® The Putto and Garland in Asia CAROL A Gandharan relief in Missouri featuring putti who casually shoulder the weight of a heavy, un- dulating garland provides a welcome opportunity to examine the way in which a basically Mediter- ranean decorative device moved across the Asian continent and was translated in the process into the Buddhist idiom. Traveling east with the Hel- lenistic successors of Alexander or via trade and cultural exchanges with the Indian frontier in the Roman period, the putto and garland enjoyed Fig. 1. Fragment ofa friezeshowing putt supporting a garland, Schist. Gandhara, probably from Nath, ¢. 2d c. a.b. Univer sity of Missouri-Columbia Museum of Art and Archacology, Bilt of Dr. Samuel S.Eslenserg, 77-343, Photo: Courtesy of the University of Missouri-Columbia Museum of Are and Archae ology ALTMAN BROMBERG a singular success in Gandhara as decoration of Buddhist shrines. While the theme speaks of the Greco-Roman world, its accent in Gandharan versions is Indian, the putti portrayed with fleshy features, at times dressed in loincloths and sporting thick collars at the neck and bracelets at the wrists and ankles. In the hollows of the ropy garlands of leaves and flowers laden with fruit are busts of worshippers, human and divine, who make gestures of adora- tion or offer up music, food, and drink The deeply carved relief in the University of ‘Missouri-Columbia Museum of Art and Archae- ology, pethaps from the base or dram of a stupa, displays nude garland carriers standing in frontal relaxed poses, their heads turned in three-quarter view (fig. 1]! Despite the hardness of his material,BROMBERG: Fig, 2. Hellenistic ceramic brazier excavated at Delos, 24 early Iste-1.¢. Archaeological Museum, Delos. After Bruneau and Ducat, Guide de Délos, pl. 18-2. the Gandharan sculptor models his figures with soft forms, attaining a rhythmical flow of body and limbs that is echoed in the sinuous looping of the garland. This indulgence in the sensuous, a hallmark of Indian art, informs the theme of the carving that speaks of abundance, the full ripe- ness of nature, that which is personified in the sensuality of the yakshas. But these Oriental trappings do not hide the Western contributions. The pose of a garland bearer—weight on one leg, the other thrown out to the side—harks back to the Polykleitan stance: the swing of che lower torso in one direction counterbalanced by the strongly modeled oppo- site shoulder, and the head and arms thrust once again in the direction of the projecting hip to com- plete the movement. The garland, worked in a pattern of overlapping scales, recalls the leaf fes 68. ‘The Putto and Garland Fig. 3. Fragment of glazed ceramic eup with applied decors tion, Pergamon. Late 2d e-early Iste. u.c. After Scher, Hel Tenistische Keramik aus Pergamon, p37, E95. toons of earlier Greek wreathing. Suspended from the loops by narrow bands ar: large, round pome- granate-like fruit with birds pecking on either side, Winged male busts, again in three-quarter view, that are framed by the garland clasp their hands in the attitude of devotion, The sense of a processional, an endless gift of piety, is obtained by the common turning of the figures in the di rection of the benevolent hero to whom the me- morial stupas are dedicated. While the stone frag- ment does not show the object of veneration, the sculptor has made his invisible presence a reality. ‘Above the garland, in the remains of a second register of the frieze, the arm and hand of an ador- ant appear in an arch ending in the volute curls so common in Indian wooden architectural decora- tion and imitated in stone in the chaitya halls. At the right is a voluted arch in which there now re mains only a bouquet of flowers held in the hand of an offering bearer. ‘The origin of the garland and putto motif which became so commonplace a part of the Buddhist decorative vocabulary is without doubt Western;BROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig, 4. Detail of Mausoleum of the Juli frieze. Limestone. Saint Remy de Provence, late Ist c.s.. After R. Bianchi Ban’ dinell, Rome: Le centre du pouvoir (Pais, 1969) ill. no. 27. it first appeared in Hellenistic art and remained current when the Romans became masters of the Mediterranean world. The ease with which the device could be transported is beyond question. For example, a late second century-early first cen- tury B.C. ceramic brazier decorated with standing males and garlands (fig. 2} comes from Delos, “happily situated for those who are sailing from Italy and Greece to Asia” and bustling with bank- ers and merchants from Italy, Asia Minor, Alex- andria, and Syria, along with Gerrhaeans from the Persian Gulf, Minaeans from Southern Arabia, and Nabataeans from Petra? A very different ver- sion of the motif appears on a red-glazed ceramic vase found at Delos that carries applied decoration of elaborate grape and fruit garlands supported, not by the immobile atlantes of the brazier, but by chubby little winged crotes who briskly step along as they shoulder the broad ribbons that tie the garlands together.* So similar is the decorative scheme to that of a number of ceramic fragments from Pergamon (fig. 3) that one can only assume that either the Delian vase was imported from Pergamon, or the potter used a mold of the applied omament that followed a Pergamon original.* Fashioned in stucco relief on an architrave of the Greek Palace IV, the putto and garland was con- tinued by Pergamene sculptors into the Roman period’ Thus, cherubs with a garland prance around an anta capital from the Exedra of Diodo- rus (second century a.p.) in a late reprise of the o cherubs with garlands on Hellenistic ceramic ves- sels and, as funerary decor, appear on a sarcopha- gus carrying leafy garlands from which hang great clusters of grapes.* The motif enjoyed similar popularity in Europe, as on the Temple of Fortuna Virilis (late second or first century 8.c.), in Rome, with the addition of elaborate candelabra and bucrania to the curly- headed putti.” An interesting example appears on the Gallo-Roman Mausoleum of the Julii (35-25 8.c|) at Glanum (Saint-Rémy de Provence}, a Hel- lenistic entrepét for Marseilles (fig 4. Its sarcoph- agus-like square podium has erotes carrying a heavy, schematically articulated, continuous gar land, reminiscent of that on the Delos brazier, a type which we shall meet again in Gandharan ver- sions of the garland carried by erotes.® A few more examples will illustrate some of the common var- iations on the theme. The Arch of the Sergii at Pola {Istrial, also dated late first century 8.©., dis- plays a luxurious garland looped around bucrania and fleshy, high-stepping putti; in the hollows of the garland are rosettes.’ On a fragment from the second-century a.p. Temple of Venus Genetrix in Rome, a little nude is shown with an elaborate, beribboned fruit and leaf garland," Either putti or birds support garlands on a relief from the Tomb of the Haterii (4.0. 110-120), where there is also a figure reclining on a banquet couch on the fa- cade of a tomb-like edifice."! On the “roof,” or lid, ofa sarcophagus in the shape of a herodn (Velletri, A.D. 140-150), a continuous scale garland is held on the shoulders of nude males.!? Less elegant but no less earnest, a provincial fu- nerary stele from Roman Dacia (Alba Julia; sec- ond century 4.p.] features two winged putti who support a crude garland above a portrait of the de- ceased and his family (fig. 5|. Perched in the gar- land loop is a bedraggled bird, with four rosettes filling the background areas. A second Dacian fu- nerary stele, from Casei, has a potpourri of Greco- Roman funerary motifs: a man and woman are shown in a banquet scene in front of figures who hold up curtains signifying death, in the regis- ter above, putti carry a beaded garland on which sit two birds apparently pecking at a bunch of grapes.!* The more traditional funerary banquet on a Roman sarcophagus in the Latern Museum shows servants bringing food, a female musician playing the lute, and putti with garlands that, like the music, signify immortality.BROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig 5, Roman provincial funerary stele. Limestone. Alba Julia, Dacia, 24 ¢. A.D. Regional Historical Museum, Alba Julia. Alter Bianchi Bardinelli, Rome: The Late Empire (New York, 1971} ill no. 114 The putto and garland became immensely pop- ular as a sarcophagus motif, chosen by patrons from Rome and Asia Minor to Alexandria and the trading centers of the Near East."* Here, the putti might stand for the souls of the departed in a gen: eralized funerary symbolism that included the birds and grapes, masks, and other paraphenalia of the Dionysian paradise (fig. 6). An example in Naples shows dimpled cherubs jauntily holding garlands of fruit tied with ribbons, in a garland loop are Bacchic cherubs, a satyr, and a Pan.!” On other sarcophagi, busts, masks, or rosettes fill the hollows of the luxuriant garlands. The grapes and other fruit of the garland may be interpreted as offerings to the dead, signifying the abundance of life in the next world." Following the mercantile routes that carried goods between the Mediterranean world and the 70 East, the putto and garland traveled through Asia. Several fragments of a relief from Petra show erotes who hold sections of a garland of long, spiky leaves, pine cones, and pomegranates." Pe tra, by the end of the Hellenistic period a thriving commercial city from which Arabian gems, in- cense, and myrrh were transshipped to Egypt and Syria,®® was home to “many Romans and many other foreigners” when Strabo described the city (16.4.21), in various periocs, Nabataean traders crossed the Mediterranean to Delos, Rhodes, Mi- letus, and Puteoli.”! The putto and garland motif is also seen at Pal- myra, whose aggressive traders had brought in enough profits to this Syrian desert oasis before the mid-first century A.D. to put up the great ‘Temple of Bel, where an elaborate frieze of winged putti and garlands decorates the peristyle (fig, 7)? There is abundant evidence of Palmyra as a mer- cantile center Statues there honored influen- tial merchants such as Marcus Ulpius lathai, to whom ten were raised in the agora alone. Some recognize him as a leader of caravans to Spasinou Charax, at the head of the Persian Gulf, and one was dedicated by the Palmyrene merchants trans- porting goods between Charax and the coast of In- dia “who sailed from Scythia in the boat of Hon- aino son of Haddudan, because he helped them in every way in the month of [March a.p. 157]:"2* Inscriptions also document colonies of merchants as far from home as Rome, where Palmyrenes had their own sanctuary on the outskirts, or at Cop- tos, where they were described as the Red Sea shippers of Adriana Palmyra. Palmyrene traders who made the trek down the Euphrates to the Persian Gulf could take a route that ran east to Dura-Europos, in turn a Hellen- istic colony, Parthian fortress, and Roman garri- son before it was destroyed by the Sasanians in the ‘mid-third century. Here, too, the putto and gar- land was in vogue: a round stucco altar was dec- orated with a relief band of three crudely modeled nudes who kneel, Atlas-like, to hold above their shoulders a ropy garland tiec with ribbons; in the hollows of the garland are rasettes.®* How did the garland and putto motif reach Gandhara? While information on trade is sparse, the Palmyrene inscription dedicated to Marcus Iarhai by merchants who sailed between Charax and Scythia (Sind), mentioned above, is evidence of sea trade to India via the Persian Gulf, while a longer sea route began at Egypt. Certainly goodsBROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig. 6 Roman sarcophagus. Marble. Ist half of 3d c. a. The ‘Metropolitan Museum of Ar, gift of Abdo Debbas, 1870, 70.1 Photo: Courtesy of The Metropolitan Museum of Art traveled by land as well. For example, Dura is mentioned as one of the stopping places for Par- thian merchants, intermediaries in the trade be- tween Rome and the East, by Isidore of Charax. His Parthian Stations outlines an itinerary that led from Antioch” down the Euphrates, cast to Ecbatana, through the Caspian Gates to Hecatom- pylos, then on to Merv, ending in Arachosia [An- dropolis, mod. Qandahar, southwest of the Gand hara areal, largely following an old route that had linked the Grecks in India with Seleucia-on-the Tigris* From Arachosia, local carriers might head northeast to join up with a branch of the Silk Road that ran between Bactria and Gandhara. If an overland trader chose to follow a more direct course east from Merv to Bactria, he could take this branch road south to Gandhara via Kapisa and ‘Nagahara (Hadda).° There is little documentation for the goods ex changed between Rome and India. The most de tailed source is a merchant's handbook that de- scribes the sea route to India that began at Egypt n and included stops at Apologos, the harbor on the Persian Gulf used by merchants at Charax, and Barbarikon, situated at one of the mouths of the Indus, listing the goods dropped off and picked up at the various ports.*° About the thin clothing, fig- ured linens, topaz, coral, storax, frankincense, wine, and vessels of glass, silver, and gold plate imported into Barbarikon and the area known as Scythia, held by the Kushans, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea is particularly informative, adding that from Barbarikon these goods were “carried up to the metropolis by the river, to the King” (38). This would be the Gandhara region. Egyptian shippers also landed at Barygaza [Broach], again on the northwest coast of India, which imported bright-colored girdles a cubit wide, flint glass, gold and silver coin, and for the king “very costly vessels of silver, singing boys, beautiful maidens for the harem, fine wines, thin clothing of the finest weaves, and the choicest ointments” (49) From Barygaza, an overland route ran via Mathura to Taxila, in Gandhara; the Chinese silk men- tioned in the Periplus that was “brought on foot through Bactria to Barygaza” (64| must have trav- eled this path. But if the garland and putto came east withBROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig. 7. Detail of putts and garland frieze. Peristyle, Temple of Bel, Palmyra, a0. 32. After Seyrig, Amy, and Will, Le temple de Bela Paleyze, pt 1, pl. 14-2 trade from the Roman world, the Greek tradition already established in Bactria can also account for the spread of the motif in the Kushan period. With their conquest of Bactria,*! the Kushans, a no- madic people pushed out of Western Kansu, ap- parently with a scant artistic repertoire, inherited an area that had been permeated with Greek cul ture since the time of Alexander.* Among the finds at Ai Khanum are sculptures made from molds that reproduced Hellenistic silver originals, for example a plaster medallion representing a winged Gorgoneion.** One of the Greek designs at Takht-i Sangin, on the Oxus, is a very Western- looking Heracles shown vanquishing Silenus as decoration of a fourth-century 3.c. ivory sword hilt; another, on a third-century sheath, is a por trait of Alexander wearing a lion skin headdress.* The spectacular gold treasure of Tillya-tepe, in northern Afghanistan, documents the persistence of Greek influence in Bactria after the nomad con- quest. A first century n.c.—first century a.p. Ku shan necropolis yielded a mass of burial goods, many in Greco-Bactrian style: representations of Greek deities such as Aphrodite and Eros; Athena n or Nike on a signet ring, a pendant, and a plaque; or winged cupids riding fish-like dolphins. We can assume that when the Kushans moved down into Gandhara in the first century a.p., they brought along the putto and garland motif, which appears as part of the decorative scheme at two Kushan settlements in Bactria: Khalchayan, north of Termez, and Surkh Kotal, situated to the south of the Oxus on a route connecting Bactria with the Gandharan region. The little palace at Khal chayan, crowned by classical palmette and acan thus leaf antefixes and Oriental four-stepped merlons with arrow slots, was filled with Hellen istic-style painting and sculpture. Reliefs of the iwan and reception room that show the ruling family and courtiers include a female protective figure that resembles Athena, a goddess in a char- jot, and a sphinx; in the reception room a line of boys and girls and grotesques are shown as garland bearers who turn to face one another, the hollows of the garland filled with male and female busts of harpists, lute players, a winged goddess, a satyr, and perhaps a representation of Heracles. Some of the boy garland carriers are nude and others dressed in knee-length tun:cs; one group sports headgear with lappets and a ‘loppy peak, the same cap worn by youths who shoulder a thick, undu-BROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig 8 Fragment of putti and garland frieze, Sutkh Kota, 2d ‘Ab. After Schlumberger, “The Excavations at Surkh Kotal and the Problem of Hellenism in Bacteia and Indi,” pl, XVI lating garland in a more distant, eastern, exten- sion of the garland and putto motif painted on the walls of the Buddhist shrine at Miran, in Chinese Turkestan.*” From the second-century sanctuary at Surkh Kotal founded by Kanishka, also ora: mented with a mix of the Asiatic battlement and Greek architectural details, are more garland and putto fragments, perhaps originally decorating the cella. On one frieze block, a jaunty young male wearing only a collar holds a club in his right hand as he shoulders an undulating garland. In the hol- lows of the garland are busts of winged musicians who play what appear to be a syrinx and a tam- borine (fig. 8). Another fragment shows a garland carried on the shoulders of a figure in a belted, short-sleeved tunic and pantaloons, and also a nude male who places his hand on an oval drum suspended from his shoulder by a strap. At the left side of the fragment, the garland, like the one in the frieze described above, is held by a ribbon fixed to a small hook."* Further along the route leading to Gandhara and strategically located at a major crossroads of roads connecting East and West is the old Kushan capital of Kapisa (Begram|, famous for its cache of goods that may well have been the stock of a Ku- shan merchant who acted as middleman in trade between China, India, and Rome. Sealed up in several storerooms discovered by Hackin during his 1936-1940 excavations were Indian ivories, 3 Chinese lacquerwork, and the Roman bronzes and glassware that would have come up from the ports on the northwest coast of India named by the Periplus,” as well as a large number of Hel lenistic-style plaster casts obviously used by Ku shan craftsmen to reproduce Western patterns just as casts had been used centuries earlier at Ai Kha num. The puto and garland theme appears about four kilometers to the north of Begram at the small monastic complex of Shotorak, de- scribed by Hsuan-tsang as the summer residence of the Chinese hostages taken by Kanishka in his campaigns east of the Pamirs.*! On a face of one of the stupas, below a scene of a parinirvana, there is a frieze of chunky young fellows carrying a long garland,*? A garland carrier at the center stands with legs crossed at the knees like the cen tral figure on a Surkh Kotal frieze; other garland carriers turn to the right or left, as do the busts in the hollows of the garland. Hanging from each garland loop are three or four fruits. On another fragment, a nude sits in a pensive pose, his legs crossed and resting one elbow on a knee with his hand seemingly raised to his check, above a “braided” garland decorated with pendant fruit.** Only the torso of one standing garland carrier re mains, a male in Kushan dress who wears a knee length tunic and long-sleeved coat, draped trou sers, and soft boots. Undoubtedly the source of these Kushan ver- sions of the puto and garland is Greco-Roman, but less clear is the question of whether the motif brings along Western ideas. The birds pecking at fruit used on the Missouri relief described aboveBROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig. 9. Fragment of putti and garland frieze. Phyllite. Kunala Monastery, Tila. National Museum of Pakistan, 568, After Inghol, Gandhatan Art in Pakistan, no. 380. illustrate the difficulty of attributing a specific meaning to a device so widespread. Do birds and fruit have the Dionysiac significance they can carry on Roman sarcophagi, or simply connote fe- cundity? Palmyrene tomb painting and sculpture, ceiling tiles {rom the Dura-Europos synagogue, Coptic reliefs, Christian churches, all are deco- rated with birds and grapes, pomegranates, and other fruit." This device was part of the Buddhist decorative repertoire as well; in a version found on a terracotta vase from Khotan, crowned figures seated on a lotus pad are accompanied by two par rots standing on a bunch of grapes.** ‘The combiration of the garland and puto mo- tif with birds and fruit is fairly common among Gandharan reliefs from Buddhist sites. A frieze from the Kunala Monastery at Taxila with a gar- land carried by standing nudes and winged busts in the hollows of the garland also displays birds nibbling at heavy clusters of pendant grapes (fig. 9). Another fragment of a Taxila frieze has three amorini supporting a thick garland with various leafy designs. The amorino at the center holds a tankard in his left hand, and winged devas in the loops of the gerland hold a tankard or clasp hands in adoration. A bunch of grapes hangs from a gar- 74 land loop, and a parrot rests on the upper right edge of the garland." A frieze at Lahore has the three fruit hanging from eac’ garland loop, and in the hollows lotus flowers and a bird (fig. 10). An- other at Peshawar again has the fruit, here grape- like, and in the hollows busts of figures holding tankards or bowls, flowers, or a bird with out- stretched wings. One putto picks a thorn from his foot.*” A similar iconograph:c pattern is found on a second relief in the Missouri-Columbia Mu- seum that features the traditional Buddhist offer ings of flowers, fruit, and music (fig. 11). Support- ing a scale-patterned garland bound with floating ribbons are three amorini, the young fellow at the center with his weight on one leg in the same Polykleitan pose seen on the first Missouri relief (fg. 1). Bunches of grapes dangle from each gar- land loop, and in the hollows of the garland are a lotus flower, 2 woman holding out a three- stringed lute, and the remains of a bird ‘The Gandharan putti and garland reliefs appear in a funerary context (even as they are used on sarcophagi and tombs in distant Europe) to the ex tent that they ornamented Buddhist memorial shrines. Therefore, itis reascnable to assume that the birds and fruit, part of the complex of offerings made to the Buddha, tie into the age-old concept of fertility that permeates Buddhist imagery. Var- ious works support this theme, The Museum ofBROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig. 10. Fragment of putt and garland frieze. Lahore Museum, 1808. After Ingholt, Gandhéran Artin Pakistan, no. 374 Fig. 11, Fragment of putti and garland frieze. Schist. Pakistan, (Gandharan. University of Missouri-Columbia Museum of Art and Archacology, anonymous loan, L597. Photo: Courtesy of the University of Missouri-Columbia Museum of Art and Ar chacology Archaeology at Sarnath holds a lintel that com- bines bands of designs representing the vegetative force with a legend central to the cult of the stupa (fig. 12), At the right are flowing vines with lotus flowers, bunches of grapes and grape leaves, and a bird pecking at a grape cluster. At the left is the stupa of Ramagrama, one of eight said to have held the ashes of the Buddha. Guarded by nagas, the serpent gods shown interlaced about the dome, the Ramagrama mound was the only shrine not stripped of its treasure in the third century 75 3.c. by Asoka, who “wished to build eighty-four thousand others,’** donating relics and stupas to the most important cities under his rule. Next to the representation of the stupa stands a winged deity bringing the garland offering to the stupa, and also an elephant with his gift of lotus flowers. The monk Fa-hsien, who journeyed through India about a.p. 400, described the stupa of Rama- grama, which had “no one either to water it or sweep it up [after Asoka’s visit}, but ever and anon aherd of elephants, carrying water in their trunks, piously watered the ground, and also brought all sorts of flowers and perfumes to pay religious wor- ship." The putto and garland motif appears as an in- tegral part of Buddhist imagery on the famousBROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig. 12. Worship of the stupa of Ramagrama. Sandstone. Sar hath, Ist ¢.w.c. Archaeological Museum, Sarnath, 527. After Ancient Sculpture ‘rom India, exhibition eatalog (Cleveland: ‘The Cleveland Museum of Art, 1964), no. 39, Kanishka Reliquary, found outside Peshawar in a relic chamber of the stupa at the Shah-ji-ki-dheri (“Royal Mounds”, long reputed to be the remains of the Kanishka stupa and vihara described by Chinese pilgrin:s.* On the casket a royal person- nage dressed in a caftan with a flaring hem, a ‘mantle, and trousers holds a lotus flower (fig. 13} Behind him and running around the casket is a continuous gariand held by nude garland carri- ers; one youngster picks a thorn from his foot, as, does the putto on the Peshawar frieze mentioned above, a gesture that is repeated in the Gandharan- style paintings at Miran.5' In the hollows of the garland, along with representations of the sun and moon gods and seated Buddhas, there are worship: pers with clasped hands who pay homage in the same way a5 worshippers proffer gifts of cups, bowls, music, or flowers on putto and garland friezes. The putto carrying a garland, now shown in association with the Buddhist pantheon, takes on aspects of the Indian yaksha, guardian of the powers of fertility? The base or drum of a Gandharan stupa often was decorated with a garland carrier relief.®* One was found on the base of a stupa at the monastic center of Hadds, west of Peshawar on the way 76 from Taxila to Bactria. Above bands of atlantes and elephants, the nude bearers of a looping gar- land stand with legs crossed, prance in a high step, or just stolidly shoulder the heavy garland of leaves.* Monasteries were also decorated with this design, as portrayed on a stone relief that rep: resents a vihara, its entranc> marked by Indo- Corinthian half-columns and the dome by amo- rini with a garland.** Fachsien describes the precious relic preserved in the vihara at Hadda: In the city of Hi-lo (Hidda) isthe Vihara, containing the relic of the skull-bone of Buddha. This Vihira is en- tirely covered with plates of gold and decorated with the seven precious substances. The King of the country reverences, in a high degree, this sacred relic... . Each day after it is thus removed, certain men appointed for the purpose ascend a lofty belfry and beat a great drum, blow the conch, and clash the cymbals. When the King hears it he immediately repairs to the Vihara and olfers flowers and incense." Flower garlands served as offerings to earn spiti tual credits for the donor: “The one who, turning his thought to the Awakening, having made a gar land of flowers, puts it on the stupa, that one will never suffer.”’” ‘At Hadda, where the garland is shown with putti on the base of a stupa, it also appears with- out bearers, painted in red and black or gold onBROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig. 13. Detail of Kanishka Reliquary. Bronze. Shah-j-k her. Peshawar Museum, 452. After Ingholt, Candharan Art in Pakistan, n0, 495, the faces of stupa plinths and on the domes.** Similarly, stupas from Butkara, in Swat, are oma mented with stylized painted stucco garlands, with open lotus flowers in the hollows.” Here there are a number of reliefs with the putto and garland as well. One shows a putto supporting on his right shoulder an elaborate garland of pointed leaves, the winged figure in a curve of the garland holds his hands clasped in adoration (fig. 14).° On another relief from the area, a garland carrier adorned with ankle bracelets and neckpieces sup ports an undulating festoon dotted with lotus blooms (fig. 15)! Much earlier Buddhist shrines were decorated with reliefs that contain representations of stupas with curving festoons around the base or dome, indicating that the wholehearted adoption of the Western garland and putto theme by the Kushans ‘was a continuation of the old custom of bringing garlands of flowers to the stupa. At Bharhut (c. 100 8.c.}, the curled end of the crossbeam of the torana is composed of the tail of a dragon (mak ara| that looks as if itis about to swallow a little 7 stupa decorated with a garland suspended on brackets or pegs. Another panel from Bharhut shows a stupa with several rows of more elaborate, flowery garlands and worshipping figures who ap- proach with hands clasped or hover above the stupa carrying garlands.® Sir Arthur Cunning ham, writing of the dig in the 1870s, compared the sculpted Bharhut festoons with those fash: ioned from patterned cloth into pipe-like shapes, and still used in Burma, carried in processions on holy days and later “hung up at pegs around the Stiipa, exactly as shown in the Bharhut Sculpture, or are suspended from holy Trees or pillars in the courtyard of the Stipa.” Buddhist texts describe the building of a stupa complex, an act of devotion, with its omamenta- tion of flower garlands, rows of geese and animals, pearls and golden bells, gods holding their hands together in adoration and playing musical instru ments, and scenes from the life of Buddha. Carved over and over again on the toranas of the Great Stupa at Sanchi (50 .c.-a.0, 25) are minia ture stupas adorned with garlands. One from the Western Gate carries a garland, punctuated by lo tus blossoms, that hangs in loops from brackets set at intervals around the dome.** On the North: em Gate, a relief framed by a vine scroll withFig. 14. Fragment of « putti and garland frieze with a winged figure who clasps his hands in adoration. Buckata, After Fac enna, Sculptures ftom the Sacred Area of Butkara (Swat, W. Pakistan), pt. 3, pl. DX Fig. 15. Antefix with putto supporting a garland, Schist. Swat, Fig. 16, Relief showing garland hurg on brackets around a probably from Mingora. After Mostra della sculture buddiste stupa and worshippers. Northern Gare, Sanchi I, 50 mca. dello Swat, no. 83, 25, Alter M. Hallade, Gandharan Ar: of North India and the Graeco-Buddhist Tradition in India, Persia, and Central Asia (New York, 1968), pl. 34BROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig. 17. Bracket terminating in a winged female. Schist. Paki stan, Gandharan, c. 24-€d ¢. 4.0. University of Missouri- Columbia Museum of Are and Archaeology, gif of Alen and ‘Ann Wolfe, 85.165, Photo: University of Missouri Columbia ‘Museum of Art and Archaeology bunches of grapes has almost the same garlanded stupa; worshipers, some of them winged divini- ties, bring garlands, clasp their hands, or offer up the music of their pipes and drums (fig. 16) The brackets on which worshipers hung their offerings of flower garlands evolved into a com- plex form in Gandhara. No longer simple supports attached to the stupa at intervals, they became winged dedicants who bring fruit and flowers to the stupa or who play the flute or a stringed in- strument. Thus, a base shaped like a lotus holds a winged male from Butkara, shown nude except for omaments and a shawl, who clasps his hands together in devotion,” while a female bracket fig: ture with wings in the Missouri collection, shown in a high-waisted, Hellenized garment, her hair combed back in Western style, holds in one hand a lotus blossom and in the other a palm branch (fig. 17). A bracket from a stupa at Hadda is carved in the image of a devi who offers a reliquary much as a rolled-up garland is offered by a turbaned, be- jeweled male from Butkara. From the Butkara excavations and various sites in Swat come stupa brackets in the form of figures who hold out ob- jects such as cups and palm leaves as well as gar- 9 lands. Other brackets are in the form of winged centaurs strumming vinas that resemble harps and guitars or fingering the double flute, and also amorini, one offering lotus buds, another holding a cluster of grapes in his right hand and in the left, held against his belly, a bird that pecks at the fruit (fig. 18} The flowers and music offered up by Gandharan bracket figures and presented, along with food and drink, on garland and putto reliefs are catalogued in the Lotus Sutra ‘omamented with banners, sounding to the noise of bells, it is this that is rendered to the stupa, containing my relics, honors of various kinds, in their offerings of flowers, incense, perfumes, garlands, unguents, fra grant powders, clothing, parasols, drapery, standards, human and divine banners, in making resound ... the agreeable noise that is sweet of instruments of all kinds.” ‘The texts mention most frequently gifts of flow- ers, many times in the form of garlands whose blossoms may come from the gardens of the stupa: from the mango tree, the rose-apple tree, the ginger tree; others are varieties of lotus flow- e1s or ate artificial, made of beaten gold and silver, tin and lead, wood and fabric.”” Thus, a deceptively simple bit of architectural decoration bears a complicated and rich heritage. ‘The motif of a garland carried by putti can be understood as an adaptation of the very IndianBROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig. 18. Bracket terminating in a winged putto shown with bird pecking ata bunch of grapes. Swat. After Faccenna, Sculptures from the Sacred Arca of Butkara I (Swat, W. Pakistan, 3 pl DEXXIXa custom of venerating the stupa with flowers, whether the gariands be offered by deities flutter- ing overhead, as seen on the reliefs of stupas at Sanchi or Bharhat, or hung about the stupa itself ‘Amorini or winged celestials on the Gandharan reliefs, as on the brackets, bring other traditional Buddhist offerings of food, drink, and music or 80 clasp their hands in adoration, reminding us that while the design of the garland and garland bear- ers assuredly reflects Greco-Roman decor, the underlying concept is at least as Indian as it is Western. Like the birds pecking at fruit, the gar land with putti suggests fecundity, abundance, probably a Westernized rationalization of the ear lier, more imaginative Buddhist motif in which a lotus rinceau emerges from tke mouth or navel of a fertility image, the yakshs. The vine curling about the lotus flowers, representing the life force, is transformed in Gandharan iconography into an undulating garland, end the yaksha, the little vegetal spirit, is disguised as a Greek or Ro- man cherub (fig. 19). Notes 1, Dark grey mica schist; perhaps from Nathu. Ace. no. 77.343; 13.2 x 27.1 em; 2d c.A.b, gift of Dr. Sam- uel Eilenberg. Pub. S. D. Nagar, Gandharan Sculpture: A Catalogue of the Collection in the Museum of Art and Archaeology, University of Missouri-Columbia (Columbia, Mo., 1981), no. 29. 2. Brazier: P. Bruneau and J. Ducat, Guide de Délos, Ecole Francaise d’Athénes, 2d ed. (Paris, 1966), 65. De: los: Strabo 10.5.4; and for stationes of foreign mer- chants and Delian commerce, fo:eign cults, etc., M. Rostovtzeff in CAH, vol. 8, pp. 642-50; idem, SEHRE, vol. 1, p. 170 and passim; Bruneau and Ducat, Guide de Délos, 22, 23, 114-16, 3. F Courby, “Vases avec reliefs appliqués du musée de Délos,” BCH 37 (1913), fig. 1, no. 718, and pp. 422 23; dating p. 438, 4. Pergamon sherds: E. Boehringer, ed., Pergamen: ische Forschungen, vol. 2, J. Schafer, Hellenistische Keramik aus Pergamon (Berlin, 1968), pp. 83-84, pl 37, E95, 96, 97; pl. 38, E98; (p. 89 for dating of this Group E to late 2d c-eatly Ist c. 8.) The use of molds made from Pergamon originals, p. 85, and see Rostov. tzelf, SEHHW, 653-54, for export of Pergamon pottery with applied relief decoration, much of it sent to Delos, 5. Palace IV: Altertiimer von Pergamon, vol. 5, pt. 1, G, Kawerau and T. Wiegand, Die Palaste der Hochburg (Berlin, 1930), fig. 65. Various examples from Asia Mi nor include a skyphos (Smyrna?) and a Smyrna frieze: H, Weiss, ed,, Ebla to Damascus: Art and Archaeology of Ancient Syria {Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Trav cling Exhibition Service, 1985), no, 226, R. Naumann, and 8. Kantar, “Die Agora von Smyrna," in Kleinasien und Byzanz, Istanbuler Forschurgen, vol. 17 (Berlin, 1950}, pl. 27-d. Aphrodisias temple and sarcophagus: L, Crema, “I monumenti archittetonici afrodensiensi,” Monumenti antich pubblicati per cura della R. Acca- demia Nationale dei Lincei 38 (1939), p. 259, pl. 49-2,BROMBERG: The Putto and Garland Fig, 19. Yakshas with lotus vines. Arcitrave of Southern Gate, Sanchi , 50 9.c-a.. 25. After} Marshall and A. Foucher, The ‘Monuments of Safichi|Caleutta, 1940), vol. 2 pl. XI K. Erim, “Ancient Aphrodisias and Its Marble Trea: sures," National Geographic 132.2 (August, 1967), ill pp. 284. And see the Arch of Septimius Severus in Leptis ‘Magna, said to be the work of sculptors from Aphrodi- sias working with local craftsmen: M, Wheel Art and Architecture (1964, repr. New York, 1981), ill. no. 138; Colonia Caesaria (Antioch of Pisidia): D. M. Robinson, “Roman Sculptures from Colonia Caesaria,” AB9 (1926), fig. | 6. Anta capital: Schifer, Hellenistische Keramik, fig 15-2, Hellenistic ceramic vessels: Altertiimer von Per gamon, vol. 9, E. Bochringer and F. Kraus, Das Temenos far dem Herrscherkult; Prinzessinnen Palais (Berlin, 1937}, pl. 58-a, dl, el; for a sherd with a single putto carrying a garland, Altertiimer von Pergamon, vol. 1, pt. 2, W. Conze et al,, Stadt und Landschaft (Berlin, 1913}, suppl. 32, no. 7. A fragment of a Pergamon beaker possibly dated 3d c. 8.c.: H. Buchtal, “The Foun- dations for a Chronology of Gandhara Sculpture,” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society 19 [1942-1943}, p. 23, pl. 2-a, and passim for comparisons of Roman and Gandharan/Mathuran versions of the puto and garland. Sarcophagus in the Bergama mi seum: W-D. Albert, “Die Tabulae ansatae aus Perga mon,” in E. Boehringer, ed., Pergamenische Forschun gen, vol. 1, Pergamon’ gesammelte Aufsitze (Berlin, 1972}, fig. 70. 7. A.B. Desgodetz, Les édifices antiques de Rome (1862, repr. Westmead, Farnborough, England, 1969) pl. Ill. For garland supports that were used earlier than the putto, including these candelabra and bucrania, as well as detailed studies of che garland, M. Hon: woth, Stadtrémische Girlanden: Ein Versuch zur Ent wicklungsgeschichte romischer Omamentik, Oster reichischen Archéologischen Institut in Wien, vol. 17 81 (Vienna, 1971), 70 and passim; V.M. Suocka, “Die frihesten Girlandsarkophage: Zur Kontinuitat der Re- liefsarkophage in Kleinasien wabrend des Hellenismus und der fruhen Kaiserzeit,” in Studien 2ur Religion und Kultur Kleinasiens, ed, §. Sahin, E. Schwertheim, and J. Wagner, vol. 2 (Leiden, 1978), Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans Vempire romain, vol. 66, p. 887 and passim; M. Stephan, Die griechische Guir. lande Berlin, 1981), § and passim; A. E. Napp, Bukran jen und Guirlande: Beitrage zur Entwicklungs geschichte der hellenistischen und rémischen Deko- zationskunst (Wertheim, 1983), 6 and passim. 8. H. Rolland, Glanum: Les antiques et les fouilles de Saint-Rémy de Provence (Paris, 1949), pls. 11-13. For Hellenistic survivals at Glanum, see also. Schlumberger, “Descendants non-méditerranéens de Vare gree," Syria 27 (1960), n.3 on pp. 161—2. 9.5. Andrae, The Art of Rome (New York, 1977), fg 778, For delicate wreath-garlands supported by a putto instead of the heavy Pola festoon, see a relief from Cerveteri (late Augustan/Julio-Claudian), Mrs. Arthur [Eugénie] Suong, Roman Sculpture from Augustus to Constantine |1907, repr. New York, 1971), pl. XXXIL Decoration of the jupiter Temple in Spalato: §, Rein- ach, Repertoire de reliefs grecs et romaines, vol. 2 (Paris, 191}, 134 10. Consecrated in A.p. 113, Hontoth, Stadtrémische Girlanden, cat. no. 73: p. 83, pl. VII; fora garland and putto frieze from the Trajanie/early Hadsianic basilica ‘in Ostia, cat.no. 77: p. 83, pl. VIF. On earlier Imperial architectural decor in Rome: P. Gusman, L'art decoratif de Rome, vol 1 (Paris, 108}, pl. 13, 32; vol 2, pl. 112. 11, Gusman, Lart decoratif de Rome, pl. 27 12.B.Andrae, The Art of Rome, ig. 451 13. D. Berciu, Daco-Romania (Geneva, 1978}, ill. no 108. diseussion of the curtain: H. Seyi, "Note sur les plus anciennes sculptures palmyréniennes,” Bery: tus 3 (1936), p. 140, pl. XXXII, 2,3 14. Cumont, Recherches sur le symbolise funér-BROMBERG: The Putto and Garland ‘ire des romains|1942, repr. Paris, 1966), pl. XXV-2 and pp. 296-97. 15, See for example, . M. C. Toynbee, The Hadrianic School (Cambridge, 1934), chap. 3; A. Adriani, Rep. ertorio darte dell Egitto greco-romano, set. A, 1 {Palermo, 1961), N. Himmelmana, Sarcophagi in Antakaya, Abbandlungen der Geistes- und Soztalwis senschaften Klasse, 1970, no. 9, Mainz Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur (Wiesbaden, 1970) In Roman Syria, see a 2d-c, a,b. sarcophagus from Tell Barak, H. Ingholt, Gandharan Art in Pakistan [New York, 1957), pl. Vi-l, and one of similar date from the flourishing Greco-Roman port of Tripolus, H. Edhem, ed, Meisterwerke der Tarkischen Museen zur Kon stantinopel, vol. (Berlin, 1928}, pl. 37. A later, provin cial, version of the motif from Kafr Qari, M. Avi-Yonah, “Oriental Elements in Palestinian Art,” in Art in An cient Palestine llerusalem, 1981], pl. 68. And in Ro: ‘man Egypt [Syene), the early 4th‘c. sarcophagus of St. Helena, A. Grabar, Early Christian Art rans. S, Gilbert and J. Emmons [New York, 1968} ill. no. 73. 16, Funerary symbolism: A. MeCana, Roman Sar. cophagi in The Metropolitan Museum of Art |New York, 1978], p. 33, and see cat. nos. 1, 2; Toynbee, The Hadrianic School, 214, Daremberg and Saglio, DAGR, vol. 1, pt. 2, pp. 1609-10. Contea the symbolic putea R. Stuveras Le patto dans Fart romain, Collection La tomus, vol. 99 (Brussels, 1969), 73 (the garland-carrying puto as merely a funerary omament, modelled after the custom of a young servant bringing floral offerings to the dead}. For funerary altars with garland-carrying crotes, birds, and masks, W. Altmann, Die rémischen Grabaltare der Kaiserzeit (Berlin, 1905), e.4, nos. 103, 210,211 17, F Mate, Die dionysische Sarkophage, pt. 1, Die antiken Sarkophagrelies (Berlin, 1968], pl. 28, no. 27, 18. McCann, Roman Sarcophasi, 33 19. Die Nabotéer (Bonn: Rheinisches Landesmu- scum, 1981], pls. 64, 65, dated here to the late Ist c 18. [but see for a date of the Bist part of the 2d c. ax, the catalog of the Musée de Lyon 1978-1979 exhibition Un royaume aux confins du désert: Pétra et la Naba tne inp, n.d, no. 5) 20, Phiny 6.144; here Pliny also notes that people from Petra went to Forat, and from there to Charax, twelve miles away (at the head of the Persian Gulf), which may be evidence for the poorly documented Na. Dataean trade wita India 21. Delos: CAH, vol. 8, p. 647; Nabatacan gods wor shipped at Rhodes, Miletus, and Puteoli: N. Glucck, Deities and Dolphins (New York, 1965], e.g, 248 22. Temple dedication: 6 April 4.0. 32. For further illustrations of the putti and garland motif at Palmyra, ‘ea, H. Seyrig, R. Amy, and E. Will, Le temple de Bel & Palmyre, Institut Francais d/Archéologie de Beyrouth, Bibliotheque Archéologique et Historique, vol. 83 82 (Paris, 1975), Album, pl. 26. The motif at Baalbek (He- iopolis): 7. Wiegand, ed, Baalbek: Ergebnisse der Aus- grabungen und Untersuchungen in den Jahren 1898 bis 1905 (Berlin, 1921-1925}, vol. 1, pls. 105, 106, 109; vol 2, figs. 38, 57 and pls. 56, 62, 66. 23. On Palmyrene trade: J. Starcky, Palmyre (Paris, 1952}, chap. 4; see also S. A. Nodelman, "A Preliminary History of Characene,” Berytus 13 (1960), 101 (the trade of Palmyra, Nabataca, Charax} 24. H. Seyrig, “Palmyra and the East,” JRS 40 (1950), idem, “Inscriptions grecques de l'agora de Palmyre,” Syria 22 (1941), 258-63. Finds of Palmyrene tombs on the island of Kharg also indicate trade connections be- tween the Palmyrenes and India. See for example E. Haernick’s discussion in “Quelques monuments funér- aires de Kharg dans le Golf Pe:sique,” IA 11 {1975}, 134-67, where he seconds Ghitshman’s earlier inter pretation of the tombs as evidence of a Palmyrene trad- ing station. 25. In general, Rostovtzell, SEHRE, vol. 2, pp. 604-7; Starcky, Palmyre, 70f. (Coptos, 77). See also E. Will, “Marchands et chefs de caravanes a Palmyre,” Syria 34 (1957), 262-77. 26, The Excavations at Dura-Europos, Final Report III, pt. 1, fase. 2, $. B. Downey, The Stone and Plaster Sculpture, Monumenta Archaeologica, vol. 5 (Los An- eles, 1977), no. 175, pl. XLI. F Cumont, Fouilles de Doura-Europos (1922-1923) (Paris, 1926], xxxix-xl, for Palmyrenes traveling down the Euphrates to the Per- sian Gulf via Dura. Palmyra-Dura connections: B. Goldman, “A Dura-Europos Dipinto and Syrian Fron- tality,” Oriens Antiquys 24 (1985), passim; M. A. R. Colledge, The Art of Palmyra [Boulder, Colo., 1976), 226-29, M. 1. Rostovezelf, “Dura and the Problem of Parthian Art,” Yale Classical Studies, vol. 5 |New Ha- ven, 1935}, 233, but see Starcky, Palmyre, 77 For a treatment of the putto and garland theme sim: ilar to that on the Dura bowl, see a ruined tower tomb probably of the 3d c. a.p. at Fafijaear Daral, on a trade route that ran through northern Mesopotamia, con- necting Zeugma with Edessa, Data, Nisibis, and Mosul, 'M.M. Mango, ‘The Continuity of the Classical Tradi- tion in the Art and Architecture of Northern Mesopo- tamia," in East of Byzantium: Syria and Armenia in the Formative Period, ed. N.G. Garsoian, T.F. Ma- thews, and R. W. Thomson (Washington, D.C., 1982), ill, no. 3 and pp. 117-18. And see a lintel at Datt‘azze, in northern Syria, dated by inscristion to a.v, 235/236, which displays a much more claborate version of the theme, G. Tehalenko, Villages antiques de la Syrie du Nord (Paris, 1953-1958}, vol. 1, p. 184 vol. 2, pl. 202- 4; vol. 3, . 20 inscription no. 18 27, See at Antioch a 4th-c. a.0. mosaie from Bath E with erotes carrying a long, continuous garland, re- cently illustrated in H. Maguire, Earth and Ocean: The Terrestial World in Early Byzantine Art (University Park, Pa., 1987), figs. 8 and 9.BROMBERG: The Putto and Garland 28, W. H. Schoff, trans, Parthian Stations by Isidore of Charax: An Account of the Overland Trade Route between the Levant and India in the First Century B.C. (Philadelphia, 1914), dated to the late Ist c. a.0.: No- delman, “A Preliminary History of Characene,” 107. For varying opinions on the extensive use of an entirely overland route, M.G. Raschke, “New Studies in Ro- man Commerce with the East,” Aufstieg und Nieder- ‘gang der rémischen Welt, vol. 2, ed. H. Temporini and W. Haase, pt. 9.2, ed. H. Temporini (Berlin, 1978), p. 630 and n. 435. The trade of Greeks in Bactria and India is discussed by W.W. Tam in The Greeks in Bactria and India, 34 ed. {Chicago, 1984), 61-62 and passim. 29. For these routes, Warmington’s old study The Commerce between the Roman Empire and India is still reasonably valid and see also A. Foucher, La vieille route de l'Inde de Bactres a Taxila, MDAFA 1 (Paris, 1942, 1947). Further references may be found amid the staggering bibliography that accompanies Raschke’s “New Studies in Roman Commerce with the East.” 30, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (from the Schoff translation [London, 1912), Apologos: §35; Lio- nel Casson’s much-needed translation of the Periplus is not yet available, but see his “Egypt, Africa, and India: Patterns of Seaborne Trade in the First Century A.D,” Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 211-4 {1984}, 39-47. Casson dates the work to the sec- ond half of the first century, with the outside limits A.D. 60 to A.D. 120 (p. 39 and n, I); see also D. W. ‘MacDowall and N. G. Wilson, "The References to the Kusinas in the Periplus and Further Numismatic Evi- dence for Its Date,” NC 10 {1970}, 238-39 [c. .0. 100) and P.H.L. Eggermont, “The Date of the Periplus Maris Erythraei,” in Papers on the Date of Kaniska, ed, A.L. Basham, Australian National University Centre of Oriental Studies, Oriental Monograph Series, vol. 4 {Leiden, 1968), 94-96 (a.0. 30) 31. See Chang K'ien's account of the Bactrians, who had “markets for the sale ofall sorts of merchandise,” and the Yueh-chih conquest based on his long sojourn in Bactria (c. 128 n.c.). "While the people are shrewd traders, their soldiers are weak and afraid to fight, so that when the Ta-yiié-chi migrated westward, they ‘made war on the Ta-hia, who became subject to them.” E Hirth, “The Story of Chang Kien, China's Pioneer in Westem Asia: Text and Translation of Chapter 123 of Ssi-ma Ty'ién’s Shi-ki,” JOAS 37 (1917), 97-98, For a more recent translation: E. Zarcher in Papers on the Date of Kaniska, 360-61 32, For Greck, etc., elements in Bactria, see the re cently published French version of B. Ja. Stavisky’s [Staviskii] 1977 Kusanskaja Bactria, which appeared as La Bactriane sous les Kushans: Problémes d'histoire et de culture, translated and augmented by P. Bernard, M. Burda, F.Grenet, and P. Leriche (Paris, 1986), kindly sent to me by Krishna Riboud after I had completed this study. This excellent and very useful volume treats 83 the historical background of Kushan Bactria and in- cludes pre-Kushan as well as Kushan sites; in chapter 6, for example, the Greco-Bactrian settlement Saksa nokhur published in Russian by Litvinsky is discussed. Hellenistic, nian, nomadic, and local influences in the art of Bactria: G. A. Pugachenkova, Isskustvo Bak trii Epokhi Kushana (Moscow, 1975), with English summary 241-47 33. H-P, Francfort, Fouilles d’Ai Khanoum, vol. 3, Le sanctuaire du temple a niches indentées, pt. 2, Les trouvailles, MDAFA 27 [Paris, 1984), no. 20: pp. 35-37 and pl. XVIL Certainly one must agece with Francfort that molds or pattems of some kind were one of the ‘most important modes of transmission of Greek de- signs. See in addition to his last chapter, G. M. A. Rich- ter, “Ancient Plaster Casts of Greek Metalware,” AJA 62 (1958), 369-77; for patterns in the ancient world C.A. Bromberg, “Sasanian Stucco Influence: Sorrento and East-West,” Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 14 11983}, esp. 258, 266-67. 34, The Temple of the Oxus, excavated at the same site on the Oxus where the Treasure of the Oxus is now thought to have been found: B. A. Litvinsky and LR Pichikiyan, “Monuments of Art from the Sanctuary of Oxus [North Bactria),” in From Hecataeus to al-Hawarzimi: Bactrian, Pahlavi, Sogdian, Persian, Sanskrit, Syriac, Arabic, Chinese, Greek and Latin Sources for the History of Pre-Islamic Central Asia, ed J. Harmatta (Budapest, 1984), pp. 23-85, figs. 9,10. 35. V. Sarianidi, The Golden Hoard of Bactria: From the Tillya-tepe Excavations in Northern Afghanistan |New York and Leningrad, 1985}, p. 18, ills. no. 72, 73, 80, 85, 99, 108. 36. The influence of Bactrian hellenism on the art of Gandhara: Schlumberger, “Descendants _non- meéditerranéen de Vart grec,” 131-66 and 253-318, 37. Khalchayan finds (variously dated from the Ist c. sc. to the 2d c. a.p.): G.A. Pugachenkova, Skulptura Khalchakilana (Moscow, 1971), figs. 3, 19, 20, 45; pp. 127-34, Staviskij, La Bactriane, 224-25, 244, 278. ‘Miran: M. A. Stein, Serindia, vol. 1 |Oxford, 1921}, figs. 134-40, 142. A late reprise of the putto and garland theme in Bactria on a Sth-7th c. av. ceramic lid: F Grenet, “Trois documents religicux de Bactriane af shane,” Studia Iranica 11 (1982), pl. 17, fig. 3. 38. D. Schlumberger, M. Le Berre, and G. Fussman, Surkh Kotal en Bactriane, vol. 1, Les temples: Archi- tecture, sculpture, inscriptions, MDAFA 25 (Paris, 1983}, pp. 109-12, pl. 55, nos. 155 and 156, and see nos, 157-60; D. Schlumberger, “The Excavations at Surkh Kotal and the Problem of Hellenism in Bactria and In- dia,” Proceedings of the British Academy 47 {1961}, 39, For the Begram finds [probably Ist c. 4.0.) J Hackin et al,, Nouvelles recherches archéologiques a ‘Begram, MDAFA 11 [Paris, 1954}, O. Monod, Le Musée Cuimet, vol. 1, Inde, Khmer, Tschampa, Thailande, Java, Nepal, Tibet, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Asie Cen:BROMBERG: The Putto and Garland trale (Paris, 1966), 316-29. Other publications on Begram through 1979 are listed in W. Ball and J-Cl. Gardin, Archaeological Gazetteer of Afghanistan: Cat alogue des sites archéologiques d’Afghanistan, vol. 1, Asie Centrale (Paris, 1982], 55-57. 40. Roman artists and workshops working for the Kushans have been suggested as another source of Western designs, but unfortunately there is litte evi dence for this, Even Aurel Stein’s interpretation of “Tita,” the name of the painter of the Gandharan-style Miran frescoes given in a Kharosthi inscription, as an Indian form of the Roman “Titus” is quite tenuous (Stein, Serindia, vol. 1, pp. 529-31, fig. 144). 41. “Si:Yu-k.": Buddhist Records of the Western World, Translaied from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 629), trans. S, Beal (London: repr. Dethi, 1969), bk. 1, pp. 56-57, p. 58 for the walls painted with im- ages of the hostages, who have Chinese features and wear Chinese clothes and ornaments, 42. J. Meunis, Shotorak, MDAFA 10 (Paris, 1942), pls. IV, no. 11, and XXII, no. 69. 43. J. Rosenfield, The Dynastic Art of the Kushans (Berkeley, 1967) ill: no. 111 44. Palmyrene painting: Colledge, The Art of Pal- -myra, 87, reliefs: K. Tanabe, ed., Sculptures of Palmyra I, Memoirs of the Ancient Orient Muscum, vol. 1 {To- kyo, 1986}, eg, pl. 374 and details. Dura ceiling tiles: ALR. Bellinger, EE. Brown, A. Perkins, and C.B, Welles, eds,, The Excavations at Dura-Europos....: Fi nal Report VIL, pt. 1, C. H. Kracling et al, The Syn: ‘agogue (New Haven, 1956), pl. XI-2, 3,4. Coptic reliefs: A. Badaway, Coptic Art and Archaeology: The Art of the Christian Egyptians from the Late Antique to the ‘Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass., 1978), no. 3.135, 45, M.A. Stein, Ancient Khotan (1907, repr. New York, 1975}, vol. 2, p. 222, pl. XLIV: Mac. 001, from Yorkan (dated 24—4th c. a.p. by Stein] 46. J. Marshall, Taxila |Cambridge, 1951), vol. 3, p. 209 and pl. 216, no. 73. See also no. 74, with winged figures who hold offerings, and no. 75. The chronology of the putto and garland motif in Gandhara presents a separate problem which, as A. D. H. Bivar points out, might be solved on the basis of such criteria as the physical characteristics of the putto. Professor Bivar suggests that the Kunala Monastery frieze (fg. 91, as well as the putti and garland from Miran, is to be dated “in the reign of Kanishka, A.D. 128-156, as the Clas- sical evidence tends to confirm” (letter of 8 August 1987}, 47. H. Inghol:, Gandharan Art in Pakistan, no. 377 (more erotes with a garland: nos. 375, 376, 378). Ingholt [p. 40) tentatively dates these reliefs, as well as the Kun- ala Monastery relief, a.p. 300 to 400, but see Bivar in the note above. Another garland bearer relief with birds and fruit, excavated at Chatpat, has male garland car- riers dressed in various types of costumes who hold fruit in their hands, busts of offering bearers in the gar- 84 land loops who hold outa garland, ora cup, A. H. Dani, “Excavation at Chatpat," Ancient Pakistan 4 (1968~ 1968), pp. 88-89, pl. 50-. See also H. C. Ackermann, [Narrative Stone Reliefs from Candhara in the Victoria ‘and Albert Museum in London, lsMEO, Centro Studi i Scavi Archeologici in Asia, Reports and Memoirs, vol. 17 (Rome, 1975}, pl. LXXXVUa. 48. Travels of Fah-Hian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pil- agrims, from China to India (400 A.D. and 518 A.D.) trans. §, Beal (London, 1869}, 9. 49. Ibid., 90-91. 50. See Rosenfield, The Dynastic Art of the Kushans, 35, 259-62; Ingholt, Gandharan Artin Pakistan, 180- 81 (with bibliography), K. Walton Dobbins, “Two Gandharan Reliquaries,” East cnd West 18 (1968), figs. 711, Hsuan-tsang: “Si-Yu-Ki,” trans. Beal, 994 Sung Yung and Fa-hsien: ibid, eiit-cvi, xxx SI, Gandharan friezes with a garland cartier in this pose: see also an example from Charsada, B. Rowland, J, Gandhara Sculpture from Pakistan Museums |New York: The Asia Society, 1960), no. 33, ill. p. $3; F. Tis- sot, Les arts anciens du Pakisian et'de 'Afghanistan (Paris, 1987), fig. 84; Tissot, Gandhara (Paris, 1985), pl. XVLT for the same frieze reproduced as a drawing and fig. 90 for a variation on the pose. Miran wall paintings Stein, Serindia, vol. 1, p. 528 laccording to Stein, the sarland carrier on the left in fig. 143 holds his turned up foot with his right hand} 52. For the putto and garlard combined with Bud: hist scenes, e.g, a relic showing the Miracle of Sea- vasti from Loriyan Tangai, J. Marshall, The Buddhist Art of Gandhara |1960, rept. New Delhi, 1980), ig. 122. 53. A.S. Melikian-Chirvani, “Recherches sur V'archi- tecture de Iran bouddhique. I. Essai sur les origines et le symbolisme du stupa iranier,” in Le monde iranien et Islam, Socigtés et Cultures, vol. 3 (Paris, 1975), pl. X (model stupa], M.A. Stein, "Excavations at Sahti Bahlol," Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Re- port, 1911 [Peshawar district}, 116 base ofa stupa, and see "108, 119}. Mathura: J-Ph. Vogel, La sculpture de Mathura (Arts Asiatica 15 (1930]), pl. V-a (model stupa). Further Mathuran examples of the garland car- rier motif in general, eg: L. Bachhofer, Early Indian Sculpture, vol 2 (Paris, 1929}, no. 105 [Amaravat: nos. 112, 124); V. Smith, A History ¢f Fine Artin India and Geylon, 3d ed. (Bombay, 1961), pls, 37-a, $4-c; N. P. Joshi and R. C. Sharma, Catalogue of Gandhara Seulp- tures in the State Museum, Lucknow (Lucknow, 1968), ©. 49. 54]. Barthoux, Les fouls de Hadda, vol. 1, Stupas cet sites, MDAFA 4 (Paris, 1933), fig. 107. See also from Hadda a litte chapel that held an interesting combina- tion of Buddhist decor and ewe very Western-looking erotes with a garland painted on the ceiling, La route de la soie: Les arts de I'Asie cen'rale ancienne dans les collections publiques francaises (Paris, 1976), no. 69; Encyclopedia of World Art, vo. 8, pl. 5. Fora bibliog-BROMBERG: The Putto and Garland raphy of Hadda, see Ball and Gardin, Archaeological Gazetteer of Afghanistan, vol. 1, pp. 116-18. 55, Ingholt, Gandhadran Art in Pakistan, no. 468. 56. Travels of Fah-Hian, 40~82. 57. M, Bénisti, “Etude sur le stupa dans V'Inde an- cienne,” BEFEO 50 (1960), 65 58, Painted garlands: Barthoux, Fouilles de Hadda, vol. I, pp. 55, 78. 59. Eg, D. Faccenna, Butkara I (Swat, Pakistan) 1956-1962, pt. 3, Centro Studi ¢ Scavi Archeologic in Asia, IsMEO, Reports and Memoirs, vol. 3, pt.3 [Rome, 1980}, pp. 704-8, fig. 337, Faccenna, Butkara I (Swat, Pakistan) 1956-1962, pt. 5.1, Plates, IsMEO, Reports and Memoirs, vol. 3, pt. 5.1 (Rome, 1981], color plates GH. 60. See also Faccenna, Sculptures from the Sacred Area of Butkara I (Swat, W. Pakistan), pt. 3, Centro ‘Studi e Scavi Archeologici in Asia, IsMEO, Reports and Memoirs, vol. 2, pt. 3, Plates CCCXXXVI-DCLXXV (Rome, 1964}, pls. DIX-b, DXll-a, DXIll-a. 61, Sce from the same collection, Mostra delle scul- ture buddiste dello Swat: Sculture rinvenute a Mingora dalla Missione Archeologica in Pakistan del Centro Scavi dell'Ismeo e di Torino assegnate agli enti torinesi e da questi donate al Museo Civico (Turin: Galleria Civica d’Arte Moderna, 1963), nos. 79-82. 62. A. Cunningham, The Stipa of Bharhut (1879; repr. Varanisi, 1962), pl. 1X-2 663. Bénisti, “Etude sur le stipa,” pl. XI-a. 64. Cunningham, The Stipa of Bharhut, 110. 65. Ibid. p. v (Introduction, by V. S. Agrawala) 66. J. Marshall, The Buddhist Art of Gandhara fig. 5 85 67. Butkara: Faccenna, Sculptures from the Sacred Area of Butkara I (Swat, W. Pakistan), pt. 3, Plates (CCCXXXVI-DCLXXY, pl. DLXXX. 68. Hada: Dagens, “Fragments de sculpture iné. dits,” pl. XV, no. 69. Butkara: Faccenna, Sculptures from the Sacred Area of Butkara I (Swat, W. Pakistan], pt. 3, Plates. CCCXXXVE-DCLXXY, ‘pls. DLXVI- DLXVIIL 69. Faccenna, Sculptures from the Sacred Area of Butkara I (Swat, W. Pakistan), pt. 3, Plates CCCXXXVI-DCLXXY, pls. DLXXY,- DLXXXVI, DLXXXVIL, 70. Musicians: ibid., pls. DLXXXII-DLXXXIV, DLXXXVII, amorino with lotus buds: pl. DLXXVII, and see volume for further examples of brackets. 71. See E. Burnouf, Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi (Paris, 1852}, 205, quoted by G. Combaz, “Lévolution du stupa en Asie: Etude architecture bouddhique,” Mé: anges chinois et bouddhiques 2 (1932-1933), 175, 72. A. Bateau, “La construction et le culte des stipa dlaprés les Vinapitaka,” BEFEO 0 (1962}, 242-43, 73. See G. Combaz, “L’évolution du stpa en Asie: Les symbolismes du stupa,” Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques 4 (1935-1936), 95, A. K. Coomaraswamy, Yaksas (New Delhi, 1971}, esp. pt. 2, pp. 58-60 (tor il lustrations of the yaksha with lotus rhizome, pls. 12-1, 2, 303; 34-1, 2, 35-2; 36:3, 4], S. Gaulies, R. Jera Bezard, and M. Maillard, Buddhism in Afghanistan and Central Asia, pt. 2, Minor Divinities and Assim: lated Divinities, Monks and Ascetics—Mandalas, Ico ography of Religions, sec. 13, fase. 14, pt. 2 (Leiden, 19761, pp. 32-33.