Araujo 1988 Brega Music+Conflict LAMR

Brega: Music and Conflict in Urban Brazil
Author(s): Samuel M. Araújo

Source: Latin American Music Review / Revista de Música Latinoamericana, Vol. 9, No. 1
(Spring - Summer, 1988), pp. 50-89
Published by: University of Texas Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/779999
Accessed: 20-05-2017 14:26 UTC
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
University of Texas Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Latin
American Music Review / Revista de Música Latinoamericana
This content downloaded from 200.130.19.157 on Sat, 20 May 2017 14:26:39 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Samuel M. Araujo Brega: Music and Conflict
in Urban Brazil1
An apparently new category was intro-

duced to the realms of Brazilian popular music in 1984. With the r
and success of rock singer Eduardo Dusek's Brega-chique, chique-brega
album, the word brega, which could not be found in the best Portugu
dictionaries, started puzzling popular music critics, journalists, and th
public in general. Often asked to define it, the singer pointed out tha
although brega was an informal term applied to a whole body of mass
oriented popular music, its meaning had roots in broader socioecon
phenomena.
Following the lead provided by Dusek, general newspapers and maga-
zines begun to "discover" the brega universe, publishing interviews with
and short stories about its more exposed representatives. The first data
emerging from those accounts probably astonished the average reader.
Many of those unfamiliar names turned out to be among the top-selling
recording artists in the country, despite having never received media
coverage commensurate with the striking sales figures reported. Perhaps
it was even more intriguing to learn that many of those artists had been
enjoying a constant level of popularity for several years and that, although
brega was the term informally employed by their companies to describe
their general style, the artists in question did not identify themselves
as such. Since then, brega and its socioeconomic concomitants became
the object of unprecedented and increasing media attention and thus
provoked all sorts of speculation about its significance in present-day
Brazilian society.
This study will focus on the musical manifestations of brega, attempting
to provide a descriptive picture of their general characteristics and social
contexts. A brief commentary on the conflicts in the sociopolitico-eco-
nomical circumstances surrounding the emergence of brega as a media
issue and their impact on the Brazilian record business is also included.
Rather than constituting a fully worked out taxonomy, the headings
Brega: Music and Conflict in Urban Brazil : 51
of the sections dealing with musical manifestations of brega are working

categories which follow more or less arbitrary criteria. Only those musi-
cal tendencies which have been recurrently associated with brega will be
examined here.
Despite the predominantly descriptive character of this essay and the

absence of comprehensive source materials dealing with its subject, some
conclusions as to the interrelationships among the various phenomena
analyzed will also be offered. These, given the complexity of the subject,
will be necessarily tentative hypotheses to be tested by further research.
Preliminary Remarks
The emergence of brega as a media issue occurred in a very significant

moment of recent Brazilian history. Even a casual observer of the Bra-
zilian reality in the early 1980s would not have any difficulty in finding
out that the period in question was a rather tense one. Key facts affect-
ing the following discussion are (1) the skyrocketing inflation (over 200
percent in 1984), the internal economic recession, and peak unemploy-
ment rates, with devastating effects over the labor force (see Tavares and
de Assis 1985); (2) the political impasse resulting from the contradiction
between the decline and visible unpopularity of a twenty-one-year (1964-
1985) military dictatorship and its reluctance in compromising with the
discordant political forces; and (3) the generalized reversal of social ex-
pectations, bringing issues such as cultural identity and national sover-
eignty to the forefront of social concern.
This rather unstable situation had incisive effects on the economic
activity as a whole, including the local record industry. Rated as the fifth
largest record market in world terms by the late 1970s, Brazil apparently
maintained a relatively high-ranking position in 1984 (it reached the
eighth place, according to McGowan 1985). All "big five" transnational
companies-i.e., CBS, EMI, Polygram, Warner (WEA) and RCA-
had fully operative branches in the country and they also were, along
with Som Livre (a private enterprise owned by Globo, the main Bra-
zilian TV network), the ones that controlled 91 percent of the local mar-
ket share in 1985 (see Hoos 1986: 72).
Facing the recession, the main enterprises' reaction was somewhat
uniform. Cuts of personnel (both administrative and artistic), joint dis-
tribution of their products, and other procedures of that sort were con-
sistently adopted by them (see McGowan 1985; Hoos 1986). In musical
terms, that was the time, according to a CBS official (quoted in Mc-
Gowan 1985: VL-22), to go back to "fundamentals, to real talent."
Given the popularity of brega trends during that critical period, some
52 : Samuel M. Araujo
sources (see, for instance, Anonymous 1985, 1986a) described their gen-
eral stylistic features as something unique in terms of the trajectory of
Brazilian popular music. Basically, they would comprise (1) exaggerated
and/or naively romantic textual contents; (2) use of large ensembles,
usually employing full string sections, brass instruments, and also rela-
tively new developments in the field of electronic/digital instruments;
and (3) influences of or merging with international tendencies, resulting
in either the development of hybrid musical styles or the adoption of
exogenous genres. Nonetheless, there is a substantial amount of evidence
to support that these characteristics have antecedents in the history of
popular music in Brazil since at least the eighteenth century (see chapter
3 in Araujo 1987).
Brega: Slang, Occupation, or Musical Style?
As mentioned at the beginning of this paper, the word brega was not
totally ignored in the Brazilian context when it was printed for the first
time on a record cover. Even so, its "formal" recognition, in addition
to the lack of its definition in any Portuguese language dictionary, pro-
moted a great deal of curiosity among the public. Being the natural cen-
ter of the publicity following his album release, Eduardo Dusek was
prodigal in definitions and also advanced broad explanations for the
brega phenomenon.
According to the singer (see Xexeo 1984), brega as a musical term
would mean mu'sica periferica ("peripheral music") for "the great masses
of the interior," interior, in this case, becoming much more an economic
category (i.e., relatively distant from the metropolis) than a geographical
one (a small coastal city or the poor neighborhoods and slums of a big
city would be considered "interior" under this criterion). There was also,
affirmed Dusek, a social meaning in brega, a term used in Rio de Janeiro
as a derogatory substitute for domestic servant (coinciding with this au-
thor's first recollections). As an extension of that sense, the term might
also be applied to anything vulgar, dated, kitsch, or, in a more abstract
way, to any "representation of nothing" (Xexeo 1984: 78). In opposi-
tion, brega-chique ("chic brega") would refer to the reversal of that pejora-
tive sense and-suggested the singer-the acknowledgment of the "racial
milk-shake," an essential feature of Brazilian society.
Whenever asked to give examples of both categories, Dusek did not
hesitate before listing as brega the politicians who contributed to the re-
jection of the direct vote amendment, perhaps the climax of the political
impasse. Brega-chique would be those who struggled to pass the amend-
ment and also several people from different artistic fields (film, theater,
music, etc.) who, not properly being mass-oriented artists, incorporated

in one way or another certain elements of the brega imagery into their
respective modes of artistic expression.
Given its supposed antecedence in relation to the other meanings, it
might be worth commenting briefly upon the condition of the domestic
servant in Brazil. Alternatively called empregada domestica, domestica, or
empregada, that specific occupation accounts for most women's jobs in
the country. Data from the 1980 census (reproduced in Szwarcwald and
de Castilho 1986: 8) indicate that 20 percent of the country's female
labor force provided some kind of domestic service (cooking, cleaning,
etc.). It is usually through domestic occupations, for instance, that mi-
grant women coming from rural areas are first absorbed by the labor
market in the biggest cities. According to Souza, domestic services con-
stitute a special situation within the labor market: "Formally, it encom-
passes wage-workers, though they are not subordinated to a capital [in
the economic sense] but to a non-economic unit, as the family . . . given
the type of work, the tendency to the establishment of personal relations
is obviously very strong" (1980: 35).
In fact, the many facets of the domesticas' universe deepen more and
more its uniqueness. As many of them live at the workplace, several
houses and apartment buildings in Brazilian cities include the so-called
dependencias de empregada ("servant's facilities"), comprising a separate
and incredibly small bedroom with an even smaller bathroom and sepa-
rate (in the case of buildings) entrance halls and elevators (dosfundos or
de servio). The transgression of those limits, except for cleaning jobs,
implies quite often a serious offense. Sometimes, however, the violation
of the space is not only allowed but intensely desired, as the widely em-
ployed expression a domestica virou patroa ("the servant became patroness")
suggestively indicates.
The latter observation also touches upon a significant aspect of the
domestica condition which is equally important to the brega semantics: the
contradictions between the eventual socioeconomic mobility and the re-
tention of underestimated cultural backgrounds. Thus, the music played
on the servant's AM radio as well as the porcelain penguin put on the
refrigerator by the owner of a nice suburban mansion might be classified
as brega, and so on.
In any case, it was the extremely prejudicial content of the term brega
which generated its broader extensions. A profuse number of them
emerged from a survey conducted in a special program produced by the
radio station of the Universidade de Sao Paulo (Sao Paulo University).
About thirty people, apparently selected at random, were asked to define
and provide examples of brega. Although the interviewers put some em-
phasis on the musical aspects of the phenomenon, some respondents
eventually extended their associations to other realms. A selective list

of answers is furnished in Example 1.
Example 1: Definitions and examples of brega (from Luca n.d.)
Question (1) What is musica brega?

(2) What is brega?
Definitions:
-I don't know.
-what the Northeastern says: party in a whorehouse.

-[with a clear Northeastern accent] a promiscuity house of t
cabaret type, in a pejorative sense [never heard with other
meaning].
-popular singers who sing things related to their lives-empregadas,
low-income people.
-I always found, for instance, that samba canado [slower tempo form
of samba with romantic textual contents] was brega, but there
was the Jovem Guarda [first Brazilian popular music trend to
absorb rock influences; see also sections on antecedents, brega,
and deluxe brega].
-subproducts of Jovem Guarda.
-those people of Jovem Guarda.
-gutcha [the equivalent to brega in the Sao Paulo slang].
-gutcha music.
-music which is played in Sao Paulo.
-Californian music . . . those things which came from California
at that time [1960s] . . . those dagua-com-afucar [mellow] little
groups.
-[well-known popular music singer, not usually labeled as brega]
we cannot carry any type of prejudice against a [type of] music.
In 1977, I sang "Boneca cobicada" in my show . . . More brega
than "Boneca cobicada" is the garbage of the garbage . . . I
sang it once it had a function within my work, my script . . . I
don't have any prejudices toward any kind of music.
-turn it off. . . turn it off.
Question (3) Name a brega singer.

-Waldick Soriano [see section on deluxe brega]
-Roberto Carlos [see section on deluxe brega]
-Lucio Alves [bossa nova singer]
-Menudo [Puerto Rican teenage group]
-Kid Ab6bora [Brazilian new wave group]
-Elvis Presley
-Johnny Rivers
Brega. Music and Conflict in Urban Brazil : 55
As we can see, some of the associations are not confined to the na-
tional context and encompass well-known phenomena in the international
scene. Actually, international connections apparently constitute a con-
sistent aspect of brega. Not rarely, Brazilian brega singers participate in
their foreign counterparts' records and vice-versa (e.g., Waldick Soriano
with Miguel Aseves Mejia from Mexico, Carlos Santos with Cristoph
from France, and Joanna with Barry Manilow from the United States).
Considered as a whole, the several meanings of brega reveal a multi-
farious universe which has as a common denominator its deprecation,
usually according to prejudicious value judgments. Quite coherently,
prejudice, mobility, and discrimination are also significant aspects in the
trajectories of brega exponents.
The Diffusion of Brega Music
The following tentative inventory concerning the channels of diffusion

of brega music takes into consideration the manifestations which have
been more recurrently labeled as such. Examining the various accounts
provided so far, one will have an impression of a rather stratified pano-
rama.
Perhaps at its foundations are the public diffusio

stations (or the "kitchen sound," according to C
shows through the Brazilian interior (in the sense
latter are characteristically put together in gymna
clubs, and other types of public spaces and attende
ing from about five hundred people to about three
even more.
An intermediary stage is that of the churrascar

lent to barbecue restaurants and a strong symbol
tity), relatively unknown night clubs in cities suc
Sao Paulo, sporadic appearances on less prestigi
low-cost, mass-oriented commercial films.
At a certain point, it seems safe to try more am
time, then, to become exposed to the presumably
audience of the fashionable night clubs of the me
produced programs and novelas (enormously po
prime-time television (the Globo TV is the para
showcase for MPB top stars, the large beerhous
in Rio de Janeiro (which represent to the nouveau
what the churrascarias represent to the middle cl
chances are that the artist will also manage to bre
of the FM radio stations, the "living room soun
Despite the existence of all those levels of discrimination it is com-

monly observed that a brega singer's career seldom follows those three
stages linearly. Thus, an extremely successful singer in commercial terms
such as Roberto Carlos will also tour the states' capitals presenting "live"
shows, but the technology and other material means involved in the
production will be far more sophisticated than the ones of an Amado
Batista (see the section on brega). On the other hand, singers such as
Milionario and Jose Rico (see the section on brega sertaneja) will be hardly
(if ever) seen on prime-time TV but will successfully tour countries such
as the United States (mainly the states near the Mexican border) and
mainland China.2 Yet, in one exceptional case-Carlos Santos (see sec-
tion on brega)-the artist had never done (until 1986) a single "live"
show or TV program, depending primarily on the radio broadcasting
of his records to diffuse his name.
Brief Profile of a Brega Singer
Generally speaking, the trajectory of many brega singers fits into a well-
known stereotype in terms of social mobility: the self-made man (women
are apparently a minority in brega).
A consistent characteristic in their personal histories (e.g., Waldick
Soriano, Amado Batista, Milionario, and Jose Rico) is to come from a
poor family of usually rural background, start early as an agricultural
worker, and then move to a big city where, after taking all kinds of low-
paying jobs (i.e., office boy, clerk, trucker, and construction jobs), they
finally "make it" in the record business. Some of them, however, come
also from the poorer strata of the metropolises and live in the slums of
Rio de Janeiro (e.g., Agepe; see the section on samba romantico) or Sao
Paulo cortios (tenements) under precarious conditions. These stories end,
at least temporarily, at huge and comfortable farm houses (e.g., Amado
Batista, Milionario, and Jose Rico) or dreamlike mansions and apart-
ments in the cities' most fashionable sites (e.g., Rio de Janeiro's Zona
Sul). Not all brega representatives, though, were raised in economic pri-
vation. There are instances of middle-class people who became successful
within the brega stream (e.g., Roberto Carlos, Nelson Ned, and Sidney
Magal).
Many brega artists have other types of business outside music, but the
majority of them get most of their revenues from their recording careers.
An interesting exception in this regard is again the singer Carlos San-
tos, who heads a multi-interest enterprise which is claimed to be the
main source of his financial success and to occupy most of his profes-
sional time.3
Brega. Music and Conflict in Urban Brazil: 57
In terms of public image, three main trends arise: (1) a moderate one
(e.g., Roberto Carlos), typically emphasizing values believed to be ac-
cepted by the society at large, such as the use of discrete adornments
(bracelets, rings, medallions), reiterated statements of religious beliefs
(Catholicism almost certainly), and either ambiguous or conservative
opinions about all sorts of issues; (2) an overtly romantic image, quite
often implying that no contradictions exist between the public and the
private facets of the artist's life (e.g., Sidney Magal, Jose Rico, and
Agepe); and (3) a neutral image, apparently distant from the emphati-
cally romantic and the moderate stereotypes; the singers in this case do
not customarily publicize their personal opinions or attitudes (e.g.,
Amado Batista and Carlos Santos).
Yet a common issue arises from the public statements made by brega
representatives: they complain about being the target of social prejudice.
Be it by blaming the "Nazism of the FM stations" (Sidney Magal,
quoted in Castro 1984), the record reviewers' harsh criticisms (Roberto
Carlos), or TV Globo's discrimination against some of them (Amado
Batista), brega singers seem to suggest that a substantial part of the Bra-
zilian media still saw (at least around 1984) brega as a manifestation of
the underdog or the nonconsumer, a "representation of nothing."4
Brega Rock
I think that brega-chique is a curtiao [an ironical commentary on what brega

is] . . . The difference between new wave and new brega is that the new
wave shops for clothes at Carl's while brega does it at Mesbla. (One defini-
tion of brega given by an interviewee on the "Anos 60" radio program;
see Luca n.d.)
Having brought about the public discussion of brega, it is no surprise

that Eduardo Dusek's Brega-chique, chique-brega album (1984) is utilized by
several sources as a referential point whenever the issue is raised. The
quotation provided above is no exception and refers to three important
features of a tendency which will be presented here as brega rock: (1) its
ironical or humorous view of social or, less frequently, political issues;
(2) its rock 'n' roll/new wave/punk connection; and (3) its extensive,
symbolic connotations (music, clothes, etc.).
Examining them in an inverted order, it should be noticed first that
the two fashion stores mentioned, Carl's and Mesbla, refer to two dis-
tinct realities. While the first was at the time in question considered to
be a trendy, upper-class, youth-oriented boutique, the other, a depart-
ment store, has been a symbol of affluence (in the sense of social mo-
bility) for a rather long period of time. As we have already seen, this
latter aspect is very often associated with brega, mainly in terms of the
tension between the lower classes' and upper classes' values.
The two other characteristics indicated above are related to the emer-
gent popularity enjoyed by local rock groups and/or singers of the new
wave/punk trend and expressed by impressive sales figures. In fact, rock
and humor have been the trademark of a number of commercially suc-
cessful artists since Rita Lee's sales boom by the early 1980s. From then
on, a succession of events would demonstrate that that was a significant
cultural phenomenon of the decade. 1982 would be the year of the group
Blitz with its ironical and theatrical approach to daily situations. Their
hit "Voce nao soube me amar" (1982) combined spoken dialogues and
a rather simple, new wave-inspired accompaniment, being performed on
stage in a humorously dramatic way.
New wave influences were also clearly present when the group Maga-
zine took over the national scene with the song "Sou boy" ("I Am an
Office Boy") in 1984. In this case, however, a new datum in terms of
the Brazilian context (for an account of its occurrence in its original
context, see Coon 1978) emerged: the punk/new wave connection. Con-
trasting to the rather trivial thematic universe (e.g., love crises, ego-
trips, etc.) depicted by the Blitz, the Magazine and its histrionic leader,
Kid Vinil, sang the routine of a lower bureaucrat in a very caustic man-
ner. Vinil himself would stress the previous impact of punk not only in
his music but also in his own way of life, mainly reflected in the anarchic
song texts of his first bands, Caos and Verminose, back in the late 1970s.
I identified myself [with punk culture] because in the end I had the opin-
ion that nothing else existed. It was a matter of auto-destruction, because
everything was so chaotic by that time . . . In the times of the Caos band,
we had a text which strongly offended president Geisel [the military dic-
tator of Brazil from 1974 to 1978], saying: "Who is this insane guy? / He
is our president." (Kid Vinil in Petta 1984: 63)
After switching to a less radical posture and becoming a market sensa-

tion, the Magazine (the name was confessedly copied from an English
new wave group) would face the common criticisms-i.e., ignorance of
"genuine" Brazilian music and capitulation before "imposed" alien
tendencies-directed at local rock performers. An intriguing point, how-
ever, was missed by those critics. Traditional genres were not unfamiliar
to at least some rock musicians and, occasionally, close connections did
exist. In the case of Kid Vinil (or Ant6nio Carlos Senofonte, his actual
name), his parallel job controlling the editorial royalties of all Chantecler
(a record label specializing in musica sertaneja, a genre of the Southern
and Midwestern states of rural origins) issues probably demanded a
Brega: Music and Conflict in Urban Brazil: 59
much greater degree of expertise in traditional styles than that of most of

his critics.
Once rock musicians started approaching social and political issues
with total irreverence, the criticisms began to encompass the texts as
well; before that, they would not even be considered. Another major
hit of 1983/84, the song "Inutil" ("Inutile"), recorded by the band
Ultraje a Rigor, had an unequivocal punk atmosphere, marked by a
repetitive melody and rhythm over a single chord and very direct lyrics.
Containing verses such as "We don't know how to choose a president /
We don't know how to take care of ourselves / Inutile, we are inutile"
and incorporating grammatical mistakes which are frequently found in
colloquial Portuguese, "Inutil" provoked mixed reactions. Conservative
chroniclers attacked what they considered to be a satiric depiction of the
lower classes, while other observers were more sensitive to its ironic
message in a moment when basic political rights were being denied to
the society as a whole.
Despite the divergent readings and interpretations, irreverent social/
political critique and deliberate musical simplicity inspired in punk and,
mainly, new wave models were thus fundamental aspects of the rise of
Brazilian rock as a stable commercial tendency in the early 1980s. Fol-
lowing the trend, record companies (WEA in particular) started signing
several rock groups whose repertoire explored those characteristics in
different dosages.
The case of Eduardo Dusek in that context was particularly interest-
ing. While his previous aesthetical postures, blending diverse imported
and domestic musical influences, would hardly fit into a single category,
irreverence and rock were consistent elements of his work since at least
1980. Maintaining his unorthodox attitude, Dusek would not restrain
himself to the usual derivation of new wave models, characteristic of the
most popular Brazilian rock groups. Instead, he would put together in
1984 an eclectic album, Brega-chique, chique-brega, with a distinct at-
mosphere on each side. The either ironical or overtly sarcastic tone of
the texts on side 1 (or Brega-chique) was in a sense complemented by the
borrowing from popular music genres associated with the lower classes,
such as the baiao (for an account of this genre, see Tinhorao 1974: 209-
217) and brega. Side 2, on the other hand, conveyed a contrasting lyrical
message, except for its first cut, a humorous version of an old Beatles
hit ("Why"-1964).
In spite of Eduardo Dusek's manifest eclecticism, the song "Brega-
chique" (Polydor 8219744, side 1, track 7) alone would push forward
the publicity and, consequentially, the sales. Its text (reproduced in the
original version of this paper) provoked a very negative reaction from
60 : SamuelM. Araujo
the national organization of domesticas; a prolonged polemic between

that institution and the artist in question was sustained through general
newspapers.
The music of "Brega-chique" itself did not stimulate any kind of
public discussion, although its title might imply a connection to brega
style. In fact, the recording contains characteristics which are commonly
found in the records made by rather representative brega singers. Perhaps
the most evident similarity is the rhythmic basis provided by synthe-
sizers in "Brega-chique," imitating the usual electric guitar, bass, and
drums brega patterns (see Example 2 below and compare to Example 7 in
the following section). Idiomatic are also its basic ABC formal scheme a
well as its harmonic progressions (e.g., I-V-IV-III-II-V-I in part A),
which together delineate the piece's brega atmosphere. All those musical
similarities, in combination with the narrative characteristic of the text,
raise the question of how one would distinguish that specific recording
from its original brega model. Not paradoxically, an important clue would
be the employment of the word brega itself within the text, even without
considering its implications in that particular case. This single datum
reflects, indeed, the ironical mood of the text which is properly empha-
sized by the often irreverent singing style (involving, for instance, a
forced dramatic tone at some points). Equally significant distinctions in
musical terms, producing a caricatural effect, are also the strikingly
dissonant lines played on distorted synthesizers at cadential points.
Example 2: Basic rhythmic patterns in "Brega-chique." From Polydor

8219744, side 1, Track 7
Guitar: ' - - ,
Bass: \ \, , p a
Drums: II I I F lx x --
Despite Dusek's caution in not identifying

brega tendency, he was suddenly caught in
which was centered precisely on that aspec
parent contradictions between rock and br
by the press, and after some time they we
covery" of brega as a significant cultural f
text. Ironically enough, the pivotal figure
Eduardo Dusek, quietly returned to his usual standards of popularity by

the time that brega singers themselves started to obtain a closer attention
from the media.
Volatile as it may seem, brega rock (or yet new brega) can perhaps be
better characterized in two ways: first, through its textual irreverence,
implying either an ironical use of brega imagery and/or critique of social/
political issues, with frequent references to the lower classes' conditions
in a colloquial and still humorous tone; second, through its musical
aspects. These include (1) a contrived singing style, often drawn on
brega singers or common forms of colloquial speech, properly conveying
the irony of the text; (2) a rhythmic section usually provided by guitar,
bass, and drums, involving patterns which are commonly found in both
rock (and perhaps more clearly in new wave) and some brega tendencies,
such as the one represented by the singer Amado Batista; and (3) for-
mal, melodic, and harmonic characteristics borrowed from either punk/
new wave rock or brega.
Those procedures have been occasionally adopted by Brazilian musi-
cians within the context of the huge popularity enjoyed by rock trends
such as punk and new wave in the 1980s. As exemplified by the para-
digmatic case of Eduardo Dusek, those performers would apparently
prefer to see brega rock as a creative alternative rather than as a perma-
nent choice in their respective repertoires. Avoiding playing the public
role of spokesmen for a closed musical genre, they opened the way to the
first journalistic accounts of the brega phenomenon.
Brega
As soon as brega became a notorious public issue, provoking all sorts of

speculation about its meaning and extensions, one thing seemed to be
very clear: there was an imbalance between the accounts of its broad
social repercussion and the scattered attention previously given to its
manifestations by an influential part of the media. The music, some
commentators said, could not be heard either on FM radio or on the
nationwide Globo TV network and was almost absolutely ignored by
general newspapers and magazines (see, for instance, Kubrusly 1984).
Indeed, that sort of discrimination turned out to be a consistent topic,
since major daily newspapers such as the Folha de Sao Paulo started in-
terviewing apparently "unknown" singers whose record sales figures
placed them among the ten top artists in the business. Initially focused
exclusively on the "paradoxical" commercial phenomenon without men-
tioning the word brega (see Anonymous 1984a), those accounts would
begin to encompass texts and music by the time the publicity around
Eduardo Dusek's Brega-chique album reached its peak in May/June of

1984 (see Anonymous 1984b). Perhaps due to the explicit references to
his name and repertoire appearing on that album (side 1, track 1),
singer/songwriter Amado Batista was promptly singled out as the con-
summate representative of a "brega genre." A popular music critic, in a
pioneer review of Batista's eighth LP, observed that Dusek's success
caused the public to become "acquainted with the existence of the word
only, since the brega genre remains ignored" (Kubrusly 1984: 69) and
provided a very generic description of its features. According to his per-
ception, the "genre" was obviously modeled after the 1960s Jovem
Guarda movement, involving a singing style which immediately evoked
the early Roberto Carlos and the repetition of textual (naive romanticism)
and musical (inspired on American and British rock groups of the late 1950s
and early 1960s) Jovem Guarda cliches; distinguishing brega from its model,
still following the same source, there was the "crude language" employed
in the texts. This very concise description, despite the further interest on
the brega issue, was apparently the only attempt to specify the main
features of the correspondent musical "genre" made so far.
Amado Batista's own recollections (see Anonymous 1984b) of his first
exposures to music when still living and working on a farm seem to
confirm the impact of Jovem Guarda on him. Besides the dance music
played for local bailes (country balls) on violas (ten-string guitars) and
sanfonas (accordions), he remembers singing Roberto Carlos's hit "O
Calhambeque" (1963) while working with his shovel, thinking about
becoming an "artist." About eight years after leaving the countryside
and getting to the city of Goiania (capital of the state of Goias), in 1975
Batista recorded his first single which, he affirms, had no repercussion.
The next year he would be back to a studio, recording a song symptom-
atically called "Desisto" (I Give Up), which would eventually become his
first hit and the beginning of a commercially successful recording career.
Listening to "Desisto" and being familiar with the Jovem Guarda
idiom, an inevitable association between both comes to one's mind.
Each stanza of its enigmatic text, to begin with, basically comprises a
rather simple rhyme scheme of aabccb, which may be commonly found
in many samples from the Jovem Guarda repertoire. The same observa-
tion applies to the trivial character of the lyrics (see Example 3), proper-
ly conveyed by the nasal and contrivedly inhibited vocal tone, a Roberto
Carlos trademark.
It is, however, the music that causes a closer relationship with the
Jovem Guarda style to emerge. Characteristic of the latter, for instance,
are the rhythmic accentuation in quadruple meter provided by the drum
the anticipation at the end of the melodic phrases and subphrases, and
the repetition of the introductory instrumental solo before each repetiti
of the basic structure (see Example 4).
Example 3: "Desisto." First two stanzas. (From Vitamina e Cura. Con-

tinental 1-07-405-311, side 2, track 6)
"Desisto" Amado Batista-

Reginaldo Sodre
Rosto que beijei, The face that I kissed,

corpo que abracei, the body that I embraced,
olhos de fazer chorar, the eyes that make one to cry,
sao coisas que eu are things that I
nao posso esquecer cannot forget
mas pretendo abandonar. but I intend to abandon.
Juras que eu ouvi, The vows that I heard,

frases que escrevi the sentences that I wrote,
pra enfeitar nossa ilusao to adorn our illusion
nao importam mais, do not matter anymore,

ficam para tras, are left behind,
talvez em seu coracao. maybe in your heart.
Example 4: "Desisto." Basic structure repeated to each set of two stanzas.

(From Vitamina e Cura. Continental 1-07-405-311, side 2, track 6)
"Desisto"
Introduction
[piano (4 measures) + synthesizer (4 measures)]

, =106
Voice
Drums _. uui 1 / L~- -- -
^L U U \ ' f * , U ll , ,"i -
i> , f- . L.
.' \ 1 1-/ -; r' ~ i . -.| _ |
y 0iu i 1 _ \ h 4I' nl
Note: The second part of the second stanza is repeated.
Examining forty-five pieces recorded by Amado Batista and released

between 1984 and 1986, some of which (including "Desisto") are reis-
sues, one would observe the repetition, sometimes with slight variations,
of the musical features highlighted above in at least thirty-eight of them.
The remaining items consist of three songs in triple meter, resembling
subgenres of mulsica sertaneja such as the rancheira, and four other pieces
in duple meter where the recurrent use of the rhythmic pattern |1 , . I|
suggests close associations with the Northeastern baido. The vast majority
of the songs fit into a binary structure, usually symmetrical, but an ABC
form is also common.
In terms of their texts, the samples under consideration are mostly
love songs, alternating between an introspective mood close to that of
"Desisto" and, less often, a more erotic tone. A few lyrics eventually
convey tragic situations in a very direct manner, as is the case of the
controversial song "O fruto do nosso amor" ("The Fruit of Our Love"
-see Example 5).
Despite its apparently scattered occurrence within Amado Batista's
repertoire, it was precisely this aspect (or the "crude language" referred
to above) that was picked up by rock singers as an ideal stereotype for
their ironical purposes. Moreover, as soon as it attracted the attention of
more sophisticated media, it started to be (and probably still is) seen as
a strong symbol of identity of the brega repertoire by those who allegedly
were outside that specific "cultural" context. Even if that is so, Batista's
change to a more resourceful company, RCA, in 1985 coincided (at least
temporarily) with the abandonment of that aspect of his previous image.
His first RCA album (RCA 109.0139) does not contain a single song
whose text could be described as "crude," although all the other usual
formulae, both textually and musically, are definitively present. In addi-
tion to that, a more careful production in visual terms reinforces the
impression that an attempt was made toward defining a new marketing
strategy for the singer, capable of appealing to a presumably more selec-
tive audience.
Whether or not Batista's style may be affected in the future by the
events mentioned above, it shares at least one basic feature-the bor-
rowing from Jovem Guarda models-with that of other artists usually
labeled as brega. There may exist, however, significant particularities in
each individual repertoire. The case of another top-selling singer, Carlos
Santos, is perhaps the best example. Only three out of the twenty-four
songs included in two of Santos's albums, respectively released in 1984
and 1985, would allow immediate associations with Amado Batista and/or
his Jovem Guarda-modeled style. Among them, "Telefonista" (Grava-
som, GVLP 30667, side A, track 3) bears a striking similarity to another
Roberto Carlos hit, "Quando" (1965), as can be seen in Example 6.
Example 5: "O fruto do nosso amor." (From Vitamina e Cura. Continental

1-07-405-311, side 1, track 3)
"O fruto do nosso amor"

Vicente Dias-
Praiao II
A perfect love
existed between us,
without expecting that later
everything was going to end.
But in this world,
where nothing perfect survives,
we do not deserve, dear,
to live together and love.
Our Lord
took you forever.

He did not even leave me
the fruit of our love.
That son
would be our happiness.

I felt myself, in that day,
as a father, a mature man.
At the hospital,
within the surgery room,
through the window I saw
Refrain you suffering but smiling.
(repeated) And your smile
vanishing little by little
So I saw you dying
without being able to say good-bye.
The idiomatic rhythmic section, the type of romanticism expressed

in the texts, and the overall conception of form in all three Carlos Santos
pieces mentioned in Example 6 are undoubtedly inspired by Jovem
Guarda, as much as most of Amado Batista's songs. Generally, how-
ever, Santos's repertoire consists of quite contrasting material. Most of
the songs in both 1984 and 1985 albums draw upon popular genres from
Northern Brazil such as the lambada, with its characteristic Caribbean-
like rhythmic accent. In those pieces, the usual Jovem Guarda instru-
mental ensemble of electric guitar, electric bass, drum set, and, occa-
sionally, piano or organ is often reinforced by brass (mainly trumpet
Example 6: Carlos Santos's "Telefonista" (first phrase and organ solo)

and Roberto Carlos's "Quando" (first phrase)
A-.3
"Telefonista"
(voice) ?C I - . 7 pf ,rFJ, lI:)N - I

r 1 A
-7
(Rhythm GTR)
(Bass) "I
(Drums) 3iisi i
I
"Telefonista"
(organ solo)
"Quando"
_~~~~ r
(voice)
7 ,
and saxophone) and percussion inst

pra voce" (Gravasom GVLP 823 33
in the songs (the majority of the rep
apparently come from sources other
the latter may still be felt partially
ing ensemble and, perhaps more effe
Although both his less representativ
and his rendition of popular genres o
some of his major hits, Carlos Santos
record. That fact, suggestively in my
ing of Santos's first album sung in S
(see Anonymous 1986a). Here, as in
able shifts in significant aspects of t
the singer starts aiming to a broad
market. In any case, it seems reasona
influences of the Jovem Guarda idiom and the consistent textual similari-
ties found in the repertoires of two representative singers such as Amado
Batista and Carlos Santos, both being accredited by several sources as
standing among the five top-sellers in the local record business, present-
ing both manifestations as a single musical category (i.e., brega) would
demand going beyond their presumable stylistic sources.
Deluxe Brega
On the basis of the preceding discussion, we can infer that any definition
of a brega archetype in musical terms must take into consideration de-
velopments which have affected the popular music of Brazil for about
twenty-five years. The indigenous recreation of contemporary interna-
tional rock tendencies beginning in the early 1960s and eventually be-
coming known as Jovem Guarda seems to have played a major role in
this process. Epitomized by the enormous popularity of the singer/com-
poser Roberto Carlos, Jovem Guarda emerged as a nationwide musical
and behavioral trend as soon as its homonym TV show, led by Carlos,
started to be broadcast in 1965 (see Marcondes 1977, vol. II: 662-663).
After the decline in audience and consequent withdrawal of its related
TV program from the air in 1969, Jovem Guarda progressively became
an antiquated term through the 1970s. Once in a while, though, TV
shows would capitalize on its nostalgic potential. The now mature faces
of yesterday's idols would then be brought back to the screen for singing
the so-called classics from the Jovem Guarda period. A few of its repre-
sentatives, however, overcame the relative ostracism to which most of
their old partners were relegated by trying out more ambitious paths.
Undoubtedly, the most successful case of career metamorphosis among
former Jovem Guarda singers was that of the tendency's foremost ex-
ponent, Roberto Carlos. Since his very first hit, a 1962 rendition of
Bobby Darin's "Splish Splash" (which, according to Whitburn 1979
reached the third position on the billboard charts in August 1962), his
music has maintained a considerable influence of rock 'n' roll. Having
his merchandising strategies designed by a marketing agency since 1964,
Carlos's public image was initially constructed to represent youth sym-
bols with the necessary dosage of ambiguity to sensitize a national au-
dience. Thus, his long hair and outrageous (for the previous standards)
clothes exhibited signs of a detailed production, and in this case they
were perhaps more socially acceptable while conveying a certain noncon-
formist attitude characteristic of youth. The music was no less ambiguous.
Its usually romantic texts allowed now and then space for scattered and
vague manifestations of disenchantment in existential terms, while the
musical ambience alternated between a soft-rock climate and a rhythmi-

cally more agitated one, usually with a brass section joining the basic
guitar-bass-and-drums ensemble.
With the imminent decline of Jovem Guarda as an influential musical
tendency, Roberto Carlos's career would go through major changes.
They are tentatively summarized in Figure 1.
Figure 1: Tentative picture of Roberto Carlos's artistic development
1960s 1970s/80s
display of youth symbols com- display of middle-age symbols

bined with respect for "basic" combined with references to other
societal values age groups' values
production aimed at the national production aimed at both the

market national and the international
(mainly Hispanic) market
naively romantic song texts mature and subtly erotic roman-

sometimes punctuated by vague ticism in addition to mystical or
signs of misadjustment reflective statements
ballad-type rock alternated hybrid style incorporating,

with a more vigorous type of in different forms of combina-
rock in rhythmical terms tion, elements from rock, bolero,
funk, samba, etc.
accompaniment provided by a definitive incorporation of the

standard rock group with occa- brass section with the accom-
sional addition of a brass section panying ensemble and gradual
adoption of a full orchestra
Today, Roberto Carlos's huge popularity can be measured in several

ways. From 1965 to 1984, his records hit number one among Brazilian
releases every year, with sales figures of more than one million units
being reported in most cases. Twenty-seven LP records in Portuguese
and fifteen in Spanish had been released until 1986 when, according to
Souza (1986: 3), Carlos's overall sales throughout his career were esti-
mated to be around thirty million units. What the journalist did not
specify, though, was whether or not the figures for the international
market (Latin America, Hispano-American community, etc.) had been
included in that computation. Having his songs frequently hitting number
one on billboard Latin charts, enjoying a great success in Cuba, or being

elected the favorite popular singer in a poll conducted among the Japa-
nese-Peruvian community (see Olsen 1980), Roberto Carlos is, side by
side with singers such as Julio Iglesias or Jose Jose, a mass phenomenon
which transcends national, and even political, barriers in the so-called
Latin world.
Analyzing Roberto Carlos's recent musical output within the context

of brega, one could probably start by looking for possible retentions of
the Jovem Guarda style. Actually that might turn out to be a rather
difficult task due to the stylistic ambiguity of the repertoire and/or the
internationalization of the production process. Thus, what our ears might
select as a "clear influence" of whatever style may actually be the result
of a much more complex chain of relationships which are definitively
not anymore determined at a "national" level. In Roberto Carlos's
records a samba beat recorded by an American drummer at a studio
in Los Angeles can hypothetically be added to an original playback made
by Brazilian musicians in Rio before going through a mixing process
in a New York City facility. All those questions considered, it might be
more efficient to look at the final product as the result of a more sophis-
ticated manipulation of musical formulas but still analogous in that re-
spect to its less ambitious counterpart, brega.
A comparison between two recent Roberto Carlos hits gives us a per-
spective of how those variables may successfully interact. Released in
1984, "Caminhoneiro" ("Truck Driver"-CBS 230095, side B, track
1) recollects a truck driver's love thoughts when far away from his be-
loved. The whole accompaniment was recorded at the A&M Records
studio in Los Angeles. All participants in the recording session are U.S.-
based musicians, except one who seems to be the only Brazilian partici-
pant, percussionist Paulinho da Costa. Elaborated by another American
musician, the arrangement is conceived for a type of instrumentation
commonly employed in Roberto Carlos's records: piano, guitars (electric
and acoustic), electric bass, drums, percussion, synthesizer, harmonica,
and a string section with a harp.
No particular musical detail in "Caminhoneiro" seems to have an
obvious source. A few of them are perhaps associable to generic charac-
teristics of certain types of music, but still in an inconclusive manner.
The formal scheme, for instance, comprises a strophic structure with a
refrain between each set of two strophes and might be said to draw upon
a whole variety of ballad-type genres. Patterns such as u4 1f I' FTrT I
played by the percussionist might suggest a discrete Afro-Caribbean or
even an Afro-Brazilian flavor, although not particularly distinct from
patterns heard on a wide spectrum of modern Western popular music.
Still more intriguing are the drum rhythms at the refrain section, creating
a diffuse samba ambience in 4/4 time (instead of the traditional 2/4)

while the string section reinforces the climax with expressive interventions.
By the end of 1985 (his records are invariably released a few weeks
before Christmas) a new Roberto Carlos record would reach the stores,
this time containing a surprise for many of his admirers on the very first
track. The lyrics of the song in question, "Verde e amarelo" ("Green
and Yellow"), was sort of a nationalistic credo (the title alluded to the
colors of the Brazilian flag) put by its co-writers, Roberto and Erasmo
Carlos, into an unequivocal rock tune. According to the singer/composer,
he hesitated after finishing his composition but let it be once "today,
the Brazilian is also a rock enthusiast" (Roberto Carlos, quoted in Souza
1986: 4). Referring indirectly to the political climate affecting the astonish-
ing public response (even for his usual standards), he affirmed:
In fact, it surprises me this reaction from the public. When I go out on

the street, for example, the kids start yelling at me the song's refrain. Last
year they called me '"truck driver" but they did not sing the refrain of the
homonym song. I think that the public celebrates with me that happiness
contained in the song, this euphoric moment of greater union among the
Brazilian people. After all the song has a strong refrain, similar, for in-
stance, to the one that the soccer torcidas [organized groups of fans of a
particular team] sing at the stadiums. (Roberto Carlos, quoted in Souza
1986: 4)
The refrain in question actually consists of one of the melodies sung

by the torcidas, which is, in its turn, sort of a derivation from the one
sung in the film Woodstock by the audience during the "rain scene."
Although we lack the necessary empirical basis for tracing precisely how
and when that particular melody began to be sung at the stadiums, it
might be worth adding a few personal observations.
First, it should be noticed that the practice of singing lively refrains
to a rhythmic accompaniment (usually with marcha patterns) to encour-
age a team has been a long-standing tradition in Brazilian soccer. It
seems that at a certain point, but surely sometime in the 1970s, autono-
mous torcidasjovens ("young torcidas") started being organized and sing-
ing melodies which were distinct from the ones sung by the main torcidas.
The new lines, including the one which motivated this digression, were
eventually adopted by the fans in general and added to the established
repertoire.
Example 7 illustrates how the "no rain" melodic line appeared in the
three different contexts mentioned above. As in both a and b the crowd
sings it to a percussive accompaniment, and melodic variants such as
the one actually found in b are likely to occur. It is exactly that variant
(assuming that the other is the "original" line) that is sung in c by a
Brega. Music and Conflict in Urban Brazil : 71
Example 7: "No Rain" melody in three distinct contexts
"No Rain" K : r -:11

Melody --. : _ ) ,
Woodstock: (Clapping Hands) I - -
Soccer stadiums (Percussion) - -

\ - O 8 (Soloist)
"Verde e JL C 1 _ _
amarelo" (Choir) '- v
(CBS 230.105,
Side A, Track 1) (Drum
large choir in unison, accompanied e
ensemble with "bluesy" fill-ins by
Even when examining a Roberto C
style seems less ambiguous, such a
attention to the nuances of its prod
effect. In this case, the arrangement
cian but recorded in Brazil by local m
solo by an American guitarist, pro
a local choir. The final stage, as us
done in New York City and the resu
lar to ordinary rock recordings. Yet
the language, and the lyrics' conte
sion (also in 4/4) added at the final r
slightly delineate a culture-specific
Looking retrospectively at the two
of them highly successful hits in th
characteristics of Roberto Carlos's m
the one hand we had an example of a
which elements from generic musica
Contrastingly, a clearer style (i.e., r
ing, but references to other music s
both cases, however, a careful and
certain level of opacity in stylistic t
mental piece of the whole productio
That rather flexible amalgam of na
influences, pervaded by a deliberat
tiple symbolic readings, became in
cess sort of a paradigm in the Brazil
repertoire or singing style to their
singers within the brega universe have emulated one or another of Roberto
Carlos's trademarks.5 Very often, the isolation of and emphasis on some
of its central features, such as its romantic stereotype (e.g., singer/com-
poser Nelson Ned) or its erotic appeals (e.g., singer Sidney Magal), in
addition to "personal interpretations" of Carlos's repertoire (e.g., Wal-
dick Soriano) are the path followed by other artists who gravitate around
the same musical sphere (i.e., deluxe brega). In many cases that is just
a matter of planning in more detail each new production once those
singers' repertoires already have several points in common, both musi-
cally and textually speaking, to their paradigm. Sometimes, however,
the phenomenon in question may affect (and eventually be challenged
by) quite distinct musical traditions, as in the case of the Brazilian samba
examined in the next section.
Samba Romantico
Attempting to analyze the samba connection in brega, the main obstacle

one finds is perhaps the definition of samba itself. As the term has been
applied to a whole variety of manifestations (e.g., samba-de-roda, samba
rural, etc.) which can be very distinct from each other, it would probably
take a separate book-length essay to provide a comprehensive view of its
various meanings in Brazilian music. However, given the scope and
consistency of its diffusion, it is the samba tradition as developed in the
city of Rio de Janeiro, and since its early days (with the recording of
Donga's "Pelo telefone" in 1917; see Silva 1978) diffused through mass
communication media such as the record and the radio, that will be the
main reference throughout this section. That is not to say, of course,
that such a "tradition" may be easily isolated as a self-contained musical
genre.
Frequently defined as a type of dance genre of Afro-Brazilian deriva-
tion (for two definitions in English sources, see Behague 1980 and Stig-
berg 1986), the carioca (i.e., native of Rio) samba has gone through sev-
eral changes. Some of the earliest experiments concerning the genre
(i.e., its pioneer orchestrations, its fusion with international tendencies,
etc.) may be traced back to the 1930s (see Saroldi and Moreira 1984:
20). Today, pieces labeled as samba in the sense observed here are heard
in quite different settings including the following:
1. Escolas de samba (samba schools) in Carnival rallies, where each of
these groups of thousands of people sing and dance intricate steps to
their respective samba enredo (a long, usually historic-descriptive poem
put into a samba form) accompanied by a percussion orchestra of about
one hundred players;
2. Pagodes (social gatherings) characteristically held in Rio de Janeiro's

slums or at modest houses within working-class neighborhoods, where a
much smaller group of people play (percussion but sometimes melodic
or harmonic-e.g., the guitar-instruments), sing, and often dance samba
steps;
3. Churrascarias (barbecue restaurants), night clubs, and beer houses,
where usually small professional ensembles play guitars, basses, key-
boards, and a few percussion instruments (often with a drum set) through
some sort of amplification system, a solo singer (obviously using a micro-
phone) does the singing and the audience, when it does it at all, does
a type of samba dance (a couples' dance as opposed to the individual
steps of the escolas de samba) adapted for the popular salon balls called
gafieiras;
4. Theaters, TV, and radio (mostly on AM stations) programs where
the performers are usually well-known recording artists (people with all
kinds of social backgrounds) accompanied by an orchestra or smaller
ensemble, but where performers who are more likely to show up at the
other settings mentioned above are eventually featured.
Given the diverse contexts (and there are many others) mentioned,
it is reasonable to expect that the music played may vary considerably
from one setting to another. That is actually the case, although certain
features are maintained relatively intact. A few basic ones are the duple
meter, the bass drum stress on the second beat, syncopated and diversi-
fied time lines played by certain instruments (for the relationships be-
tween the latter and their possible African origins, see Mukuma n.d.),
and the wide-ranging and also syncopated melody punctuated by quite
demanding intervallic leaps (fifths, sixths, or even tenths).
Text contents may also differ substantially from one setting to another.
In the first context above, a certain (usually historical) theme is charac-
teristically developed in a hyperbolic style; in the second context, scenes
from daily life are usually depicted through either a humorous or a sad
prism, sometimes involving text improvisation (e.g., samba de partido alto
genre). In both the third and fourth contexts, there is a great deal of
diversity as far as the thematic universe is concerned, but two other
streams (besides the two already referred to) are worth mentioning. First,
there is one which represents recent developments following the path of
movements such as bossa nova and Tropicalia (see Behague 1973), con-
sisting of texts which usually are articulate social, philosophical, and/or
political statements; singers and composers in this stream are quite often
college-educated and it is among them that many popular music critics
identify the members of the "first team" (all-stars) of Brazilian popular
music.
The other tendency, usually referred to as samba romantico but also
generically called brega, stands as one of the best-selling trends in current

Brazilian music. Its distinct characteristics, judging by the few written
attempts to define it (see, for instance, Anonymous 1986a: 58) would be
either its suggestive or overtly romantic lyrics in combination with an
invariably romantic musical atmosphere. Leading the tendency in terms
of LP sales figures since at least 1984, when, according to the available
sources (Rafaelli 1985; Anonymous 1986a), he would have hit number
three in the Brazilian charts, singer/composer Agepe became in recent
years one of the top challengers to both the Turma do Balao Magico (a
children's group) and, especially, to Roberto Carlos (respectively, num-
ber one and two).
Agepe's trajectory in the record market has a few points in common
with those of other brega singers. Like Amado Batista or Milionario and
Ze Rico (see the next section on brega sertaneja), he started his career
recording for a label (Chantecler) owned by Gravacoes Electricas Ltda.
After having reportedly sold 900,000 units of a single containing the sam-
ba "Moro onde nao mora ninguem" ("I Live Where Nobody Lives")
in 1976, Agepe shifted in 1984 to a bigger company (again, as Amado
Batista did in 1985), Sigla/Som Livre, where he established himself as
a highly successful artist in commercial terms. That move, as we shall
see, was accompanied by significant changes concerning both music
and texts.
The music in "Moro onde nao mora ninguem" (reissued in Conti-

nental 2.04.405.170, side 1, track 1) somehow fits into a generic samba
form with the characteristic alternation between refrain (A) and strophes
(in this case B and C). As sort of an introduction and resembling per-
formance practices (i.e., a cue for the accompanying players) mostly
observed in contexts one and two mentioned above, the refrain is first
sung by the unaccompanied solo voice. After the introductory refrain
is repeated with the instrumental accompaniment, the song follows an
ABACA scheme in which A or the refrain is sung by both soloist and
choir while each stanza is sung by the soloist alone. Other musical fea-
tures of samba such as the bass drum accent, the syncopated rhythmic
style, or the wide range covered by the melody are also present. The
accompanying ensemble consists of a small percussion ensemble involv-
ing standard escolas de samba instruments such as the cuzca (friction drum)
or the bumbo (bass drum); plucked-string instruments such as the cava-
quinho (small four-string guitar which basically plays chords to synco-
pated rhythms) and the seven-string guitar (which provides the bass
line); and a flute which is sometimes doubled throughout the recording.
Through its lyrics, "Moro" also reproduces common thematic patterns
found in many samba texts-the praising of a bucolic setting, ideally
uncontaminated by the evils of civilization ("I live where nobody lives, /
Where nobody passes by, / Where nobody else lives. / It is there, where
I live, / That I feel good," etc.).
Six years of relative oblivion followed the success of "Moro," a period
in which Agepe would follow the path of many other artists who have
enjoyed a transitory popularity. Singing outside the biggest cosmopolitan
centers, under the most unpredictable circumstances, becomes a routine
in those cases. Nevertheless, that situation would change after the re-
leasing and the unexpected sales boom of his first Som Livre LP, Mis-
tura brasileira ("Brazilian Mixture"). Its production involved several in-
novations, beginning with the eclectic repertoire which, coherent with
the title, included other genres besides samba such as baiao andfrevo (a
fast-tempo Carnival genre with a corresponding dance characteristic of
the Brazilian Northeast). Also easily noticeable were the relatively elabo-
rate orchestrations making consistent use of a string ensemble, keyboards,
bass, harmonica, and drums (including a drum synthesizer), in addition
to the typical plucked-strings-and-percussion samba ensemble. The ef-
fects of the arrangements were maximized by Som Livre's better record-
ing standards, capable of emphasizing the solos or even subtle melodic
fragments.
Despite all this stylistic eclecticism, it would be apparently a samba
(according to Anonymous 1985, 1986a), "Deixa eu te amar" ("Let Me
Love You"), which would push forward the sales. This time, however,
significant changes were introduced in terms of the music itself. The
recording begins with an eight-bar instrumental introduction consisting
of sort of a counterpoint between strings and keyboard over a harmonic
progression from the subdominant to the minor tonic (Example 8); in
the background we can hear the characteristic samba percussion. Once
the singer starts other novelties appear. The formal scheme, for instance,
is inverted, so that the single strophe (A) precedes the refrain (B). Yet
instead of the high register used at the beginning of "Moro" as sort of
an alert to both accompanists and dancers, he explores his lower register
in phrase A and uses the higher one only in phrase B where the climax
of the piece is reached. These two contrasting ambiences are still em-
phasized by the massive orchestration used at the refrain section, which,
by the way, resembles the procedures used at the refrain of Roberto
Carlos's "Caminhoneiro" (the upward motion of the strings, etc.).
While other traditional musical features of samba are maintained (e.g.,
wide-ranging melody, syncopation, etc.), the text contents ("I want to
lay you down on the ground / and make you a woman. / Let me love
you. / Pretend that I am the first," etc.) present one more contrasting
element to Agepe's previous style and help to delineate his new "ro-
mantic" image.
Taking into account both his 1985 and 1986 LPs (Som Livre 403.
Example 8: "Deixa eu te amar" (Agepe-Mauro Silva-Camillo). (From

Som Livre 530.037, side A, track 1)
Xw ourr r;ti ...
NyK,;
(K)o[ ,I,l
1/ ,\ I ,1
) ,^,^ -,,1 l'
J ,1I!
V.,' L X- tL\
`L ->bL./L
rJr 1~~~~~~~~
. + 2~i. *i
-~~~---------~~b- C
6333 and 530.049, respectively), where the same overall for

peated, Agepe's success seems to be in establishing a type o
paradigm (i.e., samba romatntico) to the one personified by
Nonetheless, as suggested above and reinforced by other pa
which we hear distinct Jovem Guarda cliches, influences of
seem to be inevitable.
In fact, the assimilation of more global musical tendencies by repre-
sentatives of the so-called samba romantico may go even further, making
extremely difficult the identification of samba characteristics, if any, in
determined repertoires. That is particularly clear in the case of Wando,

another top-selling singer in the Brazilian market. Although his name is
often cited as an exponential figure in samba romantico, it is difficult to
isolate features of his music which could suggest any relationship to
samba. Actually most of Wando's pieces seem to bear much more simi-
larities to the Roberto Carlos model than to Agepe. Indeed, we can still
hear a certain syncopation and, here and there, relatively wide melodic
leaps (see Example 9), but it would be much harder than in the case of
Agepe to describe the overall style even as a derivation from samba.
Making still more problematic the ostensible connections between his
individual style and samba, typical samba percussion instruments are
not used in Wando's records. On the other hand, the featured back-
ground singers overlap with the ones who are usually featured in deluxe
brega records and the general production standard closely resembles that
tendency (the only exception being the absence of bowed strings). The
song texts, however, do connect Wando to Agepe, as we can see, for
instance, in a Wando song such as "Da tentacao a cantada" ("From
the Temptation to the Invitation"-ARCA 803.1003, side 2, track 4).
In this particular case, the erotic appeal of the lyrics ("It is you, in your
'cool' way, / Saying that you just love me. / You're the one who teases
me, shakes me, / Provokes me and makes me tremble," etc.) led the
Brazilian censorship authorities to prohibit its radio diffusion and public
execution throughout the country.
Example 9: "Chora coracao" ("Cry, Heart, Cry") (Wando-Pedrinho

Medeiros). (From ARCA 803.1003, side 1, track 1)
TInyeo Iu crio o
friC f - YRO C r i-Iî OIJ^ A
'- , ! !-., P 1 / ,Iji ' flI l | (-

^ *)^-1F
AVn r rAV^ l ^J<'l-^ ^n ^ .
I ^ J
^ ^ j.M- rr ,
Comparing other samples of samba romtntico to the examples presented

here, it can be observed that they somehow gravitate around the generic
musical characteristics of either one of the two "models" discussed here
and sometimes of both (see, for instance, Luiz Ayrao's Copacabana

COLP (12876). In any case, it seems reasonable to suggest that samba
romdntico stands within a type of continuum (for an in-depth discussion
of similar processes affecting other traditions in world music, see Nettl
1985), having more traditional forms of samba at one pole and a very
diffuse style at the other extremity, where samba features are practically
unrecognizable. The degree of romantic intensity or overt eroticism may
vary, but most song texts focus on love themes and tend to be descrip-
tive.
The association of samba romdntico to brega, as the evidence collected

indicates, reflects much more the dynamics of the record business than a
systematic process of stylistic assimilation. It would be by no means
surprising, for instance, to see individual singers moving back and forth
along the continuum suggested above following the sales tendencies of
the local market. That does not mean, however, that eventual processes
of stylistic fusion or innovation are totally determined by established
marketing strategies. These variables considered, analyzing further de-
velopments within the samba connection, as much as in any other sub-
division of brega, surely constitute a provoking subfield in Brazilian
popular music scholarship.
Brega Sertaneja
They [Milionario and Jose Rico] do a brega music that has nothing to do
with the values of the man from the [Brazilian] interior. (Folk singer and
researcher Inezita Barroso, in Anonymous 1986b: 153).
We follow the evolution. Those who record folk music do not sell in
these days. Tonico and Tinoco (a prestigious dupla sertaneja) got stuck with
toada caipira (a traditional sertaneja genre) and are not capable of playing a
bolero. We play everything and became champions. (Jose Rico in Anony-
mous 1986b: 153).
The examination of the subfield tentatively defined here as brega ser-

taneja demands a few introductory remarks. First of all, the term ser-
tanejo, or its feminine form, sertaneja, is generically applied in Brazil to
people who live in the "remote" or rural interior (i.e., sertao) as well as
to various aspects of their respective realities, including music. There
are, however, significant discontinuities concerning the actual manifesta-
tions named as such, depending upon the part of the country considered.
Obviously, they reflect not only the sociohistorical and geographical
specificities of each region in a big and heterogeneous country but also

the different roles assigned to those regions in the context of a capitalist
economy.
So far, brega influences have supposedly been affecting the sertaneja
tradition developed within the rural areas of the Midwestern and South-
ern states of Brazil. Alternatively designated as either musica sertaneja or,
in a derogatory sense, musica caipira (an equivalent perhaps to hillbilly
music in the United States), this body of music encompasses a great
variety of subgenres and is often believed to remain relatively static or,
at least, to change according to indigenous patterns (see the first quota-
tion above). Nevertheless, the scarce data available concerning its history
and context raise a suspicion that that is a rather unlikely premise.
Following a musical culture area division proposed by Correa de Aze-
vedo, Bastos (1974: 42) analyzed the general features of moda-de-viola,
the main subtype of musica sertaneja, as a folk or rural manifestation.
They include two-voice singing in parallel motion (most often thirds
and/or sixths), a rather "loose" rhythm, and the consistent use of a
five-double-string guitar called a viola. Examining a sample collected in
the state of Minas Gerais, Bastos noted the prevalence of the second,
followed by the third and unison, as a melodic interval, the parallel
motion of the two voices exclusively in thirds, its isometric rhythm, and
its repetitive form a a' a' a'''). He also indicated, without giving any
details except for the joking contents of the new texts, that profound
changes had taken place within the style after its transformation into a
popular music genre.
We learn in Tinhorao (1974) that as early as 1929 both the Columbia
and the Victor companies, through their respective Brazilian branches,
started releasing the first records containing samples of musica sertaneja.
According to the author, "On October 25, 1929, the expression moda de
viola appears for the first time on the label of a commercial record [issued
by Victor], released not only for being sold in the central and southern
regions [as the precedent Columbia issues were], but throughout Brazil
as a whole" (Tinhorao 1974: 197).
Having the commercial viability of their style progressively assured by
a satisfactory public response, sertanejo musicians, quite often in pairs of
singers (duplas), continued developing that tradition in sort of a bifur-
cated way. While the production of muzsica sertaneja remained predomi-
nantly concentrated in the interior, the area in question went through a
rapid process of urbanization, accelerated in the 1950s by massive in-
dustrialization. On the other hand, its diffusion became more and more
centered in the city of Sao Paulo, today's megalopolis of about fifteen
million inhabitants and, with Buenos Aires and Mexico City, one of
Latin America's main industrial and financial centers. The metropolis
offered not only the conditions for an intermittent interaction between

musica sertaneja and a whole variety of other musical idioms but also
created new conditions for its production. Aimed at and disseminated
through films, records, and radio and TV shows, musica sertaneja could
hardly remain unaffected by its new environment (see, for a substantial
sociological study of sertaneja music within the mass media, Caldas 1977).
A key figure connected with stylistic changes in the moda-de-viola genre
was radio singer/composer Raul Torres (the son of Spanish immigrants
born in the state of Sao Paulo) who, drawing upon Paraguayan styles
such as the guarania and the rasqueado, recorded the first pieces labeled as
moda guarania and rasqueado estilo paraguaio in the mid-1940s. In the words
of Tinhorao, that tendency would progressively consolidate itself within
the sertanejo style adopted by professional musicians and bring with it
the "distortion and impoverishment" (1974: 200) of that style. Once
again, no detailed description of how the process of musical assimilation
took place is provided, except for a brief commentary on the addition of
an accordion to the accompanying ensemble of guitar and viola.
In any case, the development of a commercially successful trend with-
in mutsica sertaneja elaborating (or claiming to elaborate) upon popular
traditions of Spanish-speaking Latin American countries is today a well-
established phenomenon in the Brazilian record market. According to
one producer, "It evolved from the dupla caipira in Sao Paulo but uni-
versalized itself by drawing upon both Paraguayan and Mexican rhythms
and the record industry strategies" (Biaggio Baccarin, ex-artistic direc-
tor of the main record company in the sertanejo market, Continental,
quoted in Anonymous 1986b: 154).
It is precisely at this juncture that critics of that tendency started
applying the term brega to it, directing their bitter commentaries not
only to the "Paraguayan and Mexican rhythms" but also to concomitant
changes in performance practices (electric guitars, synthesizers, etc.) and
poetical focus (urban imagery, "affected" sentimentalism, machismo,
etc.).
Despite all criticism concerning its authenticity, the brega sertaneja
stream has become a key factor boosting the overall sales of musica ser-
taneja in the Brazilian market. It is usually by showing its representa-
tives' (e.g., Milionario and Jose Rico, Sergio Reis, and Carmen Silva)
sales figures that record companies justify their continuous investment
in sertaneja music as a whole. Yet, a comparison between two unique
sources (see Araujo 1987) suggests that the region of the country where
the sertanejo market is mostly concentrated (see Anonymous 1986b: 154)
fairly coincides with the moda-de-viola culture area delineated by Correa
de Azevedo (see Bastos 1974: 71).
Standing as the most prominent figures in brega sertaneja, Milionario
and Jose Rico are frequently cited (and eventually blamed) as embody-
ing most of the characteristics found in modern sertaneja music. An ex-
amination of their 1984 and 1985 LPs confirms many of the statements
made by previous writers about borrowings from other Latin American
styles. The singer/composer Jose Rico himself acknowledges those in-
fluences but adds a few others: "I have as inspiring figures in my work
Nelson Ned, Miguel Aceves Mejia, Roberto Carlos, Miltinho and Nel-
son Goncalves. We balanced the influences but the stronger one is [still]
that of the Mexican mariachi" Jose Rico, quoted in Anonymous 1986b:
153). Thus, besides external influences of Mexican origins (i.e., Mejia
and the mariachi ensemble), he also credits as his inspirers two deluxe brega
singers enjoying a wide popularity in Latin America (i.e., Roberto Car-
los and Nelson Ned) and two romantic singers specializing in the samba-
canfdo genre (i.e., Miltinho and Nelson Goncalves).
Interestingly enough, and unlike the vast majority of popular music
records in Brazil, each piece in Milionario's and Jose Rico's productions
has its respective style named next to its title both on the record label
and the back cover. An inventory of the styles featured in the two sam-
ples examined shows that the songs identified as Mexican styles (i.e.,
canfao rancheira, corrido, and huapango) account for 37.5 percent of the
repertoire, while Paraguayan genre names (i.e., rasgueado and guarania)
cover 20.8 percent. If we add to those figures the percentage correspond-
ing to genres which have been indistinctly assimilated by various national
traditions in Latin America (i.e., bolero and polka), the resulting per-
centage would increase to 91.6 percent. Of the three other genres found,
only one, forr6, might be said to represent a recognizable Brazilian tra-
dition, although baiao (instead of the more generic termforrd) would
probably be a more proper form of categorization.
The overall ambience of the records is indeed dominated by a mariachi
type of sound, to which the idiomatic passages for both trumpets and
violins are fundamental. Other commonly employed instruments are the
guitar, electric bass, drums, the Mexican requinto, and the viola sertaneja.
Occasionally, flute, organ, accordion, and/or percussion instruments join
the accompanying ensemble.
Many arrangements follow a scheme in which an instrumental intro-
duction, with emphasis on either trumpets or violins, is followed by the
alternation between Jose Rico's vocal solos and two-part singing (a third
and/or a sixth apart) passages. Frequent are also spoken interpolations
during the instrumental sections. In Example 10, the candao rancheira "Duas
camisas" ("Two Shirts"), we will find all those musical features repre-
sented. It should be noted that the subtle rhythmic articulation of the
vocal parts (especially during the solos) may not coincide at some points
with the tentative transcription provided.
Example 10: "Duas camisas." (From Chantecler LP 1-71-405-644, side A,
track 1)
"Duas camisas"
Miltinho Rodrigues-
Waldemar de F. Assunqao
. N o . ~ ~- I -S .A,
c *. -, i; - . I I.
,}
V8 -
-:,7,. -
,- ",
,. , i^
, .*A, ,-A
, j fl
j l
i I I
COftT)
3 j. oJ t 3 ' o
;1^ ' -' -o ~ 'l f " o
v~-v ?~S
,o0\o*0 vv ((voi-t) . 0 s
\ i f r^r îf j i 1/ i^ -
cr4G^^X_ _ _S Q * U r .. vo-c A -( -?R vyi e-ci-3 -
Jo. J, ol
2$
-* 1-. 1! i, ^ 1-: uJ 1l - ii ijr il 1 '

QVaut NOS 0o'5r S-RA O o-cm QV0 ro-cv ) 0
JO10 L( T"I t'? -t 1- IL .r1- ' 1' 1 I -? I *

?+9R v;-v:eO RS-s.^; ulqo ePS SO
30 ?. . 0 e-- I 0 5 0
ICO
I -TiO
I I 0 ii / i ll t i / i
-o - ti - 'e C Er e VOL- TP
Cos-T S u- ^ V--\ ^-î peR f

(\yoc,3ôue) 5 ,e -v l 3^-s c-î - S-\ e 9L-
flfts NIOft-fov\ jou ?-60-ts- rt tU rvo
; ,?, 11 1 :J 11I j ?l^ 0 '

ru~' &.SS. - r ne am ' o 1: u -0 -
cCi ' t s-T-i . u, .so-c3 U- t c; P- a.
". - tnsOA~~QtiC;~
Qur;-: ,
Contrastingly, the vocal duet in parallel thirds comes right after the
instrumental introduction (plucked strings solo) in the bolero "Entre
lagrimas" ("In between Tears"-Chantecler LP 1-71-405-644, side A,
track 3) and is maintained through the entire piece. It is important to
notice in this case that, despite the melodic chromaticism characteristic
of bolero, the harmony remains rather more static than is typical of the
bolero standards.
In spite of maintaining a certain lamenting mood also characteristic
of moda-de-viola and other subtypes of musica sertaneja, the singing style
often tries to emulate exogenous styles; for example, in the case of the
huapango "Minha casa" ("My House"-Chantecler LP 1-71-405-654,
side B, track 1), where the use of falsetto and vibrato clearly evokes the
idiom of its Mexican model.
Particularly intriguing are the pieces labeled as balanfo, where the
overall form follows the scheme outlined above (instrumental introduc-
tion-solo voice/stanza-vocal duet in thirds and/or sixths/refrain) but the
musical atmosphere is somehow a combination of deluxe brega formulas
(i.e., the basic drum beat, the bass line, and the stereotyped orchestral
climaxes) and the sertanejo idiom (i.e., two-voice harmonies in parallel
motion and predominance of the second as a melodic interval).
As far as texts are concerned, passionate love themes account for the
vast majority of the repertoire (twenty-one pieces), a fact that reinforces
the connections with other brega tendencies. Most of the lyrics refer to
impasses or frustrations in romantic situations, sometimes exposing what
critics have deplored as either moralist or machista principles (Exam-
ple 11).
Example 11: Text excerpt from Milionario and Jose Rico song. (From
Chantecler LP 1-71-405-654, side B, track 6)
"Flor da lama" ("Mud Flower"; Guarania)

Paiozinho-Bendito Seviero
Now I came to say goodbye to my friends.

I can't live in this place anymore
Because the woman who had been living with me
since the beginning
Disgraced my name and went to live in the mud.
Although Milionario and Jose Rico are far from encompassing th

whole variety of stylistic tendencies usually classified as brega sertan
they do represent a solid stream within that musical universe. Recu
characteristics found in the samples examined are (1) the assimilati
of a wide range of Latin American musical traditions, usually merged

with or maintaining compatible features of Brazilian styles (mainly of
musica sertaneja subgenres); (2) certainly less representative in number,
the inclusion of pieces which remind us of the deluxe brega tendency,
still combined with traces of the sertanejo style; and (3) the almost abso-
lute predominance of passionate romantic texts. As in the case of samba
romantico attacks directed at its "lack of authenticity" seem to be the only
way through which brega sertaneja has deserved its critics' attention. As
in the case of all other brega manifestations, commercial success is ap-
parently in direct proportion to its neglect as a field of study.
Conclusion
From the definitions which have arisen thus far, we can certainly infer
that the term brega consistently implies a depreciative value judgment.
Despite its socially determined roots, it can be attached to anything or
anyone. In fact, brega is even a commonly used label to qualify the be-
havior, attitudes, or values of the upper social strata and particularly
those who reveal the "nouveauness" of their riches.
The various definitions of brega also indicate that music is an impor-
tant dimension of the phenomenon. Beginning with a general inventory
of the channels of its diffusion and moving on to an overall profile of
its representatives, we then observed how the contours of the brega uni-
verse conform to the trajectories of its musical exponents.
The examination of a selected number of brega substyles provides a
picture of a rather complex situation. First, it confirms the pervasive
influence of the Jovem Guarda model (and, by extension, of British and
American rock of the 1950s and early 1960s) in all subfields examined.
Epitomized by Roberto Carlos, this tendency became from the 1970s to
the present time a paradigm in the Brazilian record market. It observes,
however, various nuances in its general profile. The Jovem Guarda mu-
sical style may appear in a more crystallized fashion (Amado Batista),
may be alternated with other styles in different dosages (Carlos Santos,
Milionario and Jose Rico), or, in its more successful version, merge
with national and international tendencies, producing ambiguous stylis-
tic results (Roberto Carlos).
An equally significant fact emerging from the samples analyzed here
is the assimilation of brega influences by established traditions in the pop-
ular music of Brazil such as the samba and musica sertaneja. In the case
of samba romantico, the evidence collected suggests the delineation of a
continuum which proceeds toward the relative abandonment of idiomatic
characteristics of samba. In brega sertaneja, the attachment of the word
brega seems to reflect both the usual Jovem Guarda derivation and the
consistent adoption of other Latin American models (mainly Mexican),
with an almost indistinguishable retention of sertaneja music features in
both cases.
Despite (or, perhaps, because of) its extreme ambiguity, brega opens
a quite provoking field to those interested in the ways music expresses
the social dynamics within the global village.
Notes
1. This paper is a condensed version of the homonym master's thesis,

supervised by Dr. David Stigberg and submitted to the Musicology
Division of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
2. The Milionario and Jose Rico tour through China actually created
a diplomatic embarrassment to Brazil. Under an agreement for cultural
interchange, China sent to Brazil the Peking Symphony Orchestra
and requested in turn Milionario and Jose Rico, who were the most
popular Brazilian artists in that country. As the Brazilian Ministry of
Culture declined to provide funds for their trip, the singers took it at
their own expenses and, according to their report (see Anonymous
1986b), presented their show eight times to audiences of about 2,500
people per show.
3. It comprises a network of commercial stores, a school, two AM radio
stations (with plans to acquire an FM and a TV station), a record
company, and a music publishing company and employs about six
hundred people.
4. A recent fact indicates that brega may be achieving its social "redemp-
tion." The title of TV Globo's most recent and extremely successful
novela is nothing less than "A brega e a chique."
5. It suffices to take a look at the photos contained in albums by artists
as diverse as Amado Batista, Milionario and Jose Rico, or Waldick
Soriano (see discography at the end of this article). Symbols such as
the bracelet, the medallion supported by a metal chain hanging around
the neck, or the shirt always with two buttonholes strategically open
are found in nearly all cases.
Discography
All items share the following characteristics: they are 12" LP records
issued in Brazil; their respective dates are indicated.
Agepe
1984 Os grandes sucessos de Agepe. Continental 2.04.405.170.
1984 Agepe. Som Livre 530.037.
1985 Agepe. Som Livre 403.6333.
Ayrao, Luiz
1985 Samba na crista. Copacabana COLP 12876.
Batista, Amado
1984 Amado. Continental 1-07-405-293.
1985a Amado Batista "85. " RCA 109.0139.
1985b Os sucessos de Amado Batista. Continental 1-07-405-305.
1986 Vitamina e cura. Continental 1.07.405.311.
Carlos, Roberto
1984 Roberto Carlos. CBS 230.095.
1985 Roberto Carlos. CBS 230.105.
Dusek, Eduardo
1984 Brega-chique, chique-brega. Polydor 8219744.
Magal, Sidney
1982 Magal espetacular. Polygram 2451 189.
Milionario e Jose Rico

1984 Lembranfa. Chantecler 1-71-405-644.
1985 Minha prece. Chantecler 1-71-405-654.
Ned, Nelson
1984 Caprichoso. EMI-Odeon 31C 052 240 168.
Santos, Carlos
1984 Carlos Santos: Vol. 6. Gravasom 823 332-1.
Soriano, Waldick
1984 Waldick Soriano interpreta Roberto Carlos. Arca 809-1001.
Wando
1985 . . . vulgar e comum e nao morrer de amor. Arca 803.1003.
1986 Ui- Wando paixdo. Arca 803.1009.
References
Anonymous
1984a Folha de Sdo Paulo, March 9, p. 30.
1984b Folha de Sao Paulo, May 5, p. 41.
1985 "Os encantos do brega." Vqea, July 25, pp. 139-140.
1986a "No coracao do povo." Veja, January 29, pp. 58-63.
1986b "Os reis sertanejos." Veja, September 24, pp. 152-154.
Araijo, Samuel
1987 Brega. Music and Conflict in Urban Brazil. M.M. thesis,
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
Bastos, RafaelJose de Menezes

1974 "Las muisicas tradicionales del Brasil." Revista Musical
Chilena 28 (Jan./Mar.): 21-77.
Behague, Gerard
1973 "Bossa and Bossas: Recent Changes in Brazilian Urban
Popular Music." Ethnomusicology 17, no. 2: 209-233.
1980 "Samba." In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Mus
cians, ed. Stanley Sadie, vol. XVI, pp. 447-448. New
York: Macmillan.
Caldas, Waldenyr
1977 Acorde na aurora. Muisica sertaneja e indtstria cultural. Sao
Paulo: Cia. Editora Nacional.
Castro, Ruy
1984 "Sidney Magal." Folha de Sao Paulo, May 5, p. 41.
Coon, Caroline
1978 1978: The New Wave Punk Rock Explosion. New York:
Hawthorn.
Hoos, Willem
1983 "Bright Future Seen for Brazilian Industry." Billboard,
May 10, pp. 72-73.
Kubrusly, Mauricio
1984 "A midia chique ainda discrimina o brega." Folha de
Sdo Paulo, May 27, p. 69.
Luca, Patricia de
n.d. "Os anos sessenta: A questao do brega." Radio USP,
Sao Paulo.
Marcondes, Marco Antonio

1977 Enciclopedia da musica popular brasileira. erudita, folclorica e
popular. 2 vols. Sa.o Paulo: ArtEditora.
McGowan, Chris
1985 "Brazil: Industry Struggles Uphill against Four-Year
Recession, Aided by Strong Musical Heritage." Billboard,
January 26, pp. VL-22, VL-24, VL-35, VL-52.
Mukuma, Kazadi wa
n.d. A contribuifao bantu na musica popular brasileira. Sao Paulo:
Global.
Nettl, Bruno
1985 The Western Impact on World Music. New York: Schirmer.
Olsen, Dale
1980 "Japanese Music in Peru." Asian Music 11, no. 2: 41-51.
Petta, Rosangela
1984 "Esse rock vai passar." Isto e, January 4, pp. 62-64.
Rafaelli, Jose Domingos

1985 "Brazilian Industry Facing Problems." Billboard, January
19, p. 3.
Saroldi, Luis Carlos, and Sonia Virginia Moreira

1984 Radio Nacional. 0 Brasil em sintonia. Rio de Janeiro:
Funarte.
Silva, Flavio
1978 "Pelo telefone." Cultura 8, no. 28: 64-74.
Souza, Okky de
1985 "A recompensa do rebelde." Veja, August 14, pp. 5-8.
1986 "Coracao verde-amarelo." Veja, February 12, pp. 3-4.
Souza, Paulo Renato

1980 Emprego, saldrio e pobreza. Sao Paulo: Hucitec and Funda-
cao de Desenvolvimento da Unicamp.
Stigberg, David
1986 "Samba." In The Harvard Dictionary of Music, ed. Don
Michael Randel. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap/Harvard,
p. 725.
Szwarcwald, C. L., and E. A. de Castilho

1986 "A mulher brasileira: Estatisticas de saude." Dados 10:
1-24.
Tavares, Maria da Conceicao, and J. C. de Assis

1985 0 grande salto para o caos. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar.
Tinhorao, Jose Ramos

1974 Pequena historia da musica popular brasileira. Petr6polis, Rio
de Janeiro: Vozes.
Xexeo, Artur
1984 "Perolas para o povo." Isto e, July 4, pp. 78-80.
Whitburn, Joel
1979 Top Pop Artists & Singles, 1955-1978. Menomonee, Wis.:
Record Research.

Araujo 1988 Brega Music+Conflict LAMR

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Araujo 1988 Brega Music+Conflict LAMR

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Brega: Music and Conflict in Urban Brazil

Author(s): Samuel M. Araújo

An apparently new category was intro-

of the sections dealing with musical manifestations of brega are working

Despite the predominantly descriptive character of this essay and the

The emergence of brega as a media issue occurred in a very significant

Brega: Slang, Occupation, or Musical Style?

music, etc.) who, not properly being mass-oriented artists, incorporated

eventually extended their associations to other realms. A selective list

Example 1: Definitions and examples of brega (from Luca n.d.)

Question (1) What is musica brega?

-what the Northeastern says: party in a whorehouse.

Question (3) Name a brega singer.

The Diffusion of Brega Music

The following tentative inventory concerning the channels of diffusion

Perhaps at its foundations are the public diffusio

An intermediary stage is that of the churrascar

Despite the existence of all those levels of discrimination it is com-

Brief Profile of a Brega Singer

I think that brega-chique is a curtiao [an ironical commentary on what brega

Having brought about the public discussion of brega, it is no surprise

After switching to a less radical posture and becoming a market sensa-

much greater degree of expertise in traditional styles than that of most of

the national organization of domesticas; a prolonged polemic between

Example 2: Basic rhythmic patterns in "Brega-chique." From Polydor

Despite Dusek's caution in not identifying

Eduardo Dusek, quietly returned to his usual standards of popularity by

As soon as brega became a notorious public issue, provoking all sorts of

Eduardo Dusek's Brega-chique album reached its peak in May/June of

Example 3: "Desisto." First two stanzas. (From Vitamina e Cura. Con-

"Desisto" Amado Batista-

Rosto que beijei, The face that I kissed,

Juras que eu ouvi, The vows that I heard,

nao importam mais, do not matter anymore,

Example 4: "Desisto." Basic structure repeated to each set of two stanzas.

[piano (4 measures) + synthesizer (4 measures)]

Drums _. uui 1 / L~- -- -

Examining forty-five pieces recorded by Amado Batista and released

Example 5: "O fruto do nosso amor." (From Vitamina e Cura. Continental

"O fruto do nosso amor"

took you forever.

would be our happiness.

The idiomatic rhythmic section, the type of romanticism expressed

Example 6: Carlos Santos's "Telefonista" (first phrase and organ solo)

(voice) ?C I - . 7 pf ,rFJ, lI:)N - I

and saxophone) and percussion inst

musical ambience alternated between a soft-rock climate and a rhythmi-

Figure 1: Tentative picture of Roberto Carlos's artistic development

display of youth symbols com- display of middle-age symbols

production aimed at the national production aimed at both the

(mainly Hispanic) market

naively romantic song texts mature and subtly erotic roman-

ballad-type rock alternated hybrid style incorporating,

accompaniment provided by a definitive incorporation of the

Today, Roberto Carlos's huge popularity can be measured in several

one on billboard Latin charts, enjoying a great success in Cuba, or being

Analyzing Roberto Carlos's recent musical output within the context

a diffuse samba ambience in 4/4 time (instead of the traditional 2/4)

In fact, it surprises me this reaction from the public. When I go out on

The refrain in question actually consists of one of the melodies sung

Example 7: "No Rain" melody in three distinct contexts

"No Rain" K : r -:11

Woodstock: (Clapping Hands) I - -