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The Ugaritic poems present Astarte as a model of beauty and usually associate her closely with
Baal, the storm god, for she consistently supports his cause (Coogan 1978:61, 65, 74, 89, 116). On at
least five occasions the mythic material pairs her with Anat, perhaps an indication that the two
goddesses were already beginning to meld into one another. Yet, since Astarte's name occurs
quite often in offering and deity lists, it is clear that she had an important, if not central place in
ritual and sacrifice (Olmo Lete 1999:71). An enormous number of female images originated from the
excavations at Ugarit, and scholars have labeled many of them as Astarte. However, to date, no
one has been able to demonstrate that they actually represent Astarte.
The Hebrew form of Astarte's name ashtereth, which occurs only three times in the Hebrew Bible,
resulted from the deliberate replacement of the vowels in the last two syllables of the goddess's
name with the vowels from the Hebrew noun bosheth, "shame" (Day 2000:128; Buttrick 1990:I,255).
According to Patai, the "original meaning of the name Astarte was 'womb' or 'that which issues
from the womb,'" an appropriate title for a fertility goddess (Patai 1990:57). In statements about Syro-
Canaanite religion, the Biblical texts often couple the ashteroth, "the Astartes," with the baalim,
"the Baals," an indication that the writers knew that many local versions of these deities existed.
However, this repeated connection of Astarte and Baal has led some scholars to conclude that the
Hebrew Bible understood Astarte to be Baal's consort (Day 2000:131; Patai 1990:57). If she were his
consort, she too should have associations with fertility.
Astarte's name also occurs in the Hebrew Bible as part of a place name, Ashteroth Karnaim,
karnaim meaning "of the two horns" (Genesis 14:5). Ashteroth Karnaim, perhaps the "full old name
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of the city," (Patai 1990:57), was probably a temple center where Astarte was worshipped as a two-
horned deity. In support of this suggestion, Patai points to a mold from a shrine in Israel depicting
a goddess with two horns. Dated between the eighteenth and the sixteenth centuries BCE, the
mold shows a naked goddess in a high, conical hat. She has two horns, one on each side of her
head (Patai 1990:57, Plate 9).
Two passages in the Book of Jeremiah (7.17-18 and 44.15-19) refer to ancient Israelite worship of a
"Queen of Heaven." These passages provide a very rare glimpse into ritual practices of Judahite
popular religion. Around the turn of the seventh century BCE, Jeremiah preaches to Israelite exiles
in Egypt. To his horror whole families, with women in the lead, were making offerings to a goddess.
They poured libations, built fires, and baked "cakes [kawwanim] for the Queen of Heaven"
(Jer.7:18). The scholarly literature presents a number of theories about who the "Queen of Heaven"
was (Toorn 1998:83-88; Patai 1990:64). However, since "Queen of Heaven" was one of the many titles of
the Mesopotamian goddess Inanna-Ishtar, for whom worshippers also made cakes [kamanu], it is
possible that the goddess in the Jeremiah passages was Astarte (Toorn and Horst 1999:678-679; Patai
1990:64).
Since a goddess is central to the symbolism of the Taanach stand, I would argue that a goddess is
there also in the door on level two and the animal on level four. The symbolism of the cult stand
suggests that this Levantine goddess is very similar to the Mesopotamian great goddess Inanna-
Ishtar (Stuckey 2001:92-94). The female figure on the bottom register underpins everything; she is the
foundation of all and so queen of heaven, earth, and underworld. She is both life and death, the
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latter present in the menacing lions which she controls. Above her, there looms both the door to
her shrine and the mystic entrance to her realm both on earth and in the underworld. More
important, it is the symbol of her essential nature: like Sumerian Inanna, she embodies change
(Stuckey 2001:95). To enter into her realm is to undergo transformation, whether by dying on the
battlefield, being born, falling in love, engaging in sexual activity, or leaving the ordinary and,
through ritual, entering sacred time and space.
The tree on level three is yet another statement of the goddess's presence, and, like her, it has its
branches in the heavens, its trunk on the earth, and its roots reaching toward the world beneath
the earth (Stuckey 2001:101). The animal on the fourth level, which I think may be a bull calf, probably
represents her consort, the storm god, whose function it is to bring rain to fertilize the earth so that
the life cycle can go on. Given what we know about Canaanite religion in the first millennium BCE,
I would assign the Taanach stand tentatively to Astarte, who seems, at that time, to have been
consort of the storm god Baal (Patai 1990:56-57).
Devotion to Astarte was prolonged by the Phoenicians, descendants of the Canaanites, who
occupied a small territory on the coast of Syria and Lebanon in the first millennium BCE. From
cities such as Byblos, Tyre, and Sidon, they set forth by sea on long trading expeditions, and,
venturing far into the western Mediterranean, they even reached Cornwall in England (Tubbs
1998:140-141). Wherever they went, they established trading posts and founded colonies, the best
known of which was in North Africa: Carthage, the rival of Rome in the third and second centuries
BCE (Tubbs 1998:142-145). Of course they took their deities with them. Hence, Astarte became much
more important in the first millennium BCE than she had been in the second millennium BCE (Patai
1990:56-57). In Cyprus, where the Phoenicians arrived in the ninth century BCE, they built temples
to Astarte, and it was on Cyprus that she was first identified with Greek Aphrodite (Friedrich 1978).
The Greco-Roman period saw another great Levantine goddess called Atargatis being worshipped
in the Levant and elsewhere. Her name seems to have come from a combining of the names
Astarte and Anat. On the other hand, it may have resulted from a fusion of the names of all three
Levantine great goddesses (Toorn and Horst 1999: 111). To the second century of our era is dated a
Greek account of the "Syrian" Goddess"; the work is traditionally attributed to the satirical writer
Lucian. Though the writer gives Greek names for the deities he describes, the goddess of the title
is clearly Atargatis (Lucian 1976:4). The worship of Atargatis spread from Syria across the
Mediterranean and lasted well into the third century of our era (Godwin 1981:150-152, 158 #124). Thus,
long after she lost her independent identity, Astarte lived on in a composite "Syrian Goddess."
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