A Gandhari Version of the Story of the Merchants Tapussa and Bhallika' MARK ALLON UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY ‘An interesting episode in the Buddha’s biography is that of the two merchants who give the Buddha his first meal after his enlightenment and who be- come the Buddha's first lay followers (upasakal.. Integral to this episode is the account of the gods, of the four directions, the Lokapalas (mahardja, ‘mahalokapala}, each giving the Buddha a bow! in which to receive the merchants’ alms, which the Buddha compresses into one to ensure that each god gains merit, The story is important for several reasons, including its promotion of merchants as donors and its connection with relic worship—in some versions the Buddha gives the merchants his hair and nail-parings to honor, while this alms bowl became an object of veneration in Gandhara and elsewhere. The popularity of this story is, attested by the number of texts, languages, and geographical regions in which it is found, by the ‘many regional claims on the merchants’ place of birth or travel itinerary, especially in Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia,? and by the numerous artistic, representations, particularly from Gandhara, that depict episodes from this story. In this paper, which I present in honor of Rich- ard Salomon, a scholar from whom I have learnt much about things Gandharan, I will discuss an unpublished Gandhart version of the story found in the Senior Collection of Kharosthi manu- scripts and its relationship to versions preserved in other languages. I wil also briefly discuss some of the more interesting features of the story, the possible reasons for its popularity, and the likely reasons for its inclusion in the Senior Collection.$ ‘The Gandhari version appears on the verso of scroll fragment 24 [designated RS 24) in the Se- nior Collection of Kharosthi manuscripts, where their names appear as Trivusa and Valia (trivusa- valia), corresponding to Tapussa/Tapassu. and Bhallika/Bhalluka/Bhalliya in Pali texts and Tri- pusa/Tripusa/Trapusa/Trapusa and Bhallika in Sanskrit texts.* The text preserved on the recto of this scroll is a Gandhari version of the account of the serpent king [ndgaraja| Elapatra (P Eralapatta/ Skt. Elapattra/Elapatra) and the brahman youth Nala (Nala/Nalaka/Nalada) visiting the Buddha not long after his enlightenment, an event that occurs after the episode of the two merchants when it is included in the Buddha's biography.’ Both stories were previously briefly described in Allon 2007 (see especially pp. 17-18; see also pp. 6, 24-25}. As discussed in that article, the Senior Collection consists of twenty-four birch bark scrolls or scroll fragments containing at least forty-one Buddhist texts written in the Gandhari Ianguage and Kharosthi script. These manuscripts are thought to have originated from eastern AL- ghanistan or northern Pakistan and to have been produced by members of the Dharmaguptaka community between a.b. 130 and 140 at the re quest of a donor named Rohana for interment in a stiipa (see Allon 2007 and 2013 for details). As will be discussed below, this Gandhart version of the story of Trivusa and Valia constitutes one of several pieces of evidence for the Dharmaguptaka affiliation of the Senior manuscripts. The manuscript, which is in relatively poor condition, is large and wide in format. The dimen- sions of the scroll fragment are approximately 25.5 x 42.5 cm, with the original manuscript be- ing approximately 43.7 cm wide. Sections of theALLON: A Gandharl Version of the Story of the Merchants Tapussa and Bhallika right margin are intact {when viewed from the recto}, but the top of the manuscript and the left margin are missing. The last line on the recto and verso, which both slant downward at a slight angle, appear to end halfway across the manu: script, suggesting that these were the original last lines on both sides. This is supported by the tendency for the bottom of recently discovered Gandharan scrolls to be preserved due to their being rolled up on the inside. The introductory section or sections and conclusion of both texts, are missing. If the last line on the verso is the original last line on that side, then the text must have continued on another scroll. Alternatively, as the events depicted on the verso precede those on the recto in the parallel versions, the scroll may have been rolled up with the original recto {che side written first) on the outside. The text on the side designated as verso by the conservators would therefore have continued at the top of the current recto. The Gandhari Text and Its Parallels ‘As noted, the popularity of this story is attested by the number and variety of texts in which it is found, including canonical stra and vinaya texts, independent biographies of the Buddha, and commentaries preserved in Pali, Sanskrit, Tibetan, Chinese, and now Gandhari, The main versions are found in the following texts, listed here according to their school affiliation, if known: |, Mahavagga of the Pali Theravada Vinaya (here: after P Vin; I 3-4 [§ L4]}. The Pali commentarial tradition preserves several detailed and sometimes. conflicting accounts of the same event, most no- tably, the Nidanakatha of the Jatakatthakatha (I 80-81)" and Manorathaptirani (I 382-84), the com- mentary on the Anguttaranikaya.® 2, Sanskrit Catusparisatsitra (CPS) of the Sarva- stivada Dirghagama edited by Waldschmidt (1952— 1962: §§ 2.14.1 and pp. 435-37) based on Central Asian (Turfan) manuscripts dated to various peri- ‘ods? An English translation of this Sanskrit ver- sion was published by Kloppenborg 1973: 7-10. 3a. A second Sanskrit version of the Catus- parisatsitra that forms part of the newly dis- ‘covered Sanskrit Dirghagama manuscript dated to the eighth or ninth century c.e,, which is 10 thought to have come from Gilgit, northern Paki- stan, and to have belonged to a Mulasarvastivada community,!® It is the fourth stra of the Cosasporishees Siice the beginning of the ‘manuscript is mostly destroyed, only a few frag- ‘ments of the stra are available. The text remains unedited. 3b, Sanghabhedavastu (SBhV) of the Malasar- vastivada Vinaya (MSV) preserved in Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese. The Sanskrit text found in the Gilgit manuscripts, which is written in a script that was in use between the sixth and tenth centuries,'? was edited by Gnoli (1977: 122-24). ‘The Chinese and Tibetan translations are given by Waldschmidt (1951: 88-90 and CPS: ibid.} and Lamotte (1958: 72 = 1988: 66). An English trans lation of the Tibetan Milasarvastivada Vinaya version is included in Rockhill’s The Life of the Buddha (1884: 34), 4. Chinese Dharmaguptaka Vinaya (DhG Vin), Sifenlii HUSH (T 22 no. 1428, pp. 781cl1- 785¢27), translated by Buddhayasas E34 in collaboration with Zhu Fonian (2 between 410-412 cx." 5. Chinese Mahisasaka Vinaya (Mahis Vin}, ‘Mishasaildi > t!5 (T 22 no. 1421, pp. 103a10- 103b7}, translated by Buddhajtva #H62Ft, in col- laboration with Zhishéng #18 in 424 c.e, (T 55 no. 2145, p. 21426-29), 6. Sanskrit Mahavastu (Mvu} belonging to the Mahasamghika-lokottaravada (Senart 1882-1897: M1 302-11) 7, Lalitavistara (Lal) preserved in Sanskrit (Lef- mann 1902-1908: 381.3-386.2}, Tibetan and Chinese.'6 8, Fobénxing ji jing #AK*T4M8, *Abhiniskra- ‘manasitra,!” a biography of the Buddha preserved in Chinese (T 3 no. 190, pp. 801a12-803b11), translated by the Gandharan monk Jaanagupta = Shénajuédus WALES between 587-591 ce. (T 55 no. 2149, p. 276a4)."8 An abbreviated English translation was published by Beal (1875: 239-41), 9. The new Gandhari (G) version (RS 24) which probably represents a version similar to one that might have been extant in a Dharmaguptaka Vi- naya produced in 2nd century c., Gandhara [Al lon 2007: 5-6) ‘A French translation of the Pali Theravadin Vinaya, Chinese Mahisasaka Vinaya, and Dhar- maguptaka Vinaya versions and detailed com- mentary on all three was published by Bareau1946 ALLON:A Gindharl Version of the Story of the Merchants Tapussa and Bhallike ences to and translations of many of the Chinese versions and discussion of them. The legend is alluded to but not elaborated upon in several texts. For example, Agvaghosa in his Buddhacarita (XIV 104-5; translated in Johnston 1936: 216-17} briefly refers to the merchants giving the Buddha his first meal and to the gods providing his alms bowl; in the Divyavadana (Cowell and Neil 1886: 393.16-19], Upagupta shows king Asoka the place where these two events occurred; and the Abhidharmakosavyakhya (Wogihara 1932-1936 378) refers to the Buddha telling the merchants to take the Buddha, the Dharma, and the future Sangha as their refuge. (1963: 106-23}. Kuwayama pss provides refer- Summary of the Gandhari Version and Its Parallels The beginning of the Trivusa and Valia episode is missing due to the loss of the top of the man- uscript, while the writing preserved on what remains of the upper section of the manuscript is mostly illegible. Based on the parallels, the Gandhari version is missing at least two epi sodes: 1. The initial description of the Buddha sitting under a certain tree and emerging from concentration, after fasting for seven days; 2. the description of the two merchants and their cara- van traveling along the road nearby. ‘The Gandhari version begins with the descrip- tion of a deity informing the merchants of the Buddha's need for a meal (episode 3 below). The end of the text is also missing, Thus, as stated above, it is unclear whether the text was con- tinued on another scroll, on the “recto” of this scroll, or was left unwritten. The poor state of the manuscript requires that the interpretation of the Gandhari text be guided by the parallels. With the help of the parallels, the following epi- sodes are discernible in the Gandhari text (since episodes 1 and 2 have not survived, I start here with episode 3) 43. Out of consideration for their welfare, a deity (P/ Skt. devata) tells the merchants ‘Trivusa and Va- Tia about the Buddha [and urges them to offer him food as such an offering will be to their benefit) 4, The merchants go to the tree (pethaps the Bodhi tree: G (.05,Jruksa/mujia = Skt. bodhivrksamala-] n under which the Buddha is seated and [see the Buddha] with serene faculties, etc., and as a con- sequence their minds are filled with faith. 5, They approach the Buddha and pay him respect. 6. They ask the Buddha to accept an offering of barley gruel |G matha, P/Skt. mantha], and honey balls (G masupidia,' P madhupindika) out of ‘compassion. 7. Out of compassion, the Buddha accepts the merchants’ offering (or this may occur as event no. 13} 8. The Buddha tells the merchants that they should take refuge in him. 9. The merchants take refuge in the Buddha and Dharma. 10, I is stated that the merchants are the first lay disciples of the Buddha (P/Skt. upasaka), 11. The Buddha approves their gifts of gruel and honey balls with the utterance of a single verse (sce below) 12. Having approved their gifts, the Bud- dha sits down at the root of the Bodhi tree (bosimadamul(*a) = P bodhimandamala) or per: haps goes from the Bodhi tree to another tree, ex periencing the bliss of enlightenment. 13. The Buddha wonders how he can accept the ‘merchants’ food when he has nothing in which to receive alms |?) 14, The gods of the four directions, the four Lokepalas, perceive the Buddha's thoughts, fash- ion four stone (?) bowls, and approach the Buddha. ‘The Gandhari version as depicted in this series of events is not identical to any previously known version and, in fact, contains one notable diver- gence from them. In contrast to all other versions, the episode of the four Lokapalas’ offering of alms bowls occurs after the Buddha has accepted the merchants’ food and after they have taken the twofold refuge. This seems problematic as the Buddha needs a bowl in order to accept food of- ferings. Therefore, there is either a logical incon- sistency in the Gandhari text at this point or a misinterpretation of the text on my part ‘Among all versions of the story, the Gandhart is. closest to the one preserved in the Chinese Dhar- ‘maguptaka Vinaya [DhG Vin]. This assessment is, secured by the apparently close similarity of three key episodes occurring in both versions: Lf [.05.]!8ruksa[mulla of the Gandhart (RS 24, 1. 8) is the equivalent of Skt. bodhivrksamala-/ALLON : A Gandhari Version of the Story of the Merchants Tapussa and Bhallika P bodhirukkhamala-, then the Buddha is seated under the Bodhi tree when the merchants ap. proach him. This description is the same as the corresponding one in the DhG Vin (p. 781¢23), which has i daosha, “the Bodhi tree,” (ear- lier 3988)F puitisha xia, “at the foot of the Bodhi tree” [p. 781¢12-13]]2° In contrast, the Chinese Mahis Vin (p. 103a18) merely states that they arrived at “the foot of that tree” (148) * bishaxia; the Bodhi tree being understood), while the Sanskrit SBhV (yena bhagavams tenopasankrantau, 1 123.4-5) and CPS (§ 2.1 and p. 435} do not mention the tree (although the location is the Bodhi tree since the time is seven days after his enlightenment). In the Pali {Vin I 3} the Buddha sits under the Rajayatana tree, it being three weeks after his enlighten- ment. In the Sanskrit Mvu III 303.12) he sits at a shrine ina thicket of ksirika trees seven weeks after the enlightenment. While in the Sanskrit Lal (p. 381.3) he sits under the Tarayana tree {tdrdyanamile}, an epithet of the Bodhi tree pe- culiar to that text, also seven weeks after the enlightenment, 2. In the P, CPS, SBY, Chin. MSY, and Mvu ver- sions the merchants go to the Buddha, pay their respect, then offer him their food, while in the Gandhari, Chinese DhG Vin and Mahié Vin, and Sanskrit Lal versions the merchants go to the Buddha, see him serene, with faculties controlled, or in great splendor, and the like, then pay their respect and offer their food.2! Of these four texts that include a description of the Buddha's serene appearance, the Gandhari matches most closely the description found in the DhG Vin. ‘The most likely reconstruction of the Gandhart [verso, main frag, 9-11) is bhayavata duridei pasadio pasadania Sa(*tijh(*io) Satamanas("e utamadamasa)sa- masaprat(*e) paramadamasasamasaprata guta jidi(*drio) n(*aga rada iva acha) viprasano ‘<*anavilo> drigpana . . 22 “(They saw] the Bhagavat from afar: fair, pleasing, his faculties calm, his mind calm, hav- ing attained the (*highest training) and calm, having attained the most excellent training and calm, |*a bull elephant who is) controlled, with faculties conquered, (*like a clear), serene, (*translucent pond). Having seen him...” ‘The DhG Vin (T 22 no. 1428, p. 781c23-5) has SESLIUAADRE « HLL HR EAR. WERE SHARE OKRA BE 2 “ls virent de loin le Tathagata: aspect de son visage était extraordinaire, ses facultés apai- sées, concentrées et domptées au plus haut point, etl était sembable a un éléphant dompeé et dépourvu de violence ou a une eau claire et limpide que rien ne souille. Vayant vu, ...” (Bareau 1963: 108) In contrast, the Mahié Vin (T 22 no, 1421 p. 103a19-21) has ‘AHI PIE SUD « Meera EARL. KAZAL « Mt BR Se ‘©, cet se rendirent ensemble au pied de V'arbre. De loin, ils virent le Bienheureax: son aspect et son maintien étaient extraordinaire, ses facul- 16s lindriya} paisibles et concentrées, il possé dait les trente-deux signes (/aksana) du Grand Homme |mahapurusa) et une auréole d’une toise le rendait semblable 2 une montagne dor.” (Bareau 1963: 107) ‘The Lalitavistara’s description of the Buddha's ap- pearance is similar to that found in the Mahis Vin account: te pasyanti sma tathdgatam vaisvanaram iva pradiptam dvatrimsanmahdpurusa-laksanaih samalamkrtam aciroditam iva dinakaram Sriya dedipyamanam, drstvd ca . . . (382.2-4) “They saw the Tathagata brilliant like Vaisva- nara (Agni), adomed with the thirty-two marks of a great man, ablaze with glory like the newly arisen sun, Having seen him... .” For further discussion of this formula and its Pali and Sanskrit versions, sce Allon 2001: 154-62. 3. In most versions of the story the Buddha utters ‘one or more verses in appreciation of the mer- chants’ alms, which espouse the virtue of giving, In the Gandhari (RS 24, Il. 18-19) and Chinese DhG Vin (T 22 no. 1428, p. 782a8-9) versions the Buddha utters one and the same verse (verse Ain the table below]. In the Sanskrit SBhV (I 124.13- 20) and Chinese MSV (T 24 no. 1450, p. 125cl-8} this verse (AJ is followed by three more (B, C, D). The Sanskrit CPS (§§ 3.11-13 and p. 437) has verses B, C, D, while the Chinese Mahi Vin (T 22 no. 1421, p. 1082-5) version has two quite differ- cent verses (E, F]25 The Fobémxing jf jing (T 3 no. 190, p. 80213-c15) has sixteen verses which ex: press the same general ideas as some of the verses listed here, but which do not provide exact paral lels. The Pali lacks such verses."* The number of verses included in the various versions that are relevant for comparative purposes here is graphi: cally summarized in the following table: +ALLON: A Gandhari Version of the Story of the Merchants Tapussa and Bhallika G DhG Vin SBhV MSV CPS Mahis Vin P Vin A A A A - E : - oe BOB B F : : cCEEC] a . : D DoD a : The most likely reconstructed reading of the Gandhari verse is yam atha (*dji(*ajdi dana, (‘tam athae) bh*a)visadi suhatha diadi dana, ta suhae bh{*avisa)di?s “The purpose for which a gift is given will be conducive to that end. A gift given for the purpose of happiness will be conducive to one’s happiness.” ‘The parallel Sanskrit verse, verse A of the SBhV yadartham diyate danam, tadarthaya bhavigyati sukhartham diyate danam, tatsukhaya bhavisyati ‘The DhG Vin verse is ate, OMIA, HAH, OG TER “Les donateurs obtiennent nécessairement leur profit et leur intérét. S'ils donnent & cause de leur bonheur {futur}, ils obtiennent nécessaire- ment plus tard la paix et le bonheur.” (Bareau 1963: 108) It seems that a parallel to this verse is not found in Pali literature. In the Chinese DhG Vin version of the story, after accepting the four stone bowls from the four Lokapalas, the Buddha fashions them into one and then accepts the merchants’ food. He then ut- ters the verse in recognition of the gift (discussed above] and tells the merchants to take refuge in the Buddha and Dharma, and they do so. Itis then stated that they are the first lay followers (P/Skt. upasaka} to take the twofold refuge. Finally, the merchants tell the Buddha that they desire to re- tum to their home country and ask what merito- rious action they can undertake. He gives them some of his hair and nail-parings to take back and venerate. They wonder why he should have given them a gift of items that are normally considered to be waste. Knowing their thoughts, the Buddha tells them that gods and humans who make offer- ings to the Tathagata’s hair and nail-parings will obtain immeasurable merit, They ask what the merit is and the Buddha relates the Dipamkara jataka and preaches on the supreme place of giv- ing in the scheme of things. Finally, the mer- chants depart.26 13 After the description of the four Lokapalas approaching the Buddha with their four bowls, the Gandhari text would undoubtedly have continued with the description of them offering the bowls to the Buddha, the Buddha accepting them and converting them into one bowl. We cannot know what followed this or whether the Gandhari text included the episode of the Bud- dha offering his hair and nail-parings. This is unfortunate since this event only occurs in the DhG Vin,2” Mvu {Hil 310}, and Fobénxing jf jing (T3 no. 190, p. 803a2-b9} and could have pro- vided one of several motives for including this story in this collection (see point 8 in the next section). ‘As noted elsewhere (Allon 2007: 5-6], the Gandhari and the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya ver- sions of this story are not identical in every re- spect, a state of affairs that also holds true in comparisons of five other texts in the Senior Collection with their relatively close paral- Iels in the Chinese Dharmaguptaka Vinaya and Dirghagama. The texts of the Senior Collection clearly belong to the same or a closely related textual lineage as the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya and Dirghagama and although we cannot thereby be certain that the Senior manuscripts were produced by a Dharmaguptaka community, it is likely that they were (see Allon 2013: 22-23 for further dis- cussion. This finds a parallel in the proposed Dharmaguptaka affiliation of the British Library Kharosthi manuscripts (Salomon 1999: 3, 171-74; 2013; 13-14), and for a fragment of a Gandhari Mahaparinirvana-sitra from Bamiyan (Allon and Salomon 2000: 271-73)28 ‘Themes, Importance of the Story, and Notes of Interest There are many features of the story of Trivusa and Valia that may explain its popularity and the reason for its inclusion in the Senior Collection, The following are the most obvious’ 1. The episode of these two merchants offering the Buddha his first meal after his enlightenment acknowledges the important role merchants play in the patronage of Buddhist communities!” and hence the role they play in the prosperity of Bud- dhism and in its transmission to other lands through their trade activities (see below]. This,ALL ON: A Gandhari Version of the Story of the Merchants Tapussa and Bhallika story thus functions as a foundation story for this, phenomenon and encourages the perpetuation of the important merchant-Sangha relationship. ‘This may have been the basis for including this story in the Senior manuscript collection, and itis possible that Rohana, the donor mentioned in the inscription on the pot in which the Senior scrolls were found (see Allon 2007: 3-4), may have been a merchant who saw in this story a model for his ‘own patronage of Buddhism. 2. The merchants Trivusa and Valia are the Bud- has first lay converts (ef, AN I 25-26}. In some versions they spontaneously proclaim their con- version {P), in others the Buddha actually tells them to take refuge, either in the Buddha and Dharma (G, DhG Vin, Mahié Vin} or in the Bud- dha, Dharma, and (future) Sangha [CPS, Mvu, Fobénxing jt jing).2° 3. The story establishes the practice of giving to the Buddha, and by extension of giving to the Buddhist community, as a meritorious act as ar- ticulated in the Buddha’s words of approval of, the merchants’ gift, such as in the above verse. In some versions of the story the Buddha draws a parallel with the Dipankara jataka in which his own giving of flowers to the Buddha Dipankara in a former life marked the beginning of his careet as a bodhisattva.3! In the Lalitavistara version (391.21-22), for example, the Buddha predicts that the merchants will become buddhas in the future due to their generosity. In this regard, an interesting feature of the story is that itis a deity, ‘who was a former relative of the two merchants and who wishes to see them benefit from giving to a Buddha, who informs the merchants of the presence of the newly enlightened Buddha and of the merit to be gained by being the first to give alms food to him. 4, The appearance of the gods of four directions, the Lokapalas, in the story and their gift of the Buddha's first alms bow! is important in that it establishes the subordination of the gods to the Buddha. 5. Again, the story also reveals the Buddha's com- passion, for the Buddha accepts the gods’ four bowls even though he only has need for one to ensure that each gains merit, with the Buddha then compressing them into one in order to solve the problem. In this way, this story could be seen as a foundation story for the practice of Buddhist monks accepting whatever is given to them for the sake of the merit that will be accrued by the donor. 4 6. Similarly, the story could be seen as the foun- dation story for why Buddhist monks receive food in a bowl and not in their hands like other ascet- ics, and it establishes the convention that a Bud- dhist monk carrying a bow! is a worthy recipient of alms and that the act of giving to such a re- cipient brings with it consequential merit for the donor. 7. Another possible motive for the inclusion of this story in this manuscript collection is that it establishes the origins of the Buddha’s bow! ‘which was an object of veneration and pilgrimage in Gandhara (in Purusapura, modern Peshawar) and was seen there by the Chinese pilgrims. 8. Similarly, the episode of the Buddha offering the merchants his hair and nail-parings for ven- eration, which may have been included in the original Gandhari text, provides the foundation for and legitimacy of treating such objects as rel- ics. When present, this dimension of the story also establishes the origins of the first stupa, built in order to house the relics, with stapas coming to be one of the defining markers of the presence of Buddhism in a land. And like the bowl, the Bud- ha’s hair and nail relics were objects of venera- tion in Gandhara, as witnessed by the accounts of the Chinese pilgrims who actually saw them. ‘The Senior Collection of Kharosthi manuscripts, which apparently was ritually interred in a stapa, is, of course, a later but closely related manifesta- tion of this phenomenon. 6. Finally, the two merchants Trivuga and Valia fare associated in some sources with the north- west region of the Indian subcontinent, particu- larly Bactria,3® and it is possible that this story was included in the Senior Collection because it is an account of the first followers of the Buddha from the northwest, Of course, we have no way of telling whether all or only some of these features induced the compiler(s) of the Senior Collection of Kharosthi manuscripts to include this story in the collec- tion which was then ritually buried in a stapa. But clearly, there was no shortage of reasons for doing so. Representations in Art ‘The popularity of the story of the two merchants giving the Buddha his first meal after his enlight- enment and of the Buddha transforming the four bowls offered to him by the four Lokapalas intooleucten/ vf AL LON: A Gandhari Version of the Story of the Merchants Tapussa and Bhallika one is illustrated by the numerous artistic rep- resentations, especially aumerons-in-Gmanies, that depict either or both events. It appears that representations in Gandharan art are particularly numerous. This includes the following categories of representation: 1. Illustrations of the merchants offering the Bud- dha food, Examples are Ingholt and Lyons 1957: nos. 53 and 67 (same image, which appears on the base of a fasting Buddha (Peshwar Museum)” and Rosenfield 1967: no. 102 (Kabul Museum), which depicts the merchants in Kushan dress but this attribution is somewhat speculative) 2, Illustrations of the four Lokapalas giving the Buddha four bowls and the Buddha converting them to one. Examples are found in Zwalf 1996: vols. 1 and 2, nos. 183, 189-92 [see notes to no. 189 for further references}; Kurita 2003: vol. 1, pp. 122-23 (nos. 237-41; text pp. 315], p. 287 (no. 625}; and Bussagli 1965: pl. 12.8* 3, Illustrations of the worship of the bowl relic. Gandharan examples are listed in Kuwayama 1990: 973-74, to which can be added, Kurita 2003: vol. 1, p. 124 (nos. 242-44, text pp. 315) and Rosenfield 1967: no. 108 (Kabul Museum} Examples of the above illustrations are also found outside Gandhara, for example, at Amara- vati [Knox 1992: 53-4) and Mathura (e.g,, Sharma 1995: 242, pls. 59, 67, 182; Indo, Matura chy/2002: no. 15d], and doubtless elsewhere as well Falk 2005 provides examples of lary bowls found in Gandhara and Matha stone Abbreviations crs CCatusparisatsutra (Waldschmidt 1952-1962) DhG Vin Dharmaguptaka Vinaya DPPN Dictionary of Pali Proper Names (Ma- Talasekera 1937-1938} EAG Gandhart Ekottarikagema-type sutras (Allon 2001) G Gandhari Lal Lalitavistara (Lefmann 1902-1908) Mvo ‘Mahavastu (Senart 1882-1897) Mahis Vin MahiSasaka Vinaya Msv ‘Malasarvastivada Vinaya P Pali Pvin Pali Theravada Vinaya RS. Robert Senior Collection of Kharostht ‘Manuscripts 1s ‘Bh Saighabhedavastu (Gnoli 1977, pt. 1) Ske. Sanskrit T Taisho Shinsha Daizoky0 (Takakusu and Watanabe 1924-1934), Notes 1. An earlier version of this paper was given at the XVth Congress of the International Association of Bud- ddhist Studies, Emory University, Atlanta, USA, June 23-29, 2008, T am indebted to Changtzu Shi for pro- ‘viding information relevant to the Chinese sources. I ‘would also like to thank Seishi Karashima for provid- ing information on the Fobénxing ji jing MBAS ATSE8, Jens-Uwe Hartmann for providing information on the ‘Catusparisatsutre ofthe Sanskrit Dirghagama, and Bhik- hu Analayo for his comments on the article as a whole. 2. See, for example, Strong 2004: 76-85. 3. An edition and study of the text by the present author will appear in the Gandharan Buddhist Text se- ries in the near future. '4. For a discussion of the names of these mer chants, see Bareau 1963: 111-13. 5, Examples being the DhG Vin and Mabré Vin translated and discussed by Bareau (1963: 229-42}, who considers this to be a late insertion in the biography of the Buddha (p. 236}. 6, For editions and translations, see Hinitber 1996 8, Pali texts referenced in this article are those of the Pali Text Society. 7. The most recent English translation is Jayawick- rama 1990, 8. For full references, see DPPN s.x. Tapassu, ‘Tapussa and Strong 2004: p. 74, 0.5. 9. See also Oberlies 2003: 50. 10, Hartmann 2000, 2002, 2004. 11. Tam indebted to Jens-Uwe Hartmann for provid {ng information for this entry. 12, Wille 1990: 35, 13, Sanskrit fragments from Miran discovered by Stein, which cover a portion of the SBhV text, were published by La Vallée Poussin 1913: 850-54. 14, See Heirman|n] 2002: 24-23, 15, This title is seen in T $5 no. 2145, p. 21al1 16, For the references to the Tibetan and Chinese, see Waldschmidt 1951 and Lamotte 1958/1988 men- tioned above. 17. On the inadequacy of this Sanskrit title, see Durt 2004: 56. 18, The school association of the Fobnxing jf jing is still debated. For example, Matsumura (2011: 87) notes that Tokiwa supposed “that JRanagupta's main source is the Dharmaguptaka tradition, but in many instances he also reports different traditions belonging to the Mahasenghikas, the KaSyaptyas, the Mahisasakas and the Sarvastivadins/” while herself noting that “[slinceALLON: A Gandhari Version of the Story of the Merchants Tapussa and Bhallika JAanagupta starts his translation witha prayer to Varo: cana Buddhs, he himself was obviously a Mahayanist” fnd chat "the Dipamkara story in this sutra actually shows strong influences from Mahayane ideas” Dust (2003) notes that the author had drawn on several sources and that the colophon, which refers to several schools, ilustrates “the lack of importance of sectar- {an distinctions in the case of narrative work" (p. 63] stich as this. Iam indebted to Seishi Karashima for bringing these and other references to my attention “The version ofthe story of the two merchants found in the Fobénxing jt jing difers from the DhG Vin ver- sion and from the Gandhast version under discussion on many important points. For example, whereas in the DhG Vin version the gods offer the Buddha stone bowls, in the Fobénxing ji jing they offer him gold Bowls, which he rejects, then offer him bowls of silver, beryl, etc, and finally, stone bowls. Again, whereas in the G and DhG Vin the merchants take the twofold refuge (see below], in the Fobémxing j ing ehey take the three-fold refuge. And whereas in the G and DhG ‘Vin the Buddha gives one verse in appreciation of the merchants’ meal [see below), in the Fobénxing i ing there are sixteen verses, followed by another five verses blessing their safe journey home. These indicate that the Fabenxing jt jing belongs to a diferent textual lin tage than that of the DhG Vin, though of course not necessarily a diferen nikaya 19. The aksaras. could also be read asd. The read- ing may have been vodi or vosi = P/Skt. bodhi, “awak- ening, enlightenment” 20, See Bareau 1963: 110-1. 21. For discussion ofthe P, DhG Vin, and Mabis Vin versions, se Bareau 1963: 116. 22. The reading is [9] /// #3 Bhayalvajta daridei pasadilo] pasadania ga} [h.] ? Satamanals.} [10] /// Samasalprat| paramadamasasamalsa}prata guta [ji] 1 (at? # (11) i// [vilprasano anega drispana. The ‘word anega in the last line is probably a mistake for anavilojanavela = Skt. andavila-. This tentative re- construction is based on the reading of the same for mula found elsewhere in the Senior manuscripts and in the EA-G (Allon 2001|:... dreksasi ta bhagavata raha sama(*sabudha prasadio prasa}danio Satidrio, Satamanase utamadamasasamasaprate para madama(*sasamasaprate) drispana .. [RS 2.59-60; in the future tense, ... prasadio prasadanio satihio (*Satamanase u)i(*a)m(*a)damasasamasaprate paramadamasasamasaprate guta jididrio (69| /// {ru} da. acha viprosava apavilo (RS. 2.67-9) (*prasadiu prasada)ni Satidhri Satamanas(*a) ° utamadamasasamasaprats * p(a)(*alm(*a 88} datu) sghutw vudidhefo nasu roda gam iva * achu apavela Vip(ea)s("ajn(*a)* (+t) (EA-G 6-8), In the light of these new G examples, the reconstruction T suggested for plvajr(*a)m(ea #1? datu) ghuta in the EAG oc- currence (Allon 2001; 157~ 59] should be amended to 16 pl-aje(*ahm(*adamasasemasapratu) ghutu. Despite the reading nasu in the BA-G example, which [inter- preted as being the equivalent of Skt. natha, “protec- tor” (Allon 2001: 158-55), I adapt the reconstruction ‘(taga) = Skt. ndga- inthis RS 24 example asthe faint. aksata appears tobe g rather than s, with naga: being the term found in the parallels 23, Verses E and F have parallel in the Fobénxing it ng, T 3 no. 190, p. €02c21-22 (verse Band 25-26 {verse F}, respectively. lam indebted to Changtzu Shi for bringing this to my attention. ‘24, For discussion of the DhG Vin and Mahié Vin verses and thei function, see Bareau 1963: 121-22. 25, The reading is yajmeatha «i! di dana) + +34 [bh] 19] if visolds]sufhatha diag] dana ta [suhae bh # [dil. Several of these aksaras have alternative readings. Its also unclear how many aksaras appeared between [dana) and (bh). The reconstructions are based on internal repetitions 26, T 22 no. 1428, p.782a5-786c27, French transla- ‘ion, Bateau 1963; 108-9 2f. For discussion of this DkG Vin version of this episode, ae Bareau 1968: 122-23. 28. For further discussion of this topic, see Salomon 2013; 13-14 29, This theme was noted by Bareau 1963: 113-14, see aso Lamotte 1958: 72 = 1988: 66, who notes the Importance of lay supporters, 30. In the Pali Anguttaranikaya iI 450-51), Tapussa and Bhallike appear asthe fst n is of householders (gahapati} wine had realized the deathless (amata-) the significance being that they did so without having be ome monks, Cf, no. 3 inthe ist forthe account of the prediction that they will become Buddhas in the future. 31. Bg. in the DhG Vin (T 22 no, 1428, pp 782a26~785c22). ‘32, Barea 1963; 118f, Kuwayama 1990, Zwalf 1996, vol 1, notes to no. 189; Falk 2006 provides further dis: cussion, including the location of the bow ‘33, Fora good discussion ofthe hair and nail relics, see Strong 2004: 71-85 34, See Strong 2004: 74, who refers to the account given by Xuinzing 23 of the Buddha instructing the merchants how to build a stapa 35, For example, the stopa in Nagarahara contain- ing hair and nail relics was visited by Faxidn #238 in the early fifth ceneury ca. (Leage 1886: 39-40) and Kudnzing £8 in the seventh century [Beal 1884: vl 1,p.95) 36, Lamotte 1958: 72 = 1988: 66, For an expression cof doubt about this tradition, with particular reference to Lokesh Chandra’s discussion of it, see Fussman 1994: 38 '37. Discussed by Dehefia 1997: 200-201, 203g. 187) 38, Hirayama Collection 2002: no, 166 may be an example of ¢ combination of images 1 and 39. 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A Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculpture in the Brit- ish Maseurm, 2 vols, London.Sd Bulletin of the Asia Institute Evo suyadi Essays in Honor of Richard Salomon’s 65th Birthday New Series/Volume 23 2009 Edited by Carol Altman Bromberg, Timothy J. Lenz, and Jason Neelis Published with the assistance of the Neil Kreitman Foundation (UK.)Michael Shapiro ‘Mark Allon Stefan Baums Daniel Boucher Robert L. Brown Collett Cox Harry Falk Andrew Glass Paul Harrison Jens-Uwe Hartmann Stephanie W. Jamison Seishi Karashima Klaus Karttunen Timothy Lenz Abdur Rehman Juhyung Rhi Ludo Rocher and Rosane Rocher Gregory Schopen Martin Schwartz Jonathan A. Silk Nicholas Sims-Williams Peter Skilling Ingo Strauch Michael Willis Contents Foreword Richard Salomon: A Personal Tribute A Gandhari Version of the Story of the Merchants ‘Tapussa and Bhallika Inscribed Buddhist Tablets from Merv What Do We Mean by “Early” in the Study of the Early Mahayana—and Should We Care? Telling the Story in Art of the Monkey's Gift of Honey to the Buddha ‘What's in a Name? School Affiliation in an Early Buddhist Gandhari Manuscript ‘Making Wine in Gandhara under Buddhist Monastic Supervision Bha ‘Verses by Santideva in the Siksasamuccaya: A New English Translation ‘The Foolish Cat and the Clever Mouse: Another Parable from an Unknown Story Collection An Indo-Iranian Priestly Title Lurking in the Rig Veda? ‘An Indic Equivalent to Avestan karapan On Amitabha, Amitayu(s|, Sukhavati and the Amitabhavyoha Gandhara and the Greeks Ephemeral Dharma; Magical Hope ‘A Note on the Etymology of Gandhara ‘The Garuda and the Nagi/Naga in the Headdresses of Gandharan Bodhisattvas: Locating Textual Parallels Indian Epigraphy and the Asiatic Society: The First Fifty Years} Regional Languages and the Law in Some Early North Indian Buddhist Monasteries and Convents Sartha- and Other Caravan Words ‘The Nature of the Verses of the Kasyapaparivarta Some Bactrian Inscriptions on Silver Vessels Prakrit Prajfaparamitas: Northwest, South, and Center: Gleanings from Avalokitavrata and Haribhadra Inscribed Objects from Greater Gandhara Avalokitesvara of the Six Syllables: Locating the Practice of the “Great Vehicle” in the Landscape of Central India Review JONGEWARD, ERRINGTON, SALOMON, AND BAUMS. Gandharan Buddhist Reliquaries (Jason Neelis} Books Received Abbreviations 33, 43, 53 79 87 105 mu 121 131 135 47 159 a7 179 181 191 199 221 231 237