Historically, Nairs lived in large family units called tharavads that housed descendants of one

common female ancestor. These family units along with their unusual marriage customs, which are
no longer practiced, have been much studied. Although the detail varied from one region to the next,
the main points of interest to researchers of Nair marriage customs were the existence of two
particular rituals—the pre-pubertal thalikettu kalyanam and the later sambandam—and the practice
of polygamy in some areas. Some Nair women also practiced hypergamy with Nambudiri Brahmins
from the Malabar region.
The Nair were historically involved in military conflicts in the region. Following hostilities between the
Nair and the British in 1809, the British limited Nair participation in the British Indian Army.
After India's independence, the Nair Brigade of the Travancore State Force was merged into
the Indian Army and became a part of the 9th Battalion, Madras Regiment, the oldest battalion in the
Indian Army.
The serpent is worshipped by Nair families as a guardian of the clan. The worship of snakes,
a Dravidian custom,[5] is so prevalent in the area that one anthropologist notes: "In no part of the
world is snake worship more general than in Kerala."[6] Serpent groves were found in the
southwestern corner of nearly every Nair compound.[7]

Contents

 1History
o 1.1Early period
o 1.2Decline of dominance
 2Culture
o 2.1Arts
o 2.2Attire
o 2.3Religion and Ritual
 2.3.1Birth and Death rituals
o 2.4Diet
 3Social and political organisation
o 3.1Political organization
o 3.2Social organization
 3.2.1Subgroups
 3.2.2Attempts to achieve caste cohesion
 3.2.3Present day
 4Historical matrilineal system
o 4.1Tharavad
o 4.2Marriage system
 4.2.1Thalikettu kalyanam
 4.2.2Sambandham
 4.2.3Hypergamy
 4.2.4Polyandry
 4.2.5Decline of traditional practices
 5Demographics
 6See also
 7References
o 7.1Notes
o 7.2Citations
o 7.3Bibliography
 8External links

History
Early period
The origin of the Nair is disputed. Some people think the name itself is derived from nayaka, an
honorific meaning "leader of the people", while others believe it stems from the community's
association with the Naga cult of serpent worship.[8] Christopher Fuller, an anthropologist, has said
that it is likely that the first reference to the Nair community was made by Pliny the Elder in
his Natural History, dating from 77 AD. That work describes what is probably the Malabar coast area
wherein could be found the "Nareae, who are shut in by the Capitalis range, the highest of all the
mountains in India". Fuller believes it probable that the Nareae referred to the Nairs and the Capitalis
range is the Western Ghats.[9]

Nair soldiers attending the King of Cochin: A 16th Century European portrait. The majority of Nair men were
trained in arms, and the traditional role of the Nairs was to fight in the continuous wars which characterized
Kerala history.[10][11]

There are large gaps in the known early history of the Kerala region, which in the 1st-century AD is
thought to have been governed by the Chera dynasty and which by the late 3rd-century AD had
broken up, possibly as a consequence of a decline in trade with the Romans. There is no evidence
of Nairs in the area during this period. Inscriptions on copper-plate regarding grants of land and
rights to settlements of Jewish and Christian traders, dated approximately between the 7th- and 9th-
centuries AD, refer to Nair chiefs and soldiers from the Ernad, Valluvanad, Venad (later known
as Travancore) and Palghat areas. As these inscriptions show the Nairs as witnesses to the
agreements between those traders and the successors to the Cheras, the Perumals, it is probable
that by this time the Nairs were vassal chieftains.[12]
Certainly by the 13th-century, some Nairs were the rulers of small kingdoms and the Perumals had
disappeared. Trade with China, which had declined for some time, began to increase once more in
the 13th-century and it was during this period that two small Nair kingdoms were established. Both of
these—at Kolattunad and at Vernad—contained major seaports, and they expanded by taking over
the inland territory of neighbouring chieftains. Although trade with China once more went into decline
in the 14th-century, it was replaced by trade with Muslim Arabs. These traders had been visiting the
area for several hundred years but their activities increased to the point that a third Nair kingdom,
based on the port of Calicut, became established. There were also small kingdoms at Walluvanad
and Palghat, away from the coastline.[13] This period was characterized by continuous war between
these various kingdoms, and most able bodied Nair men were assigned to fight in these wars. [11]
The large influx of travelers and traders to Kerala had left many early accounts of the Nairs. These
descriptions were initially idealized by Europeans for its martial society, productivity, spirituality, and
for its marriage practices. Some early examples of these works being John Mandeville’s ‘’Travels’’
(1356), William Saxton’s ‘The mirrour of the wourld’ (1481), and Jean Boudin’s ‘Les sex livres de la
republique’ (1576). [14] The Nair men are described as being polite and well-mannered in old
sources,[15] and nearly all historical descriptions describe them as arrogant.[16][15] Sources on Nair
women are scant and were written by men, and these primarily comment on their beauty.[16][15] The
martial society of the Nairs was something that was covered by nearly all visitors, and their
characteristic of always being armed is well described.[17]
The Portuguese arrived in the area from 1498, by which time the Zamorin (King) of Calicut had come
to the fore. Arab traders had firmly established themselves at his port and although trade still went to
the ports of the other two small kingdoms it was in relatively small amounts. Indeed, the kingdom
based at Kolattunad had split into three even smaller kingdoms; and the ruler of Vernad had
conceded considerable powers to local chiefs within his kingdom.[18] By the time of European arrival,
the title Nair was used to refer to all military castes. The Portuguese used the term Nair for all
soldiers, and prior to 1498 the military or retainer Nairs are believed to have been called 'Lokar'.
Gough states that the title Nair existed prior to that time referring to only those families that were
involved in the military.[2][a] The Portuguese had many involvements in South India, including their
support of the Paravars in a trade battle over control of the pearl fisheries of Malabar, but in the Nair
kingdoms their principal interest was to obtain control of the trade in pepper. In this they followed the
Muslim Arabs, whom they eventually marginalised; and they were in turn followed by the Dutch in
1683. The British and French were also active in the region now known as Kerala, the former from
1615 and the latter from 1725. These various European powers combined with one or another of the
Nair rulers, fighting for control.[18] One notable alliance was that of the Portuguese with the Kingdom
of Cochin, with whom they sided in order to work against the power of the Zamorins of Calicut.
Although Calicut remained the most significant of the kingdoms until the 1730s, its power was
eroded and the rulers of Cochin were freed from being vassals of the Zamorins.[19]

Decline of dominance
In 1729, Marthanda Varma became the Raja of Venad and inherited a state facing war and
refractory Nair chiefs. Varma curtailed the power of the Nair chiefs and introduced Tamil Brahmins to
form a core component of his administration. [20] Under Marthanda Varma's reign, the Travancore
Nair Infantry (also known as the Nair Pattalam ) distinguished themselves in battle against the Dutch
at the Battle of Colachel (1741).[21] The Nair army was re-organized in the European style and had
transformed from a feudal-based force into a standing army. Though this army was still made up of
Nairs, this had checked the power of local chiefs and was the first limit on Nair dominance. [20]
There had been Hindu–Muslim clashes during the medieval period, notably when Muslim armies
from Mysore invaded and gained control of northern Kerala in 1766. The Nairs of Kottayam and
Kadathanad led the resistance, and the Nairs managed to defeat all Mysorean garrisons except for
those in Palakkad. [22] Shortly afterwards, Haider Ali died and his son Tipu had become Sultan. The
Nairs of Calicut and South Malabar had recaptured Calicut and defeated an army sent by Tipu to
break the siege. This had caused the Sultan himself to intervene in 1789 during which many Hindus,
especially Nairs, were kept captive or killed by Muslims under Tipu Sultan.[23] [24] Many Nairs had fled
to the protection of Travancore, while others engaged in guerilla warfare. [24] However the Nairs of
Travancore were able to defeat the Muslim forces in 1792 at the Third Anglo-Mysore War. After this,
the East India Company established its pre-eminence throughout the entire Kerala region.[25]

Members of the Travancore Nair Brigade, drawn in 1855. The Nair brigade was the remnant of the Travancore
Nair army after the takeover of the British.[26][27]

The British imposed the next limitation on Nair dominance. After signing the treaty of subsidiary
alliance with Travancore in 1795, British residents were sent to the Travancore administration; the
interference from the British had caused two rebellions in 1804 and 1809, the latter of which was to
have lasting repercussions. Velu Thampi, the Nair dewan of Travancore, led a revolt in 1809 to
remove British influence from the Travancore sarkar[disambiguation needed].[28] After a few months, the rebellion
was defeated and Velu Thampi had committed suicide.[29] Afterwards, the Nairs were disbanded and
disarmed. Up to this time the Nairs had been historically a military community, who along with
the Nambudiri Brahmins owned most of the land in the region; after it, they turned increasingly to
administrative service.[30][31] By this time there were nine small Nair kingdoms and several chiefdoms
which were loosely affiliated to them; the British amalgamated seven of those kingdoms (Calicut,
Kadattunad, Kolattunad, Kottayam, Kurumbranad, Palghat and Walluvanad) to form Malabar District,
while Cochin and Travancore were left as native states under the control of their own rulers but with
advice from the British.[18] Velu Thampi's rebellion had made the British wary of Nair leaders, and the
Travancore sarkar was mainly under control of British residents although the rest of the
administration had been handled for the most part by non-Malayali Brahmins and Nairs. [32]
The Travancore army became the Travancore Nair Brigade in 1818–1819.[27] The Nair unit, 1st
Battalion of HH Rani's Troops, was likewise incorporated into this brigade, but the Brigade served
only in a police capacity until the withdrawal of the East India Company troops in 1836. In 1901, the
unit was relieved of its police duties and placed under a British officer.[26] In 1935, the Travancore
Nair Regiment and the Maharaja's bodyguard were fused and renamed the Travancore State Force,
as part of the Indian State Forces system.[26]
The changes in the economy and the legal system from the late 1800s had ruined many Nair
tharavads. Nair leaders noted the decay of their community and struggled to deal with issues
regarding widespread infighting, disunity, and feuds. This was in contrast with other communities
who were quick to unite for caste interests. [33][34][35] By 1908, the Nairs had not completely lost their
dominance; they still held the most land, and had still held a majority of the government posts
despite competition from low-castes and Christians. The dominance that Nairs historically held from
their ritual status had come under opposition. The land that the Nairs historically had held was
gradually lost, for there was a massive rate of wealth transfer to Christians and avarna
Hindus. [36] [35] Christian missionaries also found interest in the dissolution of the tharavads as they
saw this as an opportunity to convert the Nairs. [37]
In 1914, the Nair Service Society (NSS) was founded by Mannathu Padmanabha Pillai. Growing up
in poverty and witnessing widespread domestic disarray and land alienation amongst the Nairs had
facilitated Padmanabhan to create the NSS. The organization aimed to respond to these issues by
creating educational institutions, welfare programs, and to replace cumbersome customs such as
the matrilineal system.[38] [39]
Subsequent to Indian independence from British rule, the regions of Travancore, Malabar District
and Cochin became the present-day state of Kerala. It is with regard to the Nairs living in the former
areas of Cochin and South Malabar, which are sometimes jointly referred to as Central Kerala, that
there is the most information; that available for North Malabar is the most scant.[4] Two former
Travancore State Army divisions, the 1st Travancore Nayar Infantry and the 2nd Travancore Nayar
Infantry were converted into 9th and 16th Battalions of Madras Regiment respectively after the
independence.[21] The Nayar Army from Cochin was incorporated into the 17th Battalion.[40]

Culture
Arts
Historically most Nairs were literate in Malayalam, and many in Sanskrit.[1][41][42] The explanation for
this literacy was attributed to the general needs of administration, as many Nairs served as scribes
and bailiffs for the royal courts.[1][43] Many Nairs had become prominent philosophers and poets, and
from the 16th century and onwards the Nairs contributed increasingly to literature and drama. Nairs
from the lowest subsections of the community had also partaken in these artistic traditions.[44] By the
19th century, novels written by Nairs had dealt with themes of social change. These themes would
primarily relate to the rise of the nuclear family in replacement of the old matrilineal
system. [45] Novels such as, for example, Indulekha by O.C Menon had themes which dealt with
societal constraints on romantic love, while C.V Raman Pillai's Marthanda Varma had dealt with
themes relating to the Nair military past. [46]
Kathakali is a dance-drama which portrays scenes from Sanskrit epics or stories.[47] The dance
drama was historically performed exclusively by Nairs [48][49] and had always traditionally been
associated with them; Nair rulers and chiefs had patronized the art, the first Ramanattam plays were
written by a Nair from a ruling family, and Kathakali had foundations in Nair military training and
religious customs.[50] The first Kathakali actors were most likely Nair soldiers who performed the
dance-drama part-time, influenced by the techniques of Kalaripayattu. As Kathakali developed as an
art form, the need for specialization and detail grew.[51] Those who had become masters of the art
would pass their traditions on to their families. These families were the source of the next
generations of Kathakali students, and it was often the nephew of the master that would be chosen
as the disciple. [52]
There Comes Papa (1893) by Raja Ravi Varma depicts a Nair woman[53][54] in the traditional mundum
neryathum.[55][56] The painting has also been noted by several critics due its symbolism of the decline of Nair
matrilinity.[57][58][59]

Attire
The historical attire of the Nair men was the mundu, a cloth wrapped around the waist and then left
to hang down nearly to the ground, rather than tucked in as in other parts of India. The low-hanging
fabric was considered as specific to the Nair caste, and at the start of the 20th century it was noted
that in more conservative rural areas a non-Nair could be beaten for daring to wear a cloth hanging
low to the ground. Wealthy Nairs might use silk for this purpose, and they also would cover their
upper body with a piece of laced muslin; the remainder of the community used once to wear a
material manufactured in Eraniyal but by the time of Panikkar's writing were generally using cotton
cloth imported from Lancashire, England, and wore nothing above the waist. Nair men eschewed
turbans or other head coverings, but would carry an umbrella against the sun's rays. They also
eschewed footwear, although some of the wealthy would wear elaborate sandals.[60][61]
The historical dress of the Nair woman was the mundu, as well as a cloth that covered the upper
body. The mundum neryathum, a garment that roughly resembles the sari, had later become the
traditional dress of the Nair women. [55][62]The dress consisted of a cloth tied around the waist as well
as a cloth covering the breast, and worn without a blouse. The mundum neryathum had become the
essence for the set sari, which is considered to be Kerala's specific regional wear. Sonja Thomas
describes how this is an example of how “primacy was given to upper caste cultural norms”. [55] The
Nair women would also wear onera (onnara), a loincloth worn as an undergarment by more
conservative women.[63][64] The undergarment was noted as beautifying and slimming the waist.[65]

Religion and Ritual

The primary deity of the Nairs is Bhagavati, who is the patron goddess of war and
fertility. [66][67] Central to all aspects of Nair life and revered as a kind and ferocious virgin mother,
Bhagavati identifies with both Sanskritic and regional based aspects of worship.[68] The goddess was
worshipped in the temples of the royal Nair matrilineages and also the village Nair
matrilineages. [67] [69] The idol would either be placed in the western side of the house or be placed in
a room with other deities.[68] The kalaris would also have an area for the worship of Kali, the warlike
manifestation of Bhagavati. [66]
Serpent deities known as Nāga were revered by the Nairs, and these deities would be placed in a
grove in the family property. The groves would portray a miniature forest made to resemble Patala,
and could feature various types of idols. [70] Naga worship was significant to the entire tharavad since,
as Gough says, they "... could inflict or avert sickness in general but were especially believed to be
responsible for the fertility or barrenness of tharavad women".[71] Gough speculates that the Nagas
were seen as phallic symbols representing the procreative powers of the ancestors.[71]

17th century wooden idol of Kali from Kerala.[72] Kali is the warlike manifestation of Bhagavati, the patron deity
of the Nairs.[66][67]

Nairs believed in spirits, which on some occasions they attempted to tame by performing various
rituals. According to Panikkar, they believed in spirits such
as Pretam, Bhutam and Pisachu. Pretam is the spirit of prematurely dead people; Bhutam, Panikkar
says, "is seen generally in marshy districts and does not always hurt people unless they go very
near him"; and Pisachu is spirit of bad air causing illnesses. Believing Pretam to be wandering
around the place of death, they warned people to stay away from those areas between 9 am and
3 pm.[73] They also believed in a comic elf called Kutti Chattan who would be prone to
mischief.[74] They believed in evil eye—that compliments from others had negative effect; they also
believed that utterances of a person with kari nakku (black-tongue) had a similarly bad effect. They
also believed koti from a poor man watching someone eating a delicious food will cause stomach-
aches and dysentery.[75]
Birth and Death rituals
The Nair traditionally practised certain rituals relating to births, although often only for those of the
first-born. Of these, pulicudi was the most significant to them. This involved rubbing coconut oil into
the pregnant woman, followed by bathing, formal dressing, consultation with an astrologer regarding
the expected date of birth and a ceremonial drinking of tamarind juice, dripped along the blade of a
sword. The woman would also select a grain, from which it was believed possible to determine the
gender of the child. This ritual was performed in front of the community and contained many
symbolic references; for example, the use of the sword was believed to make the child a warrior.[76]
In the months subsequent to the birth there followed other rituals, including those of purification and
the adornment of the child with a symbolic belt to ward off illness, as well as a name-giving
ceremony at which an astrologer again played a significant role. There were also various dietary
restrictions, both for the woman during pregnancy and for the child in the first few months of its life.[76]
Although birth was considered to be ritually polluting, a death in the family was thought to be much
more so.[76] In the case of the death of the oldest member of the family, whether male or female, the
body would be cremated on a pyre; for all other family members burial was the norm. In either case,
the ceremonies were conducted by the Maran subgroup of the community and they utilised both
elements of superstition and of Hinduism. The occasions involving cremation were more ritualised
than those involving burial.[77]
An elaborate fourteen-day period of mourning followed the cremation, during which the family
performed various symbolic acts around the pyre and were regarded to be highly polluted in ritual
terms, thus necessitating not only that they took regular baths but also that any other Nair who might
touch them must also take a bath. The period was followed by a feast and by participation in sports
events, which also involved Nairs from nearby villages. Subsequently, the family stayed in mourning
while one male member undertook a diksha, during which time he had to maintain a pure life. This
involved him living with a Brahmin, bathing twice daily and desisting from cutting either his hair or his
fingernails, as well as being prevented from speaking with or indeed even seeing women. In some
cases the diksha might last for a year rather than the more usual forty-one days, in which case there
would be considerable celebration at its end.[77]

Diet
Pork was noted as a favourite food of the Nair,[78] and even high-status Nairs were noted as eating
buffalo meat.[79]
The Nair avoided beef, and many did not eat lamb.[80] In the modern day, alcohol is a component of
Nair-dominated festivals in Kerala.[79]

Social and political organisation

Political organization
Prior to the reorganisation of the region by the British, Kerala was divided into around ten feudal
states. Each of these was governed by a rajah (king) and was subdivided into organisational units
known as nads. In turn, the nads were divided into dēsams.[81]
The person who governed the nad was known as the naduvazhi. It was an inherited role, originally
bestowed by a king, and of a lower ritual rank than the royal lineages. Although Nair families, they
generally used the title of Samantan and were treated as vassals. However, some naduvazhi were
feudatory chiefs, former kings whose territory had been taken over by, for example, the Zamorins of
Calicut. In these instances, although they were obeisant to the rajah they held a higher ritual rank
than the Zamorin as a consequence of their longer history of government; they also had more power
than the vassal chiefs. The naduvazhi families each saw themselves as a distinct caste in the same
manner as did the rajahs; they did not recognise other naduvazhi families as being equal to
them.[81] The naduvazhi maintained criminal and civil order and could demand military service from all
Nairs below him. There was usually a permanent force of between 500 and 1000 men available and
these were called upon by the rajah when required.[82] All fighting was usually suspended during the
monsoon period of May to September, when movement around the country was almost impossible.
Roads did not exist, nor wheeled vehicles or pack animals, until after 1766.[12]
The desavazhi had the right to operate kalaris, which were military training schools that all young
Nair men from the age of 12 were expected to attend. They ceased attending at the age of 18 but
were expected to be available for military duty at a day's notice. The function of these schools
became less significant practically following the introduction of the Arms Act by the British, which
limited the right of Nairs to carry arms; however, they continued to exist and provided some training
to those Nair men who did not attend English schools. This training became evident at village
festivals, during which a martial review would take place.[82]
According to Gough, the villages were generally between one and four square miles in area and
their lands were usually owned by one landlord family, who claimed a higher ritual rank than its other
inhabitants. The landlord was also usually the desavazhi (headman) and in all cases their families
were known as jenmis. These landlords were from the lineages of the royal families or feudatory
chiefs; or were patrilineal Nambudiri families or the estates of temples operated by groups of those
families. They were also from the lineages of the matrilineal vassal Samantan chiefs and, finally, the
lowest jenmis in terms of ritual ranking were Nairs who had inherited from matrilineal ancestors to
whom land and the concomitant headmanship had been granted by a king. In all cases, the
landholdings could not be sold without royal permission.[81]
The villages were historically mostly self-sufficient, with craft trades such as pottery and metalwork
present in each of them. This meant that there was little need for close central control by the higher
levels in the organisational hierarchy, and it also meant that trade between villages was minimal.
Such traders as did exist were mostly concentrated in the port towns and consisted of immigrant
Syrians, Muslims, Christians and Jews, with Hindu traders later arriving from other parts of India, as
well as the Europeans.[12] The Nairs were the sole members of the village organisations, which
existed for such purposes as managing the affairs of the temples and, at one time, organising
military training and deployment. A Nair family was considered to be part of the village organisation
even if they had moved away from it. There were other castes in these villages, and other religious
groups also, but they were excluded from the organisations. This arrangement was different from
that found elsewhere in India, and another difference was that each house, whether for Nairs or
otherwise, was usually in its own compound. There was no communal land, as existed elsewhere,
and no communal plan for the village layout.[82]
Nairs were not permitted to perform rites in the temples of the sanketams, the villages where the
land was owned by a group of Nambudiri families, although they might have access to the outer
courtyard area. Sometimes there were no Nairs at all in these villages. In villages where temples
existed which were privately owned by a single Nambudiri family, there would be another temple,
dedicated to Bhagavadi, that was used by the Nairs. It was in villages where the Nairs included the
headman that there might be just a single temple, run by their village organisation.[83]

Social organization
By the late 19th-century, the caste system of Kerala had evolved to be the most complex to be found
anywhere in India. There were over 500 groups represented in an elaborate structure of
relationships and the concept of ritual pollution extended not merely to untouchability but even
further, to unapproachability. The system was gradually reformed to some degree, with one of those
reformers, Swami Vivekananda, having observed that it represented a "mad house" of castes. The
usual four-tier Hindu caste system, involving
the varnas of Brahmin (priest), Kshatriya (warrior), Vaishya (business person, involved in trading,
entrepreneurship and finance) and Shudra (service person), did not exist. Kshatriyas were rare and
the Vaishyas were not present at all. The roles left empty by the absence of these two ritual ranks
were taken to some extent by a few Nairs and by non-Hindu immigrants, respectively.[84]
The Nambudiri Brahmins were at the top of the ritual caste hierarchy and in that system outranked
even the kings.[85] They regarded all Nairs as shudra. Below the Nambudiris came the Tamil
Brahmins and other later immigrants of the Brahmin varna. Beyond this, the precise ranking is
subject to some difference in opinion. Kodoth has placed the Samantan caste below the Kshatriya
rank but above the Nairs, but Gough considers that the Pushpagans and Chakyars, both of which
were the highest ranked in the group of temple servants known as Ambalavasis, were ranked
between the Brahmins and the Nairs, as were several other members of the Ambalavasi
group.[86] She also believes that some Nairs adopted the title of Samantan in order to emphasise their
superiority over others in their caste.[81] The unwillingness of the higher varnas to engage in what
they considered to be the polluting activities of industrial and commercial activity has been cited as a
reason for the region's relatively limited economic development.[84][87][88]
Keralite traditions included that certain communities were not allowed within a given distance of
other castes on the grounds that they would "pollute" the relatively higher-ranked group. For
example, Dalits were prohibited within 64 feet.[89] Likewise, a Nair could approach but not touch a
Nambudiri.[90]
Subgroups
The Nairs identify themselves as being in many subgroups and there has been debate regarding
whether these groups should be considered as subcastes or a mixture both of those and of
subdivisions. There have been several attempts to identify these various groups; most of these were
prior to the end of British governance in India but Kathleen Gough also studied the issue in 1961.
These analyses bear similarities to the Jatinirnayam, a Malayam work that enumerated 18 main
subgroups according to occupation, including drummers, traders, coppersmiths, palanquin bearers,
servants, potters and barbers, as well as ranks such as the Kiriyam and Illam. Although
the Jatinirnayam did not itself distinguish any particular subgroups as ranking higher, subsequent
attempts at classification did do so, claiming the various occupations to be traditional ones and
stating that only the higher ranked groups were soldiers. Anthropologists, ethnologists and other
authors believe that the last name of a Nair was a title which denoted the subgroup (vibhagam) to
which that person belonged and indicated the occupation the person pursued or was bestowed on
them by a chief or king. These names included Nair itself, Kurup, Menon, and Pillai.[91]

showNair subdivisions in descending order of rank according to standard descriptions,

compiled by C J Fuller in 1975[92]

A re-evaluation of the broad system of classification took place from the late 1950s. Fuller, writing in
1975, claims that the approach to classification by use of titular names was a misconception. People
could and did award themselves the titles; and on those occasions when a title was in fact bestowed,
it nonetheless did not signify their subgroup. He argues that the broad outline of the subdivisions
"... embodies, so to speak, a caste system within a caste system. Except for high-ranking priests, the
Nayar subdivisions mirror all the main caste categories: high-status aristocrats, military and landed;
artisans and servants; and untouchables. But ... this structure is ideal rather than real."[91]

M. N. Srinivas observed in 1957 that, "Varna has been the model to which observed facts have been
fitted, and this is true not only of educated Indians, but also of sociologists to some extent." Instead
of analysing the structure of the subgroups independently, commentators had explained them
inappropriately by using an existing but alien social structure. From this unsuitable methodology had
come the notion that the groups were subcastes rather than subdivisions.[93] He also argued, in 1966,
that "Some Nayars "ripened" into Samantans and Kshatriyas. The royal lineages of Calicut,
Walluvanad, Palghat and Cochin, for instance, although of Nayar origin, considered themselves
superior in ritual rank to their Nayar subjects." That is to say, they assumed a position above the
status that they were perceived as being by others.[94]
The hypothesis, proposed by writers such as Fuller and Louis Dumont, that most of the subgroups
were not subcastes arises in large part because of the number of ways in which Nairs classified
themselves, which far exceeded the 18 or so groups which had previously been broadly accepted.
Dumont took the extreme view that the Nairs as a whole could not be defined as a caste in the
traditional sense, but Fuller believed this to be unreasonable as, "since the Nayars live in a caste
society, they must evidently fit into the caste system at some level or another." The 1891 Census of
India listed a total of 128 Nair subgroups in the Malabar region and 55 in the Cochin region, as well
as a further 10 in the Madras area but outside Malabar. There were 44 listed in Travancore in the
census of 1901. These designations were, however, somewhat fluid: the numbers tended to rise and
fall, dependent upon which source and which research was employed; it is likely also that the figures
were skewed by Nairs claiming a higher status than they actually had, which was a common practice
throughout India. Data from the late 19th-century and early 20th-century censuses indicates that ten
of these numerous subdivisions accounted for around 90% of all Nairs, that the five[g] highest ranking
of these accounted for the majority, and that some of the subdivisions claimed as little as one
member. The writer of the official report of the 1891 census, H A Stuart, acknowledged that some of
the recorded subdivisions were in fact merely families and not subcastes,[96] and Fuller has
speculated that the single-member subdivisions were "Nayars satisfying their vanity, I suppose,
through the medium of the census."[97]
The revisionist argument, whose supporters also include Joan Mencher, proposes a mixed system.
The larger divisions were indeed subcastes, as they demonstrated a stability of status, longevity and
geographic spread; however, the smaller divisions were fluid, often relatively short-lived and narrow
in geographic placement. These divisions, such as the Veluttetan, Chakkala and Vilakkittalavan,
would take titles such as Nair or Nayar in order to boost their social status, as was also the practice
with other castes elsewhere, although they were often not recognised as caste members by the
higher ranks and other Nairs would not marry with them. It has also been postulated that
some exogamous families came together to form small divisions as a consequence of shared work
experiences with, for example, a local Nambudiri or Nair chief. These groups then became
an endogamous subdivision, in a similar manner to developments of subdivisions in other castes
elsewhere.[98] The more subdivisions that were created, the more opportunity there was for social
mobility within the Nair community as a whole.[99]
Even the highest ranked of the Nairs, being the kings and chiefs, were no more than "supereminent"
subdivisions of the caste, rather than the Kshatriyas and Samantans that they claimed to be. Their
claims illustrated that the desires and aspirations of self-promotion applied even at the very top of
the community and this extended as far as each family refusing to admit that they had any peers in
rank, although they would acknowledge those above and below them. The membership of these two
subgroups was statistically insignificant, being a small fraction of 1 per cent of the regional
population, but the example of aspirational behaviour which they set filtered through to the significant
ranks below them. These subdivisions might adopt a new name or remove themselves from any
association with a ritually demeaning occupation in order to assist their aspirations. Most
significantly, they adopted hypergamy and would utilise the rituals of thalikettu
kalyanam and sambandham, which constituted their traditional version of a marriage ceremony, in
order to advance themselves by association with higher-ranked participants and also to disassociate
themselves from their existing rank and those below.[100]
Attempts to achieve caste cohesion
The Nair Service Society (NSS) was founded in 1914. Nossiter has described its purpose at
foundation as being "... to liberate the community from superstition, taboo and otiose custom, to
establish a network of educational and welfare institutions, and to defend and advance Nair interests
in the political arena."[38] Devika and Varghese believe the year of formation to be 1913 and argue
that the perceived denial of 'the natural right' of upper castes to hold elected chairs in Travancore, a
Hindu state, had pressured the founding of the NSS.[101]
As late as 1975, the NSS still had most of its support in the Central Travancore region,[102] although it
also has numerous satellite groups around the world.
From its early years, when it was contending that the Nairs needed to join together if they were to
become a political force, it argued that the caste members should cease referring to their traditional
subdivisions and instead see themselves as a whole. Census information thereafter appears to have
become unreliable on the matter of the subdivisions, in part at least because of the NSS campaign
to ensure that respondents did not provide the information requested of them. The NSS also
promoted marriage across the various divisions in a further attempt to promote caste cohesion,
although in this instance it met with only limited success. Indeed, even in the 1970s it was likely that
cross-subdivision marriage was rare generally, and this was certainly the case in the Central
Travancore area.[102]
It has been concluded by Fuller, in 1975, that
... the question of what the Nayar caste is (or was): it is a large, named social group (or, perhaps
preferably, category) with a stable status, vis-a-vis other castes in Kerala. It is not, however, a
solidary group, and, the efforts of the N.S.S. notwithstanding, it is never likely to become one.[3]

The influence of the NSS, both within the community and in the wider political sphere, is no longer
as significant as once it was. It did attempt to reassert its influence in 1973, when it established its
own political party—the National Democratic Party—but this lasted only until 1977.[103]
Present day
Today, the government of India does not treat the Nair community as a single entity. It classifies
some, such as the Illathu and Swaroopathu Nairs, as a forward caste but other sections, such as the
Veluthedathu, Vilakkithala and Andhra Nairs, as Other Backward Classes.[104] These classifications
are for the purpose of determining which groups of people in certain areas are subject to positive
discrimination policies for the purposes of education and employment.

Historical matrilineal system

Tharavad

A typical tharavad reproduced from Panikkar's article published in 1918. Capital and small letters represent
females and males respectively. Supposing that the females A, B and C were dead and the oldest male
member karnavan being d, if the male members t, k and others demanded partition, the property would be
divided into three parts.

Nairs operated a matrilineal (marumakkathayam) joint family structure called tharavad, whereby
descendant families of one common ancestress lived under a single roof. Tharavads consisting of 50
to 80 members were not uncommon and some with membership as high as 200 have been reported.
Only the women lived in the main house; men lived in separate rooms[clarification needed] and, on some
occasions, lived in a separate house nearby. The families split on instances when they became
unwieldy and during crisis among its members. When it split, the family property was separated
along the female lines. The karnavan, the oldest male member in the tharavad, had the decision-
making authority including the power to manage common property. Panikkar, a well-known writer
from the Nair community, wrote in 1918 that,
Authority in the family is wielded by the eldest member, who is called karnavan. He has full control of
the common property, and manages the income very much as he pleases. He arranges marriages
(sambandhams) for the boys as well as the girls of the family. He had till lately full power (at least in
practice) of alienating anything that belonged to them. His will was undisputed law. This is, perhaps,
what is intended to be conveyed by the term Matri-potestas in communities of female descent. But it
should be remembered that among the Nayars the autocrat of the family is not the mother, but the
mother's brother.[105]

The husband visited the tharavad at night and left the following morning and he had no legal
obligation to his children which lay entirely with the karnavan.[106] In Nair families, young men and
women about the same age were not allowed to talk to each other, unless the young man's sister
was considerably older than him. The wife of karnavan had an unusual relationship in
his tharavad as she belonged to a different one and her interests lay there. Panikkar wrote
that Karnavan loved his sister's son more than his own and he believes it was due mainly to the
instability of Nair marriages. Divorce rate was very high as both man and woman had equal right to
terminate the marriage. Enangar was another family with which a tharavad remained closely related;
a few such related families formed a social group whose members participated in all social
activities.[105] Nakane wrote in 1956 that tharavads as a functional unit had ceased to exist and large
buildings that had once hosted large tharavads were occupied by just a few of its remnants.[106]

Marriage system
Fuller has commented that "The Nayars' marriage system has made them one of the most famous of
all communities in anthropological circles",[107] and Amitav Ghosh says that, although matrilineal
systems are not uncommon in communities of the south Indian coast, the Nairs "have achieved an
unparalleled eminence in the anthropological literature on matrilineality".[108] None of the rituals
survive in any significant way today. Two forms of ritual marriage were traditional:[109]

 the pre-puberty rite for girls known as thalikettu kalyanam, which was usually followed
by sambandham when they became sexually mature. The sambandham was the point at which
the woman might take one or more partners and bear children by them, giving rise to the
theories of them engaging in polyandrous practices. A ritual called the tirandukuli marked the
first menstruation and usually took place between these two events.[110]
 a form of hypergamy,[h] whereby high-ranked Nairs married Samantans, Kshatriyas and
Brahmins.
There is much debate about whether the traditional Nair rituals fitted the traditional definition of
marriage and which of thalikettu kalyanam or sambandham could lay claim to it.[112][113] Thomas
Nossiter has commented that the system "was so loosely arranged as to raise doubts as to whether
'marriage' existed at all."[114]
Thalikettu kalyanam
The thali is an emblem shaped like a leaf and which is worn as a necklace. The wearing of it has
been compared to a wedding ring as for most women in south India it denotes that they are married.
The thalikettu kalyanam was the ritual during which the thali would be tied on a piece of string
around the neck of a Nair girl. If the girl should reach puberty before the ceremony took place then
she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is probable that this stricture was not in fact
observed.[115]
The ritual was usually conducted approximately every 10–12 years for all girls, including infants,
within a tharavad who had not previously been the subject of it. Higher-ranked groups within the
caste, however, would perform the ritual more frequently than this and in consequence the age
range at which it occurred was narrower, being roughly between age 10 and 13. This increased
frequency would reduce the likelihood of girls from two generations being involved in the same
ceremony, which was forbidden. The karnavan organised the elaborate ritual after taking advice
from prominent villagers and also from a traditional astrologer, known as a Kaniyan. A pandal was
constructed for the ceremony and the girls wore ornaments specifically used only on those
occasions, as well as taking a ritual bath in oil. The ornaments were often loaned as only a few
villagers would possess them. The person who tied the thali would be transported on an elephant.
The higher the rank of that person then the greater the prestige reflected on to the tharavad, and
also vice versa[116] since some people probably would refuse to act as tier in order to disassociate
themselves from a group and thereby bolster their claims to be members of a higher group. Although
information is far from complete, those who tied the thali for girls of the aristocratic Nair families
of Cochin in Central Kerala appear to have been usually Samantans, who were of higher rank, or
occasionally the Kshatriyas, who were still higher. The Nambudiri Brahmins of Central Kerala acted
in that role for the royal house of Cochin (who were Kshatriyas), but whether they did so for other
Kshatriyas is less certain. The Kshatriyas would tie for the Samantans.[117] Having the thali of each
girl tied by a different man was more prestigious than having one tier perform the rite for several
girls.[118] The thali tying was followed by four days of feasting, and on the fourth day the marriage was
dissolved.[119]
The girl often never saw the man who tied the thali again and later married a different man during
the sambandham. However, although she neither mourned the death of her sambandham husband
nor became a widow, she did observe certain mourning rituals upon the death of the man who had
tied her thali. Panikkar argues that this proves that the real, religious marriage is the thalikettu
kalyanam, although he also calls it a "mock marriage". He believes that it may have come into
existence to serve as a religious demarcation point. Sexual morality was lax, especially outside the
higher ranks, and both relationship break-ups and realignments were common; the thali
kalyanam legitimised the marital status of the woman in the eyes of her faith prior to her becoming
involved in the amoral activities that were common practice.[120]

Three Nayar Girls of Travancore (1872) by Ramaswami Naidu. Nair children in tharavads typically played with
each other, ran small errands and tasks, and would likely later undergo the thali tying ceremony together.[121]

It has been noted that there were variations to the practice. Examples include that the person who
tied the thali might be a close female relative, such as the girl's mother or aunt, and that the
ceremony conducted by such people might take place outside a temple or as a small ceremony at
the side of a more lavish thalikettu kalyanam rather than in the tharavadu. These variations were
probably exceptional and would have applied to the poorest families.[122] Fuller has also remarked
that if each girl had her own thali tier, rather than one being used to perform the ritual for several
girls at the same ceremony, then this presented the possibility of a subsequent divergence of status
with the matrilineal line of the tharavadu, leading to more subdivisions and a greater chance that one
or more of the girls might advance their status later in life.[123]
Sambandham
Main article: Sambandham
Panikkar says that for Nairs the real marriage, as opposed to a symbolic one, was sambandham, a
word that comes from Sanskrit and translates as "good and close union". The Nair woman
had sambandham relationships with Brahmins and Kshatriyas, as well as other Nairs. He is of the
opinion that the system existed principally to f