On February 11, 1981, UN Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim committed to resolve the
Afghan crisis and appointed Under-Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar as his personal representative to Afghanistan. In July the same year, it was revealed that the United States was found assisting the resistance with more than $20 million for the purchase of weapons while Saudi Arabia had claimed that it was committed to contributing aid which was "equal to or greater than that of the United States", whereas the Egyptians were providing materials left from the days of Egypt-Soviet relations. The crisis was beginning to dominate the international arena. Geneva 1, the first round of negotiations, took place under UN in 1982, but was conducted indirectly as a compromise to the two parties. Cordovez shuttled between Afghan and Pakistan representatives sitting in the same building at different times so as to avoid direct government talks. Although little resulted from the round, it did mark the opening of an official forum for discussion for a Soviet withdrawal. The Geneva talks continued through 1983 as the Soviets experienced growing losses in terms of casualties, material and international prestige. On April 8, Geneva II began optimistically after Moscow signaled that under the right conditions, it was willing to withdraw from Afghanistan. Geneva II was suspended on April 22, so that delegates could consult with their respective governments. At that time, the Soviets told Cordovez and Pakistan's Foreign Minister, Yaqub Khan, that they were all set to undertake a phased withdrawal if Pakistan would commit itself to cutting off arms to the resistance. In June 1983, Geneva II was reconvened with both Afghanistan and Pakistan assuming hardened positions. Pakistan insisted on reopening issues concerning its obligations under principles of "non-interference", the repatriation of Afghan refugees and a time frame for a Soviet withdrawal. Following the death of Andropov, on February 9, 1984, and the succession of Cherenkov, the Soviet position on Afghanistan hardened and threatened negotiations. The points of contention for Moscow were the conditions and time-frame for a Soviet retreat. To placate the Soviets, Cordovez revised the framework for negotiations and based the new format on four "instruments". These instruments included "noninterference", international guarantees, the return of Afghan refugees and "interrelationships". The compromise was based on the elimination of any terminology referring specifically to a Soviet withdrawal. The issue of a withdrawal was to come under the fourth instrument of "interrelationships". Geneva III began on August 24 and ended six days later with little progress. The collapse of this third round may be attributed to the absence of a Soviet negotiator on the Afghan side. The Cherenkov government was unwilling to negotiate a settlement of the Afghan war or to accept a negotiated withdrawal of Soviet troops, the Kremlin still seemed intent on achieving a military victory. In fact, the talks took place following a major Soviet offensive in the strategic Panjshar Valley and incursions into Pakistan, prompting Islamabad to complain of extensive border violations. Despite the setbacks in negotiations, Cordovez reported that there had been a significant narrowing in the time span that the two sides proposed for a Soviet withdrawal closing their differences to less than a year. The fighting forced Afghan refugees to continue fleeing to Pakistan at the rate of 8,000 a month, involving numerous international aid organizations to help Islamabad cope with the influx of new settlers. By the middle of 1984 five million Afghans had fled their country, about three million settling in Pakistan and two million in Iran. The war continued to intensify and was carried over into Pakistan and the Soviet Central Asian Republic of Tajikistan. Pakistani border villages became subject to increased bombings and rocket fire from across the Afghan border. Islamabad waged protests with the United Nations citing cases in which entire villages had been destroyed by Afghan government or Soviet reprisals against suspected rebel strongholds. The war also carried over into Iran where Afghan Shiite rebels based their operations. For the Soviet Union, Iran and Pakistan, the war was no longer confined to Afghanistan but had spilled over to affect border areas, villages and their domestic populations. Pakistan claimed that attacks on its border villages were an attempt, to intimidate Islamabad and force it to compromise in the Geneva talks, especially on the issue of supplying the resistance with weapons. But in early April and with Pakistan's encouragement, Reagan announced that his administration would continue to supply material aid to the resistance, and through Pakistan. The announcement came in the midst of an American congressional debate over the consequences of introducing advanced weapons into a region where they might make their way into unfriendly hands. Reagan linked the Afghan crisis with weapons negotiations, detente and the future of US- Soviet relations. In August 1984 the third round of Geneva talks convened and ended, and Washington announced that it was supplying the Afghan resistance at the rate of $280 million a year. Once again the foreign ministers of the European Community renewed their appeal to Moscow to resolve the crisis by withdrawing from South Asia. Europe's role in condemning the Soviet Union put pressure on Moscow to rethink its Afghan policy at a time when Moscow was pursuing relations with the West. In October the US Congress approved a resolution declaring "it should be the policy of the United States to encourage and support the people of Afghanistan to continue their struggle to be free of foreign domination". In 1985 Gorbachev assumed power in the Soviet Union following the death of Cherenkov on March 10. Although it was not immediately evident, Gorbachev's government would eventually embark on overhauling Soviet foreign policy, including Moscow's Afghan policy. In many respects the assent of Gorbachev marked the beginning of the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan. A determination to restructure the domestic economy forced Moscow to rethink expensive and unpopular foreign policy initiatives in the Third World and Europe. Gorbachev also had to weigh the relative advantages to be gained from continued involvement in countries like Afghanistan with potential gains to be derived from normal relations with the West and China, both of which were critical of Soviet policy in South Asia. In December 1985, Geneva VI ended without progress due to an impasse over the negotiating format. Kabul claimed to have a time-table for the withdrawal of Soviet troops if Islamabad would agree to direct talks. Pakistan stood firm on indirect talks but sensed a softening in the Afghan and Soviet positions. Without having made any significant concessions Pakistan forced Afghanistan to reintroduce the concept of withdrawal into the negotiations. Although this round of talks ended without progress, the rhetoric of Soviet withdrawal had been introduced into the official debate for the first time in meaningful terms. Islamabad gained renewed support for its position on November 13 when for the sixth time the UN General Assembly passed with a vote of 122 to 19 and 12 abstentions a Pakistani resolution calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan.