The Punishment of Asael

(1 En. 10:4-8) and Mesopotamian

Anti-Witchcraft Literature

Summary
The literary pattern of Asael’s punishment in the Enochic myth does not
seem to stem from biblical literature or Greek mythology. It is far more prob-
able that one has to look for its antecedents in Babylonian anti-witchcraft
literature. The Jewish author who lived in Mesopotamia in Late Babylonian
period treated Asael and other Watchers as warlocks against whom exorcistic
rituals have to be applied. The elimination of Asael and other Watchers from
the earthly realm paved the way for the Jewish context of knowledge trans-
mission, exemplified by Enoch and his insight into the structure of the world,
revealed to him by angels faithful to God of Israel.

1. Previous Interpretations

T 
he section about the punishment of Asael (1 En. 10:4-8) has
been considered by many scholars as making part of the Asael
narrative, a separate literary stratum that was eventually joined
to Shemihazah narrative to form what today constitutes chapters 6-11
of 1 Enoch. The motif of instruction brought to earth by Watchers has
been considered as a third element that “contaminated” the two sepa-
rate narratives. The most prominent proponent of this literary develop-
ment is George Nickelsburg who also claims that the myth of Asael
has been written under the influence of the Greek Prometheus myth,
especially in the form attested in Aeschylus’s drama entitled Pro-
metheus Bound. As the one who reveals many beneficent arts to
humanity, among them metallurgy and mining, Prometheus is taken
to the wilderness, chained hand and foot to the side of the cliff and
eventually entombed in a rock until a time when he will be subjected
to terrible torment. Seeing the parallelism with the Asael narrative
Nickelsburg (2001, 193) claims that “as in the Asael tradition, Pro-

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metheus’s teaching constitutes rebellion against God and results in a

similar punishment.”
The differences, however, between Prometheus’s punishment and
Raphael’s actions against Asael outweigh the superficial similarities
indicated by Nickelsburg in his research. Asael is not chained to a cliff
but his hands and feet are bound (v. 4b), he has not been entombed in
a rock but a pit was dug for him in the desert (v. 4c); he is to be cov-
ered with darkness and his face has to be covered so as he may not
see light (v. 5). The next stage of his punishment will not consist in
being subjected to the terrible torment of the eagle, but in a burning
conflagration (v. 6). Additionally, the motif of the day of judgment
(v. 6) and the motif of Raphael’s healing of the plague (v. 7) are
totally absent in the punishment of Prometheus. Nickelsburg (2001,
193) himself confesses that “the precise relationship between the
Enochic Asael material and the Greek Prometheus myth must remain
problematic”, and when interpreting the section 10:4-8 in his com-
mentary (2001, 221), he affirms that the mythic background of
vv. 4c-5c which describe the burial of Asael is difficult to determine
with certainty and the passage may be multireferential (1) in this
respect.
Paul Hanson (1977, 220-225) affirms that the punishment of
Asael in 10:4-8 is the elaboration of the punishment of the Watchers
in the Shemihazah narrative (10:11-14, 20) in light of Leviticus 16.
According to his analysis the following elements in the punishment of
Asael have been elaborated in light of the biblical chapter from Levit-
icus: 1) The sending of the goat to Azazel in Leviticus was trans-
formed into God’s order to split the desert in 1 En. 10:4b. The Tar-
gum of Pseudo-Jonathan translates the Hebrew verb “to send” slÌ in
the biblical account of Leviticus 16 with the Aramaic verb p†r “to
send”, but the author of 1 Enoch interpreted the verb in its basic
Semitic meaning “to break open”. 2) The proper name Doudael that
indicates the place of Asael’s punishment (10:4) also stems from the
exegesis of Leviticus 16, for the term appears both in Targum of

(1) Such a statement makes one suspect that the interpreter is not sure whether
his interpretation can be linked in an unequivocal way with Greek mythical tradition.
Note that when discussing the magical and divinatory background of 1 En. 8:3
Nickelsburg (2001, 200) in the final conclusion proposes the same evasive response:
“Thus the present passage refers to a practice that could have existed at a variety of
places in the lands of the eastern Mediterranean.” The comparison of the twelve
Aramaic terms concerning magic and divination in 1 En. 8:3 with theurgic, magical
and astrological practices of the asipu in Persian and Hellenistic Babylonia properly
explains the Enochic text and indicates with precision the religious and historic back-
ground for the Watchers’ teaching (Drawnel 2010).

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Pseudo-Jonathan (byt Ìdwry) and in Yoma 6:8 (byt Ìdwdw). 3) Men-

tioning of “rough and jagged rocks” in 1 En. 10:5 is the result of
playful etymologizing attested in Targum of Pseudo-Jonathan where
the name ‘z’zl is translated as “rugged” and “severe”, and wilderness
is modified with the adjective dÒwg “rocky”. 4) The sentence in 1 En.
10:8 “to him ascribe all sin” results from the exegesis of Lev 16:21,
because Pseudo-Jonathan puts the phrase also in the direct discourse,
“Place all their sins upon the head of the goat.”
From the methodological point of view Hanson’s theory about the
influence of Leviticus 16, or rather of Targum Pseudo-Jonathan, on the
Enochic text is based on rather shaky ground. All the four arguments
cited by this exegete attempt to prove that exegetical practices found
in a much later targumic composition exerted an influence on the exe-
getical practices of the Enochic text. Additionally, philological mis-
takes committed by Hanson abound. The interpretation of the Aramaic
verb p†r “to send” as denoting the common Semitic meaning “to break
open” is easily refuted as a mistake consisting in the improper transfer
of the meaning of the lexeme from one context to the other. Hanson
suggests that the author of 1 Enoch read somehow the targumic trans-
lation of Leviticus 16 and interpreted the Aramaic verb differently, and
additionally applied this different meaning in his text. It is interesting
to note that the Aramaic text of 1 En. 10:4 is not preserved at Qumran
nor anywhere else, Hanson’s conclusions based on the Aramaic text of
Leviticus 16 are therefore purely speculative. One more example
should close the evaluation of Hanson’s proposal. The name of the
place where Asael is buried (Dadouel in Greek Cairo Ms., or Doudael
in Syncellus and Ethiopic) must not be related either to byt Ìdwry or
to byt Ìdwdw for reasons rather obvious. Not only is the first part of
the name (byt) absent in the Enochic composition, but also the absence
of the Semitic consonant Ì in the Greek transliteration of the term
precludes one from pointing to any serious philological relation.
The proposals by Nickelsburg and Hanson to interpret the
Ethiopic text in light of Greek mythology or biblical text in targumic
translation fail to convince because any exact parallelism is not detect-
able and applied methodologies not always sound. In the same article
Hanson proposed to read the whole myth in 1 En. 6-11 as elaborated
on the basis of Semitic culture hero traditions that underlay both the
Greek Prometheus myth and other traditions attested in Hurrian myths,
Berossos and others. Although this proposal is also extremely difficult
to prove, it has the merit of attracting attention to Babylonian culture
and its mythological literature. Since Zimmern’s (1902, 530-543)
pioneering observations concerning the relationship between Enoch
and the pre-diluvian Mesopotamian myth about the first kings and

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wise men, scholars attempt to analyze the Enochic text from the
Mesopotamian point of view. Both James VanderKam (1984) and
Helge Kvanvig (1988) greatly contributed to the explanation of the
person of Enoch against the context of mantic and mythological cunei-
form texts. Kvanvig pursued his interest in Mesopotamian literature
and recently published a learned monograph (2011) in which he
analyzes primeval traditions in Mesopotamia, the Bible and Book of
Watchers. Concerning the latter text, his main contention is that
behind the Watchers presented in Daniel 4 and the Book of Watchers
there stands a tradition about the Babylonian primeval wise men,
called apkallu, while the giants, Watchers’ offspring, denote pre-
diluvian Mesopotamian warrior-kings. (2) Surprisingly, he does not
discuss the content of 1 En. 10:4-8, although he mentions these verses
several times. (3) It does not seem, therefore, that he has found there
any point of comparison with the mythological traditions about apkal-
lus.
The discussion in the rest of this article interprets the punishment
of Asael in 1 En. 10:4-8 from the perspective of my earlier research
into the origins of early Enochic literature. It is claimed that one part
of the Mesopotamian asiputu, namely anti-witchcraft literature, pro-
vided main ideological framework for the description of Asael’s
punishment. Thus the same tendency of using some elements of
Mesopotamian cultural tradition detected in the Visions of Levi and
Aramaic Astronomical Book guided the author of the Enochic myth.
While in the latter two compositions these elements were presented as
making part of Jewish (priestly) heritage, in 1 En. 10:4-8 they were
used in order to fight one part of Babylonian craftsmanship repre-
sented by Asael. Drawing inspiration from the asiputu literature
proved once more that this literature could be fruitfully exploited by
Jewish scribes in Babylonia for their own purposes.

2. Asael’s Professional Skills and Mesopotamian Culture

Previous research into the background of Jewish pseudepigraphic
literature composed in Aramaic has shown that some traditions from

(2) For a critical assessment of Kvanvig’s theory, see my review of his book,

Drawnel 2012b. It is enough to notice here that the apkallu tradition does not mention
the marriage of these mythological beings, so the Watchers’ sin and their begetting of
the giants cannot be explained against this particular Mesopotamian element of prime-
val mythology.
(3) See Kvanvig 2011, 347, 349, 353, 356, 495. When discussing the structure
of the Shemihazah narrative (p. 353) he claims that the passages mentioning Asael
(8:1-2; 9:6; 10:4-8) do not belong to the original story.

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Mesopotamian “scientific” and didactic writings are present there.

The Visions of Levi, a priestly composition from the third century BC,
contains a metrological section modeled on Babylonian section of
Ìubullu list used for thousands of years in the education of scribal
apprentices in ancient Mesopotamia. (4) Otto Neugebauer pointed out
that chapter 72 in the Ethiopic Astronomical Book describes the length
of day and night according to the schematic linear zigzag function, a
basic tenet in Babylonian celestial science. (5) The present author has
proven that the lunar calculation in 4Q208-4Q209 is modeled on the
ideal scheme of lunar visibility periods in an ideal equinoctial month
presented on tablet 14 of the Enuma Anu Enlil astrological series. (6)
It is evident therefore that at a certain point Jewish scribes adapted or
adopted some parts of Babylonian scholarship in its Aramaic form.
This led to the question about the main bearers of this cuneiform tra-
dition in the late Persian and Hellenistic periods. The available cunei-
form sources from that period unequivocally point to two priestly
figures that played an important role in the transmission and further
development of Babylonian learning, especially in the domain of
astrological and astronomical knowledge. The lamentation priests
called kalûs and priestly enchanters called asipus busied themselves
with large swaths of cuneiform learning, mathematical astronomy
included, but the learning of the asipus also included their traditional
area of expertise, that is medical diagnostic texts, medical prescrip-
tions, incantations and magical rituals used to ward off the attacks
of evil in its different forms. It appears that the list of sciences taught
by the Watchers in 1 En. 8:3 and preserved in its Aramaic form in
Qumran closely corresponds to what we know about the learned
expertise of the asipus, that is healing practices with magical use of
herbs, magical incantations (spell-binding and loosing of spells),
astrology together with divination from earthly signs. (7) It is there-
fore reasonable to claim that the negative presentation of the fallen
Watchers was directed against the main bearers of cuneiform learning
in its polytheistic context.
The negative presentation of the priestly asipus disguised as
Watchers in 1 En. 6-11 intended to denigrate those who in Babylonian
polytheistic society claimed to have sophisticated knowledge revealed
to them by the gods and transmitted in family circles from one
generation to the other. Such a move from the part of Jewish scribes

(4) See Drawnel 2004, 282-287.

(5) See Neugebauer 1985, 394-395.
(6) See Drawnel 2007 and Drawnel 2011, 260-310.
(7) See Drawnel 2010 and Drawnel 2011, 53-70.

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living in Babylonia who incorporated into their tradition some parts

of cuneiform learning is easily understandable. It properly explained
how it happened that the Babylonian polytheistic priests had such a
sophisticated knowledge (chapter 6: rebellion against God); (8) on the
other hand it prepared the ground for the next claim, namely, that
Aramaic scribal craft was revealed to a pre-diluvian patriarch by
angels faithful to God of Israel (1 En. 72-82; 17-19; 20-36). In this
way both Enoch and his scribal competence is presented as being
superior to Babylonian learning and its bearers (1 En. 12-16) from the
theological point of view. However, the asipus continued their schol-
arly activity just when some Jewish priests in Babylonia were com-
posing, or adapting, their Aramaic literature, the problem therefore
about the future fate of the Watchers/asipu must have been affronted.
In other words, the sheer presentation of Watchers’ (asipus’) trans-
gression in the myth was not sufficient, it was necessary to add
some denigratory claims and describe an appropriate punishment for
them. In fact, in the Aramaic fragments of 1 Enoch (7:1 = 4Q202
frg. 1 ii 19 [‫ ולכש[פתא‬and 8:3 = 4Q201 frg. 1 iv 2 ‫( )]כ]שפו‬9) the
Watchers/asipus are presented as those who practice witchcraft, which
appears to be a denigratory statement in relation to the scholars whose
professional knowledge and its application were intended to fight
black magic. In 1 En. 9:8 (GS) the Watchers teach women to practice
hate-producing incantations (mísjtra poie⁄n), which additionally
indicates that the author of 1 Enoch 6-11 accused the Watchers of
witchcraft. Available cuneiform literature unequivocally testifies that
the asipu was a medical scholar who diagnosed hate producing witch-
craft (ziru [Ìul.gig]) (10) in his patient and applied proper remedies to
dissolve black magic and restore the estranged sufferer to the society.
The accusation of the Watchers/asipus for practicing witchcraft came
so easily because these medico-magical professionals in order to

(8) For the metaphorical interpretation of the Watchers’ “great sin” of “fornica-

tion” expressing idolatrous apostasy, see Drawnel 2012a.
(9) Note that Puech (2010, 643) reads ‫]א]שפו‬, but neither Syncellus nor Cairo
manuscript render this term. One should follow Milik’s (1976, 157) reconstruction.
(10) For ziru as the designation of a type of magic, see CAD Z ziru, A, meaning
2, p. 137. A tablet containing Neo-Assyrian fragments of a diagnostic manual Ana
marÒi ina †eÌêka “When you approach a sick man” from Sultantepe (STT 82, lines
1-102; cf. Heeßel 2000, 110) contains diagnostic statements concerning symptoms that
accompany illnesses caused, among others, by zikurudû (“cutting of the throat”) and
ziru witchcraft. In an incantation of Maqlû type a sufferer lists different types of sor-
cery used against him by wizards: “love-magic (râma), hate-magic (zira), ‘distortion
of justice’ magic (dibalâ), ‘cutting of the throat’ magic (zikurudâ)” (Abusch and
Schwemer 2011, 284, line 22). Concerning hate-magic ziru, see also Schwemer 2007a,
14, 30, 121 (and n. 268), 159.

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counter the attacks of evil in its various forms resorted to the same
magical rites practiced by witches and warlocks, according to the prin-
ciple similia similibus curantur. (11) Additionally, Babylonian asiputu
contains several rituals that might be easily considered as belonging
to black magic because they intend to aggressively harm a person:
rituals for the destruction of enemy, to subdue legal opponents in court
(even with the use of illegal hate [ziru], distortion of justice [dibalû],
“cutting of the throat’ magic [zikurudû]), (12) and love-magic (râmû)
rituals. (13) The accusations therefore against the Watchers/asipus for
practicing witchcraft might not necessarily have been pure invention
but might have stemmed from actual practices of these Babylonian
scholars and from the sense of insecurity and danger that they might
have caused in others. (14)
The description of Asael’s knowledge of metals (8:1 iron, bronze,
gold and silver) can hardly be linked with the Mesopotamian craft of
asiputu and †upsarrutu in their Late Babylonian form. (15) The pro-
duction of weapons in Mesopotamia is assigned to the trade of the
smith (nappaÌu), and the elaboration of bracelets and ornaments
recalls the work of the goldsmith (kutimmu); both professions are
attested in Late Babylonian period in Mesopotamia, and it appears that
the author of 1 En. 8:1 modeled his description of Asael’s craft on the
work of actual Babylonian craftsmen, namely the smith and gold-
smith. The knowledge of stones and minerals (stibnite, antimony, pre-
cious stones) that also makes part of Asael’s teaching can be assigned
to the Babylonian goldsmith or jeweler. On the other hand the asipu
was also an expert in minerals and stones that were commonly used
in magical practices and were believed to have magical qualities.
Since both antimony and stibnite were probably used in ophthalmol-
ogy by the professional enchanters and healers, it is not excluded that

(11)  Thus the anti-witchcraft rituals return the witchcraft to its originators and
produce a reversal of the patient’s and the witch’s destiny; the witch is destined to die,
while the patient’s life is spared. For a general description of the methods with which
the asipu fought black magic, see, e.g. Thomsen 2001, 43-56.
(12) See Schwemer 2007b, 67, 127-131; one may add here egalkura and
surÌunga rituals, see Schwemer 2007b, 30, and n. 17.
(13) For the presentation of this aspect of asiputu, see Schwemer 2007a, 159-
163.
(14) See the comment by Schwemer (2007a, 163): “Es scheint mir aber tatsäch-
lich naheliegend, daß der Beschwörer (asipu) von vielen als eine durchaus ambivalente
Gestalt empfunden wurde, deren Fähigkeiten auch eine Gefahr für den einzelnen
bedeuten konnten”.
(15) For a detailed analysis of single terms in 1 En. 8:1 and their Mesopotamian
background, see Drawnel 2012c. What follows in the analysis of 8:1 here is based on
this earlier article.

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the description of Asael’s professional knowledge included that part

of the asiputu that dealt with stones and minerals. A similar situation
one finds in the case of another term in the list, that is “bracelets”
in Greek translation (célia), but (the Aramaic term ‫ צמיד‬4 Q202
frg. 1 i 27; 8:1) denotes strings of stones attached to the body of the
patient probably as amulets. The Akkadian terms that denote stone
amulets semantically correspond to the Aramaic term, and the Akka-
dian literature indicates that similarly to 1 En. 8:1 silver beads made
part of the amulets. Also in this case the production of the magical
strings in Mesopotamia belonged to the professional occupation of the
Babylonian healer and enchanter, that is the asipu. In other words,
minerals and strings of stones listed in 1 En. 8:1 might be connected
with the goldsmith on the one hand and the medico-magical practi-
tioner on the other. (16) Thus while the production of weapons of iron
and bronze together with the work in gold and silver is easily con-
nected with the work of the smith, other items listed in 1 En. 8:1
might be associated either with the smith or with the asipu. This ambi-
guity might be purposive, indicating a certain overlap between the two
professions in order to show the connection with the rest of the Watch-
ers’ teaching in 1 En. 8:3.
1 En. 8:2 makes the reader understand that Asael’s crafts cause
godlessness, fornication, erring and desolation on earth. Syncellus
adds that men made use of Asael’s teaching, transgressed and led the
“saints” astray. It is hard to understand why Asael’s crafts are so
pernicious to humanity and why they cause so much godlessness. The
Aramaic text from Qumran makes it clear that behind the Greek
êpórneusan (GC 8:2) there stands the verb ‫( פחז‬4Q202 frg. 1 iii 1)
that means “act wickedly”. However, the meaning of the term does
not solve the puzzle, and the answer should rather be sought for in the
social background of the crafts taught by Asael. While the production
of amulet strings, knowledge of precious stones, stibnite and antimony
can be connected with magical practices of the asipu, the elaboration
of metals by the smith or goldsmith should not rather cause any prob-
lem for the Jewish priests living in Babylonia. However, the text of
1 En. 8:1-2 indicates that it did. The explanation of this Jewish reti-
cence towards the professional knowledge of metals should be sought
in the role of the Mesopotamian temple in the Persian, Hellenistic and
Arsacid periods. Not only did the cuneiform culture represented by
the extremely large professional knowledge of the asipus find itself
restricted to the temple precincts, but the temple as such was always

(16) Note that in 8:1 GC lists cosmetics (kósmouv) separately from minerals and
stones; GC is more explicit about the connection with women (kósmia ta⁄v gunaizí).

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during the long centuries of its existence a place of economic activity

with many different professions serving the material needs of the gods
and men. Both the smith and goldsmith are the professions attested in
the temple economy, while the goldsmiths in the Hellenistic period
received prebends from the temples, bore the title erib biti that allowed
them to take part in the temple cult, and similarly to the asipus created
professional assemblies, kinistu. Additionally, the presence of the
goldsmith in the temples was connected with the care for the statues
of the gods there and with the production of, and care for, cultic par-
aphernalia. Finally, the last item in the list in 1 En. 8:1 (tà bafiká)
points to the competence of colored wool weavers (ispar birmi) in the
Babylonian temple whose competence also included the process of
cloth dyeing. (17)
Thus the negative evaluation of Asael’s crafts is not incidentally
set in the context of the teaching of the Watchers/asipus that taught the
crafts of asiputu and tupsarrutu as described in 1 En. 8:3. Both Asael
and the Watchers are described as professional craftsmen and both pro-
fessional groups served the needs of the Babylonian temple and its gods
on the one hand, and the society at large on the other. The association
therefore between Asael and the rest of the Watchers (1 En. 6:7; 8:1-3;
9:6 and 9:8b; 10:7-8) relies on the actual historical situation within the
texture of Late Babylonian society, and must not be separated from the
rest of the narrative in 1 En. 6-11. The Akkadian term that includes in
its semantic field the crafts listed in 1 En. 8:1 (Asael) and 1 En. 8:3
(Shemihazah and other Watchers) is ummânu, “craftsman, artisan,
expert, scholar.” (18) While the craft of smith, goldsmith, and ispar
birmi properly corresponds to ummânu understood as “craftsman, arti-
san”, the second semantic application, “expert, scholar”, properly cor-
responds to the professional crafts of the asipu and his astrological
skills (†upsarrutu). Additonally, since the Enochic text uses the term
“mystery” in relation to Asael’s knowledge (9:6), it appears that he has
been presented equal to other Watchers who reveal “mysteries” (8:3;
10:7; cf. 16:3) that deal not only with simple professional craftsman-
ship but scholarly knowledge and literature as well.

(17) Later developments of the Enochic myth expressly state that the fallen
Watchers abandon “the highest heaven, the sanctuary (tò ägíasma) of their station”
(1 En. 12:4; cf. 15:3). The Greek term implies the idea of heaven considered as a
temple, see (LXX) Exod 15:17, 25:8, etc.; Am 1:14; Ezek 45:2-3; 48:21; 1 Chr
22:19; 28:10; 1 Macc 1:36-37, 39, etc. Thus the connection between the Watchers
and the heavenly sanctuary present in these later developments constitutes an addi-
tional argument in favor of the presented here interpretation of the social context of
early Enochic literature.
(18) See CAD U and W, ummânu, meaning 2, p. 111-115.

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The following discussion will show that in the description of

Asael’s punishment in 10:4-8 the Enochic author used several motifs
from Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft literature that belonged to the pro-
fessional knowledge of the asipu. This interrelationship proves once
again that the Enochic author considered Asael as belonging to the
same group with the asipus accused of witchcraft in the Aramaic text
from Qumran. A punishment similar to that of Asael is applied to the
rest of the Watchers in 10:11-13 and from the literary point of view
the structure of 10:4-8 is much more pronounced than the former text.
Thus the negative evaluation of Asael’s knowledge in 8:1-2, 9:6, and
10:7-8 must be seen as based on the same accusation explicitly
directed against the asipu – witchcraft and idolatrous apostasy.
In the context of this interpretation the issue of the meaning of
Asael’s name may be raised. The Aramaic fragments have preserved
the name of Asael (‫ עסאל‬in 4Q201 frg. 1 iii 9; 4Q204 frg. 1 ii 26;
‫ עשאל‬in 4Q202 frg. 1 ii 26), which is composed of the Hebrew verb
“to do” (‫ )עשה‬and the theophoric element “God” (‫)אל‬. The Hebrew
verb ‫ עשה‬semantically corresponds to the Aramaic ‫“ עבד‬to do”, and
it seems that the latter root stands behind the Greek “deeds” (∂rga)
in the expression “deeds of the teaching of Asael” (10:8). The Hebrew
verb and its Aramaic counterpart may simply refer to Asael’s profes-
sional activity, similarly to the names of other angels preserved in the
Qumran fragments. One should note, however, that the Aramaic verb
‫ עבד‬may also mean “to perform a magical practice”, (19) which
semantically corresponds to the Akkadian epesu, one of many techni-
cal terms for practicing witchcraft. (20) When read in the context of
Asael’s condemnation in 10:4-8 that draws most of its literary motifs
from Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft literature, the play on the meaning
of Asael’s name seems to refer either to his craftsmanship or to his
professional practices understood as witchcraft harmful to humanity
and the earth.

3. Mesopotamian Anti-Witchcraft Literature and 1 En. 10:4-8

The punishment of Asael in 1 En. 10:4-8 is composed of several
actions that God orders Raphael to execute. First the rebel angel has
to be bound, then thrown into, or covered with, darkness, that is into
a pit dug out by Raphael in the deserted place called Dadouel. (21)

(19) Sokoloff 2002, 837, meaning 9; Sokoloff 1990, 392, meaning 10.

(20) CAD E, meaning 1f 1´ “to practice witchcraft”, p. 228.
(21)  The place in the desert Dadouel (with GC Dadou®l; against GS Douda®l
and Eth. duda’el) has been interpreted by Milik (1976, 30) as meaning “the (two)
breasts of El” from the Aramaic ‫( דדא‬daddâ) “breast” in its archaic dual form (cf. 1

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 the punishment of asael 379

Beneath the culprit some sharp and jagged stones are to be placed, and
on the day of great judgment he has to be led to burning conflagra-
tion; finally his sins are to be written over him. Except for jagged and
sharp stones, other elements of Asael’s punishment seem to be inspired
by Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft literature where this kind of pro-
ceedings were directed against witches and warlocks. Thus similarly
to 1 En. 8:3 the Jewish author proves himself acquainted with the
Akkadian literature that made part of asiputu, this time using the ritual
practices of the Babylonian enchanter to punish the Watcher who rep-
resents Babylonian ummânutu. The use of some elements of Babylo-
nian anti-witchcraft literature proves that the author of the Enochic
myth considered Asael’s knowledge to be as harmful and malefic as
the knowledge of other Watchers in 1 En. 8:3 expressly accused of
witchcraft. This is also the reason why the punishment of the rest of
the Watchers in 1 En. 10:11-14 is so similar to that of Asael. The
notes that follow intend to read the Enochic description of Asael’s
punishment (1 En. 10:4-8) in the light of Mesopotamian anti-witch-
craft literature.
There exists an extensive anti-witchcraft literature from Babylo-
nia in which the asipu appears as the main actor of incantations and
rituals directed against the black magic of anonymous witches and
warlocks. (22) This type of literature belonged to the professional
knowledge of asiputu whose scope was to undo the evil machina-
tions of the sorcerers that, as was commonly believed, caused the
illness of the patient and/or his religious or social estrangement. The
attested literature is indeed immense and it is not possible to analyze
its content and religious background here. For the purpose of this
research it is enough to concentrate on some important anti-witch-
craft rituals and incantations in order to show that the Jewish author
adapted to his needs some elements of Babylonian asiputu in order

En. 60:8 denday¢n). Milik suggests that this proper noun is an exact replica of the
Akkadian Masu, “Twin” mountain, where in the Gilgamesh epic arrives Gilgamesh
in his travel to the underworld to meet Uta-napisti (Gilgames, ix, 9). The description
of the Twin mountain in the Babylonian epic is quite instructive for 1 En. 10:4: “The
name of the mountain was Masu. When [he] arrived at Mount Masu, which daily
guards (i-na-aÒ-Òa-ru) the rising [of the sun] – their tops [abut] the fabric of the heav-
ens, their bases (i-rat-su-nu) reach down to Hades (a-ra-le-e)” (ix, 37-41; George
2003, 669). The term irtu means “breast” in Akkadian. This parallelism between the
Akkadian epos and Jewish Aramaic myth adds yet another literary motif in the punish-
ment of Asael based on the Akkadian literature. It seems therefore justified to claim
that Asael’s burial at Mount Dadouel means his descending into the realm of the dead,
becase the bases of Mount Masu reach down to Hades.
(22) For a detailed and instructive overview of different types of anti-witchcraft
literature in ancient Mesopotamia, see Schwemer 2007a, 29-69.

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 380 henryk drawnel

to construe the narrative of Asael’s punishment in 1 En. 10:4-8. The

main official anti-witchcraft ritual is called Maqlû “Burning” (23)
and makes part of the asiputu literature. (24) It is however too long
and complicated to be discussed here in full, (25) hence it will be
more profitable to deal with one shorter ritual of Maqlû type, with
some references to other examples from Babylonian anti-witchcraft
literature.
A complex incantation with rituals against witchcraft of Maqlû
type was published and extensively discussed by Lambert (1957-58).
Tzvi Abusch with Daniel Schwemer recently republished the text in
the first volume of the corpus of Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft litera-
ture. (26) The text is composed of an introductory section (lines 1-10)
that describes different witchcraft practices applied against a man and
the reasons for the application of the incantation and ritual. Then there
follows a long incantation (Sum. ÉN) “Samas, these are my sorcer-
ers” (Samas annûtu episu’a, lines 11-99), in which the patient
addresses the god of justice presenting his case against the sorcerers
(lines 11-20), describing different types of witchcraft and his ailments
caused by it (lines 21-39), listing all the machinations of the sorcerers
against him (lines 40-63), and calling Samas to action on his behalf
with the help of the god of fire, Girra, whose task consists in burning
the figurines of the sorcerers (lines 64-97). The incantation ends with
the assurance that the healed petitioner will proclaim Samas’s great-
ness and glory to the people (line 98). Then in the last request Samas
has to assure the increased power of exorcism (asiputu) performed by
Marduk, the sage among the gods (line 99). Lines 100-102 contain a
rubric that separates the incantation from the description of the ritual
that has to be applied (lines 103-116). During the ritual the cited
above incantation has to be recited three times after which the incan-

(23)  The classical edition of the text is still the one published by Maier (1937).
A new edition is being prepared by Tzvi Abusch and Daniel Schwemer who published
a new German translation (Abusch and Schwemer 2008) based on the text that has not
yet appeared in print.
(24)  This collection of anti-witchcraft incantations and rituals is listed in the
“Exorcit’s Manual” (KAR 44, 14) among different literary compositions studied by
the asipus, see Bottéro 1985, 72; cf. also Schwemer 2007a, 41 and n. 55.
(25) For a general presentation of the ritual, see Schwemer 2007a, 37-55; for
the pioneering analysis of its content and calendrical setting, see Abusch 1974.
(26) For the introduction, text, translation, and notes, see Abusch and Schwemer
2011, 270-292. The text does not have any title but on the basis of its content the edi-
tors call it “Burning the Witches’ Figurines before Samas and Purifying the Patient”.
The text is attested in some ten manuscripts, the two oldest of which come from the
8th/7th c. BC Assur (Ms. B and J), the most recent one from the 4th-3rd c. BC Uruk
(Ms. a).

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 the punishment of asael 381

tation “You are water” (ÉN Attunu mê) is recited. When presenting
the succesive steps of the rite, the text uses the verbs in second person
singular, and although the asipu is rarely mentioned, he is the main
officiant of the whole rite and the recipient of the ritual instruction.
At the end of the ritual the patient strips off the cloak and recites the
last incantation “I have stripped off, I have stripped off” (ÉN AsÌu†
asÌu†) three times. This action ends the ritual and the text states: “The
witchcraft is undone, curse (and) ban will not come near” (l. 116).
Then the first few lines of the incantation AsÌu† asÌu† are cited (lines
117-124).

3.1 Healing
The purpose statement (lines 1-11) of the incantation is cited here
in full for it contains a typical description of a bewitched man and
some terms that might be of use for the understanding of 1 En. 10:4-8.
1
“If witchcraft has been performed against a man, (if) either figurin[es
of him] have been sunk [in wat]er, 2or figurines of him (Òalmusu) have
been entrus[ted] to a human skull, 3or figurines of him have been thrown
into fire (lu Òalmusu ina isati nadû), or figurines of him have been
bu[ried] in the ground (lu Òalmusu ina erÒeti qeb[ru]), 4or the water of
his ‘cutting-of-the-throat’ has been drawn [(and) poured] before the
st[ars], 5or he has been given (bewitched) bread to eat, or he has been
given (bewitched) water (var.: beer) to dring, <or> he has been anoi[nted]
with (bewitched) oil, 6or he has been sent (bewitched) presents: To cure
h[im] 7and to save him (ana bullu†is[u] u suzubisu), and so that th[is]
witchcraft (and) sorcery (kispi ruÌê) 8not come near his body, 9and so
that her witchcraft (and) her sorcery turn (back) (saÌarim-ma) – 8be
it warlock or witch, [who bewitched him] – 9and seize her (Òabatisa),
10
to bind (ubburim-ma) 9warlock and [witch] 10quickly, and to [ …
them] with dropsy (and) ‘hand-of-a-c[urse’ disease]: … (Abusch and
Schwemer 2011, 283)

Popular belief transmitted in anti-witchcraft literature held that

the witches or warlocks fashioned figurines of their victim and then
manipulated them in order to bewitch them. The figurines were sunk
in water (l. 1), buried or burned (l. 3), and the consequences of these
actions were believed to affect the person they represented. A differ-
ent way of bewitching was to put the victim in physical contact with
a bewitched object (lines 5-6); the contact with the skull of a dead
person (l. 2) was supposed to send the victim to the netherworld. The
pernicious activity of the sorcerers entails many more different manip-
ulations of the figurines described in detail in the incantation (lines
40-63), but all of them intended to bring about victim’s illness (lines

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 382 henryk drawnel

26-32) or death (lines 52, 54). (27) Hence it is not surprising to read
in the introductory statement to the incantation and ritual that the pur-
pose of their application to the victim of witchcraft is “to cure h[im]
and to save him” (ana bullu†is[u] u suzubisu). (28)
The bewitched person is considered ill, polluted, and in mortal
peril, hence with the recitation of the incantation and application of
the ritual the Babylonian healer restores the victim to his health, puri-
fies him, and saves his life. The author of the Enochic myth reverts
the meaning of the Watchers/asipus’ activity: instead of being healers
and exorcists, they are presented as warlocks that practice witchcraft,
consequently humanity dies or is close to death because of their perni-
cious activity. God’s intervention consists in sending Raphael (1 En.
10:4), whose name expresses not only his healing mission, but also
points to God as the only healer, (29) in contradistinction to the
Babylonian asipu and his gods of exorcism. Raphael’s healing of the
earth (30) is presented as healing of the plague/wound, (31) and thus
it closely corresponds to the asipu’s magico-medical activity against
witchcraft. While the asipu dealt with one person at a time, the Watchers/
asipus’ witchcraft has universal consequences for all of humanity.
Note, however, that most of anti-witchcraft incantations present the
drama of the bewitched individual in universal and often cosmic
terms. (32)

(27) For a comprehensive presentation of different ways and modes of harming

a man by witchcraft and its Akkadian terminology, see Schwemer 2007a, 84-110.
(28) See CAD B, bala†u 6, p. 59: bullu†u “to keep somebody alive and in good
health”; CAD E, ezebu, 6. suzubu “to save”, especially 6b – “said of persons,” p. 424.
In the incantation text the victim addresses Samas, asking the god of justice to grant
him life and health: “…let me ((Samas-sumu-ukin, son of his god)), your servant, live
and become healthy” (lublu† luslim-ma) (line 97; text and translation Abusch and
Schwemer 2011, 287).
(29)  ‫“ רפא אל‬God heals”; cf. 1 En. 40:9; Tob 3:16; 5:4; 7:9, etc.; 12:15; ‫רפאל‬
4Q201 frg. 1 iv 6 [9:1]; [‫ פאל]ר‬4Q202 frg. 1 iii 13 [9:4]; ‫ [רפא]ל‬4Q206 frg. 1 xxii 5
[22:6].
(30)  1 En. 10:7: “to heal” îáomai (2x) and the noun “healing” îásiv (1x).
(31)  1 En. 10:7 (GC 1x; GS 2x): pljgß “blow, stroke” (e.g. Deut 25:2) may
also mean “wound” (1 Kgs 22:35; 2 Kgs 8:29), or more often “plague” (Exod 11:1;
12:13; Lev 26:21).
(32) Compare the comment by Abusch (2002, 16) on the structure of the Maqlû
anti-witchcraft ceremony: “Each of the three divisions is fitted with introductory and
concluding sections, and is framed by, or moves between, a different set of cosmic
poles. Thus, the first night division (A) is oriented toward the heavenly (night) court
of Anu and the netherworld court of Ereskigal; the second night division (B) toward
the heavenly court of Enlil and the chthonic Ekur; the daytime division (C) toward
Samas and his retinue in the morning sky and the subterranean abyss of Ea and Asal-
luÌi. This recension of Maqlû has a cosmic setting, involves the participation of many

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 the punishment of asael 383

At the end of the nineteenth century Alfred Lods asked a perti-

nent question concerning the role of Raphael in 10:4-8. Trying to
explain the healing of the earth in v. 7 the French exegete had hard
time understanding Raphael’s role in that process; God’s orders deal
with the punishment of Asael, but the text does not say how God
wanted Raphael to heal the earth. Lods is not certain whether the
angelic healing of the earth consists in putting an end to Asael’s
revelations or perhaps in preserving from the sinful contagion Noah,
that is the patriarchal lineage. (33) When looking for a solution to the
problem posed by Lods, the answer that takes into account Meso­
potamian anti-witchcraft literature imposes itself in a rather unam-
biguous way: the angelic healing of the earth/plague consists in bind-
ing, burying and burning Asael for in this way evil consequences of
the Watcher’s “mystery” can be undone and humanity liberated from
the oppression of idolatry, lawlessness and impurity. Witchcraft prac-
ticed by the Watchers can only be solved by an anti-witchcraft ritual
described in 1 En. 10:4-8 with most of its elements borrowed from
Mesopotamian asiputu and applied against Mesopotamian ummânutu
by the Jewish priests who intended not so much to destroy the
Babylonian craftsmanship, but rather to take over its learning and
skills. The following observations will further substantiate that
opinion.

3.2 Binding
The introductory statement of the Akkadian text announces the
way it intends to deal with the witch and warlock: “and seize her, to
bind warlock and [witch] quickly” (lines 9-10). Since binding of the
victim’s figurine is practiced by the sorcerers, solving of the spell
resorts to the same tactics, according to the principle similia similibus
curabuntur. In the ritual (DÙ.DÙ.BI) that accompanies the incantation
text, the asipu sweeps the ground, sprinkles pure water, sets a table
before Samas with three food offerings, prepares a censer before
Samas, and pours beer (lines 103-106). The next step consists in pre-
paring several groups of four figurines of the sorcerers made of dif-
ferent material, and then the ritual instruction continues: “You bind

gods, and presents the witch as a demonic force that has a defined place in the cosmos
and can act in opposition to the gods.”
(33) Lods 1892, 118: “Il est permis de penser que l’auteur, séduit par le rap-
prochement des mots, n’a pas attaché à cette guérison de la terre un sens bien précis;
est-ce en coupant court aux funestes révélations d’Azaël que Raphael guérira le
monde? N’est-ce pas plutôt en préservant de la contagion du mal la lignée des patri-
arches (cf. És. 6, 10)?” Citing the Book of Raziel where Raphael is sent to Noah to
heal the earth, Lods opts for the second solution.

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 384 henryk drawnel

these figurines (Òalmi annûti takassisunuti), then you kindle a torch in

burning sulphur and put (the fire with the figurines) into the crucible.
You recite thi[s] incantation three times. As soon as they are burnt to
ashes, you cool them off with water reciting the incantation “You are
water” three times. … you discard in a deserted place (ina Ìarbati
tanassuk).” (34)
The binding of the figurines that represent the witch and warlock
may be more detailed, as in the following ritual applied to the sufferer
against the witchcraft produced by his legal opponent (bel amatisu):
[You make] [figurines of] the sorcerer and the sorceress, [you for]m
[the fetters for] their [hands] (and) the fetters for their feet (izqat
sepisunu) [from … ]. [You write] their names [on their sides], smear
them with [sul]phur. [You say] [“ … ], you are strong!” [and] burn
them.” (35)
Since in the case of the Watchers their identity is known, the
Enochic author does not deal with the Watchers’ figurines, but directly
with the culprits themselves. He begins his description of Asael’s pun-
ishment with the binding of his hands and feets (10:4), and the
adduced examples make it clear that this was the first step in the
Mesopotamian proceedings that intended to destroy the sorcerers and
undo the witchcraft. (36) In the case of witchcraft induced by one’s
legal opponent, the names of the witch and warlock are written on the
side of their figurines, which assumes that the identity of the opponent
is known. It does not seem to be a coincidence that in 1 En. 10:8b
God instructs Raphael to write upon Asael all his sins; in this way
once Azael is sent to burning conflagration, his sins will perish with
him. (37) It once again confirms the opinion that not humanity but

(34) Lines 111-114; text and translation in Abusch and Schwemer 2011, 287-
288.
(35) Lines 9-14; text and translation in Abusch and Schwemer 2011, 288.
(36)  1 En. 54:1-6 speaks about iron chains for the binding of Asael and his
troops. In 1 En. 88:1 one of the four angels seizes the first star that has fallen from
heaven, binds it by its hands and feet, and throws it into an abyss. It seems that the
text reworks the description of Asael’s punishment in 10:4. 1 En. 88:3 applies the
binding and throwing into the abyss to all stars, which constitutes a clear allusion to
the punishment of the Watchers in 1 En. 10:12-13. Note that the process of elimination
of the forces of evil in the public and private life by binding and burying lead, clay,
and wax figurines is also attested in ancient Egypt and Greece, see Faraone 1991.
However, the cluster of motifs present in 1 En. 10:4-8, especially the judicial charac-
ter of Asael’s burning, unequivocally points to Mesopotamian background, with the
exclusion of any Egyptian or Greek influence.
(37) In Rev 17:5 the mysterious name of the sinful city written on her forehead
expresses the reason for her punishment: kaì êpì tò métwpon aût±v ∫noma gegram-
ménon, mustßrion, BabulÑn ™ megálj, ™ mßtjr t¬n porn¬n kaì t¬n bdelug-
mátwn t±v g±v. For the action of writing on somebody as a reward, not punishment,

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 the punishment of asael 385

Asael is responsible for all kinds of sin. Although Raphael’s action is

not identical with the one attested in cuneiform sources, writing of
Asael’s sins on himself has the same symbolic meaning: the culprit
and his evil machinations are to be destroyed and the life of the
wounded victim spared.

3.3 Legal Framework

In Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft literature Samas, the god of jus-
tice, plays an important role, because the whole ritual that intends to
dissolve the bonds of witchcraft is presented as a legal process in
which the victim accuses his sorcerers of witchcraft and Samas has to
issue a binding decision concerning the case. (38) The excerpts that
follow illustrate the role of Samas and other gods together with the
legal character of the proceedings. Since the defendants have to be
present in court as well, the plaintiff presents them symbolically to the
god: “Samas, these are they, these are the figurines representing them.
Since they are not present, I have made figurines of them and [I]
h[old] (them) in the presence of your great divinity.” (39) Then he
appeals to the god’s justice: “Samas, you are the judge (dayyan) [of
], [y]ou alone are the lord of justice and right (bel kittu u misaru),
good guide of [the Igigi], [de]liberate judge (dayyan) of the Anun-
naki!” (lines 63-64). (40)
In the series Bit Rimki, “House of the (Ritual) Bath”, the king
undergoes the ritual ceremony against the forces of evil while the
incantation priest (masmasu) prepares the place, recites the incanta-
tions and performs the ritual. (41) The god Samas is also presented as
a divine judge, while the king plays the role of the plaintiff who pre-
see Rev 3:12: kaì grácw êpˆ aûtòn tò ∫noma toÕ qeoÕ mou kaì tò ∫noma t±v
pólewv toÕ qeoÕ mou; cf. Rev 14:1; 19:16.
(38) For the discussion of the judicial character of anti-witchcraft rituals and the
role of Samas, see Schwemer 2007a, 205-208, especially his analysis of the expression
ana maÌar Samas tadânsunuti “you will pass judgment on them (sorcerers, HD) in
the presence of Samas”.
(39) Lines 18-20; text and translation in Abusch and Schwemer 2011, 284.
(40) For a similar text, see Maqlû I 73-121, and the comment by Abusch (2002,
17): “He (the plaintiff, HD) appeals to Samas, the sun-god, to find and overwhelm
them. Samas is asked to pronounce a sentence of death by fire, and the fire-god, Girra,
Samas’s arm, is asked to execute the sentence. The sun here is an omniscient judge
and relentless executioner, a god who is able to identify, locate, and destroy even the
culprit who takes refuge outside the bounds of the settled community.”
(41) For the text of the ritual and its analysis, see Laessøe 1955; a large part of
the ritual is composed of a section with incantations dedicated to Samas (Laessøe
1955, 28-83), which, according to Abusch (1990) constitute an early version of the
short morning ritual from which developed the classical Maqlû series celebrated at
night.

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 386 henryk drawnel

sents his case against demons and evil spirits who are considered to
be criminals brought to court. Samas presents the final ruling, a judi-
cial decision which cannot be changed, which frees the plaintiff from
the influence of evil powers, that is, wins his case:

53. “Incantation. Samas, judge of heavens and earth (DI.KUD AN-e u

KI.tim) who tames (?) the widespread earth, 54. the lord whose ears are
open, the favorite of Enlil, exalted judge (DI.KUD MAH), whose utte-
rance cannot be altered…62. you are the judge of exalted power ([DI.
KU]D e-mu-qa[-(an) MAH.MES])… 67. judge my judgment ([di-n]i
di-in), decide my decision (ES.BAR-a-a [KUD-us])! 68 Grant me and
lead me to the good!…” (Laessøe 1955: 64)

Other gods may also be depicted as taking up the judicial pre-

rogatives of Samas. (42) The following examples illustrate this phe-
nomenon.

Maqlû I, 110-116 (43) (in an incantation addressed to Girra): “Girra,

you burn the warlock and the witch, you destroy evil, seed of warlock
and witch, you annihilate the evil ones! ana-ku al-si-ka ki-ma dUTU
DI.KUD di-i-ni di-ni ES.BAR-a-a KUD-us “I have invoked you like
Samas, judge my case, hand down my verdict! Participate today in my
legal case! Burn the warlock and the witch, devour my enemies,
consume those who intend evil against me!” (see also Maqlû I, 77-82)
Maqlû II, 107-108 (in an incantation addressed to Girra): sá kíma dSin
u dUTU ta-da-an-nu di-i-nu di-i-ni di-ni ES.BAR-a-a KUD-us “(You)
who like Sîn and Samas decide lawsuits, judge my case, hand down my
verdict!”
Maqlû II, 200-201 (in an incantation directed against a witch): “She
relies upon the sorcery which she has invented, but I on the unchan[ging]
light of Girra, the judge (da-a-a-nu).” (see also Maqlû I, 95 about
Nusku, the god of light)

Many other texts stress the legal character of the proceedings

against the sorcerers. The following examples further illustrate this
legal approach.

(42) For the role of Nusku and Girra in anti-witchcraft rituals, see Schwemer
2007a, 207-208; concerning Nusku, see also Abusch 2002, 22-23.
(43) The Maqlû text is cited according to the edition by Meier (1937), but the
versification follows the new translation by Abusch and Schwemer (2008); the new
edition is in the works by Tzvi Abuch and Daniel Schwemer, but it has not yet
appeared. For the concordances between Meyer’s edition and the new edition of the
text, see Schwemer 2007a, 282-285. English translation of the cited texts by Laessøe
1955, 87-88.

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 the punishment of asael 387
Maqlû III, 69 (in an incantiation against a sorcerer and a witch): e-te-lil
ki-ma nam-ru ana É ES.BAR-ya “I have become pure like one, who
shines, before the house of my legal decision (i.e., the house where
judgment is pronounced over me)”.
Maqlû III, 124 (in an incantation against a witch): di-in-sá lis-sa-hi-ip-
ma di-e-ni li-sir “May her judgment be cast down, and may my judg-
ment be right!”
Maqlû V, 23-24 (in an incantation against a sorcerer and a witch): lil-
li-bi-il-ma SAL.KA×BAD.ZU ana da-a-a-ni-sá DI.KUD-sá GIM
UR.MAH li-sa-a UGU-sá “May (my) witch be dragged before her
judge; may her judge roar against her like a lion!”

It seems that the legal framework within which function the anti-
witchcraft rituals in ancient Mesopotamia served as a starting point
for the composer of 1 Enoch 6-11. The suffering humanity directs its
plea for help to heaven and it requests from the angels to present their
legal case (eîsagágete t®n krísin ™m¬n) before the Most High (8:4
[GS2]). It is evident that humanity as victim of Watchers’ teaching and
giants’ violence is not primarily responsible for its plight, (44) and
makes a recourse to God because it is unable to solve the problem by
itself. (45) The angels inspect the earth, see much blood being spilt,
and repeat human request on the heavenly level (9:3 eîsagágete t®n
krísin ™m¬n [GC; GS1]), and in an intercessory prayer they indict
Asael and the Watchers before God (9:4-11). The last angelic sen-
tence stresses with a note of reproach that God knows what to do, but
does not say anything about what has to be done (9:11). The accusa-
tions brought forward by the angels against the Watchers do not men-

(44) Even though 1 En. 8:2 (GS) suggests that humanity transgresses and leads
the “saints” astray, the primary responsibility for lawlessness is Watchers’ sexual sin
with the women (1 En. 7:1) and their transmission of knowledge, together with witch-
craft, with which they “strike” humanity (10:7 [GC]). Watchers’ indictment by the
archangels before God (9:5-11) does not include humanity which is described as
victim of Watchers’ activity (9:10).
(45)  The position of being victimized, powerless, and innocent is characteristic
for the sufferer under the influence of witchcraft caused by forces external to an indi-
vidual. Abusch’s description of the victim of witchcraft in ancient Mesopotamia cor-
responds to humanity’s powerlessness in relation to the Watchers and its appeal to God
for justice: “When the cause of one’s suffering is externalized and others (human or
demonic) are seen as the source of one’s difficulties, the sufferer not only asserts the
guilt of the beings that are held responsible for harming him, but also emphasizes his
own innocence as well as his own powerlessness (and dependence). For if he were not
powerless, others could not harm him, and even if they could, he would be able to
rectify the situation by himself. He becomes a victim; and, as such, the victim of
witchcraft has both the need and the right to go to the god, for he is both innocent and
powerless. His lack of power and of guilt allows him to initiate a legal suit and appeal
to the gods (in their role as judge) for help” (Abusch 1999, 92-93).

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 388 henryk drawnel

tion witchcraft, but depict in general terms the sinful revelations of the
mysteries by Asael (9:6) and by the rest of the Watchers (9:8) together
with their fornication with women (9:8-9). The detailed list of crafts
and sciences has been given earlier in the narrative (8:1; 8:3), it does
contain witchcraft, healing, magic, astral and earthly divination, crafts
that cause so much lawlessness, because transmitted by the impure
angels, that is Babylonian polytheistic craftsmen and scholars. God’s
answer is decisive and the punishment of Asael and the Watchers
consists in their being condemned in a legal proceeding (krísiv 10:6,
12; tò kríma toÕ aî¬nov t¬n aîÉnwn 10:12) for burning (10:6
ênpurismóv [GS toÕ puróv]; 10:13 tò xáov toÕ puróv). (46)
The general perspective, however, in Mesopotamian anti-witch-
craft literature seems to be different from the one presented in the
Enochic myth. The difference consists not only in the presentation
during the legal trial before Samas of the figurines of the sorcerers,
while the Enochic text speaks of the culprits being present during the
judgment executed by God’s angels. The Mesopotamian incantations
and rituals were intended to free one single patient from his bewitch-
ment at a time and were construed for being constantly repeated in
case of necessity. The Enochic text presents the drama of the fall,
legal proceedings and condemnation of the Watchers on a universal
level that deals with the fate of the whole humanity and leads to its
beatific future (1 En. 10:16-11:2). The palpable change of perspective
is easily understandable, once one assumes that the myth was com-
posed in late Persian or Hellenistic Babylonia where cuneiform cul-
ture, although restricted to the temple precincts, flourished and pro-
duced works of exceptional scientific quality. While criticizing the
Babylonian ummânus, represented either by smiths or goldsmiths
(Asael and his crafts) or by asipus (the rest of the Watchers together
with their crafts and sciences) the Jewish author lived in the society
where the ummânu still existed and enjoyed a high social status. The
presentation of the immediate annihilation of these artisans and schol-
ars by burning must have sounded quite surrealistic and unreal, hence
the “burning” was postponed for a “day of judgment” that still was
to come. The second contributing factor is the universal perspective
of the whole myth – although it is deeply rooted in the social context
of late Persian or Hellenistic period in Babylonia, its message sur-
passes the historical limits of hic et nunc and projects the vision of
humanity and the world different from the present one because freed

(46) In a similar way, 1 En. 54:5 Asael and his hosts are thrown into the abyss
of great judgment, and the next verse parallels that action with their being thrown into
the burning furnace.

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 the punishment of asael 389

from all sorts of evil and impurity with all the nations worshipping
one God (10:21).

3.4 Burning and Burial

The burning of the figurines constitutes an important element of
witchcraft elimination that expresses the death of the sorcerers and
salvation for the patient. (47) The incantation that precedes the text of
the ritual contains a section, in which the victim prays Samas to allow
Girra, god of fire, to destroy the sorcerers:

“O Samas, let Girra, your associate, be fixed at my side. Samas, let

Girra, the burner, burn them, let Girra glare at them, let Girra set them
afire, let Girra melt them, let Girra smelt t[he]m, let Girra scorch them,
let Girra [roa]r against them furiously, let Girra [pour] out their life like
water, let Girra send them down to the Land of No Return, let Girra,
who brightens darkness and gloom, [ … ] his face, let Girra hand [them
over] to Namtar, the vizir of the underworld!” (lines 70-78; Abusch and
Schwemer 2011, 286)

It is also of some interest to note that Asael’s punishment is actu-

ally twofold. First there comes his burial and then his burning. God
orders Raphael to bind Asael and then to “open” the desert in Dadouel
and to throw him there into darkness. Asael has to remain in his tomb
“for ever” (10:5 eîv toùv aî¬nav [GC] / eîv tòn aî¬na [GS]), the
next verse (10:6), however, seems to contradict the precedent state-
ment, because it presents the burning of Asael on the day of judgment
(10:6 ênpurismóv [GS toÕ puróv]; cf. 10:13 tò xáov toÕ puróv). (48)

(47) See this text from the incantation that accompanies the discussed ritual:
“Samas, let your furious storm defea[t them], smash them like a pot, let their smoke
cover [the sky] like (smoke from) a kiln, let them dissolve, melt and drip [away], let
their life come to an end like water from a waterskin. Let them die, but let me live…”
(lines 87-91; text and translation Abusch and Schwemer 2011, 287). Concerning the
burning rites in ancient Mesopotamia, see the following comment by Schwemer (2010,
64): “It is worth noting that burning rites are employed in only a few groups of
Babylonian rituals: a) anti-witchcraft rituals that use burning for the destruction of the
figurines of the sorcerers; b) rituals against curses resulting from the transgression of
a taboo (mamitu) in which materials representing the patient’s sins are burnt; c) rituals
for undoing evil omens (namburbi) that occasionally use burning to destroy the con-
crete object that was interpreted as a bad omen for the client; d) finally, rituals against
field pests in which representations of vermin are burnt.” Thus it appears that the
burning of the figurines of the sorcerers in Babylonian anti-witchcraft rituals consti-
tutes the best parallel in Mesopotamian literature for the punishment of Asael in 1 En.
10:6, and at the same time the exclusive one.
(48) In a similar way, 1 En. 54:5 Asael and his hosts are thrown into the abyss
of great judgment, and the next verse parallels that action with their being thrown into
the burning furnace.

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 390 henryk drawnel

The connection between God’s judgment and burning is quite clear in

the Enochic text. The application of these two complementary ways
of punishment may also find its antecedents in ancient Mesopotamia.
The burning of Asael on the day of judgment finds its explanation
in the burning of the figurines of the sorcerers in a legal process before
Samas, while Asael’s burial in the desert reminds the reader of the
burial of the ashes in deserted places at the end of the anti-witchcraft
ritual. The asipu first burns the figurines of the scorcerers in a censer,
only then the remaining ashes are taken to a place located outside of
human habitations for burial. (49)

“As soon as they [the figurines, HD] are burnt to ashes, you cool them
off with water reciting the incantation “You are water” three times. …
you discard in a deserted place (ina Ìarbati tanassuk).” (50)
“He crushes the figurines of clay (and) the figurines of dough with his
feet in (the wash) water (of his feet); you bury (them) in wasteland (ina
Ìarbate tetemmer). You perform this ritual either at sunrise or at sunset,
then the witchcraft will be undone.” (51)

The disposal of the ashes in a deserted place, or steppe does not

convey the idea that the sorcerers are sent to the netherworld, at least
the texts do not say it explicitly. (52) There are, however, other anti-
witchcraft texts that present the sending of the sorcerers to the neth-
erworld as their punishment. One of the sorcerers’ ways to destroy the
sufferer is their attempt to put him in contact with the skull of a dead

(49)  The ashes sometimes were also thrown into a river, see Schwemer 2010, 64.
(50) Lines 113-114; text and translation in Abusch and Schwemer 2011, 287-
288. Such a move comes as a response to the accusations of the bewitched man: “they
have made figurines of me and buried (them) in a deserted city and in a steppe (ina
ali nadî u namê itmiru)… (line 63, in Abusch and Schwemer 2011, 286); see also
LKA 44, line 76´ (ina Òeri iqebber) published as “Hauptritual B” by Farber 1977,
226-259.
(51) Lines 61-62; in a ritual against a witchcraft-induced illness caused by one’s
personal enemy (bel dababi or bel lemutti), Abusch and Schwemer 2011, 303.
(52) Schwemer (2010, 64-65) suggests that both sinking of all the remains of
the burning rites in the river and their burial in the wilderness beyond the borders of
human habitations could symbolize a transfer to the netherworld. To substantiate his
claim, he cites the ritual KAR 227 which mentions the sinking figurines in the river
in a short address to the personified clay pit (p. 66). The uninhabited wilderness and
the mountains are considered a haunt of demons that is associated with the nether-
world, cf. Wiggermann 1996, 212: “The most common theme for the Other World is
kur, ‘mountain land’, which is in opposition to ‘kalam’, ‘own country.’ This kur is
where the dead go, and where rebellious mountain gods, demons, and monsters are at
home. Human enemies as well descend from the mountains, and sometimes they are
so dreadful that they cannot be distinguished from demons, the brood of Sea. Another
common term is edin ≈ Òeru “steppe”, with roughly the same connotations as kur.”

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 the punishment of asael 391

person and thus the ghost would make the sufferer descend to the
netherworld. In this case the sufferer would have to cross the mytho-
logical Îubur river where Gilgames is the ferryman and judge of the
dead: “(the sorcerer) who has handed (the figurines of the sufferer,
HD) over to a skull, [has ha]nded (them) over [to Gilgames] and thus
has made (them) cross the Îubur-river!” (line 61; Abusch and Schwe-
mer 2011, 345). Conversely, the punishment of the sorcerers may
include their sending to the “Land of No Return”.
Some rituals use funerary rites for entrusting the sorcerers to a
ghost who will carry them off to the netherworld, while their figurines
were probably sunk in the river at whose bank one performed the
ritual in a clay pit. The sinking in the river most probably symbolized
the transfer to the netherworld that involved the crossing of the subter-
ranean waters of the river Îubur. (53) In a Late Babylonian text pub-
lished by Schwemer (2010, 70-77), the patient asks the sun god to take
the sorcerers with him on his cosmic journey and hand them over to
the powers of the netherworld (rev. 9-13; cf. obv. 10´-11´). In the
incantation Samas annûtu episu’a the burning of the figurines indi-
cates not only the annihilation of the sorcerers but also their sending
to the netherworld: “let Girra send t[h]em down to the Land of No
Return (ana Kurnugia)…let Girra hand [them over] to Namtar, the
vizier of the netherworld (sukkal erÒeti)”. (54) The adduced examples
show that Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft literature used both burning
and relegation of the sorcerers to the netherworld as two complemen-
tary ways of punishing the culprits. (55) In the context of these exam-
ples, the burial of Asael in a deserted place called Dadouel should also
be considered as his relegation to the “Land of No Return”; the par-
allelism of Dadouel with the Masu mountain (56) whose bases reach
the netherworld (arallû) adds even more credibility to such an inter-
pretation.

(53) For the discussion of the ritual, see Schwemer 2010, 66. In the context of
the use of water in Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft rituals one should most probably
interpret the flood in the Enochic myth (1 En. 7:1 [GS]; 10:2) as the final element of
witchcraft removal from the earth.
(54)  lines 76, 78 in Abusch and Schwemer 2011, 286.
(55)  Additionally, see the comment by Schwemer (2010, 69): “If one further
takes into account that all burning rituals against witches include the disposal of the
burnt materials in places associated with the netherworld (see supra, §1.2) and that
ghosts of persons burnt to death were feared as roaming the upper world deprived of
any funerary care, one must ask whether the relationship between the two motifs (burn-
ing and burying, HD) is not better described as additive and supplementary than as
conflated – one action symbolizing complete annihilation, the other eternal imprison-
ment.”
(56) See note 21.

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 392 henryk drawnel

Conclusion
When read in the light of Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft literature,
most of the literary motifs found in the description of the punishment
of Asael, and of other Watchers, find their antecedents in the Babylo-
nian tradition that fought against black magic. The Jewish composer
used these motifs in order to show to his readers that the Babylonian
ummânus responsible for the upkeep of polytheistic craftsmanship and
knowledge must be treated as sorcerers and warlocks, against whom
exorcistic rites must be used. Such a statement against the main bear-
ers of Babylonian culture constituted only one step in a more complex
program undertaken by the Jewish priestly composer. This step dele-
gitimized the main bearers of Babylonian culture in order to pave the
way for the Jewish version of that same culture. Elements of that
culture available to the Jewish author were vested in an Aramaic garb
and transmitted to an antediluvian patriarch under the auspices of God
of Israel and angels faithful to him. The program had its chance to
succeed as long as the contact with cuneiform scientific culture sub-
sisted. Once that contact died out, the apocalyptic form lost its touch
with the world of science, but continued an idependent life within its
religious context, life never imagined or projected by the author of the
Enochic myth.

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