

We, the sovereign Filipino people, imploring the aid of Almighty God, in order to build a just and
humane society and establish a Government that shall embody our ideals and aspirations, promote the
common good, conserve and develop our patrimony, and secure to ourselves and our posterity the
blessings of independence and democracy under the rule of law and a regime of truth, justice, freedom,
love, equality, and peace, do ordain and promulgate this Constitution.
Article II
Declaration of Principles and Statement Policies
Principles
Section 1. The Philippines is a democratic and republican State. Sovereignty resides in the people and all
government authority emanates from them.

Article III
Bill of Rights
Section 1. No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due
process of law, nor shall any person be denied the equal protection of the laws.

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Section 2. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects against
unreasonable searches and seizures of whatever nature and for any purpose shall be inviolable, and no
search warrant or warrant of arrest shall issue except upon probable cause to be determined personally
by the judge after examination under oath or affirmation of the complainant and the witnesses he may
produce, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the persons or things to be seized.
Section 3. (1) The privacy of communication and correspondence shall be inviolable except upon lawful
order of the court, or when public safety or order requires otherwise as prescribed by law.
(2) Any evidence obtained in violation of this or the preceding section shall be inadmissible for any
purpose in any proceeding.
Section 4. No law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression, or of the press, or the
right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances.
Section 5. No law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise
thereof. The free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination or
preference, shall forever be allowed. No religious test shall be required for the exercise of civil or
political rights.
Section 6. The liberty of abode and of changing the same within the limits prescribed by law shall not be
impaired except upon lawful order of the court. Neither shall the right to travel be impaired except in
the interest of national security, public safety, or public health, as may be provided by law.
Section 7. The right of the people to information on matters of public concern shall be recognized.
Access to official records, and to documents and papers pertaining to official acts, transactions, or
decisions, as well as to government research data used as basis for policy development, shall be
afforded the citizen, subject to such limitations as may be provided by law.
Section 8. The right of the people, including those employed in the public and private sectors, to form
unions, associations, or societies for purposes not contrary to law shall not be abridged.
Section 9. Private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation.
Section 10. No law impairing the obligation of contracts shall be passed.
Section 11. Free access to the courts and quasi-judicial bodies and adequate legal assistance shall not be
denied to any person by reason of poverty.
Section 12. (1) Any person under investigation for the commission of an offense shall have the right to
be informed of his right to remain silent and to have competent and independent counsel preferably of
his own choice. If the person cannot afford the services of counsel, he must be provided with one. These
rights cannot be waived except in writing and in the presence of counsel.
(2) No torture, force, violence, threat, intimidation, or any other means which vitiate the free will shall
be used against him. Secret detention places, solitary, incommunicado, or other similar forms of
detention are prohibited.
(3) Any confession or admission obtained in violation of this or Section 17 hereof shall be inadmissible in
evidence against him.
(4) The law shall provide for penal and civil sanctions for violations of this section as well as
compensation to the rehabilitation of victims of torture or similar practices, and their families.
Section 13. All persons, except those charged with offenses punishable by reclusion perpetuawhen
evidence of guilt is strong, shall, before conviction, be bailable by sufficient sureties, or be released on
recognizance as may be provided by law. The right to bail shall not be impaired even when the privilege
of the writ of habeas corpus is suspended. Excessive bail shall not be required.
Section 14. (1) No person shall be held to answer for a criminal offense without due process of law.
(2) In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall be presumed innocent until the contrary is proved, and
shall enjoy the right to be heard by himself and counsel, to be informed of the nature and cause of the
accusation against him, to have a speedy, impartial, and public trial, to meet the witnesses face to face,
and to have compulsory process to secure the attendance of witnesses and the production of evidence

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in his behalf. However, after arraignment, trial may proceed notwithstanding the absence of the
accused provided that he has been duly notified and his failure to appear is unjustifiable.
Section 15. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended except in cases of invasion
or rebellion when the public safety requires it.
Section 16. All persons shall have the right to a speedy disposition of their cases before all judicial, quasi-
judicial, or administrative bodies.
Section 17. No person shall be compelled to be a witness against himself.
Section 18. (1) No person shall be detained solely by reason of his political beliefs and aspirations.
(2) No involuntary servitude in any form shall exist except as a punishment for a crime whereof the party
shall have been duly convicted.
Section 19. (1) Excessive fines shall not be imposed, nor cruel, degrading or inhuman punishment
inflicted. Neither shall death penalty be imposed, unless, for compelling reasons involving heinous
crimes, the Congress hereafter provides for it. Any death penalty already imposed shall be reduced
to reclusion perpetua.
(2) The employment of physical, psychological, or degrading punishment against any prisoner or
detainee or the use of substandard or inadequate penal facilities under subhuman conditions shall be
dealt with by law.
Section 20. No person shall be imprisoned for debt or non-payment of a poll tax.
Section 21. No person shall be twice put in jeopardy of punishment for the same offense. If an act is
punished by a law and an ordinance, conviction or acquittal under either shall constitute a bar to
another prosecution for the same act.
Section 22. No ex post facto law or bill of attainder shall be enacted.
http://www.concourt.am/armenian/legal_resources/world_constitutions/constit/philipin/philip-e.htm

Why and how democratic leadership style is one of the most

effective management styles
March 3, 2017 •

Democratic leadership or I would say participative leadership, is a type of management style in which
members of the group take a more participative role in the decision-making process. Everyone is given
the opportunity to participate, ideas are exchanged freely, and discussion is encouraged. While the
democratic process tends to focus on group equality and the free flow of ideas, the lead of the group is
still there to offer guidance and control.
The democratic leadership style can be one of the most effective styles of leadership. This leadership
style values collaboration and affirmation of followers.
A democratic leader shares the decision-making and problem-solving responsibilities with his or her
leadership team, while retaining the ultimate say in the final resolution.
This style of leadership encourages team involvement, engagement, and participation. The performance
preferences
of each member are acknowledged and honored.
Environments with democratic leaders often yield followers with high morale who are more motivated
to generate and offer up creative solutions, and it produces an atmosphere of cooperation and team spirit.

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The democratic leadership style is also known as the "participative" leadership style because it depends
on employee participation. The goal of a democratic leader is to foster employee investment in the
organization by investing workers in their role in the company.
This type of leader encourages employees to set workable goals and recognizes their achievements.
They develop plans with their employees to help them evaluate their own performances, and push their
employees to grow on the job, while supporting them in their promotions and advancements.
This style of leadership is ideal for a leader who wishes to keep employees informed about matters that
may affect them, and who want employees to participate in problem solving and decision making. It is
for leaders who want to provide continual opportunities for their followers to develop a sense of
personal growth and job satisfaction and for leaders who would like to encourage collaboration and
team building.
Democratic leadership works well for leaders who value flexibility and adaptation. Democracy in
leadership is often most effective when a leader is working with highly skilled or experienced workers. It
allows the leader to capitalize on their employees' individual talents and strengths, while also benefiting
from the power of the whole. It is best employed in cases where the department or business is looking
to implement operational changes or when a leader or manager is attempting to resolve problems
either individually or within the group.
Of course, the democratic leadership style is not always appropriate. This style should be put on the
back burner when it isn't time-effective or cost-effective to collect everyone's input, or when the
company is in a difficult position and it cannot afford mistakes. Moreover, there is never any room for
participative leadership when employee safety is on the line. Democratic leaders keep the lines of
communication open. In collaborative settings, they help to focus discussion and find the balance
between being open to new ideas and keeping things productive and on track. This type of leader should
respect everyone's input and ideas, but be ready to commit to a path of action with conviction and
certainty. A participative leader can explain a choice or a decision that they make, but they should never
apologize.
A democratic leadership style requires a strong individual, and it's not recommended for leaders or
managers who feel threatened by the flexibility and the commitment it requires. However, for those
who can wield it effectively, this style of leadership can create a dynamic working environment filled
with motivated employees who are eager to succeed.
While democratic leadership has been described as the most effective leadership style, it does have
some potential downsides. In situations where roles are unclear or time is of the essence, democratic
leadership can lead to communication failures and uncompleted projects. In some cases, group
members may not have the necessary knowledge or expertise to make quality contributions to the
decision-making process.
Democratic leadership works best in situations where group members are skilled and eager to share
their knowledge. It is also important to have plenty of time to allow people to contribute, develop a plan
and then vote on the best course of action.
When to use a democratic leadership style
A democratic leadership style can be a powerful way to realize the potential within teams and
organizations. That’s especially the case because:
· It fits well with the current ideas of empowerment and engagement of staff
· It is particularly beneficial for helping get the best out of teams
· If fosters creativity and ideas
· it builds a sense of commitment and demonstrates that skills and expertise are valued
· It makes time to think about important decisions that need everybody to be on-board
· It is effective with knowledge workers where their expertise’s are greater than the leaders.
There are however some cautionary notes about adopting a democratic leadership style:

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· It can be demanding seeking to consult and achieve consensus
· It should not be an excuse for procrastination, discuss, consult and then come to a decision and act.
Avoid the situation of becoming bogged down in meetings that don’t go anywhere.
Think about your own view of democratic leadership:
· What do you notice in others who adopt a democratic leadership style?
· How could this leadership style help you improve your leadership approach?
· How ready and willing are your team for a democratic leadership style?
https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/why-how-democratic-leadership-style-one-most-effective-jakhar

Advantages And Disadvantages Of Democratic Leadership

What is Democratic Leadership?

The democratic leadership style is essentially a mode of leadership that is found in

participative management and human resources theory. This article will seek to explore the
essence of democratic leadership and will, among other things, outline the advantages of
democratic leadership, the disadvantages of democratic leadership, the function of the
democratic leadership council and provide democratic leadership. The definition of
democratic leadership from an organizational standpoint involves the redistribution of
authority and power between managers and employees to provide employee involvement in
the process of decision making.

The Democratic Leadership Style in Action

Before going any further, it is important to point out that there are conceptual differences
between authority and leadership. The former is formalized power that is conferred on a
person to engage in particular activities sanctioned by an institution or individual who has
the power to be authoritative. For example, in a case where an individual is elected to a
public office, the citizens of the state effectively conferred on that individual the power of
representation. In an organizational structure, certain powers are conferred on the CEO of
the company by a board of directors to implement board policies. However, leadership can
be considered as the power possessed by an individual, who influences the action and
belief of others. Formal authority may or may not be possessed by a leader and an
individual who has authority may or may not occupy a leadership position. In essence,
leadership is a behavior and not an office or position held by an individual. Democratic
principles are used to manage the democratic leadership approach. These principles

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include deliberation, inclusiveness, equal participation and self-determination. The
democratic leadership style is characterized by the three features outlined below:

Delegation of Responsibility

A democratic leader will delegate responsibility among members of his or her team to
facilitate member participation in making decisions.

Empowerment of Group Members

It is incumbent on leaders to empower their team members in order that the members will
be properly equipped to accomplish their tasks. Included in the process of empowerment is
the provision of the education and training required for the completion of delegated tasks.

Aiding the Process of Group Decision Making

A significant role played by the democratic leader is ensuring that democratic deliberation
takes place when group decisions are being made. This indicates that the leader is
supposed to serve as a mediator and facilitator between members of the group, make sure
that the members are psychologically well and there is a respectful environment at all times.

Similar to every other style of leadership, there are advantages and disadvantages of
democratic leadership. Some of these benefits and drawbacks are outlined below:

Advantages of Democratic Leadership

The techniques used in democratic leadership play a significant role in creating job
satisfaction, since a sense of autonomy, control and participation is fostered within the
democratic leadership style. Greater participation from employees during the decision-
making process could also result in more creative solutions and greater innovation to
address problems and serve the organization better. Below are some specific advantages
of democratic leadership:

Solution for Complex Problems

Democratic leaders are typically excellent at solving complex issues. They have the ability
to work collaboratively, using a consensus of opinions to get things done the right way. The

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democratic leader often thinks innovatively and encourages others to do the same, so that
solutions to complex and strategic problems can be found.

Good Business Fit

Solutions that are democratically derived generally last for the longest period of time. The
democratic process ensures that the solution is reviewed on a continuous basis.
Additionally, engaging team members will enable leaders to maintain effective processes
that fit the business well. Democratic leaders ensure that team members work well with
other individuals, so that they are suitable to function in large corporate environments in
which co-operation and communication are crucial.

Strong Teams are Built by Democratic Leaders

Team members under democratic leadership tend to be supportive and strong. Honesty
flourishes and more collective working is done because the opinions of everyone are taken
into consideration. Democratic leaders are usually popular within the organization.

Foster Creative Environments

Democratic leaders effectively foster creative environments since they encourage the input
and innovation of team members. Creative designers succeed under democratic leadership
because of the support and nurture that is embodied in this leadership approach.

Disadvantages of Democratic Leadership

Can Appear Uncertain

Democratic leadership can sometimes come across as being indecisive. In certain

situations, especially during a crisis, leaders must be very directive and democratic leaders
do not function well in an authoritarian role. In the midst of a crisis, no time is usually
available to address everyone concerned

ime Consuming

The consultation process could result in procrastination. If an organization has a project or

issue that is urgent, democratic leaders cannot usually work to the timescales required. It

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takes time to talk to a number of individuals and collect a variety of opinions and many
democratic leaders find it difficult to cut corners.

Become Apologetic

Democrat leaders sometimes build an environment in which individuals expect for their idea
to be implemented. Where there are a variety of solutions in a particular project, only one
can be implemented and democratic leaders will have to invest time in apologizing and
smoothing things over with individuals whose ideas were not used.

Democratic Leadersh
https://www.google.com/amp/teamworkdefinition.com/democraticleadership/amp/

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