Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Natural
Communions
The academic treatment of the environment and nature, since the 1980s, has
been formalized in sub-disciplines like environmental history, environmental
philosophy, ecocriticism, and eco-spirituality. Within these disciplines the con-
cept of nature has been variously employed to reorient humanity to a holistic
moral standard. In each case there is general consensus that inquiry ought to
turn on moral considerations of the interaction of humans and the environment;
with implied admonitions to live sustainably. Lending credence to the Earth
as a superorganism in its own right, these modern ecological expressions can
be traced to Rachel Carson’s revelations in Silent Spring. However, they have
a long pre-history which appears in monistic philosophy, the spirit of Deism,
in both Romanticism and the Enlightenment, and in political expressions of
the idea of Nature’s God, designed to promote a secular vision of the state
and to overturn predatory religious rivalries. With this literary momentum,
Natural Communions, volume 40 of Religion and Public Life, gathers inter-
disciplinary essays which reconfigure humanity within an ecotheological
anthropology and which treat the idea of the sacred from the perspective of an
Earth-centered spirituality, thus redefining humanity’s response to ecological
challenges and initiating a new status within a more expansive cosmology
complete with a naturalized conception of Divine Reality.
Religion and
Public Life
Edited by Gabriel R. Ricci
Religion and Public Life promotes topical interdisciplinary research and dis-
cussion on wide-ranging ethical and philosophical issues at the intersection
of religion and civil society. The series provides a platform for international
scholarly discussion through the publication of thematic issues that cut across
disciplines. Recent issues have addressed Politics in Theology, Faith, War, and
Violence, Faith in Science, and Justice and the Politics of Memory. This issue,
Natural Communions, addresses eco-spirituality and theological naturalism.
Natural
Communions
Religion and Public Life
Volume
40
Edited by
Gabriel R. Ricci
iv
First published 2019
by Routledge
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© 2019 Taylor & Francis
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ISBN: 978-0-367-23180-4 (hbk)
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Volumes 1 through 28 were originally published under the title This World: An
Annual of Religion and Public Life.
Cover image: Frederic Edwin Church. American, 1826–1900. The Natural
Bridge, Virginia 1852. Oil on Canvas, 38 x 33 in. Gift of Thomas Fortune
Ryan, 1912. Courtesy of The Fralin Museum of Art at the University of
Virginia.
v
Contents
Introduction vii
Gabriel R. Ricci
vi
vi Contents
Introduction
Gabriel R. Ricci
Lynn White ignited an academic firestorm with the publication of his 1967
essay “The Historical Roots of our Ecologic Crisis”. With the bold assertion
that Christianity was the source of modern-day environmental degradation,
he dismayed historians and theologians alike. Historians challenged him for
his unconvincing link between invasive technological advancements and the
medieval Christian worldview and theologians were certain that his reading
of Genesis was superficial and etymologically apathetic. However, historians
granted him grace when they acknowledged the tacit weight of his arguments
in his earlier work, Medieval Technology and Social Change (1962) and
many theologians took the opportunity to more adequately interpret Scripture
to reveal an environmentally friendly text that White glossed over, one that
provided explicit guidelines for stewardship.
Though White was sure that the Christian worldview imported a conquering
attitude toward Nature, his condemnation was not wholesale. For White there
was one Christian figure that presaged the modern environmental movement,
Francis of Assisi. Francis’s hagiography included reports of direct commu-
nication with God, the stigmata, diplomatic engagements with man-eating
wolves and homiletic moments with birds of the air. For Francis, the call he
received to restore the Church meant a life imitating the poverty of Christ,
service to the poor and a dedication to humility; dispositions which present a
beneficent ecological profile. Francis was speedily canonized by the Church
only two years after his death in 1228; Lynn White would canonize him as
the patron saint of ecology in 1967.
viii
viii Natural Communions
Introduction ix
and Yosemite Valley and infuse Annie Dillard’s poetic musings on the sacred
in nature.
The spiritualized nature in Bartram was encouraged by his Quaker the-
ology and extended by his scientific outlook. But, if his theology tested
the limitations of monotheism and a belief in a transcendent God, this was
inspired by his classical education at The Philadelphia Academy, the original
incarnation of the University of Pennsylvania. His exposure to translations
of ancient texts explains why Travels was permeated with visions of Elysian
fields in which indigenous peoples roamed a terrestrial paradise. He was cer-
tain that an areopagus was once centrally located in an ancient Apalachucla
town whose ruins he explored, and his description of a valley landscape in
South Carolina, which is likened to the Fields of Pharsalia and the Vale of
Tempe, where he spots Cherokee maidens who gather like the spirits of the
hamadryades, suggests that these young women were likewise linked to
the fate of trees in sacred precincts. The classical narrative that animated
Bartram’s Travels evoked the proto-ecological animism that was displaced
by the Judeo-Christian tradition. This ancient animism was imported into
the New World through the classical curriculum, informed Colonial deism,
and can be traced to Aldo Leopold’s A Sand County Almanac. In hindsight
we can see that Lynn White did not exploit the animistic heritage that was
imported along with liberal political thinking, revolutionary zeal, and reli-
gious self-determination; after all, he was a medieval historian. Now com-
monly connected to indigenous peoples, animism’s legacy was imprinted on
the American consciousness and thrived in natural philosophy and nature
writing. Leopold’s use of the travails of Odysseus to establish a baseline ethos
in his Land Ethic is evidence of this lingering legacy, but it is in the section
titled “Odyssey” in A Sand County Almanac that the template of Odysseus
is used to enliven the evolutionary history of a single nitrogen atom whose
biotic trip began in the Paleozoic seas and coursed through the ages in mul-
tiple life forms, animate and inanimate, until a week of freshet returned the
atom to the sea.
The spirit of deism can be traced to ancient Greek sources, but early
American naturalism had more immediate Enlightenment roots. Certainly,
this was the outlook which more directly informed Thomas Jefferson’s deistic
inclinations, which can be read into the first paragraph of the Declaration of
Independence. While the reference to “nature’s God” has received competing
interpretations, when coupled with his romantic sensibility Jefferson’s deism
seems uncontroversial. His disposition to read the sublime into natural settings
was evidenced in his spiritual enthusiasm for the Natural Bridge in Virginia,
which upon discovery he quickly purchased from George III to preserve and
serve as a religious retreat. This was a site that the indigenous Monacan tribe
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x Natural Communions
had already declared sacred. Proclaimed the Bridge of God after facilitating
a retreat from enemies, this site would also attract the attention of Frederic
Edwin Church in 1852, when he transformed the setting into an iconic sub-
lime image (see front cover image). Together with American transcenden-
talism and nineteenth-century nature writing, Church and the Hudson River
Valley School embodied the deistic sentiments expressed in Jefferson’s con-
cept of “nature’s God”; collectively they enlivened the newly emerging cul-
ture with an eco-spiritual aspect that endures in contemporary ecological
consciousness.
When Aldo Leopold promoted the idea that history can only be defined
as the mutual influence between the environment and humanity, he also
intended that humans no longer be conquerors of the land but mere citizens
alongside all other living things. Thoreau who also gave nature a voice simi-
larly acknowledged that we were first part of nature before we were members
of a society. Beyond this, Thoreau placed great store in the salvific value of
Wildness; in fact, it was not so much through the efforts of virtuous men
that a town is saved than through the land that surrounds it, as he reported
in Walking, which began its literary life as a lecture in 1851 at the Concorde
Lyceum and was first published in the June 1862 issue of The Atlantic maga-
zine. This would be where Thoreau himself would have found a sanctum
sanctorum, a bog in which “the same soil is good for men and for trees,”
where nearby on a late fall walk he would have encountered a sunset that
lit the meadow and ground like the edge of Elysium. He imagined this as
a great awakening light that would set our hearts and mind aglow as we
saunter to the Holy Land (Walking). Thoreau’s instructions on how to walk
the landscape were fortified with religious imagery, but in order to find a
poetry that properly represented his longing for the wild he appealed to the
ancient world, where, he imagined, mythology thrived in a primeval soil that
had not been soured by the more immediate cultures of the Old World that he
instructs us to walk away from. Thoreau may have been afflicted by a Golden
Age syndrome, as some commentators argue, but his guidelines for walking,
he hoped, would someday yield an indigenous mythology that would give
expression to Nature.
Today, many environmental and ecological threads have come together
to create an eco-spiritual worldview, the subject of this volume of the series
Religion and Public Life, Natural Communions. However this spiritual
connection between humanity and the environment is expressed, in deep
ecology, ecofeminism, eco-activism, ecocriticism, or natural theology, it
recognizes that the natural world not only has more than instrumental value
but is the source of a vital spirituality and that we risk a planetary crisis
if we do not heal the rupture between nature and culture. We did not need
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Introduction xi
White’s warning to make us aware of our alienation from the natural world,
on which Leopold, Thoreau et al. had already sounded the alarm. They had
already given witness to the instinctive idea that Spirit dwells in the Earth
and that humans inhabit a spiritual world. Leopold advised us to split our
own wood for fuel and Thoreau provided directions on how best to traverse
the landscape in order to mitigate our alienation. Through her travels, Annie
Dillard advised us to maintain the habit of keeping our eyes open so that
between the dialectic of revealing and concealing we can see the spiritual
ephemera that materialize out of thin air. Dillard is expert at making these
natural observations, but the practice ultimately eludes perfection since these
observations are evanescent and always seem to be ahead of us. Thus, though
they can’t be sought, they can be found; what is required, she advised, is a
patient waiting and finding the opportunity, in a fleeting moment, to align
ourselves in the path of a beam of light which will offer an unrepeatable sub-
lime tableau.
If we regard eco-spirituality as a modern discovery, we might ignore
earlier intellectual foundations which have perennially conceived our exist-
ence as part of a larger whole. Christopher S. Morrisey’s examination of the
Stoic tradition demonstrates this ancient holistic vision that was imagined
as the unifying force of the soul of the world. This idea is familiar to us in
Ralph Waldo Emerson’s vison of the Over-Soul, which similarly conceived
that every part and particle of the universe was related and that everyone’s
particular being is intertwined with all others. Morrissey’s examination of
the primary source texts of Stoicism and their representation in Aquinas’s
Five Ways, which model a cosmos as a living organism in which all parts
are integrated with one another, reveals Emerson’s direct link to Stoic cos-
mology. To recall the Stoic tradition and its perennial philosophy is not just
an exercise in reviewing the Five Ways of Aquinas, it is an affirmation of
the need to orient our understanding of ourselves as part of a larger nat-
ural whole, an orientation that will restore Nature to its proper character as
ordered and providential, a unifying experience of the world, as Emerson
imagined, in which the act of seeing and the thing seen, the subject and the
object, become one.
In the onset of the Anthropocene, humanity faces an identity crisis.
By technological fiat we have presumed Nature’s design but we have not
cultivated the necessary responsibility for its care. Part of a solution, Caroline
Smith argues, requires the decentering of the sovereign human subject, giving
up the conquering role Leopold railed against, and similarly moving from a
selfish anthropocentrism to a more inclusive bio-centrism. A functional cos-
mology for the Anthropocene, according to Smith, requires going beyond
traditional Earth-based eco-spirituality to one that Thomas Berry extended to
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xii Natural Communions
the universe. The fact that the modern world has cut off cultures from their
founding myths accounts for the domination of and disenchantment from
Nature. To restore the balance a functional cosmology in which humans are
conceived as part of a larger evolutionary scheme intertwined with the sub-
stance and patterns of the universe is needed, one that Berry described as a
communion of subjects, rather than a mere collection of subjects. In an effort
to frame this new cosmology Berry offered his idea of “moments of grace”
that Smith describes in terms reminiscent of Thomas Kuhn’s paradigm shifts.
They are equivalent to intellectual upheavals after which we must recalibrate
our relation to a new world. Together, Berry’s moments of grace affirm an I–
Thou relationship with Nature and are enabled by scientific revelations which
confirm that we are part of a web of life combining a material bio-ecological
world and a social world. The findings of scientists like Ursula Goodenough
and Brian Swimme in relational sciences encourage a shift in consciousness
toward a participatory rather than a domineering relationship with Nature.
David Martínez provides a close examination of the Origin Story of an
Indigenous culture that makes Caroline Smith’s point; that a culture and
society gains social and physical orientation to the cosmos through cosmo-
gonic narratives. In the case of Native American origin stories, there is first
the burden of overcoming Western prejudices that conceived of tribal peoples
as savages and lacking philosophical inclination, thus portending their future
demise. Martínez presents the philosophical values described in the Origin
Story of the Akimel O’odham or Gila River Pima who claim southern
Arizona as their homeland. This is a cosmogonic tale derived from an earlier
Huhugam civilization renowned for constructing an irrigation network cap-
able of watering up to 400 square miles and sustaining large settlements.
These indigenous populations have attracted the attention of anthropologists
and ethnographers, but Martínez is intent on extracting an implicit philosoph-
ical tradition, one that goes beyond the worldview that the land is inhabited
by spirits, revealing a body of knowledge about the land and their environ-
ment. Harnessing the power of local rivers is integral to the Creation Story
for this indigenous tribe, as is the knowledge of the technology used to
carve out a canal system. Repeated crises in this account also emphasize the
importance of balance as a fundamental principle of existence and how to be
human in a specific environment. Instructions on how to conduct Himthag or
the appropriate way of doing things are embedded in the text and are evident
to this day in projects like controlled burning in order to enhance soil quality
before tilling and to encourage the growth of the riparian Gooddings Willow
used in basket making. Other details in the Origin Story reported by Martínez
may seem like superstition or a simplified explanation for a more mechanical
causality, but the import of these messages is to avoid attitudes and habits
xiii
Introduction xiii
that lead to imbalance in nature. These are stories, then, that are not restricted
to the past, they are living myths which reveal themselves in modern-day
struggles to maintain water rights and to defend against the encroachment of
modern development. The contemporary struggle for environmental justice
is informed by Himthag or the way of doing things which, above all else,
makes you a good relative defined by respect for family, land animals, plants,
and the spirits who animate the world.
Aside from the anthropological accounts of Native American culture there
have been sympathetic voices that bore witness to the simultaneous deci-
mation of Indian culture and the environment of the western plains. George
Catlin, who has left a pictorial record of this culture, was the first to call
for the creation of National Parks, not for amusement and the protection of
wilderness, but for the perpetuation of Indigenous people and their culture.
Catlin’s sensitive portraiture of Indian chiefs and empathic paintings of the
struggle of buffalo were a reflection of his ambition to preserve a people
and their intimate ties with the environment. There were literary voices in
nineteenth-century America which also identified with the plight of Native
Americans and their vanishing culture. Brian Yothers’s essay discusses the
extent to which nineteenth-century Americans discovered spiritual renewal
in Nature. Ralph Waldo Emerson, who petitioned the government on behalf
of the Cherokee Nation, heads the list of authors who linked ecological con-
sciousness and spiritual awakening. The spiritual encounters with Nature that
Emerson, Thoreau, Melville, Fuller, Dickinson and others infused into their
work present a record of a reorientation to the world of one’s own commu-
nity which was not a detached contemplation but a deeply tactile experi-
ence in which the social and the ecological merge. Yothers includes the
revivalist Charles Grandison Finney among the literary luminaries because
the romantic prose he uses to describe his religious ecstasy focuses on the
details of the natural world and at the same time is a complete immersion
experience that unconsciously re-orders his perception. Finney’s psycho-
logical description of experiencing the divine in Nature caught the attention
of William James, since the description of his conversion experience took on
a scientific tone; for Finney the presence of the divine resembled a “wave of
electricity” and “waves of liquid love.” Religious conversion and ecological
awareness come into contact with each other repeatedly in nineteenth-century
American literature. If conversion in Protestant Christianity involves a sense
of one’s smallness and sinfulness next to a transcendent deity, nineteenth-
century American literary and religious figures show how the natural world
can provide both an impetus to an interior conversion through its sublimity
and a means of grace leading to such conversion, whether understood in theo-
logical or secular terms.
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xiv Natural Communions
Introduction xv
His expectation of a floral paradise was not satisfied and he would soon make
his way to California, where his expectations were met. As he tended flocks
of sheep in the Sierras he would lose all sense of time and space; his sep-
arate existence mixed with the landscape. His journals reflect this rapture
and every natural thing became a link to the divine. Muir would become an
advocate for wilderness preservation, but the poetic accounts he left of his
wanderings in the High Sierras were a record of a landscape which opened
onto the holy at every turn. Understanding the value of the natural world
through its connection with the Creator has a long history. Kirsty Stewart’s
chapter examines an ancient Byzantine text, The Symbolic Garden, to dem-
onstrate how the Byzantine world understood the garden landscape in
connection with one’s faith.
Stewart’s treatment of the Orthodox Christian tradition presents an alter-
native attitude to Nature from the spirit of dominion that Lynn White found in
Christianity. The Symbolic Garden was probably written in the tenth or elev-
enth century but it was preceded by a tradition of Hexaemeral literature which
had already carved out a place for gardens and nature in religious writing.
Patristic authors had written extensively on how nature could be used to
understand and glorify God and The Symbolic Garden perpetuated the trad-
ition. Whether the garden was perceived as imaginary or real, both approaches
present a spiritual understanding of nature and a means of connecting to God.
The description of these gardens is not restricted to allegorical ekphrasis;
they were designed to produce the requisite sensory response necessary for
confronting the awe and wonder of God. The monastic garden, then, would
be a place that one could enter to achieve a heightened awareness, a protected
space that would promote introspection; a progressive movement through a
gate, into the center of an enclosed garden, not unlike the sensory atmosphere
of a majestic church replete with song and incense and illuminated by candle-
light. The sensory spirituality in The Symbolic Garden did not obscure the
moral virtues imbued in plants and trees; together they were aids to spiritual
development and early evidence of the doctrine of the two books, Nature and
Revelation.
Tolstoy is renowned for his spiritual quest and his personal struggle to
attain an ethical existence. The trajectory of this pursuit is written into his
novels, and the extent to which he achieved success is represented in his
relationship with the earth, the soil, and the agrarian lifestyle of the peasant.
That his religious quest included turning away from the logical methods and
privileged class which had sustained him most of his life have made some
critics skeptical of his motivations. Anastassiya Adrianova’s in-depth ana-
lysis of the parallel course of Tolstoy’s real life and the character Levin in
Anna Karenina adds an ecocritical element to the reading of Tolstoy’s work.
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Introduction xvii
for Berry Teilhard’s The Divine Milieu presents a Christology that is iden-
tified with the story of the universe. For him, this link is made obvious in
the most philosophical of the Gospels, John, where the Logos, or Christ (the
Word), is linked to the creation story in Genesis.
The cultural transformation at the heart of Berry’s vision for a functional
cosmology requires taking cues from the history of the universe and to over-
come the cultural limitations of progress conceived in economic terms.
Berry’s message is customized for an American cultural context in which
progress has become a product and the past is ignored at the peril of losing
a source for wisdom. The promise of a wonderworld, according to Berry, is
sold at the cost of an unsustainable consumerism which is rooted in the delu-
sion that humanity is separate from and controls the natural world. Moreover,
American culture is burdened by a self-assigned exceptionalism and a dis-
ingenuous innocence. This image that America can still be a guiding light,
in spite of continued threats of ecological degradation, Hrynkow notes, has
achieved an absurd level in the cry for “beautiful clean coal” which ignores
the many wake-up calls we have received. While there remain impediments
to the United States fulfilling its historical status as a sustainable “city upon
a hill,” so to speak, the fact that rivers in New Zealand and India have been
granted legal status as persons, and the fact that the Ecuadoran constitution
acknowledges that nature, known as Pachamama in the Quichua and Aimara
indigenous languages, has rights is a sign that Berry’s vision of a community
of subjects is emerging.
Against the backdrop of the feel-good film Big Miracle, which dramatizes
a united effort to liberate trapped whales, Carol Wayne White questions the
divide between humanity and nature, which requires saving because it is at
risk. On the surface, the fact that disparate groups have come together to save
endangered whales as the other is refreshing, but it only conceals an attitude
which contributes to the degradation of the natural world and reinforces the
idea that it is humans’ distinct difference from nature that enables us to save
it. White’s aim is to outline a religious naturalism that would reframe humans
as natural processes in relationship with other forms of nature and to remove
the ontological arrogance that separates humans from other species and
nature in general. Invoking an array of nature poets, White offers an alter-
native ethical perspective from that represented in the film. In the end she
advances a planetary ethic entailing the biological and evolutionary insights
of Ursula Goodenough and Henri Bergson to inform an understanding of,
and commitment to, the importance of valuing and preserving ecosystems;
one that would celebrate the continual emergence of new modes of being and
which contests the false dualisms that ignore our mutual relatedness as nat-
ural entities. White identifies the ecological perspectivism in Annie Dillard’s
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xviii Natural Communions
work that would enable this sort of dwelling; it is a point of view that activates
all imagined perspectives and deepens our awareness and connectedness to
other-than-human nature; it is the poetic celebration of Walt Whitman in
which the discrete self and the other is intertwined; it is the insight of Anna
Julia Cooper, the black feminist, who recognized an egalitarianism in nature,
one that was inimical to oppression and cultural imperialism.
Whitney A. Bauman’s essay also takes aim at the ontological split between
nature and culture that has been perpetrated by Enlightenment thinking. This
is a worldview that has conceived Nature as full of dead stuff to be mechan-
ically manipulated by humans. Placing humans in an evolutionary perspec-
tive and imagining them as citizens among other earthly citizens, as Leopold
argued, is the antidote for this arrogance. Bauman finds resources for this
effort in the work of Ernst Haeckel, who popularized Darwin’s theory and
promoted a naturalist worldview. Haeckel’s keen insights from comparative
morphology, especially, provided a scientific grounding for humanity’s deep
connections to the natural world; all of Nature comprised the same basic
elements and constituted an evolving living community. Thus, Nature is by
definition political and to simply manage it and to control it is to exclude
Nature from the planetary community.
Finally, Martin O. Yalcin offers a theological meditation on our
assumptions about God and nature, how they have been encouraged by bib-
lical descriptions of God and that what may be considered religious violence
is not resolved by making God just another object in nature but by asserting
that God’s transcendence is complementary to a radical immanence. The
ontological parity that Yalcin argues for establishes a religious naturalism
in which all things are equally real. Wary of reductive philosophies, onto-
logical parity guarantees the embeddedness of the human order with all its
conceptual constructs within the more encompassing order of nature. There
are numerous virtues which fall out from this approach, in particular a mind-
fulness or charity that is open to the other as other. Yalcin frames the tension
between transcendence and immanence with the philosophical debates
between medieval philosophers, the debut of the Cartesian interior self which
separated the mind from Nature and subsumed God to an idea in the mind.
These familiar historical moments are enhanced and summarized in a discus-
sion of Charles Taylor’s distinction between the pre-modern “porous self”
and the contemporary “buffered self” in A Secular Age. For the porous self
the world is an enchanted place where there is no place to retreat from the
world and disengage from the environment. The modern buffered self has
dispensed with the idea of an ordered cosmos through which it can align its
life and admits to no objective meaning external to itself. The buffered self
has created a homogeneous world where enchantment with the supernatural
xix
Introduction xix
Christopher S. Morrissey
2 Natural Communions
4 Natural Communions
for humans to unite themselves with this Divine Reality of the cosmos: i.e.,
by contemplating the precise logic of the ordering to which cosmos bears
self-witness. This mindful union is also implied in Aquinas’ Fifth Way,
insofar as it recognizes that things with cognition and intelligence are higher
than those without such mindfulness. The implication is that any “logic,” by
which mind discerns the presence of teleonomy, is itself akin to the supreme
Logic that itself governs the entire cosmos.
Aquinas’ Fourth Way,17 which contemplates the gradations of being
within the cosmos, may be glimpsed in Zeno’s argument about “the absurd
consequences for those who eliminate the divine.”18 Zeno’s appeal is like-
wise to the gradations of being. He says: “The thinking is better than the non-
thinking and the animate than the non-animate, but nothing is better than the
cosmos, therefore the cosmos is thinking and animate.”19 In similar fashion, the
transcendental attributes of the highest degrees of reality apply to the Divine
Reality in Aquinas’ own argument: namely, goodness, truth, nobility, being, etc.
What is characteristic of this path, in both Zeno and Aquinas, is that the tran-
scendental attribute becomes a real feature that is transcendentally identical in
both the creature (the thing within of the cosmos) and the Divine Reality (tran-
scendent and yet also immanent within the cosmos as the absolute necessity or
Reason governing the cosmos itself by moving it and animating it).
Finally, Aquinas’ Second Way may be discerned in the following argument
of Zeno:
Every living thing therefore, whether animal or plants, lives because of the heat contained
within it; from this it must be inferred that the nature of heat has within it a vital force
which pervades the whole world.22
If one nature is better than another, there will be some best nature.
If one soul is better than another, there will be some best soul and if there is one animal
better than another, there will be some best animal, for such things are not of a nature to
proceed ad infinitum.
So then, as nature is not capable of increasing to infinity in goodness nor soul, neither
is the animal capable. …
Yet man cannot really be the best animal … but [is] imperfect and far removed from
the perfect.
But that which is perfect and the best will be better than man and fulfilled with all the
virtues and not receptive of any evil.
This animal will not differ from god. God therefore exists.23
Again, the point of identity between God and the creature is the transcen-
dental attribute that increases in the gradations of perfection, establishing a
precise contact point between the immanent (creature) and the transcendent
(divinity of the cosmos).
Finally, Cleanthes also gives an argument that is practically identical to the
logical structure of Aquinas’ own brief Fifth Way:
If anyone entered a house, a gymnasium or a forum and he would realise the logical order,
the regularity and the discipline, he cannot possibly suppose that these things come about
without a cause and he realises that someone is in charge and who is obeyed. Far more
therefore with so great movements and phases of the heavenly bodies, and the order of so
much and so great things, in which in spite of their immeasurable and infinite age never a
thing has gone wrong, is it necessary that he establishes that so great motions of nature are
regulated by a mind.24
6
6 Natural Communions
There is something in the nature of things, that man’s mind, human reason, strength and
power are incapable of producing, that what produces it must necessarily be superior
to man.
Now the heavenly bodies and all the things of which there is an eternal order cannot be
created by man.
Therefore that by which they are created is better than man. Yet, what better could you
call this god?29
Note again the point of contact is “mind,” which is the “something similar”
between human and divine. There is of course an appeal to gradation (Fourth
Way) and order (Fifth Way) here as well, but the argument’s form coalesces
around its contemplation of necessity: namely, what “must necessarily be
superior to man.”
Consider now this other argument of Chrysippus, which is more akin to
the approach of the Fourth Way:
Indeed, if gods do not exist, what can be better in the nature of things than man. For he
alone possesses reason, better than which nothing can be.
If there would be a man who would think that nothing in the world is better than him-
self, this would be a sign of stupid arrogance.
Therefore there is something superior than man.
Therefore god definitely exists.30
Here the point of contact between the human and the divine is not mind as
merely similar to the divine, in the way that contingency is similar to neces-
sity (as a hierarchically lesser degree of rational order), but rather as iden-
tical to the divine, insofar as “reason” is considered an attribute according to
which the human is the same as the most divine, since reason is “better than
which nothing can be.”
Chrysippus also offers the following formulation, which we may recog-
nize as yet another version of the Fourth Way approach to the divine that is
made via gradations of being:
In the horse the mature is better than the imperfect in a foal, in the dog than in a puppy, in
a man than in a boy.
What is best in the cosmos must be fully developed in an absolute form, nothing is
better than the world, nothing better than virtue.
Therefore virtue is an essential property of the world.
Although man’s nature is not perfect, nevertheless virtue may arise in man, how much
more readily then in the world.
Therefore in the world there is virtue.
Therefore it (the world) is wise and consequently god.31
8
8 Natural Communions
Note how “the soul of the world” is invoked here as the highest Divine
Reality, whose highest transcendental attributes (wisdom and virtue) estab-
lish transcendent points of identity with human souls.
Finally, Chrysippus explicitly formulates an argument contemplating a
mindful union with the immanent and transcendent Divine Reality, in this
variation of his on the Fifth Way style of proof:
But if the nature that governs the cosmos is the best, this nature will be thinking, morally
good and immortal. And being such this nature will be god. Therefore gods exist.34
This Fifth Way vision, of the thinking “soul of the world,” which is cer-
tainly characteristic of Chrysippus, is also found in Cicero’s paraphrase of his
idea of breath or spirit (pneuma) that we invoked at the outset:
These processes and this harmony of all the parts of the world certainly could not go on
were they not maintained by one divine and uninterrupted breath.35
continues, in perennial fashion, to elucidate and develop the core themes and
ideas. For example, here is another fragment giving a version of the Fifth
Way’s contemplation of mindful union via teleonomic patterns:
The cosmos is moved by nature or by will, or by vortex and necessity. … [I]t would not
move the whole in an orderly and conserving way if it was not intelligent and divine …
of necessity, therefore it must itself have a thinking nature (by which it is moved in an
orderly way).
This must be just like that of a god.36
The following version of the Second Way contemplates the logic of effi-
cient causality (with an appeal to “the causes of motion”), as that logic creates
an ordered whole of causality that sustains the cosmos:
The moving cause of a horse is more marvelous than that of a plant. … The cause of the
whole is more marvelous than the cause of the parts. Since the nature of the universe is the
cause of the ordering of the whole cosmos it will be the cause of the parts (of the universe).
If so, it is the best. If it is the best, it is logical, and thinking and besides it will be
eternal.
But such a nature is identical with god.
Therefore god is something (existent).37
In every multipartite body which is regulated by nature, there is a ruling part, even as in
our case it is assumed to be located either in the heart or in the brain or in some other part
of the body.
This part functions not in the same way in the case of plants, but in some cases in the
roots, in others in the leaves, in others again in the central core.
Consequently, since the cosmos also is multipartite and regulated by nature, there will
exist in it a part which rules and originates its motions.
And this can be nothing else than the nature of beings, which is god.
God therefore exists.38
The matter of beings … which is of itself motionless and shapeless must be put in motion
and shaped by some cause.
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10 Natural Communions
And it is probable that this is nothing else than some power which pervades it, even as
our soul pervades ourselves.
This power is either self-moving or moved by some other power. And if it is moved by
another power it will be impossible for that other power to be moved unless it is moved by
another power, which is absurd.
There exists, therefore, a power which is of itself self-moving, and this will be divine
and eternal. For either it will be in motion from eternity or from some point of time.
But it will not be in motion from a point of time; for there will exist no cause of its
motion from a point in time.
Thus then, the power which moves matter and subjects it to ordered forms of generation
and change is eternal. Consequently, this power will be god.
Conclusion
The Five Ways of Aquinas, within a wider historical view that makes room
for the Stoics, may thus be considered as alternative expressions of constant
themes within a perennial wisdom tradition of eco-spirituality. They are argu-
ably variations upon five key ideas that recur as the core of a vision of the
world that glimpses a Divine Reality in the cosmos that is both immanent and
transcendent.
Does this perennial tradition have any lessons for the world today, and can
its vision of eco-spirituality be of service in addressing the planetary eco-
logical crisis we now face? Answers to those questions like beyond the scope
of our inquiry here, but we may nonetheless conclude with an affirmation of
the nobility of this perennial vision, which insists upon orienting a proper
understanding of the world within a holistic vision. Furthermore, in contem-
porary Stoic practice, this vision of ancient wisdom is even being brought
into harmony with the additional technical knowledge of the cosmos that is
made available by a modern scientific understanding of the world:
Can we moderns share this view of nature and derive anything useful from it? Of course,
the modern scientific world-view is very different from the Stoic one. On the other hand,
at the very general (and by our standards non-scientific) level at which the Stoics thought
about nature as a whole, it may still be possible for us too to see nature as ordered and
providential. We moderns have reasons the Stoics did not have that make it rather urgent
for us to think about ourselves as part of a larger natural whole. Since the 19th century,
human beings have done great damage to the environment and the ecology of the planet,
which we are now belatedly trying to repair. We have also put at risk the survival of many
species of animals and plants with which we share this planet. We have very forceful
reasons to want to recover a view of ourselves as parts of a larger whole and to try to enable
nature to regain its proper character as ordered and providential. Reflecting on the Stoic
view of humanity as part of a larger cosmic whole may help us to do this in addition to the
reasons that the Stoics themselves had for taking this view.40
Notes
1 Aldous Huxley, The Perennial Philosophy (Chatto & Windus, 1947); cf. Richard Rohr,
“Introduction,” Oneing, 1, 1 (Spring 2013), 13–14.
2 Richard Rohr, Center for Action and Contemplation: https://cac.org/living-school/
program-details/the-perennial-tradition/, accessed April 30, 2018. Cf. Huxley, Perennial
Philosophy, 1. The enumeration of the themes is my own effort at tabulating them.
3 Seneca, Epistulae 65.23–24. Cf. Christopher S. Morrissey, “ ‘Grace That Shimmers on
the Surface of Beauty’: Beyond Platonic-Aristotelian Form, a Stoic Vision of Primary
Causality,” Quaestiones Disputatae: A Journal of Philosophical Inquiry and Discussion
6.2 (Spring 2016): 10–25, at 21.
4 Cf. John F. Wippel, The Metaphysical Thought of Thomas Aquinas: From Finite Being to
Uncreated Being (Catholic University of America Press, 2000), ch. 12; Timothy J. Pawl,
“The Five Ways”, in Brian Davies and Eleonore Stump (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of
Aquinas (Oxford University Press, 2014), 115–134; and Timothy J. Pawl, “Aquinas’ Five
Ways”, in Michael Bruce and Steven Barbone (eds.), Just the Arguments: 100 of the Most
Important Arguments in Western Philosophy (Wiley-Blackwell, 2011), 9–17, also online
at: http://ir.stthomas.edu/cas_phil_pub/1.
5 R. W. Sharples, Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics (Routledge, 1996), 45.
6 Gerard Verbeke, The Presence of Stoicism in Medieval Thought (Catholic University of
America Press, 1983), 91.
7 In the notes that follow, the following abbreviations are used in order to refer to the
ancient sources: ND = Cicero, De natura deorum; SE = Sextus Empiricus, Against the
Physicists; SVF = Hans von Arnim, Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta (Teubner, 1964),
available online at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stoicorum_Veterum_Fragmenta; and
ST = P. A. Meijer, Stoic Theology: Proofs for the Existence of the Cosmic God and of
the Traditional Gods: Including a Commentary on Cleanthes’ Hymn on Zeus (Eburon,
2007). Note that ND and SE are cited throughout the notes according to the manner of
their occurrence in ST, from which all of their quotations are taken.
8 ST 2; cf. Cicero, ND II 21: ST 8 n.45, and also SE I 61: ST 117.
9 Aquinas’ First Way, as translated by Alfred J. Freddoso: “It is certain, and obvious to the
senses, that in this world some things are moved. But everything that is moved is moved
by another. For nothing is moved except insofar as it is in potentiality with respect to that
actuality toward which it is moved, whereas something effects motion insofar as it is in
actuality in a relevant respect. After all, to effect motion is just to lead something from
potentiality into actuality. But a thing cannot be led from potentiality into actuality except
through some being that is in actuality in a relevant respect; for example, something that
is hot in actuality –say, a fire –makes a piece of wood, which is hot in potentiality, to be
hot in actuality, and it thereby moves and alters the piece of wood. But it is impossible for
something to be simultaneously in potentiality and in actuality with respect to same thing;
rather, it can be in potentiality and in actuality only with respect to different things. For
what is hot in actuality cannot simultaneously be hot in potentiality; rather, it is cold in
potentiality. Therefore, it is impossible that something should be both mover and moved
in the same way and with respect to the same thing, or, in other words, that something
should move itself. Therefore, everything that is moved must be moved by another. If,
then, that by which something is moved is itself moved, then it, too, must be moved by
another, and that other by still another. But this does not go on to infinity. For if it did,
then there would not be any first mover and, as a result, none of the others would effect
motion, either. For secondary movers effect motion only because they are being moved
by a first mover, just as a stick does not effect motion except because it is being moved by
a hand. Therefore, one has to arrive at some first mover that is not being moved by any-
thing. And this is what everyone takes to be God” (Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I, q2, a3,
12
12 Natural Communions
response; all Freddoso translations quoted in these notes are from his website at: www3.
nd.edu/~afreddos/summa-translation/Part%201/st1-ques02.pdf).
10 SE, I 133: ST, 1–2.
11 Aquinas’ Third Way: “Certain of the things we find in the world are able to exist and able
not to exist; for some things are found to be generated and corrupted and, as a result,
they are able to exist and able not to exist. But it is impossible that everything should
be like this; for that which is able not to exist is such that at some time it does not exist.
Therefore, if everything is such that it is able not to exist, then at some time nothing
existed in the world. But if this were true, then nothing would exist even now. For what
does not exist begins to exist only through something that does exist; therefore, if there
were no beings, then it was impossible that anything should have begun to exist, and so
nothing would exist now –which is obviously false. Therefore, not all beings are able
to exist [and able not to exist]; rather, it must be that there is something necessary in the
world. Now every necessary being either has a cause of its necessity from outside itself
or it does not. But it is impossible to go on to infinity among necessary beings that have
a cause of their necessity –in the same way, as was proved above, that it is impossible
to go on to infinity among efficient causes. Therefore, one must posit something that is
necessary per se, which does not have a cause of its necessity from outside itself but is
instead a cause of necessity for the other [necessary] things. But this everyone calls God”
(Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I, q2, a3, response; trans. Freddoso).
12 ST 2; cf. ND II 21: ST 8 n.45, and also SE I 61: ST 117.
13 Cf. Anthony Kenny, The Five Ways: St. Thomas Aquinas’ Proofs of God’s Existence
(Routledge, 1969); Christopher F. J. Martin, Thomas Aquinas: God and Explanations
(Edinburgh University Press, 1997), 132–206; Edward Feser, The Last Superstition: A
Refutation of the New Atheism (St. Augustine’s Press, 2008); and Edward Feser,
Aquinas: A Beginner’s Guide (Oneworld Publications, 2009).
14 Aquinas’ Fifth Way: “We see that some things lacking cognition, viz., natural bodies, act
for the sake of an end. This is apparent from the fact that they always or very frequently
act in the same way in order to bring about that which is best, and from this it is clear
that it is not by chance, but by design, that they attain the end. But things lacking cog-
nition tend toward an end only if they are directed by something that has cognition and
intelligence, in the way that an arrow is directed by an archer. Therefore, there is some-
thing intelligent by which all natural things are ordered to an end –and this we call God”
(Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I, q2, a3, response; trans. Freddoso).
15 ST 2.
16 SE, I 104: ST 2.
17 Aquinas’ Fourth Way: “In the world some things are found to be more and less good,
more and less true, more and less noble, etc. But more and less are predicated of diverse
things insofar as they approach in diverse ways that which is maximal in a given respect.
For instance, the hotter something is, the closer it approaches that which is maximally
hot. Therefore, there is something that is maximally true, maximally good, and max-
imally noble, and, as a result, is a maximal being; for according to the Philosopher in
Metaphysics 2, things that are maximally true are maximally beings. But, as is claimed
in the same book, that which is maximal in a given genus is a cause of all the things that
belong to that genus; for instance, fire, which is maximally hot, is a cause of all hot things.
Therefore, there is something that is a cause for all beings of their esse [act of existence],
their goodness, and each of their perfections –and this we call God” (Aquinas, Summa
Theologiae I, q2, a3, response; trans. Freddoso).
18 ST 2.
19 SE I 104; SVF 1 110: ST 3.
20 SE I 101: ST 3.
21 Aquinas’ Second Way: “We find that among sensible things there is an ordering of effi-
cient causes, and yet we do not find – nor is it possible to find – anything that is an
13
efficient cause of its own self. For if something were an efficient cause of itself, then it
would be prior to itself –which is impossible.
But it is impossible to go on to infinity among efficient causes. For in every case of ordered
efficient causes, the first is a cause of the intermediate and the intermediate is a cause of
the last –and this regardless of whether the intermediate is constituted by many causes or
by just one. But when a cause is removed, its effect is removed. Therefore, if there were
no first among the efficient causes, then neither would there be a last or an intermediate.
But if the efficient causes went on to infinity, there would not be a first efficient cause,
and so there would not be a last effect or any intermediate efficient causes, either –which
is obviously false. Therefore, one must posit some first efficient cause –which everyone
calls God” (Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I, q2, a3, response; trans. Freddoso).
22 ND II 24, SVF I 513: ST 65. Cf. “Cleanthes autem tum ipsum mundum deum dicit esse,
tum totius naturae menti et animo tribuit hoc nomen, tum ultimum … ardorem, qui aether
nominetur …” (ND I 37, SVF I 530: ST 69).
23 SE I 88–91: ST 52–53; cf. ND 33–36: ST 59–60.
24 ND II 15: ST 46.
25 ND II 13: ST 37.
26 ND II 13: ST 37.
27 ND II 13: ST 37.
28 ND II 13: ST 37.
29 ND II 16: ST 78; cf. SVF II 1011, ND III 25: ST 79.
30 ND II 16: ST 78.
31 ND II 38–39: ST 83.
32 ND II 37–38, SVF 1153: ST 81–82; cf. ND II 18: ST 84–85 (“there is a surpassing
mind”).
33 SE I 78, cf. ND II 19: ST 85–88.
34 SE I 78: ST 88.
35 ND II 19: ST 88.
36 SE I 111–114, SVF II 1016: ST 110–111.
37 SE I 115–119: ST 112–113.
38 SE I 119–120: ST 113–114.
39 SE I 75–77, SVF II 311: ST 122–123.
40 Stoic Week 2016 Handbook, “Sunday: Nature”: http://modernstoicism.com/wp-content/
uploads/2016/10/Stoic-Week-2016-Handbook-Stoicism-Today.pdf.
14
Caroline Smith
16 Natural Communions
human needs which even in the face of hyper-materialism, have not quite
disappeared. Ecopsychologists Roszak, Gomes and Kanner contend that an
empathetic orientation towards Nature is something humans are born with,
and forms the ground for the emergence of an eco-spirituality.26 This orienta-
tion explains why Nature is a common trigger for peak, inspirational insight
experiences, and, for many, an essential and absorbing part of childhood.
Is it coincidence that Jesus went to the wilderness for deep contemplation?
The healing power of the more-than-human is well known, as shown by the
role of gardens and animals in speeding recovery rates in hospital. Recent
research from groups such as the Scandinavian Forest Schools Initiative is
now confirming what many educators have long believed – that positive
experiences in Nature enhance human flourishing through physical, intel-
lectual, psychological, social, emotional, moral and aesthetic development
as well as providing spiritual nourishment and a sense of meaning, con-
nectedness and belonging. Connection to Nature through outdoor play and
communal activities enhances community values, deepens and strengthens
relationships and provides stronger support networks. These same values and
benefits are experienced in families if parents and children take the time to
foster their connections through shared play and engagement with Nature.
The great Catholic geologian Thomas Berry, whose contribution is
discussed below, puts it thus:
We have an absolute need of the natural world for activation of our inner world … For it
is from the stars, the planets and the moon in the heavens as well as from the flowers and
birds and forests and woodland creatures of Earth that some of the more profound inner
experiences take place in children.27
It becomes clear that deep, urgent and critical questions must be asked
about the relationship between humanity and the natural world if there is any
hope of reversing decline and forging a flourishing future. For Malafouris,
our salvation lies in nothing less than the decentring of the sovereign human
subject, in other words, a shift from anthropocentricism towards a more inclu-
sive eco-centrism where the more-than-human-world that is our ultimate life
support system is taken account of and nurtured rather than destroyed.28
18 Natural Communions
While it is clear that most humans have a long history of some exploitation
of Nature for sustenance reasons,30 the pre-rational organic worldview, still
the dominant worldview of many indigenous peoples today, was mediated
as Martin Buber’s I–Thou,31 a participatory ecological consciousness where
Nature was sacred, humans and the other-than-human world were kin, and
identity was found through active relationships with the land.32 Buber himself
talks of relating to Nature as I–Thou when he says, “but it can also happen,
if will and grace are joined, that as I contemplate the tree I am drawn into a
relation, and the tree ceases to be an It.”33 Humans participated directly in the
natural world; it was their spiritual source of knowledge, law and wisdom as
well as sustenance and healing. It was, in Thomas Berry’s words, “our native
place.”34
For the people of the West, this world began to unravel as the upheaval
of the Enlightenment took hold, beginning in the seventeenth century. Now,
accelerated by a powerful science and technology, the dominant worldview is
one of increasingly materialistic and individualistic notions of desire, success
and progress tied to continued economic growth. In order for this to succeed,
catastrophic and accelerating exploitation of Nature needed to take place,
which exacerbated the disconnection of humans from Nature. In this world,
Nature has merely become the backdrop that provides for human needs and
desires. As Berry observes:
We can break the mountains apart; we can drain the rivers and flood the valleys. We can
turn the most luxuriant forests into throw-away paper products. We can tear apart the great
grass cover of the western plains and pour toxic chemicals into the soil and pesticides onto
the fields until the soil is dead and blows away in the wind. We can pollute the air with
acids, the rivers with sewage, the seas with oil –all this in a kind of intoxication with our
power for devastation at an order of magnitude beyond all reckoning.35
For the people of the Western world, the past 300 years of the Enlightenment
brought about a profound shift in worldview. This now clear understanding
of the magnitude of the disruptions to natural ecosystems is recasting recent
centuries of ‘progress and advancement’ as a consumer- obsessed world
increasingly devoid of spirit. Human meaning, belief and action are no longer
located in the cornerstone of a coherent view of the world that was available to
previous eras. This is the legacy of the dualism of the philosopher Descartes
(in his Discourse on method, 1631), the radical idea (at that time) that mind
and body are mutually exclusive. Mind became associated with the rational,
with the very essence of being (cogito ergo sum). Zimmerman36 argues that
“Descartes’ quest for absolutely clear and certain truths” arose from the high
degree of uncertainty and insecurity of the times, as Europe emerged from
another of its devastating plagues. The plague’s awful and lingering legacy
19
was that the physical body became associated with the seeming irrationality
of Nature, which needed to be conquered. Such thinking gave permission for
Nature to become ‘disenchanted’, in other words, no longer hold any spiritual
significance. The way was cleared for Nature to be disconnected, to be seen
merely as a resource rather than intimately connected with humanity.
This same impetus drove Francis Bacon (1571–1626) to develop the ana-
lytical/reductionist scientific method. Bacon determined that pervasive and
rational methods needed to be applied to Nature to begin the understandings
of how it might be controlled and manipulated. This was a radical, violent
and reductionist recasting of humanity’s relationship with Nature from I–
Thou to the either–or dualism of I–It. Sheldrake quotes Bacon’s approach to
Nature, which was to be
bound into “service” and made a “slave” … she would be “dissected”, and by the mechan-
ical arts and the hand of man, she could be “forced out of her natural state and squeezed and
moulded”, so that “human knowledge and human power meet as one.”37
20 Natural Communions
Christianity in absolute contrast to ancient paganism and Asia’s religions (except, perhaps,
Zoroastrianism), not only established a dualism of man and Nature but also insisted that it
is God’s will that man exploit Nature for his proper ends … By destroying pagan animism,
Christianity made it possible to exploit Nature in a mood of indifference to the feelings of
natural objects.46
White’s view has received some criticism and challenge.47 However, his
work remains important in that it foregrounded the debate about the relation-
ship between science, religion, Nature and spirituality, and paved the way for
the reworking of the I–Thou relationship with Nature within the Abrahamic
religions and beyond, through the evolution of a post- Enlightenment
eco-spirituality.
Towards a New Eco-Spirituality
As a relatively new perspective, eco-spirituality is subject to many and
various interpretations, and challenges. Some conservative Christians are
deeply suspicious of eco-spirituality, seeing it as a post-Christian heresy; a
threat to traditional theocentric and anthropocentric understandings of the
created order.48 However, deep debate continues about the position of humans
in the scheme of things. For example, the eco-centric field of deep ecology
sees humanity as but one species in the great web of life, no more important
than a flea or a blade of grass. For deep ecologists, ‘Spirit’ resides in all
aspects of the universe. In contrast, the anthropocentric Abrahamic religions
see humanity as a special species of a God that was created in His image and,
for Christians, a God who chose to be incarnated in the human form.
For others, including agnostics and some atheists, recasting humanity’s
relationship with Nature as a spiritual one brings a sense of renewal, an
awakening as if from a dysfunctional slumber, a coming home, of a deep
belonging and sense of meaning. Nature is re- enchanted, resacralized.
Long49 believes that this reinterpretation is both new and ancient, and may
indeed mark the dawn of a post-religious phase. New, because it is post-
Enlightenment, drawing on insights from rationalist modern cosmology and
ecology which enable a new synthesis; and ancient, because it pre-dates the
monotheistic religions, harking back to the beginnings of humanity’s evolu-
tion. As the Irish ecotheologian Diarmid O’Murchu observes:
22
22 Natural Communions
Our spiritual identity is inescapable … Religion is one aspect of our spiritual unfolding, but
only one. Our spiritual evolution as a species took place for at least 70,000 years without
formal religion and there are many indications that we are, once more, evolving spiritually
into a nonreligious ambience.50
We must therefore encourage and support the “ecological conversion” which in recent
decades has made humanity more sensitive to the catastrophe to which it has been heading.
Man is no longer the Creator’s “steward”, but an autonomous despot, who is finally begin-
ning to understand that he must stop at the edge of the abyss.56
In his January 2007 message for the celebration of the World Day of Peace,
Pope Benedict XVI clearly recognized the interdependence of human well-
being and the wellbeing of Nature, and that this recognition forms the ground
for a multifaceted ecology of peace:
Alongside the ecology of nature, there exists what can be called a “human” ecology, which
in turn demands a “social” ecology. All this means that humanity, if it truly desires peace,
must be increasingly conscious of the links between natural ecology, or respect for nature,
and human ecology. Experience shows that disregard for the environment always harms
human coexistence, and vice versa. It becomes more and more evident that there is an
inseparable link between peace with creation and peace among men.57
Perhaps the strongest message from the Catholic tradition is that of Pope
Francis in his encyclical letter Laudato Si’: On care for our common home.
23
Francis announces his “concern to bring the whole human family together to
seek a sustainable and integral development” (#13); to do so he declares, “we
urgently need a humanism capable of bringing together the different fields of
knowledge, including economics, in the service of a more integral and inte-
grating vision” (#141); then he proceeds to present his vision of an “integral
ecology.”58
A Functional Cosmology for the Anthropocene: The
Contribution of Thomas Berry
Thomas Berry, a Passionist priest who describes himself as a cultural historian,
ecotheologian, cosmologist and geologian, that is, a scholar of Earth, has brought
uniquely profound insights and influence to the way humans see themselves in
relation to the world. For Berry, an Earth-based eco-spirituality is important but
does not go far enough. Berry extends the concept to embrace not just Earth
but the very universe itself in all its breadth, depth and deep time as home, as
our place, in order to heal the great rift and re-orientate us towards a thriveable
future. His major works –The Dream of the Earth; The Universe Story: From the
Primordial Flaring Forth to the Ecozoic Era (with Brian Swimme);59 The Great
Work: Our Way into the Future;60 and Evening Thoughts: Reflection on the Earth
as Sacred Community,61 as well as many other writings –have inspired what
Berry has called ‘the great work’ –the transformation of humanity’s priorities.
Berry’s great contribution has been to reinterpret and reframe cosmology
as an integration of science and spirit, manifested in a new creation story
for our times. Thomas Berry’s insight is that modern Western culture and
increasingly other cultures, around the world, have been stripped of their
deep cultural guiding stories, what Berry calls “a functional cosmology.”
It is this absence of a functional cosmology that has profoundly influenced
the Western mindset in its relationship to and treatment of Nature, towards
one of domination, disconnection, distancing and disenchantment.62 Berry
wants us to embrace a story in which humanity is cast as profoundly at home
in the universe. Seen not from outside as disinterested observers, but as an
intimate part of its creation and evolution, this new cosmology teaches us
that the universe story is humanity’s story, that we are intimately intertwined
with the substance, patterns, processes and splendour of the universe. In
Berry’s evocative words, “we are a communion of subjects, not a collection
of objects.”63 Interpreted and recast this way, science reveals the human as
deeply embedded within the magnificent story of a numinous, participatory
and interrelated universe. Berry coined the term ‘the Ecozoic’,64 referring to
what he hoped would be the new era for humanity as the new story became
embedded in human consciousness, in contrast with the Anthropocene, a
term that recognizes the reality of where we have come to.
24
24 Natural Communions
Physicist and cosmologist Brian Swimme,65 who has worked closely with
Berry, places human consciousness not just within the evolution of life on Earth,
but within the nearly 14-billion-year-old cosmic creation process, in order to
highlight the directions in which human consciousness is evolving today and
into the future. For Swimme and Berry, human consciousness is the con-
sciousness of the universe reflecting on itself. With this knowledge, humanity
stands in wonder at its magnificence; it is a profound, awe-inspiring and deeply
comforting thought. If re-imagined through the epic story of the universe, this
cosmology is available to all, able to be interpreted through all faith traditions as
well as by those professing no faith. Indeed this is what self-styled arch-atheist
Richard Dawkins means by his term ‘the God of Einstein’. Einstein had said: “I
don’t try to imagine a personal God; it suffices to stand in awe at the structure of
the world, insofar as it allows our inadequate senses to appreciate it.”66
Berry’s great contribution to the framing of a new functional cosmology
for the Anthropocene is his notion of ‘moments of grace’.67 Moments of
grace are those profound moments which have the power and potential to
change radically the course of the future by compelling us to see ourselves
in an intensely different light. These moments are privileged moments, when
the great transformations of the universe occur. They are no less than psychic
‘mindquakes’, upending all we think we know to be true and forcing us to
drastically reframe ourselves in relation to our world. Galileo’s insight that
shifted our sense of ourselves from the centre of the universe to a mere speck
orbiting the sun was such a moment of grace, even if it caused severe angst
to the Catholic church, let alone to Galileo himself.
Berry’s three moments of grace provide the foundation for a new func-
tional cosmology as a new consciousness of the human–Nature relationship
as I–Thou, interconnected not only with the web of life, but into the very
beginnings and evolution of the universe itself. This new consciousness is
now manifesting as a global eco-spirituality, emerging in response to three
deep realizations about humanity’s relationship with universe.
Moments of Grace
The first moment of grace emerges from learning across four cen-
turies of cosmological science, which has opened up a deep and profound
understanding of the origin and evolution of the universe and humanity’s
place within it. From the mechanistic Newtonian view of the universe as a
collection of objects, merely following the dictates of the laws of classical
physics, the twentieth-and twenty-first-century sciences of quantum physics,
cosmology, systems theory, chaos and complexity have changed the way in
which the organizational principles of the universe are understood. This new
view of the universe is one of an evolving, dynamic, ever-changing dance
25
We see quite clearly that what happens to the nonhuman happens to the human. What
happens to the outer world happens to the inner world. If the outer world is diminished in
its grandeur then the emotional, imaginative, intellectual, and spiritual life of the human is
diminished or extinguished.71
26 Natural Communions
This is the moment of grace that is part of the great shift in consciousness
that is now occurring in the hearts and minds of many, towards a participa-
tory rather than a dominator relationship with Nature, towards an ecological
worldview. This shift signals a profound move from the exploitative, objecti-
fying I–It relationship to Nature to an I–Thou spiritual relationship, that is,
an eco-spirituality.
The third moment, perhaps of crisis as well as grace, is the shock of the
Anthropocene itself, of humanity’s increasingly destructive and potentially
all-life-threatening impact on the very ecosystems on which it so profoundly
depends and of which it forms an intimate part.
These three profound moments of grace, enabled by the insights of science,
situate the human deep within the magnificent story of a numinous, partici-
patory and interrelated universe. When the story is told this way, humanity
is intensely at home in the universe. If we see it not from outside as disinter-
ested observers, but as an imitate part of its evolution, this new story, this cos-
mology, teaches that the universe story is humanity’s story, and the universe,
and especially Earth, are our primary teachers.
If we are to thrive or even survive into the future, if we are to mend our
broken relationship with Earth and the more-than-human world, Thomas
Berry’s functional cosmology, informed by moments of grace, gives us a
profound new story with which to reframe ourselves. It is through this that
hope and action spring. The last words rest with Berry:
The natural world is the larger sacred community to which we belong, and we are to
be its stewards and custodians. To be alienated from this community is to become des-
titute in all that makes us human. To damage this community is to diminish our own
existence.75
Notes
1 Berry, T. The Dream of the Earth. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1990.
2 This term was first used by David Abram in his book The Spell of the Sensuous:
Perception and Language in a more- than-
human World. New York: Vintage
Books, 1997, as a way of referring to Nature as greater than and encompassing
humanity.
3 The terms ‘Nature’ and ‘Earth’ are capitalized throughout to reflect their centrality and
importance in considering a functional cosmology.
4 Glikson, A. The atmosphere and mass extinctions through time. Paper delivered at the con-
ference Imagining the real: Life on a greenhouse earth. Manning Clark House, Australian
National University, Canberra, June 2008; McDonagh, S. The Death of Life: The Horror
of Extinction. Dublin: Columba Press, 2004.
5 Zalasiewicz, J. et al. The New World of the Anthropocene. Environmental Science and
Technology 44(7) (2010), 2228–2231.
6 Turney, C. S. et al. Global Peak in Atmospheric Radiocarbon Provides a Potential Def-
inition for the Onset of the Anthropocene Epoch in 1965. Scientific Reports 8 (2018).
DOI:10.1038/s41598-018-20970-5.
27
28 Natural Communions
29 Morton, Hyperobjects.
30 See, for example, Diamond, J. Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed.
New York: Viking Press, 2005.
31 Swanson, J. I– It vs. I– Thou relationships, 2008. www.ecopsychology.org/journal/
gatherings7/Treesjnhf.htm.
32 Broomfield, J. Other Ways of Knowing. Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, 1997.
33 Quoted in Swanson, I–It vs. I–Thou.
34 Berry, The Dream of the Earth.
35 Ibid.
36 Zimmerman, M. E. Contesting Earth’s Future: Radical Ecology and Postmodernity.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.
37 Sheldrake, R. The Rebirth of Nature. London: Rider, 1990.
38 Smith, C. Reconnecting with Earth: Ecospirituality as the Missing Dimension in Spir-
ituality and Sustainability Education. In M. de Souza et al. (Eds.), International
Handbook of Education for Spirituality, Care and Wellbeing. 2 volumes. Dordrecht,
The Netherlands: Springer Academic Publishers, 2010; Smith & Watson, STEM and
Education for Sustainability.
39 Gore, A. An Inconvenient Truth: The Planetary Emergency of Global Warming and What
We Can Do about It. New York: Rodale Books, 2016.
40 Wilber, K. A brief history of everything. Boston & London: Shambhala, 1996.
41 O’Sullivan, E. Transformative Learning: Educational Vision for the 21st Century.
London: Zed Books, 2001.
42 Toulmin, S. The Return to Cosmology: Postmodern Science and the Theology of Nature.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985.
43 Berry, The Dream of the Earth.
44 Slaughter, R. Mapping the Infinite. Futures 28(8) (1996), 793–797.
45 Long, P. Re-awakening our connectedness: An Earth-based Spirituality for Young People.
Miami, FL: St. Thomas University, 1997.
46 White, L. Jr. “The Historical Roots of Our Ecologic Crisis.” Science 155 (1967), 1203–1207.
47 See, for example, Minteer, B. A., & Manning, R. E. An Appraisal of the Critique of
Anthropocentrism and Three Lesser Known Themes in Lynn White’s “The Historical
Roots of Our Ecologic Crisis.” Organization & Environment 8(2) (2005), 163–176.
48 See, for example, Sirico, R. A. The New Spirituality. Acton Institute, 1997. https://acton.
org/node/6426.
49 Long, Re-awakening Our Connectedness.
50 O’Murchu, D. Quantum Theology. New York: Crossroad Publications, 1997.
51 Earthsong Project. www.earthsong.org.
52 Edwards, D. The God of Evolution. New York: Paulist Press, 1999.
53 Tucker, M. E. Worldly Wonder. Religions Enter an Ecological phase. E: The Environmental
Magazine, November/December 2002, 12–14.
54 McGillis, M. Genesis Farm Vision, 2008. www.genesisfarm.org/.
55 Yale Forums on Religion and Ecology. http://fore.yale.edu/.
56 John Paul II. World Day of Peace Message. The Ecological Crisis: A Common Responsi-
bility, 2002. http://conservation.catholic.org/background.htm.
57 Benedict XVI. Message for the Celebration of the World Day of Peace, 2007. www.
vatican.va/holy_father/benedict_xvi/messages/peace/documents/hf_ben-xvi_mes_
20061208_xl-world-day-peace_en.html (italics in original).
58 Francis. Encyclical Letter Laudato Si’ of The Holy Father Francis on Care for Our
Common Home, 2015. http://w2.vatican.va/content/dam/francesco/pdf/encyclicals/
documents/papa-francesco_20150524_enciclica-laudato-si_en.pdf.
59 Swimme, B., & Berry, T. The Universe Story: From the Primordial Flaring Forth
to the Ecozoic Era – A Celebration of the Unfolding of the Cosmos. San Francisco:
HarperOne, 1992.
29
60 Berry, T. The Great Work: Our Way into the Future. New York: Bell Tower, 1999.
61 Berry, T. Evening Thoughts: Reflection on the Earth as Sacred Community. M. E. Tucker
(Ed.). Berkeley: Counterpoint Press, 2015.
62 Smith, Reconnecting with Earth.
63 Berry, The Dream of the Earth.
64 Swimme & Berry, The Universe Story.
65 Swimme, B. The Hidden Heart of the Cosmos. New York: Orbis Books, 1999.
66 Dawkins, R. The God Delusion. London: Bantam Press, 2006.
67 Berry, T. Moments of grace. Yes Magazine, March 2000. www.yesmagazine.org/issues/
new-stories/moments-of-grace.
68 Tucker, Worldly Wonder.
69 Berry, The Great Work.
70 Smith, Reconnecting with Earth.
71 Berry, Moments of Grace.
72 Capra, F. The Web of Life: A New Synthesis of Mind and Matter. London: HarperCollins,
1996; Capra, F. How Nature Sustains the Web of Life. In M. Stone & Z. Barlow (Eds.),
Ecological literacy. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 2005.
73 Goodenough, U. The Sacred Depths of Nature. Oxford & New York: Oxford University
Press, 1998.
74 Swimme, Hidden Heart of the Cosmos.
75 Berry, T. Thomas Berry on the natural world as our sacred community, July 26, 2015.
https://wordsforabetterworld.com/2015/07/26/thomas-berry-on-the-natural-world-as-
our-sacred-community/.
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World. New York: Vintage Books, 1997.
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32 Natural Communions
David Martínez
There is very little that can be regarded as the intersection between Western
philosophy and non-Western Indigenous traditions beyond the references to a
mythologized primitive people in the works of Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau.
By turns, in the Leviathan (1651), the Second Treatise on Government (1689),
and The Social Contract (1762), each work evoked a “state of nature” that
was less about portraying Indigenous peoples accurately and more about cre-
ating a philosophical fiction. Consequently, Hobbes saw in tribal people a
propensity for savagery; Locke saw the origin of property; and Rousseau
saw an Edenic form of natural equality.1 None of these philosophers ever
traveled to the Americas, let alone learned anything from any Indigenous per-
sons. Thus, the spurious references to tribal people –in spite of recognizing
there were nations very different from the Christian European civilizations
that otherwise dominated their discourses –was for the purpose of arguing
on behalf of a particular type of political organization, be it an ecclesiastical
commonwealth, a democratic republic, or a social contract. Indeed, no matter
the philosophical objective, the state of nature and the people who inhabited
it must ultimately give way to a higher form of thinking. The implication for
the discourse on, say, American Indians is that what one sees in the Western
philosophical tradition is the intellectual premises on which the notion of the
“vanishing Indian” will arise, which also signified a radically different atti-
tude toward the environment. This essay is about the philosophical values
34
34 Natural Communions
expressed in the Origin Story of one of these Indigenous peoples, the Akimel
O’odham, or Gila River Pima, who claim what is today southern Arizona as
their homeland. More specifically, this essay reflects on the environmental
values derived from the story of the Huhugam civilization –the O’odham’s
ancestors –who built “14 irrigation networks with an estimated aggre-
gate length of 300 miles watered 400 square miles of agricultural land and
settlements,” which sustained a population in the tens of thousands.2 The
collapse of this civilization –which is not dated in the Akimel O’odham
Origin Story, but which is estimated, based on the archeological evidence,
to be c. 1450–1500 –happened abruptly. Thin Leather, or Komalk Hok, was
a ma:kai, or medicine man, who relayed the Akimel O’odham Origin Story
during the early decades of the twentieth century, which has been recorded
for posterity and forms the basis of my discourse on O’odham environmental
values. I should acknowledge, before proceeding, that the simple reason I call
what follows a “prolegomenon” is that the most I can hope to accomplish in
this brief chapter is to introduce some of the key ideas and issues defining
any analysis of O’odham environmental ethics, which ultimately must be
addressed in a more expansive work.
From the Western perspective, because Indians were destined for extinc-
tion –at least as a distinct moment in the history of mankind –their unlet-
tered beliefs, customs, and knowledge about the world has been left to the
work of anthropologists –namely, ethnographers and archeologists –as
opposed to philosophers, who largely valorized their own history and civ-
ilization.3 One need only examine Hegel’s swift disregard for the Americas
in his Philosophy of History (1858), in which the Mesoamerican and Incan
empires are mentioned succinctly before being vastly overshadowed by the
ancient Greeks and Romans.4 Even when a philosophical tradition developed
in America, Indians have been largely absent, both as topics and as thinkers.
Fleeting exceptions were Ralph Waldo Emerson’s 1836 letter to President
Martin Van Buren on behalf of Cherokee Nation, which was being unjustly
forced out of its historical homeland by the 1830 Indian Removal Act, and
Henry Thoreau’s 1842 Indian journals, which did little more than conjure a
Longfellow-like image of the Indian’s demise in New England.5 Indeed, the
only meaningful references to Indigenous thought were written by American
Indian authors, such as Dakota writer and activist Charles Alexander Eastman,
who published The Soul of the Indian: An Interpretation in 1911.6
Most of the anthropological literature – where the bulk of the nonfiction
work on Indigenous peoples is found –has been driven by an interest in how
the so-called primitive mind thinks differently from its Western counterpart.
In fact, ever since Sigmund Freud equated “savages” and “neurotics” in Totem
and Taboo (1913), anthropologists have been fixated on the “deviant” thinking
35
of tribal people.7 However, like much of what Freud wrote, he was criticized
as much as he was influential. In the case of Totem and Taboo, Freud’s trea-
tise on the primitive mind appeared at a time when anthropology was taking
a turn toward cultural relativism, consequently moving away from the evolu-
tionary ladder articulated by Lewis Henry Morgan in Ancient Society (1877)
for the more nuanced theories initiated in the work of Franz Boas, most import-
antly The Mind of Primitive Man (1911) and the Handbook of American Indian
Languages (1911). Furthermore, cultural relativism by and large rejected
the scientific racism of its predecessors, which postulated a hierarchy of
civilizations based on race, and instead asserted the phenomenon of culture
as something that arose organically as a product of a given people adapting
to a given place or, more specifically, a given environment. In which case,
Indigenous peoples, as members of the human species, were just as intellec-
tually sophisticated as their Western counterparts, each having conditioned
themselves to fit the locations and conditions in which they dwelled. It is within
this historical context, then, that the Akimel O’odham, or the Pima (as they are
called in the historical record), entered the Western intellectual tradition.
More specifically, the Akimel O’odham’s, or Pima’s, first extended
appearance was in Harvard anthropologist Frank Russell’s 1904–1905 report
for the Bureau of American Ethnology, which was published in book form
in 1908 as The Pima Indians. Russell’s work was a standard field report for
his generation of anthropologists, which consisted of making an inventory
of cultural traits, divided into major categories, namely Technology, Esthetic
Arts, and Sophiology. In turn, the major categories were further divided into
an array of subcategories. For example, in the case of Sophiology, which is
where the “Creation Myth” is located, Russell also inserted sections on medi-
cine men, types of disease, and a host of songs about various animals. In 1911,
J. G. Frazer, of Golden Bough fame, cited Russell’s report at length in his
book Taboo and the Perils of the Soul. Of particular interest to Frazer was the
ritual purification of a Pima warrior after slaying an enemy in combat. Then,
in 1913, Freud quoted Frazer on this topic, along with Taboo’s references to
other comparable tribal traditions, in Totem and Taboo, thus initiating the dis-
course on the “primitive mind” that has appeared recurrently in the anthropo-
logical literature.8
With respect to the philosophical project of engaging the world through
an analysis of language and ideas for the purpose of understanding the
nature of the array of beings perceived by the senses, intellect, or intuition –
be it eidetic, phenomenal, or pragmatic – insofar as the reflective mind is
conditioned by the social environment in which it developed, it does make a
difference if the resulting discourses are limited to a particular social insti-
tution –such as the Western philosophical community –to the exclusion of
36
36 Natural Communions
is inhabited by spirits whose names are invoked in their oral tradition and
ceremonial customs, it is a body of knowledge about the land derived from
countless generations of intimate interaction. In the case of Russell’s BAE
report, cited above, in the part covering Technology, there are subsections
on “Plants used for food,” “Medicinal plants,” and “Animals used for
food.” More recently, Gary Paul Nabhan has published books and articles
on O’odham plant knowledge, such as Gathering the Desert (1986) and
Enduring Seeds: Native American Agriculture and Wild Plant Conservation
(2002). With respect to O’odham biological knowledge, Amadeo Rea has
compiled this into three very interesting volumes: At the Desert’s Green
Edge (1997), Folk Mammalogy of the Northern Pimans (1998), and Wings in
the Desert (2007). What Nabhan’s and Rea’s research demonstrates, in par-
ticular, is that the O’odham, similar to other Indigenous peoples, possessed
copious knowledge of their environment, the depth of which is comparable
to –and sometimes exceeds –the Western scientific tradition.
With the above in mind, my objective as a scholar of the American Indian
intellectual tradition, who is also educated in Western philosophy, not to
mention a member of an Indigenous nation, the Akimel O’odham, is to inter-
vene into the discourse on environmental ethics –which is dominated by
non-Indigenous thinkers, some of whom, such as Rachel Carson and Aldo
Leopold, are of great historical importance –and assert an Indigenous agenda
for reflection and analysis. While I readily acknowledge that I am far from
the first to do this, the fact remains that because there are so few Indigenous
thinkers present in the philosophical community, such work is still neces-
sary. Furthermore, although environmental ethics is still a minor subfield of
Western philosophical ethics, the topic of the environment, or the land, has
always been of major importance to Indigenous communities. What one can
learn, then, from Indigenous values with respect to the environment is how
to critique the environmental impact wrought by industrialization –of which
climate change is critical –from a local, which is to say tribal, perspective.
Indeed, it is only from the tribal perspective that one can begin to see the
challenges confronting tribal communities as their relationship with their
homelands is disrupted by the upheaval of colonization –not just in the his-
toric past, but also as part of their current affairs. For example, the Gila River
Indian Community, which is the modern name of the Akimel O’odham reser-
vation –the other is the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community –has
long battled local, state, and federal authorities over environmental justice
issues pertaining to freeway expansions, urban development, and water rights.
All of which is the consequence of illegal land and resource loss due to the
encroachment of settlers onto O’odham lands, which the American govern-
ment pursued under the pretense of holding title to Arizona –including Indian
38
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40 Natural Communions
the ceremonies based on that “myth” are no more effective than relying on
a rabbit’s foot for luck.19 At which point, one might raise the age-old debate
between faith and reason, in which rational thought, as defined by Western
intellectuals, is based on the principles of Aristotelian logic, thereby pre-
cluding one from referring to anything that defies the rules of that logic,
one of the most important of which was the rule of the excluded middle. Of
course, Aristotle and the logical tradition he initiated in the Organon and the
Metaphysics were the products of their time and place, namely fourth-century
BC Macedonia. In respect to which, what Aristotle sought to achieve, beyond
articulating the rules for a correct syllogism, was a form of argument that was
axiomatic and far less rhetorical than what characterized the thinking of the
Sophists, which appealed more to the emotions and the senses. Such formu-
laic reasoning and analysis interestingly became the basis of both the medi-
eval arguments for the existence of God and the scientific thinking initiated
during the Renaissance by Descartes in his Discourse on Method (1637) and
Galileo Galilei’s Discourses and Mathematical Demonstrations Relating to
Two New Sciences (1638). Indeed, the first rule of thought stipulated in the
Cartesian tradition is that the aim “should be to direct the mind with a view
to forming true and sound judgements about whatever comes before it.”20
Thus inaugurating a tradition of skepticism with regard to Christian religious
orthodoxy, in which Galileo stands a hero of free thinking. However, whereas
Galileo’s scientific challenge to Church teachings over the nature of the uni-
verse is celebrated as a profound act of resistance to religious dogma and
oppression, the same is not true when the scientific attitude, if you will, is
applied against Indigenous customs and values. In the latter case, the derision
of Indigenous knowledge traditions as “primitive” has instead been a part of
the colonization and oppression of Indigenous peoples.
With respect, then, to what the above references to Aristotle, Descartes,
and Galileo mean to the discourse on the Akimel O’odham Origin Story, it
is not to say that what Thin Leather recounts is based on invalid or illogical
premises, but instead that Western thinkers were pursuing a particular type
of knowledge, for which they developed an effective practice that became
known as “the scientific method.” In the case of the O’odham Origin Story, it
too is a way of seeking knowledge. However, rather than reducing the object
of inquiry down to its component parts, complete with analyzing their nature
and function, which is done typically, not just to satisfy one’s understanding,
but also to in some manner control the object in question, an Origin Story
takes a holistic and noninvasive approach to understanding the created
world. More to the point, in the narrative that Thin Leather shared with Frank
Russell, before the first people are made “Earth Medicine Man” or “Earth
Doctor” (as Russell translates the O’odham name Jewed Ma:kai) must, true
41
to his name, first make the earth, which he does by rubbing his chest with his
fingers, then forming the “dust” into a flattened “cake.”21 More specifically,
in the version of this story that Thin Leather shared with J. William Lloyd,
what the “Doctor of the Earth” rubbed off his chest was “moah-haht-tack,”
which is “perspiration, or greasy earth.”22 Once that foundation was made,
Earth Medicine Man could plant the creosote or greasewood bush (shegoi)
he had made, which, as a desert plant, indicated the landscape that was taking
shape.23 From there, insects were made, namely “some black insects,” “the
termite,” and “a gray spider.” Together, they helped Earth Medicine Man
make the “water, mountains, trees, grass, and weeds,” above which, covering
it all, was the sky, “shaped like the round house [ki] of the Pima.” However,
it would not be until after the sun and the moon, along with the stars, were
made “when the earth was thus prepared for habitation.” At which point,
Earth Medicine Man made, as Thin Leather recounted in what sounds like
biblically influenced language, “all manner of birds and creeping things.”24
Before continuing with the creation of the first humans, it is important to
observe that what Thin Leather’s story teaches is that before there can be life,
be it plant, insect or animal, there has to be a place, an environment, in which
it can thrive. In the case of the first humans, because they must learn how to
live in balance with their environment –unlike their nonhuman relatives –
their adaptation to the environment is characterized by profound moments of
learning and equally epic episodes of calamity. In this sense, humans bear the
traits of their Creator, who, in the Akimel O’odham oral tradition, tried and
failed at creating the sun and the moon, in which each was placed in what
turned out to be the wrong directions, until the right one, the east, was tried,
thereby generating the days and nights that persist to today.25 Similarly with
humans, Earth Medicine Man will go through trial and error. In the case,
then, of the first people Earth Medicine Man made out of clay, which he
gathered from the Akimel, or Gila River, they multiplied until they overran
the land, leaving themselves with a scarcity of food and water. Tragically,
“they began to kill one another and to eat human flesh.” Out of pity for their
distress, Earth Medicine Man determined that he had to “destroy all.” So,
he grabbed the sky with his staff and pulled it down, “crushing to death the
people and all other living beings.” Because of the destruction, everything
that was created before had to be created anew, including the people, whom
Thin Leather identified as “Rsâsanatc,” or “S*os*anac/j,” which is a noun
that may be translated as either “the beginning of something” or “the base of
something.” For the sake of clarity, the S*os*anac/j may be regarded as the
true First People, if you will, who, more specifically, will learn the O’odham
Himthag.26 Nonetheless, the S*os*anac/j will be the people whom their
descendants, the Akimel O’odham, will refer to as Huhugam (or Hohokam,
42
42 Natural Communions
44 Natural Communions
appropriate gifts must be placed upon its grave.”33 From the scientific per-
spective, the O’odham hummingbird tradition is nothing but an ungrounded
superstition, a naïve belief that harming or disrespecting a hummingbird
may literally cause a flood. Post hoc ergo propter hoc, as the logicians say.
However, from the point of view of a people who have to sustain themselves
in their homeland, what would it mean if they became a society in which
deliberately harming hummingbirds was acceptable? The O’odham custom
about the hummingbird is not about a childlike belief in magic, it is about the
very real and delicate balance between people and place, which is a lesson
that becomes all the more important as primal people develop their cultures
into sophisticated civilizations.
In the world that Elder Brother created in the aftermath of the flood, the
people learned how to build canals and harness the power of fire, which led to
the establishment of “vahkihs,” adobe villages along the Gila and Salt rivers.
The canals in particular –which distinguished the Huhugam, Elder Brother’s
creation, from their peers throughout the Southwest and Northern Mexico –
according to Thin Leather, were the product of a powerful medicine woman
who assisted the people living along the Onk Akimel, the Salt River. In the
version for Russell, Thin Leather calls the woman “Toa-koa-atam Âts,” or
“White-eater-old-woman.” In the Lloyd version, which is much longer, she is
called “Taw-quah-dawm-ahks,” or “The Wampum Eater.”34 In both instances,
the names refer to the same woman. What is interesting is the fact that the
story indicates that the O’odham had earlier begun their canal-building trad-
ition. In light of which, although some villages had begun irrigation farming,
not all were successful. Depending on where they lived and grew their crops,
the terrain along the river may be level and the earth comparatively easy to
build on. For the people at what is today “Papago Park,” which straddles the
cities of Scottsdale and Tempe, one can still see what is left of the distinctive
red rock hills. In that area along the Salt River, the Akimel O’odham and Pee
Posh who lived there “tried to build canals, but were not successful, because
of the hard rocks and soil.” Naturally, the people turned to Elder Brother
for help, who did his best to make the land soft enough for them to dig their
canal. He also taught them how to make digging sticks out of ironwood.
Unfortunately, his efforts failed. So, Elder Brother advised the people to see
his “sister, who also had great power.” When White-eater-old-woman offered
her abilities to the people, “she finished all the work in a single night.”35 More
elaborately, in the Aw-aw-tam Nights version, The Wampum Eater brought a
fog with her, which she left at the mouth of the desired canal, adjacent to the
river bank. She then blew a “seev-hur-whirl,” a bitter wind, from the mouth
of the canal up through the rocky hill. As the wind “tore up the bed of the
canal,” the still hovering fog “dammed up the river and the water ran thru the
45
canal.” In this way did the people of this village acquire their canal, thereby
becoming as prosperous as their relatives. After this, The Wampum Eater
went back home without speaking with the people.36 Also, Elder Brother did
nothing further for any of his people. Instead, he once again became a har-
binger of impending doom for the land and its inhabitants. “From that time
on,” as Thin Leather recalls for Russell, Elder Brother, similar to the youth he
set upon the people before the flood, “began to do mischief, such as marrying
the young women and then deserting them for others. The people began to
be jealous of him and planned to destroy him.” Elder Brother’s destruction
would hasten the end of the S*os*anac/j, the builders of the canal system that
sustained their civilization.
What at first appears, though, to be a story of civil unrest is really a story
about a dramatic upheaval in the environment, one that hastened the demise
of the S*os*anac/j, transforming them into Huhugam –the remains of which
have become the focus of much archeological work. This part of the story
begins unexpectedly when a rattlesnake bites and kills a rabbit. The rabbit’s
death shocked the people and they blamed Elder Brother, for it was he who
gave the rattlesnake its dangerous fangs. However, it was because the snake
could not defend itself that Elder Brother did this.37 Still, the rabbit’s death
marked a change in the way of things for the O’odham, not just as a people
(who cremated the rabbit at the behest of the Pee-Posh38 and inaugurated this
funerary tradition), but also in the land. During the rabbit’s cremation, Coyote
stole and ran away with the rabbit’s heart. As the people pursued him for
his violation, Coyote left a trail of his misdeed across the Akimel O’odham
homeland. Thin Leather mentions the Estrella (or Komatke) Mountain range,
where Coyote stopped at “Anûkam Tcukwoanyik, Place of the Uprooted An
Bush,” then Kihâtoak, or Gray Mountain, which got its name when Coyote
dusted off the ashes covering the rabbit’s cremated heart. Lastly, and most
importantly, Coyote stopped at Mo’hatûk, Muhadag, or Greasy Mountain,
which was thus called after Coyote spilled grease from the rabbit’s heart as he
consumed it, wandering the mountain, hiding from the people.39 These places
mark the boundaries of the O’odham homeland, which Earth Medicine Man
made for the Akimel O’odham, but which are now empowered with new
meaning because of what Coyote did there.
Thin Leather then proceeds to recount tales of mischief, some involving
Coyote, who returns to the Akimel O’odham, other stories involving people
with unique powers that they misuse. In the case of Coyote, he takes advan-
tage of a girl from another tribe, whose kinsmen possess powerful medicine,
which they use to take away all of the animals that the O’odham hunt. The
animals are hidden in a cave northeast of Baboquivari Mountain, and it is left
to Coyote to use his cunning to liberate them. Another story is about a boy
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46 Natural Communions
meaningful that the O’odham learned how to build their canals after the gam-
bler was transformed into Vandaih, who was followed by the story of Ho’ok,
or Hawawk, a witch who claimed Elder Brother as her uncle.
Although she possessed strong hunting power, Ho’ok was incapable of
living among humans. Similar to Vandaih, Ho’ok exhibited an appetite for
human flesh. She thus became notorious for snatching children and absconding
with them to her cave in Taht-kum, north of Picacho.41 As is typical of Elder
Brother’s creations, at the same time that he is responsible for perpetrating
these abominations, he is also responsible for teaching the people how to pro-
tect themselves. With respect to Ho’ok, she was lured to a dance where she
was put to sleep with the enchanted cigarettes that Elder Brother made for
her. While under the tobacco’s spell, the people dragged her back to her cave,
where they burned her alive. Unexpectedly, when the fire shocked Ho’ok out
of her comatose state, she smashed into the ceiling of her cave, which opened
a crack that allowed her to escape. After which, she became a giant hawk who
remembered what the people did to her, so she killed them whenever she had
the chance, although she did not eat them as before. The menace that Ho’ok
posed metamorphosed again when she attacked a woman making pottery. In
the attempt to kill the potter, the woman evaded the hawk, which crashed into
the fire that the woman was using to make her pots. The people thought the
hawk had been destroyed until one day when that pot was in use it began to
boil over, killing people with scalding water. In fact, the pot continued to boil
all day, ceasing at night, only to resume its boiling at sunrise. Once again,
the people sought help. This time, instead of heading to Elder Brother, the
people recruited two men, Toehahvs and Geeahduk Seeven, who took their
clubs and shields and smashed the pot. But as the contents, which consisted
of choohookyuh, spilled, an old man and his orphaned grandson, who were
there to watch the battle, ate up the food and turned into bears –one black,
the other brown. So now the people had to figure out on their own how to
kill these bears, which they did by distracting them with balls made from
the o-nook palm tree, then shooting them with arrows.42 All of these things
happened in places that are well known to the O’odham. Far from being
fairytales, these stories instruct the people on the nature of the land around
them, especially those dangerous places where hawks and bears live.
As noted earlier, the O’odham built their canal system in light of the
aforementioned events, which was also when Elder Brother instigated social
unrest by taking various women who had just completed their coming-of-age
ceremony, leaving them, and inciting a lot of jealousy and resentment. Elder
Brother also developed a habit of shooting arrows through the people’s crops,
causing them to wither. These things happened near Salt River Mountain,
Awawtam Moehahdheck, or Brown Mountain, which is where Elder Brother
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48 Natural Communions
lived.43 Because of his infractions, the people conspired to kill him. However,
each time that they killed him – first with their clubs, secondly with fire,
thirdly by boiling him, and fourthly by pushing him off a high cliff –he was
seen the next day walking among the people making mischief. Then, after
another unsuccessful attempt at killing Elder Brother, this time by drowning,
Nooee, or Buzzard, called the people together. Nooee reminded the people
of the immense powers that Elder Brother possessed, explaining why he was
too powerful for ordinary people to kill. Nooee then demonstrated that he
possessed these powers because Earth Medicine Man made him this way. As
such, it was Nooee who killed Elder Brother, which he did with the help of
the Sun, which lent Nooee his “vi-no-me-gaht,” or gun.44 Because it was the
Sun’s weapon, each time that Nooee shot at Elder Brother the heat engulfing
the land became increasingly hotter. As Elder Brother ran around looking
for a place to escape the heat, he found to his dismay that each of these
places had no respite to offer, as every cool place he knew of became devas-
tatingly hot. Exhausted, Elder Brother had no place left to hide, eventually
succumbing to Nooee’s assault.45 And for anyone who has ever experienced
this Valley during the summer, Nooee’s story explains why the summer heat
dominates the land during this time.
As expected, Elder Brother eventually returned –he would return with
the rain –and when he did the canal-based civilization that the O’odham
created along the banks of the Akimel and Onk Akimel crumbled. However,
first, Elder Brother gathered his strength, and as he did so the land and the
waters that were completely dry at his death began to come back to life. Elder
Brother then gathered medicine, including items from which to fashion a bow
and arrows. Once he found these, he began looking for the Sun, following
the path it travels. Eventually, he sought out Earth Medicine Man, who still
lived with the people that followed him into the tunnel he opened for them
before the flood swept away everything. Upon finding Earth Medicine Man,
Elder Brother began reciting all that had transpired, which was foretold,
including the powers he would assemble now to overcome “the enemy to
my people and to the earth.” Earth Medicine Man offered his help, complete
with pledging the support of the people who stayed with him. Indeed, so
many people assembled on behalf of Elder Brother that, when they began
their march back to the Gila and Salt River valley, not all made it out of the
tunnel before the earth sealed up, leaving many behind. Among these was
Earth Medicine Man.46
As Elder Brother led the people to their destination it took them many
years to find their way. Along the way, Elder Brother created the deer because
there were none before and the people needed something to eat. Because of
this the people learned how to hunt deer, which did not always go very well
49
and the people became hungry again. So, they found a medicine man who
knew deer medicine and whose power could hide the deer just as effectively
as it could help them with the hunt. Consequently, although the medicine man
with the deer medicine had mischievously hidden the deer from the people,
he agreed to help the hunters and they found game. Another medicine man,
in turn, helped the people when a pestilence broke out, which was treated by
killing a doe and having a dance that worked against the sickness. Only after
this do Elder Brother and his “army” arrive in the Gila River Valley, where
they begin conquering the villages, or vahkih. From what is today the Casa
Grande Ruins to Komatke, Elder Brother led his people up the Gila River.
What is remarkable about this part of Thin Leather’s narrative is the display
of extraordinary powers exhibited by various medicine men on both sides of
the conflict. While the conquest is replete with images of warriors, weapons,
and slayings, the episodes are punctuated with natural catastrophes, such as
an earthquake, thunder, and fog, occurring at the behest of powerful medicine
men possessing powers derived from these phenomena. Just as the medicine
man described above could control the deer because of his deer medicine,
so too were there medicine men with earthquake, thunder, and fog powers.
Taken altogether, Elder Brother’s conquest of the Huhugam vahkih evokes
a dual narrative in which great social strife is occurring along with tremen-
dous environmental upheaval. Underscoring this is the special attention that
Elder Brother gave to personally slaying Noee, or Buzzard, who was the one
responsible for killing him earlier. More specifically, Elder Brother sent Eagle
and Chicken-Hawk to find his nemesis, which they did. They then brought
Nooee back to Elder Brother, who scalped him –which one can see today.
However, as expected, given the precedent set by previous killings, eventu-
ally Buzzard returns to life. Thin Leather’s conquest narrative continues up
into what is today Fort McDowell, then westward toward the Colorado River
and beyond, where the ability to conquer any more villages meets its end.
In time, the people return to the Phoenix Valley, and as they do so different
bands will claim different lands along the way as their home. Most of the
people, of course, will reclaim their O’odham homelands throughout what is
today southern Arizona. A few, however, will continue up into the Rio Grande
valley, where they will become the Rio Grande Pueblo communities.47
Archeologists, unsurprisingly, have largely ignored the O’odham narrative
on the rise and fall of the Gila River villages, whose ruins and artifacts have
long been uncovered since the first excavations were done at the turn of the
twentieth century, when Jesse Walters Fewkes conducted a survey at Casa
Grande (1912). Equally unsurprising is the tenacity with which the O’odham
have held to their oral histories, including their account of the Huhugam,
regardless of what the latest archeological research may have to say about
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it. Superficially, one might regard this dispute as another instance of the
confrontation of science and folklore. However, the O’odham, namely the
elders and tribal historians, such as Thin Leather, who have spoken about
the Huhugam and are recorded in the scholarly literature do not neces-
sarily reject the analyses, theories, and conjectures of their archeological
counterparts, except at those points where the kinship relations between
Huhugam and contemporary O’odham are questioned. Since the O’odham do
not abide by the Western notion of history, in which a linear timeline is used
to assemble data into a narrative documenting origins, developments, and
declines, such that each item is indexed according to a specific point in time –
hence archeologists’ reliance on dendrochronology and stratigraphy –their
Origin Story, which is ultimately timeless, does not shed light on the historio-
graphical elements of the scientific perspective, because that is not its purpose.
On the contrary, insofar as the Origin Story is about the First People,
the ones that Elder Brother taught the Himthag, then more important than
explaining the historicity of pottery shards and ruins is the story’s account of
who the O’odham are, their relation to the Huhugam, and how the Himthag
defines their kinship with Earth Medicine Man, Elder Brother, Coyote, the
First People, and the Jewed –the land and environment –that they created,
in which the Himthag is the appropriate way, the O’odham way of doing
things. With respect to the decline and fall of the Huhugam, as recounted
above, rather than evidence of how Indigenous people were as ecologically
destructive as their Euro-American counterparts, Elder Brother’s conquest
of Huhugam civilization demonstrates what the O’odham have learned from
the traumatic experience of a severe social crisis induced by an imbalance in
their relationship with the land –the people, allying with Nooee, Buzzard,
wanted to kill Elder Brother, who is identified with examples of fertility and
creativity.48 At one level, what happened between Elder Brother and the First
People was due to his deliberate mischievousness, as he violated the trust and
virginity of various young women who had just been through their coming-
of-age ceremony, transgressing their integrity and bringing shame and resent-
ment to their families. Yet, what did Elder Brother represent as a sacred being
among the O’odham? Over the generations, he shaped them into who they
are as O’odham, from shortening their lifespans to teaching them how to
make digging sticks from ironwood. Elder Brother also sent the people to
his sister when they needed a canal built across difficult terrain. At the same
time, he introduced the challenges that forged them into a strong nation, from
the flood that wiped out the First People’s ancestral village to giving snake
the fangs that killed rabbit, not to mention the array of monsters that preyed
on them from time to time. With each thing that Elder Brother gave to the
O’odham, it generated an opposite –one might say complementary –effect.
51
The latter included the gift of technology, the ironwood digging stick and
the knowledge to construct canals and adobe villages, enabling the Phoenix
Valley to become home to tens of thousands.
In the story of White-eater-old-woman, because of the canal that she dug
for the people they were able to become as prosperous as the other Huhugam
villages. Such a leap in civil engineering gave the people control over the
Akimel and Onk Akimel – signified by the digging stick – which led to an
increase in material wealth. The more miles of canals that the Huhugam
constructed, the vaster the fields that the farmers irrigated, which led to
greater crop yields. The increase in food supply led to a population growth,
which during times of drought may have resulted in social distress.49 While
not all of the known Huhugam villages are named in Thin Leather’s story,
their expanse between two distant points along the Gila River, then outward
across the Phoenix Valley and up into Fort McDowell, indicates a hitherto
unheard-of civilization. In the wake of the collapse of the Huhugam, the
Akimel O’odham established a culture that still relied on agriculture –even
utilizing several of the old canals –but on a scale much smaller than that
of their predecessors.50 The Akimel O’odham, in sense, were the Yin to the
Huhugam’s Yang.
Before concluding this all too brief discourse, the events recounted in the
Akimel O’odham Origin Story –which continue much further than the sum-
mary provided above –established the Himthag, which is less about having
“faith” in nature and more about respecting its power. As such, when the
O’odham exhibit respect for the hummingbird, it is not a naïve belief or super-
stition that such a tiny creature can cause a flood in some simplified mech-
anical definition of causality. As observed above, the concern is more about
developing in oneself an attitude toward nature, which can lead to the kind of
environmental imbalance symbolized by the flood narrative, not to mention
the Huhugam conquest narrative. What is unfortunately beyond the scope of
this essay, among other things, is how the Himthag informed other aspects of
O’odham culture, beginning with its ceremonial customs, such as the Wi:gida,
or Rain Ceremony, which takes place ahead of the summer monsoon season.
Indeed, in spite of being a riverine culture, the Akimel O’odham possess an
abundance of rain songs, in which the bounty of the desert is renewed, along
with the people and animals that depend on its fruits.51 In turn, the Himthag is
at the base of the O’odham medicine tradition, which encompasses a theory
of disease that is derived from the Origin Story, a knowledge of plants as both
medicinal and spiritual beings, and curing rituals that restore the patient to
health by re-establishing a healthy balance with their relatives, human and
nonhuman.52 Indeed, the Himthag infuses the purification ceremony (which
began this discourse on the O’odham) with its meaning, whereby returning
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52 Natural Communions
warriors who had slain an enemy must undergo it before being assimilated
back into their village.53 In Thin Leather’s narrative for Russell, the stories of
the Akimel O’odham’s origins concluded with the legend of a boy who went
on the warpath against the Apache to avenge the death of his father. Upon
returning from his heroic deed, the boy underwent the purification ceremony,
in which rain songs were sung.54
Finally, because the O’odham Himthag is about maintaining healthy
kinship ties with land and community, the values expressed in the O’odham
Origin Story are as pertinent today as they were for the First People. While the
Akimel O’odham have been subjected to the intense forces of colonization –
as American settlers occupied land they presumed to own by right of conquest,
thereby usurping political and economic control from the Indigenous villages
dwelling along the Akimel and Onk Akimel –succeeding generations have
preserved their knowledge of these ancient teachings.55 In fact, the O’odham
regard for their Himthag can be seen in their historic struggle for their water
rights and their current concern over a freeway expansion that will cut into
Muhadag Du’ag, or Greasy Mountain.56 Unlike a religious credo or ortho-
doxy, the O’odham Himthag is not a set of beliefs that one must abide by
in order to be O’odham. Rather, the Himthag, as noted, is a way of doing
things, which is focused above all else on being a good relative, in which
a good relative is defined by showing due respect for one’s family, land,
and the animals, plants and spirits who dwell there. In light of which, one
can without contradiction be, say, a Christian and still follow the Himthag.
The latter is significant, not only for the contemporary O’odham community,
which counts many Christians among its members, but also the surrounding
non-Indigenous community, which still has much to learn about this land
beyond what its science and engineering tell them.
Notes
1 See Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1994),
74–100; John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (London: Printed for Thomas Tegg,
1823), 106– 111; and Jean- Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses
(Rutland, VT: Everyman’s Library, 1973), 182–184.
2 David E. Doyel, “Irrigation, Production, and Power in Phoenix Basin Hohokam Society,”
in The Hohokam Millennium, Suzanne K. Fish and Paul R. Fish (eds.) (Santa Fe,
NM: School for Advanced Research Press, 2007), 83, 87.
3 An interesting subgenre of the anthropological literature is the tradition of what one
might call philosophical anthropology, in which the observations and theories that had
developed as an integral part of ethnographic field research formed the basis of dis-
course on some of the major themes that anthropologists identified as a meaningful
aspect of so-called primitive communities. Noteworthy examples of such works are Paul
Radin’s Primitive Man as Philosopher (1927), Lucien Lévy-Bruhl’s The “Soul” of the
Primitive (1928), Marcel Mauss’ The Gift (1950), Paul Radin’s The Trickster (1956), and
Claude Lévi-Strauss’ The Savage Mind (1962). In addition, one of the more intriguing
53
54 Natural Communions
10 Historically, the American Indian encounter with European and American missionaries
and politicians has often produced rather robust debates over values and ideas regarding
the land, religion, and government. In the case of American Indian relationships with
Christian churches and missionaries, a great deal of research and historical documenta-
tion has been amassed, which demonstrates the vibrant, not to mention violent, encounter
between institutional Christianity and a diverse number of American Indian nations,
their leaders, holy people, and scholars, from Seneca leader Red Jacket to Standing
Rock Sioux activist-intellectual Vine Deloria Jr. While the scholarship and archival
material is too vast to summarize here, one helpful resource for someone new to the
topic is The Pluralism Project of Harvard University, which maintains the page “First
Encounters: Native Americans and Christians”: http://pluralism.org/encounter/historical-
perspectives/first-encounters-native-americans-and-christians/.
11 President James E. Polk signed and proclaimed the treaty, titled “Treaty of Peace and
Friendship, Limits, and Settlement with the Republic of Mexico,” the law of the land on July
4, 1848. See Unnumbered Executive Orders, Directives, and Proclamations, Stat 9; pp. 922–
943. However, the area of Arizona that existed between the Gila River and the international
boundary –which included the Akimel O’odham homeland –was not added until the 1853
Gadsden Purchase. See Office of the Historian, “Gadsden Purchase, 1853–1854”: https://
history.state.gov/milestones/1830–1860/gadsden-purchase (accessed on July 10, 2017).
12 Lynn Townsend White Jr., “The Historical Roots of our Ecologic Crisis,” Science
155(3767) (March 10, 1967), 1203–1207.
13 For a history of the Akimel O’odham during the American period that began in 1853,
see Paul H. Ezell, “History of the Pima,” in Handbook of North American Indians, vol.
10: Southwest, Alfonso Ortiz (ed.) (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1983),
156–160.
14 For more on the role of Adamsville in Akimel O’odham history, see David H. DeJong,
Stealing the Gila: The Pima Agricultural Economy and Water Deprivation, 1848–1921
(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2009), 57–70.
15 Edward Abbey famously brought the water crisis in the American Southwest to a national
audience in 1968 when he published his influential memoir Desert Solitaire: A Season in
the Wilderness (New York: McGraw-Hill).
16 The decades of struggle that the Gila River Indian Community endured in pursuit of its
water rights is recounted in DeJong, Stealing the Gila.
17 When Russell provided an account of each one of the Akimel O’odham informants who
assisted him with his field research for The Pima Indians, he said of Thin Leather: “an
old man, is said to be the most popular of the few remaining narrators of myths and
speeches, or ‘speakers.’ He is an intimate friend of the head chief, Antonio Azul, and has
always occupied a prominent place in the councils of the tribe. In his prime he exceeded
6 feet in stature and was strong and sturdy of frame. Indeed, his hand grasp is yet vig-
orous enough to make his silent and friendly greeting somewhat formidable. Intelligent,
patient, dignified, his influence must have been helpful to those youths who formerly
came to him for of material pertaining to the Pimas” (Frank Russell, The Pima Indians
[Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1908], 17na). For a historical analysis of
Thin Leather’s contribution to the Akimel O’odham intellectual tradition, see Martínez,
“Pulling Down the Clouds.” From him was obtained the cosmogonical myth of the tribe,
many speeches, songs, and much general information. He also made a model of a loom
and a few other specimens for the collection.
18 Whereas for archeologists, such as Harold S. Gladwin, Emil W. Haury, and Paul H. Ezell,
there was a question about what they called “the Hohokam-Pima continuum,” for the
Akimel O’odham, as recounted in their Origin Story, there is no question that the
ancient ones, or Huhugam, who built the canal system and the extensive ruins along
the Gila and Salt rivers, were their ancestors. For more, see Paul H. Ezell, “Is There a
Hohokam-Pima Culture Continuum?” American Antiquity 29(1) (July, 1963), 61–66 and
55
Julian D. Hayden, “Of Hohokam Origins and Other Matters,” American Antiquity 35(1)
(January, 1970), 87–93.
19 It was commonplace for missionaries and Indian agents to refer to American Indian medi-
cine people, regardless of tribe, as “jugglers,” which was meant to imply that these indi-
viduals were little more than charlatans, conning people with sleight-of-hand tricks.
20 This is the first rule for Descartes’ universal science, posthumously published as Regulae
directionem ingenii, CSM I 9/AT X, 359.
21 Russell, The Pima Indians, 206.
22 Lloyd, Aw-aw-tam Indian Nights, 27.
23 For more on the cultural value of the creosote bush, see Amadeo M. Rea, At the Desert’s
Green Edge: An Ethnobotany of the Gila River Pima (Tucson: University of Arizona
Press, 1997), 139–142.
24 Russell, The Pima Indians, 206–208. The black insects that Thin Leather claims were the
first creatures that Earth Medicine Man made were likely Tachardiella larreae, a scale
insect that is found on the branches of the creosote bush. I am grateful to Sharon Suzuki-
Martinez, author of The Way of All Flux (Moorhead, MN: New Rivers Press, 2012) and
insectophile, for helping me identify this. With respect to Thin Leather’s recounting of
how the earth was made, see also Lloyd, Aw-aw-tam Indian Nights, 27–35.
25 Russell, The Pima Indians, 207–208.
26 Russell, The Pima Indians, 208. I am grateful to Mizuki Miyashita, Professor of
Linguistics, University of Montana, for assisting me with deciphering Russell’s arcane
O’odham orthography, which resulted in the use of “S*os*anac/j.” I am grateful also to
Ofelia Zepeda (Tohono O’odham), Professor of Linguistics and American Indian Studies,
University of Arizona, for providing me a meaningful translation of S*os*anac/j. For the
narrative on how Elder Brother created the S*os*anac/j, see Russell, The Pima Indians,
213–215. See also, Lloyd, Aw-aw-tam Indian Nights, 47–50; and Anna Moore Shaw,
Pima Indian Legends (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1968), 4–7.
27 Russell, The Pima Indians, 209.
28 Elder Brother’s O’odham names are clouded in mystery, which may be the result of a
number of factors. The names quoted in the text above may be of such ancient origin
that their definitions into contemporary O’odham is impossible. Or it may be the case
that the O’odham persons who served as resources for the anthropologists researching
O’odham oral traditions, such as Russell, may have been reluctant to divulge any except
the vaguest of knowledge about this sacred being’s name. For an ethnohistorical sum-
mary of Elder Brother’s names, see Donald M. Bahr, The Short, Swift Time of Gods
on Earth: The Hohokam Chronicles (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994),
298–299.
29 Russell, The Pima Indians, 209. For more on the cultural meaning of the White
Brittlebush, see Rea, At the Desert’s Green Edge, 131–132.
30 Russell, The Pima Indians, 209.
31 Russell, The Pima Indians, 209–210. See also, Lloyd, Aw-aw-tam Indian Nights, 38–61.
For contemporary interpretation of the flood narrative, see Webb, A Pima Remembers,
69–70; and Shaw, Pima Indian Legends, 1–3.
32 Russell, The Pima Indians, 210.
33 Russell, The Pima Indians, 211. For more on the cultural meaning of the hummingbird,
see Amadeo M. Rea, Wings in the Desert: A Folk Ornithology of the Northern Pimans
(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2007), 192–195.
34 Donald M. Bahr uses Russell’s translation, rendering it with an updated orthography
as “Towa Kuadam Oks, ‘White Eater Old-Woman.’ ” According to Bahr, Jesse Walters
Fewkes sees a connection between this O’odham female sacred being and the Navajo
references to “White Shell Woman.” Bahr questions Fewkes’ interpretation and instead
proposes an influence from the Yuman communities. For more, see Bahr, The Short Swift
Time of Gods on Earth, 310–311n6. With respect to Lloyd’s translation, “The Wampum
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56 Natural Communions
51 For more, see Russell, The Pima Indians, 270–338. See also, Underhill, Singing for
Power, 1–158.
52 For more, see Donald M. Bahr et al., Piman Shamanism and Staying Sickness (Ká:cim
Múmkidag) (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1974).
53 Russell, The Pima Indians, 204–205. For a brief but poignant account of the warrior puri-
fication ritual, see Webb, A Pima Remembers, 32–33.
54 Russell, The Pima Indians, 230, 353–356.
55 For a comprehensive account of the epochs of colonization in the American Southwest,
including its impact on the Akimel O’odham, see Edward H. Spicer, Cycles of Conquest:
The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest,
1533–1960 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1962).
56 For more on both the environmental and cultural issues associated with the 202 Freeway
expansion, see Elizabeth Stuart, “Gila River Indian Community Asks U.S. Judge to Block
South Mountain Freeway,” New Times, May 13, 2016: www.phoenixnewtimes.com/
news/gila-river-indian-community-asks-us-judge-to-block-south-mountain-freeway-
8292346 (accessed on July 12, 2017); also BrieAnna J. Frank, “Gila River tribe to appeal
South Mountain Freeway decision,” azcentral.com, August 30, 2016: www.azcentral.
com/story/news/local/ahwatukee/2016/08/30/phoenix-gila-river-tribe-appeal-south-
mountain-freeway-decision/89609440/ (accessed on July 12, 2017). For more on the
potential environmental impact of the 202 Freeway expansion, see J. Andrew Darling, “A
Class III Cultural Resource Survey of Five Alternative Alignments in the South Mountain
Freeway Corridor Study Area, Maricopa County, Arizona,” Arizona Department of
Transportation, February 2005: https://apps.azdot.gov/files/projects/south-mtn-final-eis/
2005-02-15-class-iii-survey-gric-crmpredacted.pdf (accessed on July 12, 2017).
58
Brian Yothers
North of the village, and over a hill, lay a piece of woods in which I was in the almost daily
habit of walking, more or less, when it was pleasant weather. It was now October, and the
time was past for my frequent walks there. Nevertheless, instead of going to the office,
I turned and bent my course toward the woods, feeling that I must be alone, and away from
all human eyes and ears, so that I could pour out my prayer to God.
I walked quietly toward the village; and so perfectly quiet was my mind that it seemed
as if all nature listened. It was on the 10th of October, and a very pleasant day. I had gone
into the woods immediately after an early breakfast; and when I returned to the village
I found it was dinner time. Yet I had been wholly unconscious of the time that had passed;
it appeared to me that I had been gone from the village but a short time.
(14)
I must have continued in this state for a good while; but my mind was too much absorbed
with the interview to recollect anything that I said. But I know, as soon as my mind became
calm enough to break off from the interview, I returned to the front office, and found that
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the fire that I had made of large wood was nearly burned out. But as I turned and was
about to take a seat by the fire, I received a mighty baptism of the Holy Ghost. Without any
expectation of it, without ever having the thought in my mind that there was any such thing
for me, without any recollection that I had ever heard the thing mentioned by any person in
the world, the Holy Spirit descended upon me in a manner that seemed to go through me,
body and soul. I could feel the impression, like a wave of electricity, going through and
through me. Indeed it seemed to come in waves and waves of liquid love; for I could not
express it in any other way. It seemed like the very breath of God. I can recollect distinctly
that it seemed to fan me, like immense wings.
(20)
In Finney’s description of his conversion, the air of the forest and the
breath of God, the sanctity of a space that remained free of excessive human
interference and the descending Holy Spirit, become so thoroughly blended
as to seem indistinguishable. Moreover, Finney’s psychological analysis
of his experience is also shaped by the natural sciences: he finds the present
of the divine to resemble a “wave of electricity,” meaning that the “waves of
liquid love” that so impressed William James when he wrote The Varieties
of Religious Experience were also framed by Finney’s engagement with the
natural sciences (James 255). The immense wings at the end of his reflection
suggest both traditional Christian iconography for the Holy Spirit and the
birds that he would encounter in his prolonged walks in the woods. To be
sure, Finney uses his ecological context as a metaphor here, but without his
physical connection to an ecologically defined locale, the spiritual metaphor
that he calls up would not be available to him.
Finney was far from the only young religious enthusiast to find God
in nature, and if Finney could boast a following across a wide range of
denominations, a near contemporary could boast a corresponding depth
to his influence on one particular tradition. Joseph Smith is remembered
today as the foundational leader and prophet of the Church of Jesus Christ
of the Latter-Day Saints, popularly known as the LDS or Mormon Church.
Before he was a central figure in a creed that his visions defined, Smith was
a spiritual seeker with a great deal in common with many of his contempor-
aries in the era of the Second Great Awakening. As Michael Robertson has
pointed out, Smith emerged from the same “burned over district” of Western
New York where Finney preached (Robertson 143). Perhaps not surprisingly,
then, Smith’s account of his earliest spiritual vision echoes both the earnest
self-examination and the ecological contexts that appear in Finney’s auto-
biography. Reflecting on an initial experience of illumination, Smith writes:
So, in accordance with this, my determination to ask of God, I retired to the woods to make
the attempt. It was on the morning of a beautiful, clear day, early in the spring of eighteen
hundred and twenty. It was the first time in my life that I had made such an attempt, for
amidst all my anxieties I had never as yet made the attempt to pray vocally.
61
Thick darkness gathered around me, and it seemed to me for a time as if I were doomed
to sudden destruction.
But, exerting all my powers to call upon God to deliver me out of the power of this enemy
which had seized upon me, and at the very moment when I was ready to sink into despair
and abandon myself to destruction –not to an imaginary ruin, but to the power of some
actual being from the unseen world, who had such marvelous power as I had never before
felt in any being –just at this moment of great alarm, I saw a pillar of light exactly over
my head, above the brightness of the sun, which descended gradually until it fell upon me.
(4–5)
Smith’s experience is related in terms that are at once biblical and eco-
logical, and they reflect the ways in which the distinction between the eco-
logical and the spiritual that we assume today did not necessarily obtain for
nineteenth-century religious figures. The congruity between Finney’s scene
of conversion and Smith’s, despite significant differences in their theological
beliefs and their relationship to the American Protestant mainstream is sug-
gestive of the way in which ecological impulses were shaping the most super-
naturally oriented portions of American religious culture, from central figures
in the Second Great Awakening to foundational figures in religious traditions
that lacked precedent in earlier Protestant denominations. Like Finney, Smith
“retired to the woods” at a time of profound spiritual crisis, and like Finney,
he found an experience in his natural surroundings that he describes in bib-
lical terms and that offered him a sense of consolation and insight.
Crossing a bare common, in snow puddles, at twilight, under a clouded sky, without
having in my thoughts any occurrence of special good fortune, I have enjoyed a perfect
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exhilaration. Almost I fear I think how glad I am. In the woods, too, a man casts off his
years, as the snake his slough, and at what period soever of life is always a child. In the
woods, is perpetual youth. Within these plantations of God, a decorum and a sanctity
reign, a perennial festival is dressed, and the guest sees not how he should tire of them in
a thousand years. In the woods, we return to reason and faith. There I feel that nothing can
befal me in life, –no disgrace, no calamity, (leaving me my eyes,) which nature cannot
repair. Standing on the bare ground, –my head bathed by the blithe air, and uplifted into
infinite space, –all mean egotism vanishes. I become a transparent eye-ball. I am nothing.
I see all. The currents of the Universal Being circulate through me; I am part or particle
of God.
(29)
The ecological and the spiritual are as tightly interwoven in this most famous
of Emerson’s early reflections as we could imagine possible. Emerson’s
“perfect exhilaration” derives from the particularity of the puddles, the light
from the sky as refracted by clouds and twilight, and like Charles Finney and
Joseph Smith, he finds regeneration in the woods. Moreover, the feeling of
security that Emerson experiences resembles Finney’s affective reaction to
the woods: “Within these plantations of God,” Emerson feels safe from the
threats to “reason and faith” that he encounters within human society.
Margaret Fuller was both one of Emerson’s closest associates and one
of the most influential female intellectuals in the nineteenth-century United
States. As such, it is striking that the spiritual experience that she records in
her letters bears a similar ecological freight to the conversion experiences of
Finney and Smith and Emerson’s own moment of bliss as a “transparent eye-
ball.” In a letter to Emerson from 1840, Fuller wrote about her earlier experi-
ence at the age of 21 of a sense of an internal experience of religious ecstasy
that draws heavily on the language of natural processes:
I paused beside a little stream, which I had envied in the merry fullness of its spring life. It
was shrunken, voiceless, choked with withered leaves. I marveled that it did not quite lose
itself in the earth. There was no stay for me, and I went on and on, till I came to where the
trees were thick about a little pool, dark and silent. I sat down there. I did not think; all was
dark, and cold, and still. Suddenly the sun shone out with transparent sweetness, like the
last smile of a dying lover, which it will use when it has been unkind all a cold autumn day.
And, even then, passed into my thought a beam from its true sun, from its native sphere,
which has never since departed from me. I remembered how, a little child, I had stopped
myself one day on the stairs, and asked, how came I here? How is it that I seem to be this
Margaret Fuller? What does it mean? What shall I do about it? I remembered all the times
and ways in which the same thought had returned. I saw how long it must be before the
soul can learn to act under these limitations of time and space, and human nature; but I saw,
also, that it must do it, –that it must make all this false true, –and sow new and eternal
plants in this garden of God before it return again.
(168)
concrete physical details of what she sees there, and then expresses the
resulting insight in terms (“this garden of God”) that draw their metaphorical
pattern from natural phenomena.
Perhaps no transcendentalist writer was more immersed in the concrete
phenomena of nature than Henry David Thoreau, and he has been widely
recognized as an inspirational figure in American ecological writing, in
studies ranging from Lawrence Buell’s The Environmental Imagination to
Laura Dassow Walls’s superb recent biography, Henry David Thoreau: A
Life. Regarding the ponds he observed near Concord, Massachusetts, most
particularly Walden Pond itself, Thoreau wrote:
A lake is the landscape’s most beautiful and expressive feature. It is earth’s eye; looking
into which the beholder measures the depth of his own nature. The fluviatile trees next to
the shore are the slender eyelashes which fringe it, and the wooded hills and cliffs around
are its overhanging brows.
(128)
A field of water betrays the spirit that is in the air. It is continually receiving new life and
motion from above. It is intermediate in its nature between land and sky. On land only the
grass and trees wave, but the water itself is rippled by the wind. I see where the breeze
dashes across it by the streaks or flakes of light. It is remarkable that we can look down
on its surface. We shall, perhaps, look down thus on the surface of air at length, and mark
where a still subtler spirit sweeps over it.
(129–30)
Here Thoreau brings the language of the spirit and the language of the
material world into still closer connection than had appeared in either
Emerson’s transcendental ecstasy or Finney’s evangelical conversion.
Finally, Thoreau reflects at length on the ways in which our perceptions
might be changed by an authentic confrontation with the landscape:
White Pond and Walden are great crystals on the surface of the earth, Lakes of Light.
If they were permanently congealed, and small enough to be clutched, they would, per-
chance, be carried off by slaves, like precious stones, to adorn the heads of emperors; but
being liquid, and ample, and secured to us and our successors forever, we disregard them,
and run after the diamond of Kohinoor. They are too pure to have a market value; they
contain no muck. How much more beautiful than our lives, how much more transparent
than our characters, are they! We never learned meanness of them. How much fairer than
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the pool before the farmer’s door, in which his ducks swim! Hither the clean wild ducks
come. Nature has no human inhabitant who appreciates her. The birds with their plumage
and their notes are in harmony with the flowers, but what youth or maiden conspires with
the wild luxuriant beauty of Nature? She flourishes most alone, far from the towns where
they reside. Talk of heaven! ye disgrace earth.
(136–37)
Thoreau’s reverence for White Pond and Walden Pond are matched by his
indignant conclusion that humans, even when well intentioned, fail to com-
prehend nature adequately. He finds spiritual power in the ponds’ ecological
resistance to being monetized (even as he recognizes elsewhere that both
the Concord economy and the global economy have incorporated the ponds
into their networks). The ponds become a kind of material rebuke to human
avarice: “too pure to have a market value,” they teach us scorn for any way of
life that depends solely on the market. Thoreau’s scathing conclusion: “Talk
of heaven! ye disgrace earth,” becomes the climax of an ecological sermon
to his readers, calling for conversion like the preacher in a Puritan jeremiad.
In this sense, Thoreau’s call for an ecological conversion is much more sub-
stantial than Emerson’s or Fuller’s.
Thoreau finds many of his most potent images of ecological spirituality
in the water of the ponds. Herman Melville and Emily Dickinson expand
on this connection between spirituality and water through their treatment
of the earth’s oceans in Melville’s Moby-Dick and his later poetry and in
Dickinson’s poetry across her career. This distinction of scale will become
important for the heterodox ecological spiritualities of both Melville and
Dickinson, as we shall see.
Reading Ecological Conversion with Herman Melville
and Emily Dickinson
Herman Melville could boast deep roots in evangelicalism and transcen-
dentalism alike. Melville grew up in the Dutch Reformed Church, of which
his mother, Maria Gansevoort Melville, was a member. This Calvinist back-
ground was one of many traits that he shared with his younger contemporary
Emily Dickinson. The traits that I trace in the following paragraphs are those
that combine the rigor of Melville’s and Dickinson’s Calvinist upbringing
with an impulse toward ecological spirituality that goes beyond that of their
transcendentalist peers.
Throughout Melville’s most influential novel, Moby-Dick, he seems
determined to put human society in dry land in its place. A notable instance
of this tendency appears in a chapter entitled “A Squeeze of the Hand,” where
Melville’s narrator, Ishmael, describes the process of squeezing oil from the
solidified sperm from the head of a whale that has just been hunted and killed:
65
As I sat there at my ease, cross-legged on the deck; after the bitter exertion at the windlass;
under a blue tranquil sky; the ship under indolent sail, and gliding so serenely along; as
I bathed my hands among those soft, gentle globules of infiltrated tissues, woven almost
within the hour; as they richly broke to my fingers, and discharged all their opulence, like
fully ripe grapes their wine; as I snuffed up that uncontaminated aroma, –literally and
truly, like the smell of spring violets; I declare to you, that for the time I lived as in a musky
meadow; I forgot all about our horrible oath; in that inexpressible sperm, I washed my
hands and my heart of it; I almost began to credit the old Paracelsan superstition that sperm
is of rare virtue in allaying the heat of anger: while bathing in that bath, I felt divinely free
from all ill-will, or petulance, or malice, of any sort whatsoever.
Squeeze! squeeze! squeeze! all the morning long; I squeezed that sperm till I myself
almost melted into it; I squeezed that sperm till a strange sort of insanity came over me; and
I found myself unwittingly squeezing my co-laborers’ hands in it, mistaking their hands for
the gentle globules. Such an abounding, affectionate, friendly, loving feeling did this avo-
cation beget; that at last I was continually squeezing their hands and looking up into their
eyes sentimentally; as much as to say, –Oh! my dear fellow beings, why should we longer
cherish any social acerbities, or know the slightest ill-humor or envy! Come; let us squeeze
hands all round; nay, let us all squeeze ourselves into each other; let us squeeze ourselves
universally into the very milk and sperm of kindness.
(322–23)
Notably, Melville here presents the physical act of squeezing sperm as the
source of spiritual renewal, even as this spiritual renewal is enabled by an act
of violence: if the crew of the Pequod had not killed a whale, Ishmael could
not have experienced a sense of spiritual connection with his shipmates by
squeezing the sperm extracted from the whale. And yet there is a powerful
affirmation of the ecological sources of spirituality here as well. The tactile
feel of the spermaceti in the men’s hands is precisely what leads Ishmael to
his overarching picture of human unity and his sense of the spiritual signifi-
cance of shared labor.
A still more powerful statement on the relationship between the eco-
logical and the spiritual appears in a chapter entitled “The Grand Armada,”
where Melville reverses the metaphorical direction of earlier transcenden-
talist treatments of nature. In this chapter, Ishmael is observing a large herd
of sperm whales, and he is discovering that the world of the sperm whales
beneath the surface of the water both mirrors and transcends what he knows
of human society on land. In a tone of wonder, Ishmael relates what he sees
in the depths of the ocean:
But far beneath this wondrous world upon the surface, another and still stranger world met
our eyes as we gazed over the side. For, suspended in those watery vaults, floated the forms
of the nursing mothers of the whales, and those that by their enormous girth seemed shortly
to become mothers. The lake, as I have hinted, was to a considerable depth exceedingly
transparent; and as human infants while suckling will calmly and fixedly gaze away from
the breast, as if leading two different lives at the time; and while yet drawing mortal nour-
ishment, be still spiritually feasting upon some unearthly reminiscence; –even so did the
young of these whales seem looking up towards us, but not at us, as if we were but a bit of
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Gulfweed in their new-born sight. Floating on their sides, the mothers also seemed quietly
eyeing us. One of these little infants, that from certain queer tokens seemed hardly a day
old, might have measured some fourteen feet in length, and some six feet in girth. He was a
little frisky; though as yet his body seemed scarce yet recovered from that irksome position
it had so lately occupied in the maternal reticule; where, tail to head, and all ready for the
final spring, the unborn whale lies bent like a Tartar’s bow. The delicate side-fins, and the
palms of his flukes, still freshly retained the plaited crumpled appearance of a baby’s ears
newly arrived from foreign parts.
(302–3)
natural world to that which can easily be made into a metaphor for the human
mind is not enough, in ecological terms, for Melville.
Melville makes use of the transcendentalist ideal of a correspondence
between the natural world and the human soul, but he moves beyond this cor-
respondence as well, showing that the material and social life of whales does
not depend on human wishes to provide scenes of beauty and love. Indeed,
it is the intrusion of the human desire for wealth and power on the scene that
brings destruction to the beautiful scene that Ishmael observes when a whale
that has become entangled in the line of a cutting spade begins to unintention-
ally injure and slaughter his fellow whales.
Although Moby-Dick may be Melville’s most famous engagement with the
intersection of the spiritual and the ecological, it also inaugurates a pattern that
continues throughout his career. Melville’s late poetry provides an especially
powerful example of the way in which he continues to interrogate the interior
meanings of natural phenomena. In his poetry, Melville amplifies a tendency
that appears in Moby-Dick for him to use the sea to re-center the spiritual world
in nature rather than making nature a metaphor for human longings and desires.
If Ishmael comprehends his ecological surroundings more profoundly and
empathetically than many of his fellow sailors, and than many of Melville’s
contemporaries, his ecological spirituality is still closely tied to the individual
Emersonian eye in a way that the ecological spirituality of Melville’s speakers
in his later poems is not. In this sort of increasingly radical decentering of the
human self-relative to the natural world, Melville bears a close resemblance to
his poetic contemporary Emily Dickinson, especially when she writes about
the sea, which provides a much more common backdrop for her work than we
might expect from someone whom we usually think of as an inland poet.
Once we remind ourselves that Melville was a poet as well as a writer of
prose fiction, it does not come as a surprise that the sea is at the center of
much of his verse, or that he uses the sea and the threat to human life and
consciousness that it entails to extend some of his more famous observations
on the relationship between the human and the sublimity of the sea from his
prose works under a new form. There’s much to be said about Melville’s
obsession with naval warfare in Battle-Pieces and his constant invocations
of sailors (including a figure based on the Essex’s George Pollard, a man who
experienced the decentering power of the sea in as bodily a way as anyone
can and still survive, as Nathaniel Philbrick has pointed out in In the Heart
of the Sea) and menacing metaphysical reefs in Clarel. To that point, I want
to consider several moments from Melville’s last two books of poetry, John
Marr and Other Sailors and Timoleon, however. In the sequence of seven
brief epigrams entitled “Pebbles,” as referenced above, Melville shifts the per-
spective from the “Clerk of the weather” to a sea that is both “implacable”
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and inhuman. As Wyn Kelley and Edgar Dryden have separately noted, these
poems “emphasize the priority of the natural or phenomenal over the human
… by emphasizing the power and force of language,” in Dryden’s words
(164), and they invoke a “post-human perspective,” as Kelley has put it (134).
John Bryant has suggested that “the sea, like his writing, was an alien thing,
into which Melville plunged his pain, and continually found redemption”
(xliii). Timoleon provides further suggestions of what Melville’s invocation of
human limits might portend: in the short poem “Buddha,” drowning at sea and
Nirvana appear as mutually illuminating metaphors for each other, as Melville
writes “Swooning swim to less and less, /Aspirant to nothingness! /Sob of
the worlds and dole of kinds/That dumb endurers be –/Nirvana absorb us
in your skies/Annul us into thee” (Published Poems 281). The swooning
swimmer who drowns becomes a double for the soul who experiences non-
attachment and is thus freed from the “sob of the worlds and dole of kinds.”
In both cases, human consciousness is necessarily destabilized. To take a third
example, in the poem “Venice” from “Fruits of Travel Long Ago,” likely the
earliest portion of Timoleon to be composed, Melville reverses the metaphoric
tendency to show a correlation between the human mind and nature, not so
much presenting a coral reef as an analogy for the city of Venice, as presenting
Venice as a flawed analogy for the reef and humans as inferior architects to the
coral polyp: the “little craftsman of the Coral Sea” “Up-builds his marvelous
gallery /And long arcade” while the human architects of Venice are “laborious
in a shallower wave, Advanced in kindred art.” Art begins with the coral polyp,
and appears in the human world as an attenuated analogy, under a “shallower
wave” (Published Poems 291). These moments in Melville’s poetry connect
closely with his images of ecological conversion in Moby-Dick, as in each
case, Melville uses humans’ ecological surroundings to suggest the limitations
of human power and human desires to hint toward a new way of life.
Dickinson’s ecological poetry might be associated by many of her readers
with her garden rather than with the ocean, but images of the sea capture
something particularly powerful about Dickinson’s version of eco-spirituality.
The poems have attracted some critical attention to date: Cristanne Miller
emphasizes Dickinson’s treatment of the “turban’d seas” as an example of
the cross-cultural dimensions in her poetry. I would hope to complement
this insight with a sense of how the sea also provides us with a Dickinson
who decenters human subjectivity through her use of images of the tides,
drowning, and the immensity of the sea. A briefer treatment of Dickinson’s
sea poetry appears in Francis V. Madigan’s “Mermaids in the Basement.” The
fact that the sea or ocean appear only rarely in Dickinson criticism should
not, however, obscure the powerfully generative role that this massive eco-
system plays in her work.
69
Drowning, the sea, God, and the acknowledgment of the limits of the human
all coalesce superbly in this poem, much as Melville’s would-be Buddhist courts
nirvana through the image of the sea in Timoleon. Indeed, F 1542 provides
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a window into how Dickinson’s religious thought and her prioritizing of the
material world come together powerfully in her poetry. “The attempt to rise”
suggests the Christian hope of a bodily resurrection, and it is juxtaposed against
the idea that drowning –death itself –has its own sort of cosmic dignity, which
accounts of human existence that seek to elide or triumph over death leave
out. Notably, the “maker’s cordial visage,” which is “shunned” by humans, is
associated directly with the abyss of the ocean, with the physical implacability
of the sea and the implacability of mortality seamlessly joined.
Even after noting the power with which Dickinson writes about the sea in
the later years of her career, we might still be surprised to note that Dickinson’s
references to the sea are present from the very earliest poems that she wrote
that are available to us. Her earliest poem dedicated to the sea appears as
number 3 in R. W. Franklin’s numbering of her poems, and it illustrates the
way in which Dickinson can take the treatment of the sea in popular forms and
extend it. Calling to mind the New England tradition of hymnody that draws
on the wind and the wave as a metaphor, Dickinson writes in her first stanza:
This poem echoes the commonplace image of God as the Pilot upon
whom the wandering soul relies, and readers of Moby-Dick will recognize
the treatment of the sea in Father Mapple’s sermon and the psalm that his
congregants sing at the start of the service in the whaleman’s chapel. A poem
like this one sets the stage for the later moments in Dickinson’s career when
the image of a divine protector leading sailors across a hostile sea becomes
replaced by images of the sea in which the divine and the terrifyingly inhuman
become merged, and in which neither the sea nor the deity can convincingly
be anthropomorphized.
Dickinson’s invocations of the sea grow in their complexity across her
career. In the early poems, she seems primarily invested in noting the sea’s
power and status as a central instance of the sublime (including as both an obs-
tacle for the aspiring soul to overcome and as a model for that aspiring soul);
later in her career, she tends towards subtler psychological shading on the one
hand and more physical detail on the other. In F 143, Dickinson writes:
Exultation is the going
Of an inland soul to sea,
Past the Houses –past the headlands –
Into deep Eternity –
71
Here, the sea becomes something other than an obstacle for a divine
“Pilot” to overcome: rather it stands in for the experience in which a human
consciousness becomes lost in something more powerful than itself. The
“inland soul” resembles the greenhorn sailor so common in both fictional and
non-fictional accounts of first voyages at sea (Melville’s Redburn, and, to a
lesser degree, Typee partake of this tradition), and it moves steadily from the
experiences that orient it to the world to the disorienting “divine intoxication
/ Of the first league out from land.” Here the sea is essential to Dickinson’s
vision precisely because of its capacity to reorganize and decenter human
perceptions, and if this decentering is unsettling, it is also exhilarating.
Similarly, a poem like F 152 reminds readers that not every craft is brought
safely to port by its pilot’s ministrations.
The diversity of Dickinson’s treatment of the sea in the middle portion
of her career is exemplified in several poems written, according to Franklin,
in 1863. In F 598, one of Dickinson’s most frequently anthologized poems,
she inverts the relationship between human consciousness and the sea on
display in F 143, suggesting that “The Brain is deeper than the sea –/For –
hold them –Blue to Blue –/The one the other will absorb –/As sponges –
buckets –do.” Dickinson invokes the size and power of the sea in this poem,
but here it is in service of what might initially seem to be an idealist con-
ceit: the entire cosmos, even the unfathomable leagues of the sea, can be
absorbed into human consciousness. And yet, the metaphor is more complex
than it initially appears. The human brain (not mind), may be able to absorb
the sea “As sponges –buckets –do,” thus suggesting the enormous power
of human consciousness, but the fact that consciousness is located in a part
of the human physical anatomy in this poem also reminds us of how tenuous
this power is: the sea contains, as Dickinson knew well from her earliest
poems, an ample quantity of human bodies and brains, and thus we can seem
ample human fragility hidden behind the audacious claims for the human
brain’s absorptive powers.
Precisely this capacity of the sea to engulf the human body and brain
appears in another poem from 1863, F 631. In this poem, Dickinson traces in
agonizing detail the process of drowning, concluding:
The River reaches to my Mouth –
Remember –when the Sea
Swept by my searching eyes –the last –
Themselves were quick –with Thee!
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72 Natural Communions
Here love and death come together in the image of drowning, with the con-
clusion suggesting that love persists in the moment of death, even as the sea
illustrates the inevitability of mortality and loss.
Both tendencies are on display in a third poem from 1863, F 656, a
whimsical poem that playfully captures both the sea’s power and the cap-
acity for mastery in human consciousness. In this poem, longer than most of
Dickinson’s works, she moves between lighthearted images of a walk with
her dog on the shore and “Mermaids in the Basement” and the grimmer pos-
sibility of being drowned by the incoming tide. Strikingly, the speaker avoids
drowning only because the sea, figured here as a courtly suitor, makes the
choice to release her: “And bowing –with a Mighty look –/At me –The Sea
withdrew.” The sea’s withdrawal is not a matter of human desire, but of its
own motion: the tides decide, not the speaker.
Dickinson’s use of the sea intensifies in her later poems, as she finds the
sorts of connections with mortality and the ways in which the sea provides a
rebuke to human egotism to be particularly compelling. In this, Dickinson’s
later poems on the sea resemble Melville’s pieces from John Marr and Other
Sailors. For Melville, the sea increasingly rebukes human pretensions, and
the voice in his late epigrams in “Pebbles” becomes increasingly detached
from human emotions and wishes. Dickinson provides a parallel, but dis-
tinct, experience in her late poems on the sea. In the period running from
1877 to 1880, Dickinson considers the sea and drowning in F 1446, F 1456,
F 1469, F 1503, and F 1542. The sense of threat to human autonomy is palp-
able in these verses: in 1446, the “undulating rooms” of the “Water” provide
a kind of hellscape in which “Rest” is “abhorrent”; in 1456, the “Pillage of
the Sea” becomes an apt means of describing the barriers to the expression of
“a delivered Syllable.” F 1469 pleads for deliverance from “whatsoever sea”
and 1503 proposes that “the only Vessel that is shunned /Is safe –Simplicity,”
when considering the “Shoal of Thought” that threatens to drown a soul at
sea. In each of these cases, the sea presents not just an obstacle to human
wishes, but the potential that humanity itself may be absorbed into a larger
whole. F 1542, as discussed above, provides one of Dickinson’s last extended
treatments of the sea, and her conclusion here is that sea reveals that the after-
life itself may be “abhorred” by human consciousness, “shunned, we must
admit it, /Like an adversity.” For Dickinson then, the sea remains, up until
her last years, a reminder of the limits of human desire and potential and of
the necessity of confronting and acknowledging these limits, which not even
a benevolent deity offers the possibility of easily transcending by this stage
in Dickinson’s career.
From Finney to Dickinson, then, religious conversion and ecological
awareness come into contact with each other repeatedly in nineteenth-century
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74 Natural Communions
——. Moby-Dick, Or The Whale: A Norton Critical Edition. 2nd edition. Edited by Hershel
Parker and Harrison Hayford. W. W. Norton, 2002.
——. Published Poems. Edited by Robert C. Ryan, Harrison Hayford, Alma MacDougall
Reising, and G. Thomas Tanselle. Northwestern University Press and the Newberry
Library, 2009.
Miller, Christanne. Reading in Time: Emily Dickinson in the Nineteenth Century. University
of Massachusetts Press, 2012.
Philbrick, Nathaniel. In the Heart of the Sea: The Tragedy of the Whaleship Essex. Penguin
Books, 2001.
Robertson, Michael. “‘Newborn Bard[s]of the Holy Ghost’: The American Bibles of Walt
Whitman and Joseph Smith.” In Above the American Renaissance: David S. Reynolds and
the Spiritual Imagination in American Literary Studies. Edited by Harold K. Bush and
Brian Yothers. University of Massachusetts Press, 2018.
Smith, Joseph. History of Joseph Smith, the Prophet, by Himself. Deseret News, 1902.
Thoreau, Henry David. Walden, Civil Disobedience, and Other Writings: A Norton Critical
Edition. 3rd edition. Edited by William Rossi. W. W. Norton, 2008.
Walls, Laura Dassow. Henry David Thoreau: A Life. University of Chicago Press, 2017.
Wordsworth, William. The Poetical Works of William Wordsworth. James Kay, 1839.
Yothers, Brian. “Going to Sea in Emily Dickinson’s Poetry: Decentered Humanism and Poetic
Ecology.” In Lyrical Ecologies. Dickinson Electronic Archive. www.emilydickinson.org/
emily-dickinson-lyrical-ecologies-forays-into-the-field.
75
Mark Stoll
76 Natural Communions
Green Calvinism 77
by his greatness, we cannot grasp him, we ought to gaze upon his works,
that we may be restored by his goodness.”8 Calvin confessed “that it can
be said reverently, provided it proceeds from a reverent mind, that nature is
God.”9 Calvin repeatedly characterized the universe “as a spectacle for God’s
glory”10 or as a “dazzling theater” of his glory.11 In descriptions of the Lord’s
glory in nature, Calvin waxed as poetic as he ever got:
It is evident that all creatures, from those in the firmament to those which are in the center
of the earth, are able to act as witnesses and messengers of his glory to all men; to draw
them to seek God, and after having found him, to meditate upon him and to render him the
homage befitting his dignity as so good, so mighty, so wise a Lord who is eternal; yea, they
are even capable of aiding every man wherever he is in this quest. For the little birds that
sing, sing of God; the beasts clamor for him; the elements dread him, the mountains echo
him, the fountains and flowing waters cast their glances at him, and the grass and flowers
laugh before him.12
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Adam that “Heav’n /Is as the book of God before thee set, /wherein to read
his wondrous works.”17 Early eighteenth-century Dissenter Isaac Watts put into
many of his popular hymns references to the book of nature as well as to the
presence in creation of God and his attributes, which Reformed congregations
sang on Sunday mornings for centuries to come.18 Countless books of religion,
poetry, and science from the early nineteenth on into the early twentieth cen-
tury referred to nature’s book. In 1857, New England poet Henry Wadsworth
Longfellow wrote a famous birthday tribute to noted Reformed scientist Louis
Agassiz in which Nature invited the infant Agassiz to “read what is still unread
/In the manuscripts of God.”19 A dozen years later young Muir wrote to thank
a professor “who first laid before me the book of Nature.” Muir would call his
geological researches reading God’s “glacial manuscripts.”20
If contemplation of nature inspired Calvinists to lyricism, consideration of
humanity moved them to dour censoriousness, another characteristic element
in Calvinism’s legacy for environmentalism. The goodness and beauty that
Calvin found in nature he was quite unable to see in humans, who by nature
were “vicious, perverse, corrupt, void, and deprived of all good, rich and
abundant in evil.”21 In contrast to the works of God, the works of man bore
imperfections and pollutions that mirrored the vanity and corruption of
depraved human nature.22 God’s word and his creation alone contained all
things pure and godly, while anything adverse or unpleasant in nature derived
from effects of human action or from God’s curse to punish Adam.23
Reformed theologians followed suit as they scorned the works of men in
nature and man’s inventions, or unscriptural innovations, in worship. Puritan
theologian William Ames published A Fresh Suit Against Human Ceremonies
in God’s Worship (1633) to push the point. Reformed jurist and theologian
Hugo Grotius stated in On the Truth of the Christian Religion (1627): “In
a word, That is in every particularly truly the Christian Religion, which
without any Mixture of human Invention, may be wholly ascribed to Christ
as Author.”24 After the Fall, wrote Milton in Paradise Lost (3.446–447), “…
Sin /With vanity had fill’d the works of men.” Watts, in his often-reprinted
Improvement of Mind of 1741, both echoed Calvin and foreshadowed the
Romantics and Transcendentalists:
When we are in the House or the City, wheresoever we turn our Eyes, we see the Works of
Men; when we are abroad in the Country, we behold more of the Works of God …. Fetch
down some Knowledge from the Clouds, the Stars, the Sun, the Moon, and the Revolutions
of all the Planets: Dig and draw up some valuable Meditations from the Depths of the Earth,
and search them through the vast Oceans of Water: Extract some intellectual Improvements
from the Minerals and Metals; from the Wonders of Nature among the Vegetables, and
Herbs, Trees, and Flowers … from the Birds and the Beasts, and the meanest Insect. Read
the Wisdom of God, and his admirable Contrivance in them all: Read his Almighty Power,
his rich and various Goodness, in all the Works of his Hands.25
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Green Calvinism 79
Nature is man’s religious book, with lessons for every day. In cities men tread on an arti-
ficial ground of brick or stone, breathe an unnatural air, see the heavens only a handful at
a time, think the gas-lights better than the stars, and know little how the stars themselves
keep the police of the sky. Ladies and gentlemen in towns see Nature only at second-
hand. It is hard to deduce God from a brick pavement …. In the country men and women
are always in the presence of Nature, and feel its impulse to reverence and trust …. The
material world is the element of communion between man and God. To heedful men God
preaches on every mount, utters beatitudes in each little flower of spring.26
American Puritans retired to nature often for solitary prayer and medita-
tion. Ministers and devotional manuals encouraged “secret” meditation and
prayer. Small houses and large families made solitude difficult to find, so
men, women, and even children, often sought it in fields and the wilder-
ness.27 Roger Clap instructed his children to “Pray in Secret, though you
have not a Closet or Door to shut; you need none: You may Pray alone in
the Woods, as Christ did in the Mountain: You may Pray as you walk in
the Field, as Isaac did.”28 Poet Anne Bradstreet recounted a solitary medi-
tative autumn walk in her greatest poem, “Contemplations,” in which she
described the glories of sunset among the colorful trees “richly clad, yet void
of pride” and the religious lessons she drew.29 Jonathan Edwards recalled
that as a boy he “used to pray five times a day in secret …. I with some of
my school-mates joined together, and built a booth in a swamp, in a very
retired spot, for a place of prayer. And besides, I had particular secret places
of my own in the woods, where I used to retire by myself.”30 Edwards as a
young minister in New York City walked, meditated, and prayed at “a soli-
tary place, on the banks of Hudson’s River.”31 When he took a position as
pastor to the church in Northampton, Massachusetts, he would ride into the
woods to reflect, pray, meditate, and sometimes see visions.32 Born to poor
Calvinist farmers in Royalston, Massachusetts, in 1772 and raised in frontier
Bridgewater, Vermont, Abner Jones remembered that as a boy “I used fre-
quently to resort to secret prayer. The place which I chose for this purpose,
was at the foot of a rock, where it seemed there was a place carved out on
purpose for me to kneel down in.”33 From the very first days of settlement,
New Englanders from all stations sought solitary spots in nature to mediate
and communicate with God.
Puritans on both sides of the Atlantic not only contemplated creation for
knowledge of the Creator. Puritan divines placed the knowledge of God from
creation in the very first line of the Westminster Confession of 1647: “The
Light of Nature, and the works of Creation and Providence do so far manifest
the Goodness, Wisdom, and Power of God, as to leave men inexcusable.”34
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80 Natural Communions
God’s excellency, his wisdom, his purity and love, seemed to appear in everything; in the
sun, moon and stars; in the clouds, and blue sky; in the grass, flowers, trees; in the water,
and all nature; which used greatly to fix my mind. I often used to sit and view the moon,
for a long time; and so in the daytime, spent much time in viewing the clouds and sky, to
behold the sweet glory of God in these things: in the meantime, singing forth with a low
voice, my contemplations of the Creator and Redeemer.38
Many times hath Satan troubled me concerning the verity of the scriptures, many times by
Atheisme how I could know whether there was a God …. That there is a God my Reason
would soon tell me by the wondrous workes that I see, the vast frame of the Heaven and
the Earth, the order of all things, night and day, Summer and Winter, Spring and Autumne,
the dayly providing for this great houshold upon the Earth, the preserving and directing of
All to its proper end. The consideration of these things would with amazement certainly
resolve me that there is an Eternall Being.
From the existence of God, Bradstreet could reason her way to the truth
of the Bible and Protestantism.40 Similarly, Joseph Smith, Jr., an unlettered
farmer’s son and descendant of New England Puritans, recalled his troubled
mind as a teenager in the early spring of 1820. After searching the Bible,
I looked upon the sun the glorious luminary of the earth and also the moon rolling in their
magesty through the heavens and also the stars shining in their courses and the earth also
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Green Calvinism 81
upon which I stood and the beast of the field and the fowls of heaven and the fish of the
waters and also man walking forth upon the face of the earth in magesty and in the strength
of beauty whose power and intiligence in governing the things which are so exceding great
and marvilous even in the likeness of him who created him [them] and when I considered
upon these things my heart exclaimed well hath the wise man said the [it is a] fool [that]
saith in his heart there is no God.41
82 Natural Communions
haven and kind teacher, as “those terrible [religious] lessons quickly faded
away in the blithe wilderness air.”47 “On Sundays, after or before chores and
sermons and Bible-lessons,” he and his siblings played in the fields and woods
and on a lake, “getting finest lessons and sermons from the water and flowers,
ducks, fishes, and muskrats.”48 Raised Congregationalist, Thoreau got similar
satisfaction from nature, living alone at Walden Pond: “Yet I experienced
sometimes that the most sweet and tender, the most innocent and encour-
aging society may be found in any natural object, even for the poor misan-
thrope and most melancholy man. There can be no very black melancholy to
him who lives in the midst of nature and has his senses still.”49
The Reformed search for God in nature engendered a powerful yearning for
Eden, where humankind lost closeness to God; harmony with and dominion
over animals; beautiful and fruitful plants all around; pleasant labor; and
blissful happiness. Into the world Adam’s sin brought pain and sorrow, sweat
and labor, sin and death and imbued descendants with a depraved nature
deserving damnation. Fascination with Eden originated among French
Calvinists in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Answering the
Calvinist call to Christianize all aspects of life, poetry and the arts among
them, Du Bartas pioneered the adaptation of classical forms of poetry, espe-
cially the epic, for other than pagan or secular themes. His renowned 1578
poem La première semaine (“The First Week”) was enormously popular and
appeared in at least forty-two editions in many languages.50 Milton had Du
Bartas close at hand in the 1650s and 1660s while writing his own perennially
popular Christian epic, Paradise Lost.51 Paradise Lost attained astonishing
influence, a second Scripture that replaced the Genesis account in the minds
of Puritans and Reformed Protestants.
Reformed Protestant use of the Bible as universal template affected
gardening as well. French Calvinists developed an early interest in gardens
based on Eden or the Bible. Christians had always linked gardens and Eden,
but the Calvinist distrust of pleasure without purpose and desire for biblical
sanction for every aspect of life gave Calvinists an especially strong interest
in Edenic gardens. They created a new style of garden design and dominated
landscape gardening in Catholic France during the late sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries.52 Protestants wrote all the great French agricultural
and gardening manuals of the era. Gardening manuals included agricultural
advice, possibly due to an unstated goal of restoring the earth’s fertility to its
state before the Fall, a theme that emerged explicitly in English agricultural
manuals of the next century, but certainly due to the overriding Calvinist
search for order –in the self, in society, in creation and man’s relation to it,
and in heaven itself.53 The 1572 L’agriculture et maison rustique of Charles
Estienne and Jean Liébault began with Estienne’s remark that nothing more
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Green Calvinism 83
aroused the human spirit, delighted the senses, or engendered a great admir-
ation of the effects of God and nature, than agriculture, which showed in the
works of nature the incomprehensible power and greatness of God.54 Olivier
de Serres’s Le theatre d’agriculture et mesnage des champs (“Theater of
Agriculture”) of 1600 was perhaps the very first agricultural manual based
on scientific experimentation and a founding work of agronomy.55 Royal
gardener Jacques Boyceau de la Barauderie, author of the classic Traité du
jardinage selon les raisons de la nature et de l’art of 1638, designed the gar-
dens of the Louvre, the Tuileries, the Luxembourg, Versailles, and even the
Château de Richelieu.56
In the sixteenth century English garden books began to appear. English
authors quite noticeably referred to Eden even in the titles of their gardening
manuals, beginning with Sir Hugh Plat’s Floraes Paradise in 1608,
republished as The Garden of Eden in 1653 to greater success and in sev-
eral editions. Ralph Austen, in The Spirituall Use, of an Orchard; or Garden
of Fruit-Trees of 1653, meditated on Adam’s original labor and the moral
benefits of planting and working orchards and vineyards, where the teachings
of the books of nature and scripture closely harmonized. “Fruit-trees and
other Creatures doe truely … Preach Attributes and perfections of God to
us,” he wrote.57
Paradise Lost dramatically changed English formal gardens. Milton’s
Christian epic described the Garden of Eden in exquisite detail. Milton
envisioned a garden shaped by the hand of God and not the hand of man,
where grew “Flours worthy of Paradise which not nice Art /In Beds and
curious Knots [i.e., an intricately designed flowerbed], but Nature boon /
Powrd forth profuse on Hill and Dale and Plaine” (4.241–243). The poet
explicitly rejected artificial order for a more natural beauty. By 1720,
English owners repeatedly cited Milton as their authority as they tore out
their geometric French gardens for the more naturalistic beauty of the new
English garden. Milton’s taste remained a Protestant taste until Geneva-born
Rousseau popularized the English garden to the French in his Julie, ou la
nouvelle Heloïse of 1771, the bestselling book of the century. Rousseau’s
personal religious journey ended in a deism in which God remained present
in creation, very much in the Calvinist sense. His works, more than those of
any other author, spread appreciation of wild nature throughout Europe and
laid the groundwork for the Green movement.58
By the eighteenth century, behind the gates of Reformed Protestantism
thronged a crowd of ideas about nature, as a place to find and come close
to God, as a source of solace and comfort, as an unfallen Eden free of
man’s corrupt works, and as a garden for meditation. English Calvinism
had begun to rot and crumble, liberating these notions of nature from the
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stern, dark theology that had long held and sustained them. Calvinism of the
periphery and provinces –in France and Switzerland, in the Netherlands,
in Scotland, and in America –maintained its strength, although in the
United States doubters and apostates were already preparing the ground
for Transcendentalism. The first two centuries of English colonization in
America had been planting time, when the Reformed ideals of nature and
landscapes had taken root and matured. In the nineteenth and twentieth cen-
turies they burst forth in profuse flower, amidst other Reformed elements of
Calvinism’s legacy to American environmentalism: a well-developed doc-
trine of stewardship, a motivation to defend Edenic nature, a moralistic sus-
picion of human motives and works, and an often somewhat self-righteous
drive to convert others to the cause.
These ideals shaped the history and principles of environmental movements
in the areas dominated by the Protestant Reformation, with the central eth-
ical and moral principles emanating particularly strongly from the Calvinist
Crescent. In nations with substantial Catholic populations, such as America,
Germany, the Netherlands, and Switzerland, environmentalism has been
almost entirely a Protestant enterprise. In regions where they are a minority,
such as France, they make up an outsized proportion of Green leadership.
Descendants of Congregationalists and Presbyterians nearly completely
dominated the American conservation and parks movements and the later
environmental movement. Congregationalists came first. People like
Frederick Law Olmsted created the city parks movement, with state parks
created to preserve places of natural beauty not far behind. New Englanders
led the way in creating the world’s first national park, Yellowstone, in 1872.
The Anglophone world enthusiastically welcomed the idea and parks sprang
up quickly in Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the British Empire.59 With
the expansion of the national parks in 1890, Presbyterian-and Disciples-
raised Muir became the parks’ spokesman. George Perkins Marsh’s sem-
inal Man and Nature of 1864 set off the global conservation and American
forestry movements. Presbyterian-raised Theodore Roosevelt and Gifford
Pinchot promoted conservation and organized the National Forest system.
In the 1950s and 1960s, the writings and activism of Rachel Carson, David
Brower, and Edward Abbey, all former Presbyterians, propelled the environ-
mental movement to the peak of its influence.60
The “darkest” Green movements, as measured by love of wild, uninhabited
nature and a moral or spiritual tinge, are in historically Calvinist states. The
Green movement of Switzerland is largely a product of the Protestant north,
where there is a strong interest in nature. Geneva has continued to produce
major figures ranging from Rousseau to the late naturalist and painter Robert
Hainard. Switzerland established Europe’s first national park in 1914.61
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86 Natural Communions
Green Calvinism 87
Notes
1 Browsing through American and European general histories of environmentalism and
nature protection, I have consistently come across these names. Other figures dominate
local and national histories. See below.
2 For example, Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 5th edn. (New Haven,
CT: Yale University Press, 2014), 23–26.
3 In 1973, Der Spiegel identified a “Protestant Belt” as the source of a new European envir-
onmental morality, a region identical with the historical core of Reformed Protestantism.
Together with the historical Reformed heartland of the United States, the regions form
a trans-Atlantic crescent. “Untergang durch Wohlstand?” Der Spiegel 27(2) (8 January
1973): 40.
4 Mark R. Stoll, Inherit the Holy Mountain: Religion and the Rise of American
Environmentalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), chs. 1–5. See also Jean
Viard, Le tiers espace: Essai sur la nature (Paris: Méridiens Klincksieck, 1990); and
David J. Vogel, “The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Environmentalism: The Cultural
Roots of Green Politics and Polities,” Zeitschrift für Umweltpolitik und Umweltrecht 3
(2002): 297–322.
5 Ralph Keen, “Naturwissenschaft und Frömmigkeit bei Melanchthon,” in Melanchthon
und die Naturwissenschaften seiner Zeit, Günter Frank and Stefan Rhein, eds.
(Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1998), 76. See also Günter Frank, “Gott und Natur: zur
Transformation der Naturphilosophie in Melanchthons humanisticher Philosophie,”
and Dino Bellucci, “Gott als Mens: die ‘aliqua physica definitio’ Gottes bei Philipp
Melanchthon,” in the same collection.
6 Ulrich Zwingli, “Reproduction from Memory of a Sermon on the Providence of God,
Dedicated to His Highness, Philip of Hesse, August 20, 1530,” in On Providence and
Other Essays, William John Hinke, ed. (Durham, NC: Labyrinth Press, 1983 [1922]). For
a comparison of Luther’s, Zwingli’s, Melanchthon’s, and Calvin’s doctrine of God and
nature, see Susan Schreiner, The Theater of His Glory: Nature and the Natural Order in
the Thought of John Calvin (Durham, NC: Labyrinth Press, 1991), 115–122.
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88 Natural Communions
7 John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, 2 vols., Ford Lewis Battles, trans., John
T. McNeill, ed. (London: SCM Press, 1960), 1.5.9; 1.5.11–12 (hereafter cited as Calvin
with relevant reference).
8 Calvin, 1.5.9.
9 Calvin, 1.5.5.
10 Calvin, 1.5.5.
11 Calvin, 1.5.8; 1.6.2; 1.14.20; 2.6.1; 3.9.2; and frequently throughout his other works.
12 John Calvin, “Preface to Olivétan’s New Testament,” in Jean Calvin and Joseph Haroutunian,
Calvin: Commentaries, Joseph Haroutunian, trans. (Philadelphia: Westminster Press,
1958), 59–60. On Calvin and nature, see Schreiner; William Bouwsma, John Calvin: A
Sixteenth-Century Portrait (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 33–34, 102–
109, 163–166; and Bernard Cottret, Calvin: A Biography, M. Wallace McDonald, trans.
(Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2000), 312–313.
13 Klaas van Berkel and Arjo Vanderjagt, “Introduction,” in Klaas van Berkel and Arjo
Vanderjagt, eds., The Book of Nature in Early Modern and Modern History (Leuven:
Peeters, 2006), ix.
14 Calvin, 1.6.1. Cf. 1.14.20–22. Instead of the Book of Nature, Calvin had preferred the
popular medieval metaphor of the “mirror” of nature. Peter Harrison, “The ‘Book of
Nature’ and Early Modern Science,” in van Berkel and Vanderjagt, 2–7. See, for example,
Calvin, 1.5.1.
15 Authorized translation of the Reformed (Dutch) Church in America.
16 Guillaume Salluste du Bartas, The Divine Weeks and Works of Guillaume de Saluste Sieur
du Bartas, vol. 1, Joshua Sylvester, trans., Susan Snyder, ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1979), 173–176, 193.
17 John Milton, Paradise Lost, 8.66–68.
18 Isaac Watts, The Psalms of David, Imitated in the Language of the New Testament, 12th
edn. (London: R. Hett and J. Brackston, 1740), see Psalm 19 (all versions), 111, 148.
19 Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, “The Fiftieth Birthday of Agassiz, May 28, 1857,” widely
anthologized.
20 William Frederic Badè, The Life and Letters of John Muir, vol. 1 (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin, 1924), 143, 306 (hereafter Muir).
21 Calvin, “Preface,” 59.
22 Calvin, 1.4.3. See also 1.11–12; 4.8.3, 4, 8, 9, 11, 13; 4.9.8; 4.10.8, 16–18.
23 Calvin, 2.1.5; 2.6.1.
24 Hugo Grotius, The Truth of the Christian Religion, vol. 1, John Clarke, trans., 2nd edn.
(London: J. Knapton, 1719), 298.
25 Isaac Watts, The Improvement of the Mind: or, a Supplement to the Art of Logick
(London: J. Brackstone, 1741), 50–51.
26 Theodore Parker, “Of Conscious Religion and the Soul,” in Ten Sermons of Religion
(Boston: Crosby, Nichols, and Co., 1853), 154–155.
27 Charles E. Hambrick-Stowe, The Practice of Piety: Puritan Devotional Disciplines in
Seventeenth-Century New England (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
1982), 156–194.
28 Roger Clap, Memoirs of Capt. Roger Clap (Boston: David Clap, 1844 [originally
published 1731]), 49.
29 Anne Bradstreet, “Contemplations,” verse 1, in The Works of Anne Bradstreet in Prose
and Verse, John Harvard Ellis, ed. (Charleston, MA: Cutter, 1867), 370.
30 Jonathan Edwards, “Personal Narrative,” in The Works of Jonathan Edwards, Harry
S. Stout, ed., vol. 16: Letters and Personal Writings, George S. Claghorn, ed. (New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998), 790–791.
31 Edwards, “Personal Narrative,” 797.
32 Edwards, “Personal Narrative,” 801.
33 Abner Dumont Jones, Memoir of Elder Abner Jones (Boston: Crosby, 1842), 1, 10, 12–13.
89
Green Calvinism 89
34 The Humble Advice of the Assembly of Divines, Now by Authority of Parliament sitting at
Westminster, Concerning a Confession of Faith (London: E. Tyler, 1647), 1.
35 Samuel Clarke and Richard Baxter, “The Life and Death of Dr. Edmund Staunton,” in The
Lives of Sundry Eminent Persons in This Later Age (London: T. Simmons, 1683), 175.
36 Bradstreet, “Contemplations,” verse 2, in Ellis, 370.
37 Cotton Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana, vol. 2 (Hartford, CT: Andrus, 1953), 169.
38 Edwards, “Personal Narrative,” 793–794.
39 Ebenezer Hazard to Jeremy Belknap, June 27, 1780, in Collections of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, fifth series, vol. 2 (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society,
1877), 59.
40 Bradstreet, “To my Dear Children,” in Ellis, 8.
41 Joseph Smith, Jr., “A History of the Life of Joseph Smith,” in Personal Writings of Joseph
Smith, Dean Jessee, ed. (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret, 1984), 2–3. The spelling is Smith’s.
42 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (New York: Scribner’s, 1971), 25–176.
43 Calvin, 3.3.8, 3.7 entire.
44 Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Talcott Parsons, trans.
(New York: Dover, 2003), 126.
45 Philip J. Greven, The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious
Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York: Knopf, 1977), 3–150; Leigh
Eric Schmidt, Restless Souls: The Making of American Spirituality (San Francisco:
HarperSanFrancisco, 2005), 63–100.
46 Oscar Fitzalan Safford, Hosea Ballou: A Marvellous Life-Story (Boston: Universalist
Publishing House, 1890), 15, 18, 21, 36–37, 247–248.
47 Muir, 77.
48 Muir, 118.
49 Henry D. Thoreau, Walden; or, Life in the Woods (Boston: Ticknor and Fields, 1854), 142.
50 Arthur Tilley, The Literature of the French Renaissance, vol. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1904), 36– 37; Bruno Braunrot, L’imagination poétique chez Du
Bartas: Éléments de sensibilité baroque dans la création du monde (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina, Department of Romance Languages, 1973), 11–13.
51 George Coffin Taylor, Milton’s Use of Du Bartas (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1934).
52 Catharine Randall, Building Codes: The Aesthetics of Calvinism in Early Modern Europe
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), ch. 3; Leonard N. Amico,
Bernard Palissy: In Search of Earthly Paradise (Paris: Flammarion, 1996), ch. 5.
53 Jim Bennett and Scott Mandelbrote, The Garden, the Ark, the Tower, and the Temple:
Biblical Metaphors of Knowledge in Early Modern Europe (Oxford: Museum of the
History of Science, 1998), 42–71.
54 Dedication to Charles Estienne and Jean Liebault, L’agriculture, et maison rustique; plus
un Bref recueil des chasses … et de la fauconnerie (Lyon: Jaques du Puys, 1583).
55 Olivier de Serres, Theatre d’agriculture et mesnage des champs (Paris: J. Métayer, 1600).
56 Jacques Boyceau, Traité du jardinage, selon les raisons de la nature et de l’art (Paris: M.
Vanlochom, 1638); discussion of Eden and God’s presence in His works, 1–5; Chandra
Mukerji, “Material Practices of Domination: Christian Humanism, the Built Environment,
and Techniques of Western Power,” Theory and Society 31(1) (2002): 1–34.
57 Quoted in Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626–
1660 (London: Duckworth, 1975), 508; see also 477–483; Bennett and Mandelbrote,
50–51.
58 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Julie, or the New Heloise: Letters of Two Lovers Who Live in a
Small Town at the Foot of the Alps, Philip Stewart and Jean Vaché, trans., vol. 6 of The
Collected Writings of Rousseau, Roger D. Masters and Christopher Kelly, eds. (Hanover,
NH: University Press of New England, 1997); Robert Darnton, “Readers Respond to
Rousseau: The Fabrication of Romantic Sensitivity,” in The Great Cat Massacre and
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90 Natural Communions
Green Calvinism 91
67 Dominick, 207–208; Nathan Stoltzfus, “Public Space and the Dynamics of Environmental
Action: Green Protest in the German Democratic Republic,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte
43 (2003): 385–403; Scott Moranda, People’s Own Landscape: Nature, Tourism, and
Dictatorship in East Germany (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2014), 156–
159, 166–175.
68 Arne Næss, Ecology, Community and Lifestyle, David Rothenberg, trans. and ed.
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
69 Jamison et al., 66–114.
92
Kirsty Stewart
Since Lynn White’s assertion that the current ecological crisis directly
relates to the Western Christian attitudes towards nature, discussion on reli-
gion and nature has tended to present the Eastern religions as examples of
positive engagement with the environment in contrast to Christianity.1 More
recently, a number of articles have addressed the Orthodox Christian engage-
ment with the natural world, particularly in relation to Byzantine theologians,
highlighting a more positive approach to nature within the medieval Christian
world.2
One text which has not yet benefitted from such a study is the Θεορετικος
παραδεισος or The Symbolic Garden.3 This text was written in Byzantium,
probably during the tenth or eleventh century, and can be found in two
manuscripts: Laurentianus GR. Plut. 10. 3, dateable to the twelfth century,
and Clarkianus 11, a fourteenth-century manuscript in the Bodleian Library,
Oxford.4 It presents a garden, whether real or imagined is unclear, and
discusses each element of it with a religious interpretation.
The culture which produced this work, the Byzantine Empire, existed for
around a thousand years (c. 330–1453), perceiving itself as the Eastern Roman
Empire, the successor to Greek knowledge, and, as the seat of the Ecumenical
Patriarch, as the heart of the Christian Orthodox faith. The Orthodox religion
pervaded most, if not all, aspects of daily life in Byzantium, including ideas on
food and clothing, interactions between people, and human interactions with
the world around them. Looking at the natural world through Byzantine eyes
thus gives us a view coloured by classical ideas and informed by Orthodox
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discussing each in turn, including good soil, water, sun, temperate breezes
which cause the plants to move melodically and a diligent gardener, indi-
cating the orthodox faith, Scripture, the Lord, the Holy Spirit and the intellect
respectively. The enclosing fence, a common feature of later Byzantine gar-
dens, as opposed to the more open Roman gardens, is allegorised as the fear
of God, as a means of fortifying what is inside, and defending it from external
wickedness. The gate through which you enter the garden is Jesus, ‘for it is
not really possible to attain virtue and to have a life based on asceticism if
we do not proceed through the conduct of our Lord Jesus Christ’.12 In these
aspects of the garden the symbolism is suggested outright and then Scripture
is used to back up these interpretations.
By enclosing this space, the garden becomes identifiable as a cultivated
spot, marking a boundary between the urban space and wilderness, safety and
danger, or good and evil. The enclosing fence marks this piece of nature out as
being an area in which a person could ‘cultivate’ themselves, connecting with
the academic gardens of the classical period, as well as very real monastic
gardens.
Once through the gate, each part of the garden is introduced in turn, as
though the author is slowly walking from the entrance to the centre of the
garden. A descriptive piece of information regarding the plant, perhaps its
fruit, leaves or height, is followed by an interpretation of this feature and
the passage ends with a quotation from the Scriptures. Sometimes more than
one fact is given for a plant, and the structure can become a little confused,
with all the facts given before any interpretation is offered. Little time is
spent on the factual description of the physical plant but the allegories are
closely connected and understandable. The first passage on plants, as found
in Clarkianus 11, considers the cedar, pine and cypress together as symbols of
moderation due to their lack of ‘attractive’ fruit.13 The other plants discussed
are the lemon tree as a symbol of purity and wisdom; the lily as a symbol of
poverty; the fig tree for gentleness; the vine for spiritual joy; the pomegranate
for courage; peach for moderation; the palm tree symbolising justice, ‘armed
with points like fearful weapons’;14 the styrax as prayer; the olive tree for
pity; the smilax for knowledge; and the bramble for submission. Of these
plants the olive tree receives the most consideration. It is one of the most
familiar of the plants, its products being used daily for a number of purposes.
All the plants are recognisable from their descriptions but the scientific infor-
mation given for them is not directly quoted, and neither is it particularly
easy to identify as coming from a particular source, unlike the Physiologus.
This information largely centres on the medical usage of the plants, but also
mentions their use as food, where relevant. Overall it seems that at least some
of the information presented in The Symbolic Garden is from observation and
95
experience, rather than simply from book learning. Nevertheless, the reli-
gious aspect of the text is still its main concern.
Many of the plants mentioned, and indeed the garden itself, are often
found in literature as symbols. However, the symbolism is frequently more
erotic than religious by the later Byzantine period. This is one reason why an
oriental derivation seems unlikely to me. Religious poetry of Persian origin,
such as Persian love lyrics, utilised the erotic sense of plants, but for spiritual
reasons. In Islam as in Christianity nature could be read as a divine message,
so we find in Koranic verse 3:189, ‘Surely in the creation of the heavens and
the earth there are signs for people of understanding.’15 Allegorical gardens
such as we find in The Symbolic Garden can also be identified eleventh-
and twelfth-century Persian material. Meisami and Arberry both refer to
Sohravardi’s story of the peacock in the king’s garden as a metaphor of
the soul longing for its spiritual home.16 The mystical gardens of medieval
Persian poetry, like their secular counterparts, were closely connected with
the experience of love. Thus ‘Spring is the Beloved’s messenger’ and the rose
is ‘the earthly manifestation of Divine beauty’ in Rūmī’s thirteenth-century
poetry.17 In Hāfez’s fourteenth-century ghazal (QG 486) we find the night-
ingale acting as a teacher and guide, providing spiritual lessons in a courtly
garden of love.18 While such allegorical use of sensual garden imagery in
Persian mystical literature seems to have been particularly prevalent in the
late medieval period, it extended back into much earlier material. Such usage
can also be found in the Song of Songs and the garden as an erotic symbol
was always prevalent in secular Greek literature, particularly the romances.
The authors of The Symbolic Garden seem unaware of, or possibly just not
interested in, in such connections, though the sensual nature of the garden,
its sweet smells and musical breezes, is mentioned. However, this may owe
more to the Song of Songs than to any other secular literary influence. One
can also read into The Symbolic Garden the connection between the garden
and renewal, a common theme in imperial rhetoric, although here it is spir-
itual renewal that is considered.19
The medical virtues of each plant often seem to be stressed beyond their
physical features. However, the medical lore feeds directly into the allegories
of the plants. Thus cedar resin, described as a tear, δάκρυον, is thought to
treat itching and similar ailments ‘and thus to symbolize the tear of self-
restraint “born of a burning disquietude from the fear of the Lord, [which]
by its nature heals the pleasure that is itchy and irritating to the flesh” ’.20
This use of medicine for allegory may further strengthen the argument for
monastic authorship, as both the ailments and the treatments seem to reflect
the role of the monastery garden. While such information may reflect the
knowledge of works by Galen and other medical writers, it is equally likely
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96 Natural Communions
Let us glorify the supreme Artificer for all that was wisely and skilfully made; by the
beauty of visible things let us raise ourselves to Him who is above all beauty; by the
grandeur of bodies, sensible and limited in their nature, let us conceive of the infinite Being
whose immensity and omnipotence surpass all the efforts of the imagination. Because,
although we ignore the nature of created things, the objects which on all sides attract our
notice are so marvellous, that the most penetrating mind cannot attain to the knowledge
of the least of the phenomena of the world, either to give a suitable explanation of it or to
render due praise to the Creator.27
Where elsewhere Basil does use allegory to interpret Scripture, in his work
on Genesis he is clear in his presentation of Creation, preferring to use ana-
logy to show his flock the wonder of the world itself rather than to allegor-
ically embellish it.28 His preoccupation is first to show the simplicity and
richness of the biblical creation of the world in contrast to the contradictions
of the philosophers; and second to use the text to inspire his listeners with a
love of their Creator and their faith and to educate them regarding their duty
and Christian life.29 In part, Basil’s non-allegorical presentation of nature as
a material guide towards the spiritual life is probably due to his audience.
Those present to hear his sermons would have included artisans, labourers,
women and children, in short, the uneducated members of the population, as
well as the more erudite.30 Such a diverse audience demands the use of clear
language, even if Basil still shows his own education throughout.
In his Apology for the Hexaemeron, St Gregory of Nyssa shares Basil’s
view of creation as a means of knowing the Creator, ‘evoking God’s “will,
wisdom and power” (τὸ θέλημα, τὴν σοφίαν, τὴν δύναμιν) as the vantage
point for the consideration of everything that is’.31 Costache believes the
Apology ‘was meant as a framework for the consideration of the cosmos –the
way it was depicted by the available sciences –through a spiritual lens. Only
when perused with the eyes of faith, as shaped by the wisdom of Genesis,
could the world be seen as a divine symbol and/or theophany.’32
The third of the Cappadocian fathers, Gregory, bishop of Nazianzus
(382–384), was a friend of Basil the Great, with whom he had studied in
Cappadocian Caesarea and Athens.33 His literary output was prodigious,
influential and incredibly popular, his homilies being transmitted in more
than 1,500 manuscripts dated before 1500.34 Although, like Gregory of
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98 Natural Communions
Nyssa, he did not write a Hexaemeron per se, he did discuss the natural
world in several of his writings. He believed the observable world to be
‘praiseworthy, surely, for the natural excellence of each of its parts, but
still more praiseworthy for the proportion and harmony of all of them
together’.35 For example, in his Second Theological Homily (Oration 28),
Nazianzus stresses the variety of living things and their artistry, as well as
the wonder of the clouds, stars, sea, earth and snow, all as interconnected
and astonishing constructions of the Creator.36 Reflecting the taste and tech-
nique of the Second Sophistic, Gregory’s orations as we have them today
are highly stylised ‘exquisitely self-conscious works of art’.37 These are nei-
ther the simple, explanatory exegesis of Basil, nor the scientific discourse of
Gregory of Nyssa.
The most notable of Nazianzus’ descriptions of nature appear in his New
Sunday Sermon (Oration 44). This homily was to be read on the first Sunday
of Easter, which apparently coincided with a spring festival in Caesarea for
the local martyr, St Mamas, at whose shrine it was supposedly delivered.38 It
uses the imagery of spring to describe the rebirth of man through Christ.39 In
this the homily is somewhat allegorical, but Nazianzus’ ekphrasis of nature,
as the verbal praise of non-verbal art, in this case Creation, still values its
physical aspect and is highly sensory:
For everything is conspiring together, rejoicing together, for the beauty of this feast. Look
at all that meets your eyes! … Now heaven shines more brightly, the sun stands higher and
glows more golden …. Now the meadow is fragrant, the shoots burst forth, the grass is
ready for mowing, and the lambs skip through rich green fields.40
In his ekphrasis it is the garden description rather than the spiritual story
which forms the longest section of the text, as it functions as the setting
for Anna’s contemplation of her childlessness and her prayers to God. The
description of the garden itself highlights key features already familiar to us
from The Symbolic Garden. It begins with a discussion of the enclosed nature
of the garden, separating it from the rest of the estate through a stone wall
in the shape of a ring.43 Hyrtakenos stresses that the enclosure protects the
garden from thieves and ensures that ‘the one who enslaves his eyes to love’
could not ‘burn into carnal fire because of curious looks <into the garden>’.44
The author plays with the ideas of fertility and sexuality so that Anna is
described in an incredibly beautiful and fertile garden whose fruitfulness she
compares with her own barrenness. In that enclosed space Anna essentially
becomes a virgin again and is blessed with pregnancy. The concept of the
garden as a representation of sexuality is present in earlier material such as
the Song of Songs with its abundant floral imagery, and this sensory depiction
is visible in The Symbolic Garden and ekphraseis of spring. The ekphrasis of
a garden seems, based on the research of Dolezal and Mavroudi, to have had
a fairly clear format by the thirteenth century, beginning with the enclosing
wall, discussing the various trees and plants in full, paradisiacal bloom and
often containing a long description of a fountain or other statuary.45 Indeed
the placement of the plants in set areas, by type, is also a trope, appearing
in practical texts as well as romances and allegorical poetry.46 It does not
appear to have mattered whether the text related to a love story or a spiritual
one. The similarities between Hyrtakenos’ work and the Byzantine romances
have been highlighted by Dolezal and Mavroudi, but similarities with The
Symbolic Garden are also apparent, and I have mentioned some parallels
with the sometimes erotic elements of Persian spiritual texts. Clearly, this
presentation of the garden remained popular throughout the Byzantine period
and allowed for a more sensual appreciation of the natural world.
Sensory Nature and Worship
As mentioned above, the rhetorical descriptions of the earthly pleasure
of the garden, or the natural world more generally, found in The Symbolic
Garden and texts such as the New Sunday Sermon, could be presented as
leading the faithful astray, tying them to a physical as opposed to spiritual
level. However, the religious experience in Byzantium was in large part a
sensory one. Indeed, respected theologians praise church buildings for their
aesthetic value and the ability of the building to create a sense of awe and
wonder, suitable emotions when faced with the glory of God.47 Worship in
a Byzantine church, whether the Hagia Sophia, a monastery or rural chapel,
involved ‘taking in the interior décor and division of space, smelling the
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102 Natural Communions
Nature is not presented here as reflecting the glory of its Creator, but rather
as having a definite connection to Scripture. As a result, nature is presented
as representing the Devil, Christ, sinners and the pious. By combining largely
classical, scientific information with a religious interpretation, the Physiologus
ultimately presents knowledge of the natural world as leading to a higher,
spiritual, knowledge. Here it is the inner meaning, rather than the surface
detail, that has been deemed most useful to the audience. The allegories used
are not always clearly connected to the legends they purport to elucidate.
Sometimes the allegorical passages twist the traditional story to fit the bib-
lical imagery and moral message, as is the case in the passage on the serpent,
where specific details, such as the forty days and nights of fasting, are added
to link the passage clearly with Christ.61 Sometimes the connections made
may simply have been clear to a medieval or Byzantine audience in a way
they are not to the modern reader. The text was to be thought about in depth
and could have multiple meanings. This act of interpretation and continued
rumination on a text was thought to increase understanding of both the text
and the spiritual world; contemplation of the possible meanings in creation
could be an act of devotion in itself.62 Nature is in this context meant to be
read as a collection of exempla, to provide a link between the divine truth of
the Scriptures and the human reality.63 Hence the material level is solely a
means of presenting this spiritual information. The allegories provided are
not simply morals drawn from an anecdote by a religious scholar. Rather, the
symbolism found in nature was designed as such at the moment of Creation.64
This work was incredibly popular and continued to be copied and edited
throughout the Byzantine period, so it is highly likely that the authors and
readers of The Symbolic Garden would have read that text in a similar way,
using nature as a devotional guide.
Conclusion
The Symbolic Garden presents us with a piece of rhetoric which never-
theless glorifies Creation in non-rhetorical terms. Being in a garden mimics
entering a church in the range of sensory engagements, and, if treated appro-
priately, can aid the observer in attaining spiritual development. In linking the
garden with spiritual knowledge and well-being, this work draws on earlier
and contemporary material, and that the text seems to have been copied after
the twelfth century, even if only once, indicates that this way of thinking
about the world remained popular, or even useful, even though new ideas,
and a new interest in science, were developing. Such a means of viewing
the world and everything in it seems to have enjoyed a resurgence from the
eleventh century and was applied as much to classical materials as it was
to religious works, though it arguably became more subtle in Palaiologan
103
Notes
1 Lynn White Jr., ‘The Historical Roots of our Ecologic Crisis’, Science 155 (1967),
1203–7.
2 See for example Radu Bordeianu, ‘Maximus and Ecology: The Relevance of Maximus the
Confessor’s Theology of Creation for the Present Ecological Crisis’, Downside Review 127,
no. 447 (April 2009), 103–26, and John Chryssavgis, ‘The Earth as Sacrament: Insights
from Orthodox Christian Theology and Spirituality’, in The Oxford Handbook of Religion
and Ecology, ed. Roger S. Gottlieb (Oxford, 2006), www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/
10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195178722.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780195178722-e-4.
3 The Symbolic Garden: Reflections Drawn from a Garden of Virtues, a XIIth Century
Greek Manuscript, ed. M. Thomson (Ontario, 1989) and Mistici Bizantini, ed. A. Rigo
(Turin, 2008), 287–319.
4 Regarding the dating of this text see Rigo, Mistici Bizantini, 287–9.
5 Thomson, Symbolic Garden, 3.
6 Ibid.
7 Rigo, Mistici Bizantini, 287–8.
8 See ibid., 289.
9 A. P. Booth, ‘The Symbolic Garden, a Practical Guide for the Care of the Soul’, Cahiers
des études anciennes 34 (1989), 16.
10 Thomson, Symbolic Garden, 9.
11 Rigo, Mistici Bizantini, 289.
12 Ibid., 295.
13 Ibid., 32 (Laurentianus GR. Plut. 10, 3, fol. 13r).
14 Thomson, Symbolic Garden, 60.
15 J. Meisami, ‘Allegorical Gardens in the Persian Poetic Tradition: Nezami, Rumi, Hafez’,
International Journal of Middle East Studies 17 (1985), 230.
16 Ibid., 232, and A. J. Arberry, Classical Persian Literature (London, 1958), 107–9.
17 Meisami, ‘Allegorical Gardens’, 242–3.
18 Ibid., 246–7.
19 H. Maguire, ‘Imperial Gardens and the Rhetoric of Renewal’, in New Constantines: The
Rhythm of Imperial Renewal in Byzantium, 4th–13th Centuries: Papers from the Twenty-
Sixth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, St Andrews, March 1992, ed. P. Magdalino
(Aldershot, 1992), 181–97.
20 Booth, ‘The Symbolic Garden’, 17.
21 V. Della Dora, Landscape, Nature and the Sacred in Byzantium (Cambridge, 2016), 95.
22 J. H. S. McGregor, Back to the Garden: Nature and the Mediterranean World from
Prehistory to the Present (New Haven, CT, 2015), 174.
23 L. Zhang, Allegoresis: Reading Canonical Literature East and West (Ithaca, NY, 2005).
24 P. C. Bouteneff, Beginnings: Ancient Christian Readings of the Biblical Creation
Narratives (Grand Rapids, MI, 2008), 95.
25 P. M. Blowers, Drama of the Divine Economy: Creator and Creation in Early Christian
Theology and Piety (Oxford, 2012), 109.
26 Ibid., 117.
27 St Basil the Great, Letters and Select Works: The Treatise de Spiritu Sancto. The Nine
Homilies of the Hexæmeron and the Letters of Saint Basil the Great, Archbishop of
Cæsaria, trans. Rev. B. Jackson, A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers,
104
104 Natural Communions
2nd Series, 8, ed. P. Schaff and H. Wace (New York, 1895), 58; PG 29 Hexaemeron
1.11; Basil of Caesarea, Homélies sur l’Hexaéméron, ed. S. Giet (Paris: Éditions du Cerf,
1968), 134–7.
28 Blowers, Drama of the Divine Economy, 127–8.
29 Homélies sur l’Hexaéméron, ed. Giet, 18.
30 Gregory of Nyssa, On the Hexaemeron (PG 44, 66), cited in Bouteneff, Beginnings, 130.
31 D. Costache, ‘Approaching An Apology for the Hexaemeron: Its Aims, Method and
Discourse’, Phronema 27:2 (2012), 67, citing Apology 7 (PG 44, 68D–69A).
32 Ibid., 68.
33 J. McGuckin, Saint Gregory of Nazianzus; An Intellectual Biography (Crestwood, NY,
2001), 46–56.
34 Selected Poems of Gregory of Nazianzus: I.2.17; II.1.10, 19, 32: A Critical Edition with
Introduction and Commentary, ed. C. Simelidis (Göttingen, 2009), 59.
35 Gregory of Nazianzus, ed. B. E. Daley (London, 2006), Oration 38, section 10, 121;
Discours 38– 41: Grégoire de Nazianze. Introduction, texte critique et notes, ed.
C. Moreschini, Sources chrétiennes 358 (Paris, 1990), 122–3.
36 Gregory of Nazianzus, Five Theological Orations, trans. S. Reynolds (2011), 13–44, esp.
33–44, https://tspace.library.utoronto.ca/bitstream/1807/36303/1/Gregory%20of%20
Nazianzus%20Theological%20Orations.pdf.
37 Ibid., 28.
38 Daley, Gregory of Nazianzus, 155.
39 H. Maguire, Nectar and Illusion: Nature in Byzantine Art and Literature (Oxford, 2012),
64.
40 Daley, Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 44, section 10 160; PG 36, 608–21.
41 Maguire, Nectar and Illusion, 64.
42 An edition of the text appears as ‘Ἕκφρασις εὶς τὸν παράδεισον τῆς ἁγίας Ἄννης τῆς
μητρὸς τῆς Θεοτόκου’, in J. F. Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca, 5 vols. (Paris, 1829–33;
repr. Hildesheim, 1962), vol. 3, 59–70.
43 Ibid., trans. in M.-L. Dolezal and M. Mavroudi, ‘Theodore Hyrtakenos’ Description of
the Garden of St Anna and the Ekphraseis of Gardens’, in Byzantine Garden Culture, ed.
Antony Littlewood, Henry Maguire and Joachim Wolschke-Bulmahn (Washington, DC,
2002), 143.
44 Ibid.
45 Ibid., 109–17.
46 Ibid., 115–20.
47 Many examples of this can praise can be found including the Late Antique account of
Choricius of Gaza, Procopius and Paul the Silentiary, as well as later descriptions by
Photius among others. See C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empires 312–1453:
Sources and Documents (Toronto, 2009).
48 B. Caseau, ‘Experiencing the Sacred’, in Experiencing Byzantium, ed. C. Nesbitt and
M. Jackson (London, 2013), 59.
49 Maguire, Nectar and Illusion, 10–22.
50 Ibid., 110.
51 Ibid., 122–4.
52 With regard to the dating of the Physiologus, see Physiologus, ed. F. Sbordone
(Hildesheim, 1991); H. Woodruff, ‘The Physiologus of Bern: A Survival of Alexandrian
Style in a Ninth Century Manuscript’, Art Bulletin 12 (1930), 226–53; A. Scott, ‘Date of
the Physiologus’, Vigiliae Christianea 52:4 (1998), 430–41. Sbordone identified three
main redactions of the text but more manuscripts have since been found. References
to the text of the Physiologus are found in Epiphanius’ Panarion and De Gemmis, both
written in the second half of the fourth century. It is also among the forbidden texts
listed in the so-called Decretum Gelasianum. Certain terminology and the particular use
of the Christian canon lead Woodruff to suggest the Physiologus could not have been
105
written before the third century and the fourth century citations give us a rough terminus
ante quem.
53 See D. Faraci, ‘Pour une étude plus large de la réception médiévale des bestiaires’,
in Bestiaires médiévaux: Nouvelles perspectives sur les manuscrits et les traditions
textuelles (Louvain-la-Neuve, 2005) 111–25, for a summary of recent scholarship.
54 St Basil, Letters and Select Works, Homily 9, section 5, p. 105, and Der Physiologus nach
den Handschriften G und M., ed. D. Offermanns (Cologne, 1966), 46 and 139.
55 On the Divine Liturgy: St. Germanus of Constantinople; the Greek Text with Translation,
Introduction, and Commentary, ed. P. Meyendorff (Crestwood, NY, 1984), 23–54.
56 Book of Beasts: A Facsimile of MS Bodley 764, intro. C. de Hamel (Oxford, 2008), 17.
57 See the discussion in R. Baxter, Bestiaries and Their Users in the Middle Ages (Stroud,
1998), 145–209.
58 M. Avery, ‘Miniatures of the Fables of Bidpai and of the Life of Aesop in the Pierpont
Morgan Library’, Art Bulletin 23:2 (1941), 103; M. Bernabò, Il Fisiologo di Smirne: le
miniature del perduto codice B. 8 della Biblioteca della Scuola evangelica di Smirne
(Tavarnuzze-Firenze, 1998), 9–12.
59 A. Walker and A. Luyster (eds), Negotiating Secular and Sacred in Medieval Art
(Farnham, 2009).
60 Physiologus, trans. M. J. Curley (London, 1979), 3–4. The Greek text as published by
Offermanns presents different versions of this passage, none of which exactly match the
above translation, see 14–17.
61 Offermanns, Der Physiologus, 50: ‘ἐὰν γηράσῃ, ἐμποδίζεται τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν· ἐὰν δὲ θέλῃ
πάλιν νέος γενέσθαι, πολιτεύεται τεσσαράκοντα ἡμέρας καὶ τεσσαράκοντα νύκτας, ἓως
οὗ τὸ δέρμα αὐτοῦ χαυνωθῇ· καὶ ζητεῖ πέτραν ἢ ῥαγάδα στενήν, καὶ ἐκεῖθεν ἑαυτὸν
εἰσπέμψας θλίβει τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἀποβαλὼν τὸ γῆρας νέος πάλιν γίνεται.
Τοῦτον οὖν τὸν τρόπον καὶ σύ, ὦ ἄνθρωπε, ἐὰν θέλῃς τὸ παλαιὸν γῆρας τοῦ κόσμου ἀπ
οβαλέσθαι, διὰ τῆς στενῆς καὶ τεθλιμμένης ὁδοῦ, ἤγουν διὰ νηστείας καὶ ἐγκρατείας, τὸ
σῶμα σου τῆξον καὶ θλῖψον’.
62 Book of Beasts, 17.
63 P. Cox, ‘The Physiologus: A Poiēsis of Nature’, Church History 52:4 (1983), 434.
64 Book of Beasts, 17.
65 P. Roilos, Amphoteroglossia: A Poetics of the Twelfth-Century Medieval Greek Novel
(Washington, DC, 2005), 120–38.
106
Anastassiya Adrianova
108 Natural Communions
sin, believing instead that humanity was ruined by social institutions and
misguided education –“the self-appointed élites of experts, sophisticated
coteries, remote from common humanity, self-estranged from natural life.”16
Tolstoy was influenced by Rousseau’s notion of “immanentism,” moreover,
which is “concern[ed] with the solution of problems as they present themselves
in this world, and its rejection of the ‘spirit world’ of traditional Christian
metaphysics.” As he wrote in the 1880s, in an unpublished fragment, “We
only know life in this world and this is because if there is a meaning in our
life, then it is here in this world.”17 Similarly, a few years earlier, he argued in
“On the Meaning of Christian Religion” (“O znachenii khristianskoĭ religii,”
1875–1876), that what he called the religion of death merely prepared us for
our passing, whereas that of life enabled us to act morally, and was therefore
just as vital “as air is to our physical life.”18
Underscoring Tolstoy’s intellectual approach to spirituality, that is, his
often-frustrated efforts to develop faith by reading and reflecting on phil-
osophy, other scholars see his eventual conversion as premeditated rather
than spontaneous. “What was unusual about his conversion,” Tolstoy’s friend
and biographer Aylmer Maude wrote in Life of Tolstoy, was that “it came so
late in life and so gradually, and that the intellect played so great a part in
it.”19 Janko Lavrin insists on the lack of spontaneity in Tolstoy’s religious
conversion; due to this rational, premeditated approach, in which all articles
of faith were highly scrutinized, Lavrin charges, Tolstoy “reduced religion
itself to a system of moral rules, based on his own interpretation of … the
Sermon on the Mount. It was a static and uninspiring system. Even his con-
version –in so far as it was a conscious process –showed no spontaneity,
nothing of God’s Grace. On the surface, at any rate, it was the outcome not of
religious élan, but of a protracted logical travail.” By approaching religious
symbolism through reasoning and logic, Tolstoy “turned Christ himself into a
Tolstoyan,” and “[h]is moral system soon became a straight-jacket which he
wanted to impose upon the whole of life.”20 Tolstoy’s guide was not Jesus but
his own daimonion, Lavrin asserts repeatedly.21 While his conversion lacked
spontaneity, his post-conversion thinking turned dogmatic and moralizing, as
Tolstoy preached “his own version of the Sermon on the Mount … without
ceasing.”22
A brief summary of this critical debate cannot possibly do it justice, but
it does suggest certain patterns: an intellectual, rather than spontaneous,
connection to religion, yet also a need for faith despite difficulty to believe;
and the importance of religion as a guide to ethical life to such a degree
that religion is reduced to a moral system, concerned primarily with the here
and the now. In February 1877, while writing Anna Karenina, Tolstoy him-
self acknowledged the urgency to have faith as well as “all the reasons why
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[he] cannot believe,” seeing others as “floating in the little boat that does not
carry [him].” He admits that philosophy cannot help him and that he cannot
live without religion, but also cannot bring himself to believe. So moved,
he intends to go to the Optino Monastery and “explain to the monks all the
reasons why I cannot believe.”23 As Christian explains:
For an answer to his problems and to save himself from suicide, [Tolstoy] turned first to
the philosophers, then to the educated people of his own class and finally to the unedu-
cated masses who for the most part were believers. Their faith made it possible for them
to go on living –but it was inseparable from Orthodox ritual and dogma which he, from
a rational point of view, found repugnant … Having looked back over his past life, a life
without faith, and found it evil, he looks forward to the good life of the believer –if only
he can once believe.24
112 Natural Communions
which one critic describes as “a parody” with “[t]he dice … heavily loaded
against the intellectuals, who ostensibly have no thoughts of their own, but
fall back on quoting and disagreeing with a motley crew of fictitious German
and Russian philosophers with such crudely suggestive names as Käse,
Wurst and Pripasov (‘Cheese,’ ‘Sausage’ and ‘Provisions’).” Tolstoy’s own
distrust of such “professional practitioners of wisdom” is clear.34 This discus-
sion opens with Koznyshev’s remark that the Professor has surrendered to the
materialists, claiming that our consciousness of being is a compound of sense
perceptions, which suggests that once the body ceases to experience, we are
no more.35 The professor confirms that an empirical inquiry into our state
after death offers nothing conclusive, since, he insists, “We have no data.”36
Levin finds this debate utterly frustrating: the two men digress, dissimulate,
and hide behind clever banter to avoid speaking openly about real issues.
Although from age twenty to thirty-four Levin was under the spell of physics,
he never failed to see the limitations of scientific knowledge: these notions
“were fine for rational inquiries; but for those of life –they gave nothing.”37
More broadly, the type of anxiety experienced by Levin has been described as
“the crisis of faith of the age,”38 the sense of chaos felt by Tolstoy’s contem-
poraries across the Atlantic, as well, who, disenchanted with religion, looked
to science for answers but found that, being materialist and buttressed by the
logic of positivism, it could not provide them with moral guidance: “Science
could only furnish a picture of the world as it actually was. It could never
formulate a notion of how it ought to be.”39
It is worth noting that Levin intervenes in the parodic academic discus-
sion by asking what happens to the body after death, to which the Professor,
being both materialist and empiricist, offers no objective answer. Levin’s
attempts to reason through and explain death, however, prove less effective
than the actual experience of losing his sibling. Levin is disillusioned even
with those philosophers who tried to explain “life in non-materialist terms”
(Plato, Spinoza, Kant, Schelling, Schopenhauer), because they all failed to
explain what happens to the body after death, the question that keeps pla-
guing him. He is able to follow the philosophers’ definitions of spirit, will,
and substance; yet, he finds the artificial construction of such metaphysical
arguments unstable because predicated on mere semantics, not something
higher than reason.40 We find the same kind of questioning in A Confession,
where Tolstoy reflects on whether life’s meaning is negated by the inevit-
ability of death. Tolstoy confirms that science gives an answer but neglects
the question, while metaphysics addresses the question but gives no definite
answer. The experimental scientist claims that observing patterns of behavior
and physiological functions gives one wisdom, while what he calls the “semi-
sciences” (polunauki: juridical, social, and historical) pretend to solve the
113
The sight of his brother and the proximity of death inspired in Levin’s soul that same
feeling of dread before the mysteriousness but, at the same time, the nearness and inevit-
ability of death, which had taken over him that fall evening when his brother visited him.
Now this feeling was even stronger than before; even less than before did he feel capable
of understanding the meaning of death, and even more dreadful did its inevitability seem
to him; but now, thanks to the proximity of his wife, this feeling did not lead him to the
edge of despair; death notwithstanding, he felt the need to live and to love. He felt that love
had saved him from despair and that, under the threat of despair, this love turned purer and
grew in strength.43
114 Natural Communions
reason provides little in the way of moral guidance; rather, it promotes sheer
egoism: “Reason revealed the struggle for existence and the law, demanding
that you strangle everyone who interferes with the fulfillment of my desires.
That is the conclusion reason draws. And one’s love for another could not
open the mind, because that is unreasonable.”48 What Levin feels instinct-
ively towards his dying brother and his pregnant wife would, accordingly, be
unreasonable, unjustifiable, and in need of suppression. Indeed, to the organi-
cist critic and Tolstoy’s longtime friend Nikolaĭ N. Strakhov (1826–1896),
Anna Karenina seemed to depict a kind of neurosis, a society in which narrow
rationalism forced men to develop their conscious minds at the expense of
their instincts.49 Before Levin can find new meaning in the vitality of his child
and in the kind of work and innocence he admires in the peasants, who are as
yet uncompromised by social institutions and sterile knowledge, he turns to
empirical science and metaphysics, only to become disenchanted with both.
His experience with death brings him closer to faith, but what is decisive in
his spiritual quest is in fact his closeness with nature and the Earth.
Eco-Spirituality: Peasants and Agriculture in Anna Karenina
Tolstoy’s relationship to the Russian peasantry, like Levin’s, instantiates
the tension he experienced when it came to religion: here were believers
who lived a simple ethical life devoid of intellectually debilitating doubt;
however, for an aristocrat or landowner to espouse such a lifestyle was both
intellectually and socially dishonest –a crossdressing or travesty at best, no
matter how pure the intention. The impetus to go back to the people was
shared by Tolstoy’s contemporaries, the populists and the Slavophiles in the
second half of the nineteenth century, who, despite dressing like peasants, or
what they imagined peasants looked like, were largely misunderstood and
mocked by the masses. In the words of Berlin,
not only [Tolstoy], but all those populists and socialists, the doctors, engineers, agricultural
experts, painters and composers and idealistic students in Russia who ‘went to the people’
and could not decide whether they had gone to teach or to learn, whether the ‘good of the
people’ for which they were ready to sacrifice their lives, was what ‘the people’ in fact
desired, or something that the reformers and they alone knew to be good for it –some-
thing which the ‘people’ should desire –would desire if only they were as educated and
wise as their champions –but, in fact, in their benighted state, often spurned and violently
resisted.50
grotesque farce, which the peasants would be the first to perceive and deride.”
The latter, though, does not remove the upper classes’ responsibility towards
the peasants, especially to educate them after Emancipation in 1861.51
And yet both in Tolstoy’s life and in Anna Karenina, we find efforts to
join the peasant community; while similarly intellectualized, this turn, more
so than his religious conversion, genuinely happens for Levin in the novel,
which, being semiautobiographical, must also reveal at the very least a
wishful projection on the author’s part. This, I would argue, has to do with
Tolstoy’s discovery, in the Earth and its laborers, of a version of spirituality –
an eco-spirituality –that (by)passed the test of reason and logic through
an appeal to religious feeling. In “On the Meaning of Christian Religion,”
Tolstoy writes that, whereas in the past, religion was “the foundation for
learning the meaning of life and death” for everyone, now it is only such
for the “uneducated masses, who are yet distinguished through their love of
children as well as their true instinct for love.”52 It was, indeed, to “the unedu-
cated masses” that Tolstoy looked because they had faith which enabled them
to go on living; the problem, however, was that this faith was “inseparable
from Orthodox ritual and dogma which [Tolstoy], from a rational point of
view, found repugnant.”53 In A Confession, he notes that peasants live without
ever contemplating life’s purpose or knowing how inorganic substances
function –something that an intellectual would surely find insufficient; yet to
deny their wisdom seems “nonsensical” [bessmyslitsa]. He concludes, there-
fore, that the (over)educated elite must be in the wrong.54
That true knowledge and life reside in the countryside, the abode of the
muzhiki who are physically close to the Earth, is the subject of Tolstoy’s
folk legend “The Grain” (“Zerno s kurinoe iaĭtso,” 1886), where he criticizes
modern institutions for having lost touch with ancient wisdom. In the tale,
the Tsar summons his simple folk to learn more about a mysterious grain of
corn discovered at his palace. The generative power of the Earth is evident
in the vitality of the oldest peasant, who is the healthiest among the three
generations summoned to solve this mystery, and old enough to recall the
time when people “live[d]by their bread [labor] alone” and felt no need
to commit the sacrilegious sale of bread –that is, the commercialization of
Earth’s products.55
Many have commented on Tolstoy’s perceived proximity to the peasantry,
as catalogued by his daughter Alexandra. Leon Trotsky claimed that Tolstoy’s
interest in the Russian peasant was not only “[a]esthetic,” but “based on deep
psychological understanding and love.” Writer Maxim Gorky described
Tolstoy as “a real moujik”: “he has a peasant’s voice and he thinks like a
peasant,” “show[ing] his capacity to feel, to think, to speak, and to work like
a peasant and to contemplate the world and the ruling classes with the eyes
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of a peasant.”56 “For Tolstoy the peasants were the real people –those who
work with their hands and feed the world with what they produce; they are
close to nature and therefore closest to God.” “ ‘Though he was a Count,’ a
peasant would say, ‘he could work hard and always when we were mowing
he was first in a row, and we could hardly keep up with him’.”57 So great
was Tolstoy’s admiration for his peasants that he started dressing like one.
While visiting his friend Ivan Turgenev at Spasskoe in July 1881, Tolstoy
was nearly mistaken by the poet Polonski “for a peasant, for he was sunburnt
and dressed in a common blouse with a leather belt.” Recalling this, Polonski
wrote, “He appeared to me to be reborn, imbued with a different faith, a
different love … He did not impose his own views on us and quietly heard
out Ivan Sergeyevich’s [Turgenev’s] objections. In brief, he was no longer
the count as I knew him.”58 In his later years, at Yasnaya Polyana, Count
Tolstoy would drop his title and ask that his servants call him simply “Leo
Nikolayevich,” and while he had always enjoyed farm work, starting in the
mid-1880s, he engaged in it more adamantly, seeing physical exercise “as a
duty sanctified by Holy Scripture,” and partaking in various kinds of menial
labor, from mowing to carting manure and lugging timber.59
Lavrin attributes Tolstoy’s connection to the peasantry to his upbringing
on an aristocratic estate with serfs, his ties to Yasnaya Polyana and the cen-
tral Russian landscape, and his youth and adulthood developing contempor-
aneously with the Russian economy transitioning from agrarian feudalism
to capitalism, including the abolition of serfdom and the impoverishment
of the landed gentry.60 Himself a landed aristocrat whose existence was
threatened by encroaching capitalism and the emancipation (making land-
owners, among other things, dependent on paid labor), Tolstoy responds by
“go[ing] back to Nature,” “back to the soil”: “Let us all become primitive
peasants rather than be drowned in the swamp of modern capitalism which
spells nothing but ruin, universal egoism, and disintegration. Such was his
slogan.”61 Artist Ilya Repin’s famous portraits of Tolstoy in a peasant blouse,
surrounded by agricultural tools in his study, or even plowing in the fields
suggest as much. Lavrin is, however, skeptical of his posturing as a peasant,
seeing this as more of a crossdressing: “In June 1881 [Tolstoy] made a pil-
grimage to the famous Optino monastery, on foot and in bast-shoes, like a
peasant pilgrim. Whether he had the naïveté and spontaneity of a peasant’s
faith, is another question.”62 Cain is similarly skeptical of Tolstoy’s espousal
of faith through the common peasant. Reading the novels autobiographically,
Cain suggests that the role of the common people in alleviating the spiritual
crisis is intellectually dishonest as it goes against the author’s rigorous search
for truth: Tolstoy’s “exaltation of physical labor at the expense of his art is a
form of trahison des clercs [“betrayal of the intellectuals”] that grows out of
117
his strong, and largely unjustified, sense of social guilt, together with what
he himself calls his ‘strange physical love … for the real working people’;
but whatever its sources, we cannot help recognising it as a betrayal of that
clear-sighted search for truth to which he had dedicated himself.”63 Lavrin
confirms this tension when describing Tolstoy as “too much of an intellectual
to be able to embrace the moujiks’ faith uncritically and without the sanction
of logic,” claiming that Tolstoy thus had to adapt his version of spirituality to
“correspond to the Christianity of the masses and at the same time be com-
pletely acceptable to his logic and reason.”64
As Tolstoy in his later years at Yasnaya Polyana, Levin is depicted as
someone intimately connected to the Earth and its laborers: he lives in the
country, the domain of the peasants; both his activities and his studies are
tied to agriculture. He writes a treatise promoting agrarian life, arguing that,
in addition to climate and soil, the character of the individual worker must
be considered an important factor in farm management. He enjoys working
in the field; under the guidance of the old peasant Tit, Levin’s adopted field
“uncle” who helps him sharpen his scythe, the hero struggles to catch up with
the peasants, who are at first suspicious of their master’s interest and skeptical
of his capabilities, but soon learn to accept him nearly as their own despite the
obvious class difference.65 Levin loves harvesting hay as it touches “some-
thing alive in him,” and this “at once joyful and hard work leaves no time to
think.”66 Further, while observing the peasant Ivan Parmënov harvesting hay
with his young wife, Levin envies their robust, healthy love as well as their
simple existence, which he now finds neither as dreary nor as lonely as his
own. Lying on a haystack, surrounded by the gifts of the Earth, he yearns for
the simple life of a laborer, questions his earlier decision to remain single,
and even considers marrying a peasant girl [krest’ianka].67
There is something about this proximity to the Earth, nature, and soil that
offers more than solace to Levin’s restless mind –a will to live and to act.
“When Levin reflected on what he is and what he lived for, he could find
no answer and fell into despair; but when he stopped asking himself about
it, he seemed to know, both what he was and what he lived for, because he
firmly and definitively acted and lived … more firmly and definitively than
before.” He then found himself drawn to the Earth by instinct –involuntarily,
against his will –for only there could he discover purpose and the possi-
bility of real knowledge: “Now, as though against his will, he was cutting
[or, penetrating] more and more deeply into the earth, like a plow, so that
he could no longer get out without turning the furrow.”68 This agricultural
simile –“like a plow” –appears less than a page after Levin contemplated
hanging or shooting himself. Now Levin cannot move away; as the plow with
which he is compared, he functions best when in touch with the soil. Neither
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scientific nor religious dogma gives him peace; only by working the soil does
he stop feeling restless. One simply knows how to act, Tolstoy suggests, as do
the muzhiki, who work the Earth: “Life itself gave me [Levin] an answer.”69
Without understanding what his new faith was, the hero believed, and his
life acquired meaning: it was no longer “meaningless, as it had been, but
had an undoubted sense of the good, which [he has] the power to invest in
it.”70 This is the only way to “live in the ways of God, the ways of the Spirit”
[zhit’ dlia boga, dlia dushi], an insight he gleans from the peasants rather
than his formal education and reading. When he looks at his own body, at
a blade of grass, or at a tiny insect as developing through some exchange
of matter, according to the laws of physics, chemistry, or physiology, none
of his deepest concerns are addressed nor the meaning of life revealed; but
when Levin imagines the grass and the insect more spiritually, conceiving
them in their “infinitude,” he recognizes “a force” that “gave him life in the
past, and now also gives him life.”71
Georg Lukàcs reads such scenes as Levin’s plowing as “[a]ll the more
admirable” because Tolstoy “let[s] them grow out of the problematic nature
of Levin’s relationship with his peasants and his sentimental attitude to phys-
ical labor.”72 Greenwood finds Tolstoy’s depiction of Levin’s relations with
the peasants as “presented in a realistic, sometimes humorous, way which
makes any accusation of an over-idealisation of the peasantry unsustainable.”
Contrary to those who dismiss the words coming from the peasants as uncon-
vincing “revelations” (unconvincing given Levin’s, as well as Tolstoy’s,
skepticism about revealed wisdom), Greenwood insists that such “words are
presented as a catalyst” for ethical reflection, which we find in the very next
chapter and which “could hardly have arisen without the complex pattern
of experience, reading and temperament the whole novel has shown as
having gone into Levin’s composition.”73 In 1908, Symbolist poet and critic
Aleksandr Blok wrote about the people’s “will to live” when contrasting the
vitality of the Russian people (narod) with the decadence of Westernized
intelligentsia. He found in this “will” the reason “why even the unbeliever
runs to the people to seek in it the life-force.”74 When Levin is contrasted
with Koznyshev, we learn of his attitude toward the narod: he can neither
love it nor hate it, because he lives with and among these people. For his
brother, however, the country is not a place to live or work, as it is for Levin,
but one to which he flees to escape the city; in Koznyshev’s view, narod is
to be loved and defended, polemically, against the upper classes.75 Unlike
his half-brother, Levin is not an urban populist trying to bridge the class rift
through reasoned arguments; his relationship to the peasants and the know-
ledge he receives from them is, however, complex: on the one hand, mediated
by serious reflection on ethics and, on the other, embraced spontaneously,
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idiom, the countryside typically represents life and freedom from care, while
the city is seen as a corrupting, deadly locus. Anna Karenina features this
conventional dichotomy: while Levin carries the potential for life, as he is in
favor of maintaining an agrarian state and opposed to the urban milieu with
its pretentious socialites, Vronsky and Anna, who inhabit urban space, come
to embody the way of death. At one point, the socially awkward Levin admits
that the city (Moscow) turned him mad; the debates, the drinking, and the
food all made his life there “devoid of purpose and meaning” [bestsel’naia,
bestolkovaia].90 The very place of Anna and Vronsky’s meeting, the railroad
station, is one of the century’s emblems for industrialization and urbaniza-
tion, as, for example, in Charles Dickens’ Dombey and Son (1848), where the
railroad is associated with death.91 Anna’s suicide, of course, solidifies this
symbolic association.
Levin opposes the development of industry, transportation infrastruc-
ture, and factories at the expense of the agrarian sector, which might work
for Europe but is “premature” for Russia. Specifically, he argues that “with
our improper use of land, railroads, caused not by economic but by polit-
ical necessity, were premature and, instead of promoting agriculture, as was
expected of them, having moved ahead of agriculture and caused the devel-
opment of industry and credit, stopped it”; further, “just as the one-sided
and premature development of an organ in an animal would interfere with
its overall development, so for the general development of wealth in Russia,
credit, communication routes, and the strengthening of manufacturing
activity, which are undoubtedly necessary in Europe, where they are timely,
here [in our country] [railroads] have only done harm, having made the main
question of the utility of agriculture moot.”92 The organic simile comparing
railroads to individual organs, surely the mark of an “estestvennik,” fur-
ther underscores the unnaturalness of industrial grafting. Lost in translation
is the etymological connection between land or earth [zemlia] and agricul-
ture [zemledelie], that further contrasts agrarian labor grounded in the earth
with the railroads superimposed upon it. First-wave ecocriticism assumes
that “the prototypical human figure is a solitary human and the experience
in question activates a primordial link between human and nonhuman.”93
We saw this “primordial link” “activate[d]” through Levin’s physical labor,
his mowing and plowing of the field, which confirmed for him a sense of
belonging to a larger spiritual community. The “primordial link” is present,
too, in Levin’s defense of the preindustrial landscape against so-called “pro-
gress” which is yet premature for Russia –a stance which, again, defines his
identity through an association with the rural, anticipates Berry’s skepticism
about “progress” that ushers in “a wasteworld,” and, additionally, aligns
with Ruether’s ideas.
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proceeds to detail the incremental steps in her holistic vision for a healed
earth, from phasing out petroleum to “build[ing] strong base communities of
celebration and resistance.”99
Turning now to Anna Karenina, when we examine the privileging of nat-
ural to constructed urban landscape from an ecofeminist perspective, we find
that these respective loci are associated with women and, specifically, with
women’s roles as mothers, caretakers, and wives. Sexuality is productive and
rewarded when channeled through marriage; outside of marriage, however,
it is thwarted symbolically and/or physically. This is evident in Levin’s pref-
erence for the fertile Kitty over the passionate, but ultimately death-bearing
Anna, who is denied custody over her son Serëzha and, after nearly dying in
labor, gives up Annie, the little girl she bears to Vronsky, the product of their
adultery. Whereas Kitty bears Levin a healthy son at the end of the novel,
Anna leaves her children motherless orphans. The fact that Vronsky, although
a painter himself, cannot finish Anna’s portrait and has to commission one
from another artist (Mikhaĭlov), is a significant clue, as well, to his spiritual
infertility. Despite his charm, he can never marry the fertile Kitty, whose
selflessness and readiness to care for others –most poignant when caring for
Levin’s dying brother Nikolaĭ while being ill herself – may be marked by
nineteenth-century gender essentialism, but also, and more important given
the novel’s thematics, celebrates Kitty’s power as a caretaker, her ability to
symbolically mitigate the death of one relative with the creation of another,
her and Levin’s son Mitia.
Since earth/nature is conventionally gendered as female and subjected to
analogous patriarchal control, ecofeminism adds a gender dimension to the
work of ecocriticism. Observing the conventional identification of women
with the natural world, “[e]cofeminist discourse generally argues that the
exploitation of nature and that of women are intimately linked,” drawing
attention to and resisting the various ways in which women are essentialized,
exploring the affinities and tensions in examinations of relationships between
gender and the nonhuman, while at the same reexamining the discourse of
environmental degradation. In an effort to combat gender essentialism –
earth/nature conventionally gendered as female and women as caregivers –
Carolyn Merchant proposes an “ethics of earthcare,” which “emerges
from women’s experiences and connections to the earth and from cultural
constructions of nature as unpredictable and chaotic” without reinforcing
the nature–woman association.100 Stacy Alaimo, in contrast, sees efforts to
avoid such “essentialism” as “one of feminist theory’s most notable attempts
to escape nature. She stresses that banishing nature from culture ‘risks the
return of the repressed and forecloses the possibilities for subversive feminist
rearticulations of the term’.”101 Indeed, like deep ecology, ecofeminism shares
124
124 Natural Communions
Although Tolstoy employs the animal theme as a literary device to reflect the external
devaluation of humans, he also denounces human domination over living animals … as
well as human abuse and destruction of living animals (through hunting or the slaughter-
house). These beliefs resonate with his larger social concerns, such as his opposition to
serfdom, the role of women in society, the devolution of sexual mores, and the destruction
of rural life through modernization.107
For this reason, McDowell concludes, we should not take his renunciation
of hunting, aestheticism and vegetarian lifestyle, criticism of animal subjects
for medical or scientific purposes, and overall stance on nonviolence as clear
indication of Tolstoy’s animal activism. His relationship to the animal world
is, in a word, complex: at once attuned to animal difference, as my own dis-
cussion of Strider (Kholstomer, 1885/1886) demonstrates,108 and heavily
invested in human ethics, with animal welfare being a factor in the human
pursuit of a good life.
In her brief discussion of Anna Karenina, McDowell zooms in on the
hunting scene featuring Levin and his dog Laska, where, she maintains,
Tolstoy highlights the hunter’s reliance on his dog’s keen sense of smell. But in
describing the scene from the dog’s perspective, he also demonstrates Laska’s ability
to rationalize. José Ortega y Gasset suggests that the domesticated animal, such as the
dog, represents an “intermediate reality between the pure animal and man,” in that
human training partly subsumes natural instincts, thereby partially de-animalizing and
humanizing the animal. Accordingly, domesticated animals possess “something like
reason.”109
126 Natural Communions
the animal –all the unknown order under orders known –is lost. So, as with
Anna, Vronsky failed to keep pace with Frou Frou and broke her back.”111
The Frou Frou/Anna connection can be gleaned, moreover, through the
narrator’s use of the epithet “energetic.” Vronsky’s horse is described as
having “a certain energetic but, at the same time, tender expression. She was
one of those animals that does not seem to speak only because the mech-
anism of their mouths does not allow them to do so.”112 By highlighting
Frou Frou’s inability to speak, the narrator suggests a biophilic corrective
to anthropo-and logocentric bias, which Tolstoy later developed in the pie-
bald gelding’s autobiography in Strider. The adjective “energetic” is almost
exclusively used in the novel to describe Anna, and like Frou Frou’s descrip-
tion, it is often focalized through Vronsky. The latter is surprised by Anna’s
“energetic handshake” after he notices an “excess of something in her being
… expressed at times in the sparkle of her eyes, at times in her smile,” and
the same sparkle seems to illuminate her dark room; her petite hand is once
again described as “energetic” a few pages later, and again upon her meeting
Levin.113 Vronsky’s passionate pursuit of Anna is driven by “frightening
energy”; his face is described at least once as “energetic,” as is his gesture of
refusal when speaking about Karenin’s legal rights to his and Anna’s child.114
What attracts Levin to Anna is, accordingly, this very energy. This must be,
in part, because Levin himself is, as his brother Koznyshev insists, “too
prime-sautière by nature, as the French say” (that is, inclined to act upon first
impulse), adding that he wants “passionate, energetic activity or nothing at
all.”115 Instantiated here is the conventional association between women and
animals and, more precisely, between women and horses that are dominated,
abused, and driven/ridden to death by men. Also implied is the path that
energy takes through different human vessels, for which Tolstoy outlines two
alternative courses: when rooted in the soil, in the spiritual union of Kitty
and Levin, the creative energy of the life force [sila zhizni] is fertile and pro-
ductive; when, on the other hand, associated with the city, its wealth, luxury,
and temptations, such energy turns magnetism into a literal train wreck.
The literary preference for creative energy in Tolstoy’s novel, which
is associated with nature, women, and animals, finds biographical echoes
in his eventual conversion to asceticism and a vegetarian lifestyle. In the
1880s, Tolstoy renounced meat-eating and hunting, a change that aligns with
Orthodox dogma concerning the treatment of animals and the consumption
of meat and dairy, fasting being a clear example of a broader asceticism, the
renunciation of alcohol and tobacco use, profanity, and sexual proclivity.116
“The decision to give up meat was not the only renunciation of Tolstoy
during this first vigorous attempt to live the new life at Yasnaya Polyana. He
gave up wine; and hunting –the sport that had provided him with so much
127
pleasure and with the material for some of the most brilliant passages of his
fiction –was firmly abandoned.”117 In a letter to his wife Sonia, he described
hunting as “a very agreeable habit for forty years,” but also one whose via-
bility he was starting to question: “But when a hare jumped out, I wished
him luck. Above all, I felt ashamed.”118 According to Maude, Tolstoy ini-
tially decided to give up meat after a visit, in 1885, by William Frey (born
Nikolaĭ Konstantinovich Geins),119 who made a convincing case for vege-
tarianism, an ethic which matched Tolstoy’s Christian values. As his private
secretary Valentin Bulgakov explains, Tolstoy saw humanity and other living
beings sharing the same “soul,” common to all life, which made it immoral
to hurt or slay others, human and animal; connected to this was Tolstoy’s
belief that individual perfection could be achieved through self-control and
moderation, and the first step to this was the forgoing of flesh-food, as the
author maintains in the aptly titled “The First Step” (1892).120 This essay, the
preface to the Russian translation of British vegetarian Howard Williams’
The Ethics of Diet: A Catena of Authorities Deprecatory of the Practice of
Flesh-Eating (1883), summarizes Tolstoy’s views on self-control and fasting
as a means to free oneself from desire, including gluttony, idleness, and lust.
Prior to documenting his famous visit to a slaughterhouse so as to censure
meat eaters who purport to oppose animal suffering, Tolstoy claims that con-
suming animal flesh is “simply immoral, as it involves the performance of an
act which is contrary to moral feeling –killing.”121
Tolstoy’s Resurrection (Voskresenie, 1899), written eighteen years after
Anna Karenina and after he had abandoned literature for being a distraction
from social and religious activism, features a character who is a vegetarian
and whose portrayal might actually be based on the historical personage of
V. K. Geins/William Frey.122 Compared to Anna Karenina, Resurrection is a
more dogmatic text with a heavy-handed message concerning the judgment of
others and the need for forgiveness. The plot centers on Dmitriĭ Nekhliudov’s
spiritual quest after Katiusha Maslova, the woman whom he seduces and
impregnates, undergoes trial and imprisonment; the novel seems to promote,
on the one hand, an ascetic lifestyle in the absence of which lust and desire
overwhelm and destroy people’s lives, and on the other, a greater humility
and forgiveness when dealing with the tragic consequences of indiscretion.
Unlike Nekhliudov, who maintains class difference despite his youthful flir-
tation with granting land to his peasants,123 the vegetarian Vladimir Simonson
prefers to walk alongside lower-class criminals while in prison. Born into
the nobility, Simonson insisted that his manor be given to the people, and
was later ridiculed and arrested for preaching about justice. According to
Simonson’s organicist worldview, things we might deem dead or inanimate
are actually part of a larger living whole, an organic body: “everything in the
128
128 Natural Communions
world is alive, and there is nothing dead”; the phagocytes in our blood are
evidence of this dynamic interaction: single individuals [holostye liudi], like
phagocytes or small particles in a much greater whole, are meant to work
collectively towards the greater good of the community, helping the weaker
parts improve.124
Contrary to McDowell, who notes that Simonson’s “views have little
bearing on the novel in toto nor do they offer greater insights into Tolstoy’s
philosophy,”125 I see him playing a notable role that, in turn, reflects Tolstoy’s
interest in an organicist view of nature as well as in Scripture. His surname,
the son of Simon (Simeon), calls to mind St. Peter’s name prior to conver-
sion, and he is, appropriately, a righteous pagan whose spirit is not confined
by institutionalized Christianity. The epigraphs to Resurrection, drawn from
Matthew 18:21 and 7:3, provide a tropological gloss on the relationship
between the two characters, as Simonson focalizes the novel’s main cri-
tique of the judicial system that empowers a handful of humans to condemn
others, power that is often based on selfish concerns rhetorically strengthened
through an appeal to science: “Then Peter came to Jesus and asked, ‘Lord,
how many times shall I forgive my brother when he sins against me? Up to
seven times?’ ” (Matt. 18:21) and “Why do you look at the speck of saw-
dust in your brother’s eye and pay no attention to the plank in your own
eye?” (Matt. 7:3). The former, spoken by Peter, highlights Simonson’s role in
helping to reform Katiusha and Nekhliudov, the moral sense here calling for
greater altruism; the latter comes from the Sermon on the Mount, a version of
which Tolstoy preached continually post-conversion.126 On the level of plot
and characterization, furthermore, Simonson comes closer to Tolstoy’s ideal
of the “dukhovnyĭ” (spiritual) man than does Resurrection’s main hero, and
therefore makes a better match for Katiusha, whom he loves platonically in
contrast to Nekhliudov’s short-lived physical infatuation. In the third part of
Resurrection, it is on Simonson’s account that Katiusha reforms, realizing
that Nekhliudov’s decision to marry her is driven by self-interest and meant
as a sacrifice to prevent him from falling into greater misery. That Simonson’s
character might be based on Geins/Frey further bridges Tolstoy’s interest in
vegetarianism with his spiritual values.
Tolstoy’s conversion to an ascetic, vegetarian lifestyle took place after the
completion of Anna Karenina, but the drive toward that simple, ethical life
is present throughout the novel. In this turn toward asceticism, including an
imperative to grow food for the famished and to practice non-violence against
human and nonhuman others, we can also see how Tolstoy anticipated the
eco-spiritual and ecojustice ideals of later theologians, namely Berry and
Ruether. For Tolstoy and his literary alter ego, neither science and empiri-
cism nor Orthodox Christianity provided the answer to life’s questions; both
129
sought a firmer foundation that they eventually found grounded in the Earth,
along with an epistemology that privileged instincts over reason, thereby
enabling them to transcend the confines of their rational selves. That this
“perpetual seeking” led them to merge with the soil like the peasant muzhiki
may be, as critics charge, intellectually dishonest given their class status
and level of education, and yet it gives Levin and Tolstoy himself, later in
his life, a spirituality less limiting than the Christian, along with communal
connectedness to the human and the nonhuman. For Levin, living life finds
its embodiment in the freshly plowed earth, the only paradigm that enables
him, as well as his creator, to act and live morally. The thirteen-year gap
in Tolstoy’s lifelong diary-keeping, from 1865 to 1878, was also the period
during which he wrote Anna Karenina; the novel can therefore be under-
stood not only as an expression of religious and existential crises experienced
by its protagonist Levin, whose name echoes Tolstoy’s own Christian name
Lev, but also as a glimpse of resolution to both men’s seeking –albeit one
that may not be spontaneous, as Lavrin charges, may still be too rational and
intellectualized, and would ultimately lead to the author’s excommunication.
Ecocriticism, Eco-Spirituality, and Resurrection
A few words could, finally, be said about Tolstoy’s eco-spirituality in his
last novel. Bookending Tolstoy’s own spiritual quest, Resurrection opens
with a description of vernal nature that lives on despite rampant urbanization
and human efforts to stifle it. Grass is ubiquitous, a symbol of undying vege-
tative power: “coming to life, it grew and turned green everywhere, where
it had not been scraped clean, not only on boulevard lawns but also between
cobblestones.”127 The point here, as the remainder of the novel confirms, is
to criticize society for taking itself too seriously, and choosing to manipu-
late and oppress one another rather than celebrate the “beauty of the world
created by God.” Through this eco-spiritual image of nature imbued with
spirit, which is physically taking over the human-made landscape (the lawns
and the cobblestones), Tolstoy privileges nature’s creative energy and power
over civilization –particularly urban and military realities. This is revealed
in the conflict between Nekhliudov’s “spiritual self” [dukhovnyĭ chelovek],
who does good only when it is good onto others and is also associated with
femininity and life in the country, and the morally corrupting “bestial self”
[zhivotnyĭ chelovek], who leads the hero into “egotistical madness” fueled
by “Petersburg and military life.”128 Similar to the privileging of the agrarian
over the industrial in Anna Karenina, in Resurrection the natural and the
feminine are privileged over the masculinist city and army. Nekhliudov spent
his childhood and adolescence surrounded by women, at his aunts’ residence,
and abandoning this feminine space meant also abandoning the peasant girl
130
130 Natural Communions
Katiusha, with whom he had fallen in love, along with leaving behind his
former self, “an honest, self-sacrificing young man ready to give himself
for every good deed,” and growing into “a depraved, refined egoist, who
indulges in his own pleasures”:
Back then, it was necessary and crucial to have contact with nature and with people (phil-
osophy, poetry) who lived, thought, and felt before him; necessary and crucial now are
human institutions and socializing with chums. Back then, woman seemed a mysterious and
charming creature, and charming precisely due to this mysteriousness; now the meaning of
woman, any woman, except female relatives and friends’ wives, was quite definite: woman
was one of the best instruments of an already experienced pleasure.129
The hero’s “terrible change,” from “consider[ing] his true self to be his
spiritual being” [svoë dukhovnoe sushchestvo] to yielding to his “healthy,
vigorous, animal I” [svoë zdorovoe, bodroe, zhivotnoe ia],130 involves a re-
evaluation of his relation to nature and women, the gendered association that
ecofeminist Connie Bullis has famously described as “the womanizing of
nature and the naturizing of woman.”131 For the older, non-spiritual, base
Nekhliudov, both become distant, objectified, unnecessary, unimportant.
Although it is unclear, at the novel’s close, what course Nekhliudov’s “com-
pletely new life” would take,132 we can reasonably infer from the title –
Resurrection –that it would transport him back to nature, to his land, and the
feminine creative energy of his youth.
Notes
1 This chapter draws on my doctoral research, specifically ch.3, “The Soil, the Scythe, and
the Spirit: The Quest in Anna Karenina,” in “A Spirit of the Earth: Vitalism in Nineteenth-
Century Literature” (PhD diss., City University of New York, 2011), 147–195; and “The
Soil, the Sickle, and the Spirit of the Earth: Vitalism in Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina” (paper
presented at the 32nd Mid-Atlantic Slavic Conference of the American Association for
the Advancement of Slavic Studies, New York, April 4, 2009).
2 R. F. Christian, introduction to Tolstoy’s Diaries (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons,
1985), vii.
3 Thomas Grant Steven Cain, Tolstoy (New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1977), 125.
4 Lev Tolstoy, Anna Karenina, Sobranie sochineniĭ, t. 9 (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe iz-vo
hudozhestvennoĭ lit-ry, 1959), 8. When transliterating Russian, a simplified version of the
Library of Congress (LC) Romanization Tables is adapted here, with ligatures omitted.
Exceptions are made for established spellings, such as Tolstoy, Vronsky, and Yasnaya
Polyana (rather than Tolstoĭ, Vronskiĭ, and Iasnaia Poliana), and transliterations in quoted
text. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations from the Russian are my own.
5 Ibid., t. 9, 391.
6 Anatolii A. Gorelov, Sozial’naia Ekologia [Social Ecology] (Moscow: IFRAN, 1998),
accessed February 1, 2017, https://books.google.com/books?id=nCJEuM9JNfsC&source
=gbs_ navlinks_s, 173–174. John Grim and Mary Evelyn Tucker, Ecology and Religion
(Washington, DC: Island Press, 2014), 16. Janko Lavrin, Tolstoy. An Approach
(New York: Macmillan, 1946), 132–139.
7 Lawrence Buell, Ursula K. Heise, and Karen Thornber, “Literature and Environment,”
Annual Review of Environment and Resources 36 (2011), 430–431, accessed July 1,
131
132 Natural Communions
and corresponding bureaucratization of the Russian nobility are evident in the character
of Oblonskiĭ, who personifies liberal tendencies; in Vronsky, the modern aristocrat who
gives up his military career for Anna and becomes a capitalist landowner; and Karenin,
“the bureaucratized, reactionary, obscurantist, hypocritical and empty administrative offi-
cial” (Lukàcs, “Tolstoy and the Development of Realism,” 89). Lukàcs’ reading of the
peasants as proto-revolutionaries, however, fails to take into account their patriarchal
beliefs and seems as optimistic as that of the populists and Slavophiles who, having
“gone to the people,” found them disappointingly unenlightened.
73 Greenwood, “Tolstoy and Religion,” 158.
74 Aleksandr Blok, “The People and the Intelligentsia,” in Russian Intellectual History: An
Anthology, ed. Marc Raeff (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1966), 363.
75 Tolstoy, Anna Karenina, t. 8, 264–265.
76 Thomas Berry, The Dream of the Earth (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1988), 13.
77 Ibid., xii.
78 Ibid., 41–42, 17.
79 Ibid., 9. Berry’s vision of a sustainable Earth echoes contemporary ecological thinking of
Donna Haraway and Anna Tsing, who argue against doomsday thinking, on the one hand,
and overreliance on technological fixes on the other, urging rather that we collaborate
and think with and across species. Berry uses the term “kin,” also key to Haraway’s most
recent book, Staying with the Trouble: Making Kin in the Chthulucene, Experimental
Futures (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016), to designate a similarly compre-
hensive community, both human and nonhuman. Ruether shares with all three a suspicion
of technological fixes, though not of technology in general: there is nothing inherently
wrong with advanced technology, she says, so long as access to this technology is given
to all, regardless of socioeconomic standing.
80 Berry, Dream of the Earth, 21.
81 Ibid., xiv.
82 Ibid., 2–3. Such fascination may be seen as orientalizing the Native American, and Berry’s
insistence that our “postcritical naiveté” (5) will bring us back into the Earth’s fold, by
rendering us “capable once again of experiencing the immediacy of life, the entrancing
presence to the natural phenomena around us,” seems idealistic; unlike Ruether, who
“suggests, in practical ways, how we, as affluent Western people, can begin to move from
patterns of production, consumption, and waste that destroy the earth, to ecologically sus-
tainable ones” (Rosemary Radford Ruether, Gaia and God: An Ecofeminist Theology of
Earth Healing [San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1994], 9, 254–274), Berry’s vision is more
theoretical even as he appeals to physical means, “creative energy,” or “an all-pervading
mysterious energy articulated in the infinite variety of natural phenomena” (Berry, Dream
of the Earth, 24).
83 Berry, Dream of the Earth, 33, 29–30.
84 Thomas Berry, The Christian Future and the Fate of the Earth, ed. Mary Evelyn Tucker
and John Grim (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2009), 116, 194–195, 96–116.
85 A recent article shows that while Tolstoy denounced Darwin and natural selection in his
nonfiction as well as his novels, in which characters serve as mouthpieces for similar
critique, the structuring worldview of these novels, including Anna Karenina, reveals
the influence of and engagement with Darwinian ideas, such as the prevalence of chance
over telos. See: Anna A. Berman, “Darwin in the Novels: Tolstoy’s Evolving Literary
Response,” Russian Review, March 10, 2017, accessed July 30, 2017, doi:10.1111/
russ.12134.
86 Berry, The Christian Future, 96–97.
87 It is surprising that not more has been published on the subject of Tolstoy and ecocriticism
given the author’s admiration for Rousseau, the advocate of the “return to nature”;
what we know about Tolstoy’s later life on his estate in Yasnaya Polyana, his vegetar-
ianism and stance against hunting and abusing animals, should be enough to make him
134
134 Natural Communions
ecocriticism’s long-bearded octogenarian posterchild. One reason for this dearth might
lie in ecocriticism’s Anglo-American origins, as the movement, which had started in
the 1990s with books such as Jonathan Bate’s Romantic Ecology: Wordsworth and the
Environmental Tradition (1991), has only recently turned its attention to nonwestern
literatures.
88 Buell et al., “Literature and Environment,” 421.
89 Lawrence Buell, The Future of Environmental Criticism: Environmental Crisis and
Literary Imagination (Malden, MA and Oxford: Blackwell, 2005), 11. There are, as Buell
suggests, two “waves” of ecocritics to date: second-wave ecocritics and scholars of lit-
erature and the environment, who call for a more inclusive field that would accommo-
date both natural and constructed metropolitan and toxified urban environments, aiming
to develop a social ecocriticism with a pronounced element of environmental justice,
and first-wave ecocritics, who attempt to reconnect humans with the natural world, a
discourse that is ethical and environmentally aware, but largely blind to intersectional
influences of class or race. This analysis of Anna Karenina falls more in line with the
latter, though the element of class (landowners versus peasants) also comes into play.
90 Tolstoy, Anna Karenina, t. 9, 298.
91 See, for example, Herbert L. Sussman’s Victorian Technology: Invention, Innovation,
and the Rise of the Machine (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2009). Along with Dickens,
Ruskin, Carlyle, and Matthew Arnold were among the most vocal opponents of the rail-
road in Britain.
92 Tolstoy, Anna Karenina, t. 9, 59.
93 Buell, Future of Environmental Criticism, 23.
94 Rosemary Radford Ruether, “The Biblical Vision of Ecojustice,” Feminism & Religion,
August 19, 2011, accessed July 10, 2017, https://feminismandreligion.com/2011/08/19/
the-biblical-vision-of-ecojustice-by-rosemary-radford-ruether/.
95 Ibid.
96 Rosemary Radford Ruether, “The Empty Throne: Reimagining God as Creative Energy,”
Tikkun 29.3 (Summer 2014), 28, accessed July 10, 2017, doi:10.1215/ 08879982-
2713322. Also see Rosemary Radford Ruether, “The Female Nature of God: A Problem
in Contemporary Religious Life,” in God as Father?, ed. Johannes-Baptist Metz and
Edward Schillebeeckx, 61–66 (New York: Seabury, 1981); Rosemary Radford Ruether,
Sexism and God-Talk: Toward a Feminist Theology (Boston: Beacon Press, 1983).
For a discussion of feminist theology, see Wioleta Polinska, “In Woman’s Image: An
Iconography for God,” Feminist Theology: The Journal of the Britain & Ireland School
of Feminist Theology 13.1 (2004): 40–61, accessed July 11, 2017, Academic Search
Premier (EBSCO).
97 Ruether, “The Empty Throne,” 28.
98 Ibid., 29.
99 Ruether, Gaia and God, 258, 258–269, 269.
100 Buell et al., “Literature and Environment,” 424–426.
101 Ibid., 425.
102 Buell, Future of Environmental Criticism, 108.
103 Ibid., 109–110.
104 Tolstoy, Anna Karenina, t. 8, 298.
105 On the connection between women’s studies and animal studies, see, for example, Lynda
Birke’s “Unnamed Others: How Can Thinking about ‘Animals’ Matter to Feminist
Theorizing?” Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research (NORA) 20.2 (2012): 148–
157; for a theorization of “animal difference” and questions raised by aligning animal
studies with women’s and ethnic studies, see Kari Weil’s “A Report on the Animal Turn,”
in differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 21.2 (2010): 1–23, accessed July
10, 2017, doi:10.1215/10407391-2010-001, also in Weil’s introduction to her Thinking
Animals: Why Animal Studies Now? (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012).
135
136 Natural Communions
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Christopher Hrynkow
Introduction
The land is the appointed remedy for whatever is false and fantastic in our culture.
Ralph Waldo Emerson (1844: 122)
The Emerson quotation above and the lyrics of Don Henley’s “The End
of the Innocence” highlight moral sentiments integral to the worldview
of Thomas Berry. Representing an impetus for cultural transformation,
Henley’s song associates the end of innocence with the concentration of pol-
itical power, inter-human violence, a litigious society, and the prevalence of
poisonous narratives underpinning key elements of US cultures. Henley’s
gripping voice thus provides something of a background soundtrack for this
chapter. Henley and Hornsby (1989) further suggest that contact with the
ground and tall grass is a location of redemption. Comparably and more
clearly, Ralph Waldo Emerson posits that the land will always serve as a
touchstone of renewal for American cultures. The thought of Thomas Berry
(1914–2009) falls in an interesting place in relation to these broad issues
connecting cultural transformation with the land that frequently reoccur in
American history.
Thomas Berry constructed his analysis of US cultures with frequent
reference to historical examples and currents of intellectual thought. For
instance, he critiqued the exclusion of rights for the natural world from the
American constitution (Berry 2002). He also provided a biting commentary
on the American cultural example in the aftermath of September 11, 2001,
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140 Natural Communions
through his short essay, “An Historical Moment” (Berry 2001). Additionally,
he deeply resented the impact of an unquestioned imperative for narrowly
framed economic development in the US South, particularly in the areas
surrounding his birthplace near Greensboro, North Carolina.
Building upon Berry’s contributions, while acknowledges that Berry’s
thought should be taken with a grain of salt (see Sideris 2015; Northcott
1996), this chapter supports the premise that a Berryite understanding of US
cultural examples can add an important green dimension, coupling social
justice and ecological health, to the literature on American innocence.
Conceived in this manner, a Berryite approach denotes a person or a line of
thinking that takes a measure of inspiration from Berry’s work as a starting
point, without appropriating his whole system in a fundamentalist manner.
As employed below it activates some of the most cogent aspects of Berry’s
thought and explanatory power in order to allow access to a too frequently
unmentioned, obscured, and systematically harmful socio-ecological dimen-
sion to US cultures’ cumulative impact in the world.
A Berryite Imperative for Cultural Transformation
Berry (1988) argues passionately that the present ecological crisis points
to an urgent need to foster mutually enhancing human–Earth relationships.
In articulating his arguments, Berry is frequently selective in his treatment of
sources and often essentialist in his characterization of cultural phenomena.
Berry confessed as much himself (O’Hara 2009), citing an overwhelming
concern to muster arguments that would motivate effective responses to
the ecological crisis in a manner reminiscent of the proof-texting method-
ology problematized by critical biblical scholars (e.g., Berry 2009a: 17–18).
A self-styled ‘geologian’, or Earth-thinker, Berry urged that all “human
establishments,” such as education, religion, law, politics, culture, and eco-
nomics, actively participate in the transition to what he considers both a
necessary and dawning ecological age (see Berry 2009a: 48–49).
Within this expanded cultural context of an ‘Ecozoic age’, human affairs
gain their meaning through the deep relationships signified by the term
‘intercommunion.’ For Berry, when humanity lives out this intercommunion
in ways that are mutually enhancing for it and the rest of the natural world,
then value and worth will mark all human activities, precisely to the degree
that they augment and contribute to the larger life community. This shift
away from a “deep cultural pathology” (Berry 2004: 18), is necessary in
Berry’s (1988) estimation, because it is only when we take our cues “from
the very structure and functioning of the universe [that] we can have confi-
dence in the future that awaits the human venture” (136–137). Although not
his primary focus, Berry also wrote about the imperative for social justice
in this cultural transformation as early as 1972 (Berry 2009b: 13) and for
141
[T]he issue now is of a much greater order of magnitude, for we have changed in a dele-
terious manner not simply the structure and functioning of human society: we have changed
the very chemistry of the planet … structures and functions that have taken hundreds of
millions and even billions of years to bring into existence. Such an order of change in its
nature and in its order of magnitude has never before entered either into earth history or
into human consciousness.
(Berry 1988: xiii)
142 Natural Communions
That our Western civilization should be the principal cause of such extensive damage to
the planet is so difficult a truth for us to absorb that our society in general is presently in a
state of shock and denial, of disbelief that such can possibly be the real situation. We are
unable to move from a conviction that as humans we are the crown and glory of the Earth
community to a realization that we are the most destructive and the most dangerous com-
ponent of that community. Such denial is the first attitude of persons grasped by any form
of addiction. Our Western addiction to commercial-industrial progress as our basic referent
for reality and value is becoming an all-pervasive attitude throughout the various peoples
and cultures of the Earth.
(Swimme and Berry 1992: 254)
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Swimme and Berry may fall prey to a critique of hyperbole and reformulated
anthropocentricism in this passage. However, from a Berryite perspective
concerned with socio-ecological flourishing, the core of their treatment of
culture here remains significant. The notion of an addictive, ruinous influence
spreading like a disease through cultures around the world remains cogent.
Significant subsets of these tensions come into being via American cultures’
cumulative example. A Berryite perspective serves to highlight how such
mimetic models of unsustainability spawn from problems on the level of cul-
ture and therefore require integral cultural transformations to be adequately
addressed. Particularly relevant here is when Berry (1988) writes about what
may be named as an alternative on the level of culture. Within such an alter-
native framing, vision takes on a role of driving the action of what a Berryite
perspective could term socio-ecological community building.
It follows that cultural transformation for the whole Earth community
will involve the recovery of integral understandings of deep relationality
within human consciousness. It is crucial that such a recovery of integrated
consciousness foster action in support of socio-ecological flourishing. In
juxtaposition to normative associations among American culture, the envir-
onment, and rugged individualism (see Stoll 2015; Turner and Faragher 1999)
a Berryite anthropology moves people to see themselves as intertwined in
social and ecological relationships.
Following from a Berryite advocacy for integrated cultural examples,
the form of recovery that is necessary here is not representative of a
fundamentalist-style appropriation of the past. Rather, Berryite program-
ming for green cultural transformation becomes oriented toward a better
tomorrow –a future set on fostering communion within the Earth commu-
nity in a fresh, vital, and contextually appropriate manner, which deeply
respects cultural diversity and is supportive of socio-ecological flourishing.
As such, a Berryite approach to waking up from socio-ecologically problem-
atic innocence can be viewed as an attempt to establish a more nourishing
set of cultural stories, which challenge the cultural underpinnings for a
scientific-industrial myth that Berry (2006) presents as inauthentic in relation
to both the human and the larger life communities. In that light, a Berryite
approach to fostering socio-ecological flourishing is representative of an
aspirational methodology for cultural transformation that holds the potential
to bridge a notoriously slippery insight–action gap and support deep sus-
tainability. Here, it is important to emphasize that the goal is not the erasure
of difference that accompanies colonialist or totalitarian narratives. Rather,
from the Berryite perspective developed in this chapter, it is to help foster
multiple paths towards deep sustainability; a diversity of ways for people to
transform the socially and ecologically problematic elements of particular
145
cultures so that they retain and develop their essential features in the service
of mutually enhancing and just intra-human and human–Earth relationships.
To more fully participate in fostering such deeply sustainable cultures,
many more Americans would have to give up their desire for what Berry
(2006) names as “WonderWorld” (28). It follows from a Berryite perspec-
tive, a critical mass of expressions of US cultures must stop supporting the
manufacture of a sanitized worldview wherein people are understood to be
apart from, and in full control of, the natural world. Indeed, Berry (1999)
emphasizes that attempts to manufacture this saccharine reality have “created
our toxic world. Our quest for wonderworld is making wasteworld. Our quest
for energy is creating entropy on a scale never before witnessed in the his-
torical process” (68). In a related manner, overconsumption accelerates
such processes. Drifting along with the myth of progress (and continuing to
overconsume) is tempting for many US citizens and, as evidenced above, is fre-
quently encouraged by currently dominant expressions of American cultures.
This problem is only compounded by other manifestations of unsustainable
practices being modeled in particular ways by a variety of cultures: Chinese,
Indian, and European cultures among them. While not wanting to discount the
real challenges for global sustainability posed by that modeling, a Berryite
perspective remains well positioned to propose that ‘waking-up’ from the
anaesthetic of WonderWorld can be achieved in the USA via a departure from
socio-ecologically problematic manifestations of American innocence.
The predominant theme in our thinking about our place in the world has been one of
American exceptionalism and American innocence. To be sure, this image is not an
altogether flattering one … “innocence” connotes both blamelessness and naiveté. Yet,
I believe it is the more positive version of this image that we usually adopt, and in so doing,
we cloud our self-perception, sometimes to the point of self-delusion.
(Strassfeld 2006: 281–282)
146 Natural Communions
Berryite thought addresses all these areas in common with many critiques
of American innocence from the Cold War period (e.g., Stevens 2010: 10).
Furthermore, a Berryite approach, inclusive of its understanding that too
many contemporary expressions of Western and American cultures are
centered on a deep pathology, views these issues as continuing and acceler-
ating problems in the twenty-first century that have an ecological dimension.
As such, it is a contention of this chapter that a legitimate way to understand
Berry’s (2006) project, through a Berryite lens, is as identifying a deeply
problematic innocence that comes about as American culture constructs and
fosters a WonderWorld, which is harmful to socio-ecological flourishing.
In Berryite terms, this would be an innocence born from intra-human and
ecological alienation; a problematic innocence that can only continue when
American cultures, and other supporting forces in this regard, serve to blind
people to their essential location within webs of cultural, social, and eco-
logical relationships. An examination of the terrorist attacks on September
11, 2001 through a Berryite lens offers a telling case study to ground
this point.
9/11 as Another Missed Wakeup Call from Socio-Ecologically
Problematic Manifestations of American Innocence
Most US citizens were deeply affected by the events of September 11,
2001, on both the personal and cultural levels (e.g., Denzin and Lincoln 2003).
At the time of writing, this effect continues to linger almost two decades
after the rupture in American cultures that occurred that day in New York,
Washington, and Pennsylvania. As might be expected, many Americans who
care about the ecological world were also given pause for thought by 9/11.
For example, reflecting on an existential experience of innocence lost in the
November 1, 2001 issue of Environmental Science & Technology, editor
William Glaze wrote:
I do feel, however, that many issues that I thought were important are not so important
to me now … When the crumbling towers stabbed massive pieces of steel superstructure
through the streets at the base of the World Trade Center, was it in fact our hearts that were
stabbed? Did we lose that day some of the innocence and humanity that was the font of the
environmental movement? Only time will tell.
(Glaze 2001: 433A)
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For Berry, however, there was no doubt about the significance of the event.
It was not the people who were at the forefront of the environmental movement
at the turn of the millennium who pointed to a misdirected innocence. Rather,
it was the entire system of domination, sadly supported by American cultures
of the variety that had provided the cultural-symbolic foundation for the Twin
Towers, which represented a highly problematic innocence. This reaction was
evident during a speech about the contemporary American example at his
Passionist order’s sesquicentennial celebration in Philadelphia (September
2002), when Berry threw away his speaking notes and lectured for two hours
on the symbolism of the World Trade Center in New York, giving multiple
reasons why those buildings equated with a contextually untenable cultural
example. He ended his speech by expressing the sentiment that if the sui-
cide bombers had not toppled the towers he would have (O’Hara 2009). In
December 2001, Berry crafted a more measured reflection, “An Historic
Moment,” that was published in an on-line journal. Read through a Berryite
lens, this essay remains a sharp critique of a socially and ecologically prob-
lematic form of innocence that has permeated American cultures.
“An Historic Moment” problematizes the cultural foundations underpin-
ning the very existence of the World Trade Center in New York. The Twin
Towers were dear to many Americans and New Yorkers because of their
place on the iconic Manhattan skyline. Nonetheless, they represented some-
thing quite different in terms of the cultural-symbolic world of other peoples
on the planet. As Berry asserted in the aftermath of 9/11:
In the opening year of the 21st century we entered a new all-pervasive anxiety originating
in the terrorist destruction of the twin [sic] Towers of the World Trade Center –a building
that, at least symbolically, might be considered as the central expression of Western eco-
nomic dominance over the nations, the peoples, and the natural resources of the Earth.
It might even symbolize American arrogance as its supermarkets spread throughout the
nations of the world. To some, these towers might even symbolize the oppression of the
impoverished nations by the most affluent nations of the world.
(Berry 2001)
In Berryite terms, the attack on the Twin Towers can be read as an anxiety-
creating response to an anxiety-creating system. In that light, the World Trade
Center in New York was symbolic of the role American cultures played in
“Western economic dominance over the nations, the peoples, and the natural
resources of the earth” (Berry 2001).
As such and from a Berryite perspective on American innocence, 9/11
might have served as an impetus for socio-ecological awakening. Such an
awakening could, in turn, allow those anaesthetized by certain manifestations
of American cultural innocence and living in splendid isolation behind the wall
of accumulation and excess they built for themselves to pause for thought,
149
take stock, and examine their impact upon the world around them. Any
international demographic survey conducted in 2001 would have revealed
a global reality of human inequality. The disparity in the human family is
related to the stress on the planet. As Berryite Heather Eaton demonstrates,
often the forces that oppress the non-human members of the larger life com-
munity also negatively affect people living in poverty (Eaton 2005). Yet,
Americans were told by political, business, and cultural leaders that if they
stopped shopping or traveling by airplane the terrorists would have won. In
so much as that counsel was taken, it not only blocked critical reflection, it
also further buttressed the link between American innocence, US cultural
examples, and overconsumption.
From this situation and its comparable manifestations in other dominant
cultures, it follows that humanity is in a condition of ecological overdraft,
which implicates US cultures for the way they too often benefit from socially
and ecologically problematic practices that have disproportionally advantaged
a core group of economically powerful nation-states. The additional facts
concerning human distributive justice are telling regarding the nature of
this human selfishness. Currently, a segmented few in the human family are
taking more than their fair share. If the entire Earth’s population consumed
at the same level as the average citizen in the United States, humanity would
need over five Earths just to meet its energy needs (Myers and Spoolman
2014). A Berryite perspective recognizes that people need energy to survive
and flourish. However, the amount of planetary resources the economic elite
of the human population is using goes far beyond what is biologically neces-
sary for the flourishing of life. In so far as any particular US culture supports
such unsustainably it become a legitimate focus for efforts at a fuller, green
cultural transformation because overconsumption marks “a throwaway cul-
ture which affects the excluded just as it quickly reduces things to rubbish”
(Francis 2015: #22), which wastes both life and food, and treats marginalized
people as the “leftovers” (Francis 2013: #53). From a Berryite perspective,
such morally dubious cultural outcomes represent problems that extend into
many areas of human endeavor in ways that amplify several unsustainably.
To ‘flesh out’ this point, it should be said that the stereotypical ‘American
dream’ –a house in the suburbs, with a manicured lawn and large carbon-
burning vehicles (a cultural outcome far beyond the current average con-
sumption rates in the US, which is still marked by many citizens who have
not realized this ‘dream’) –if applied globally to over 7 billion people, would
mean the termination of the prospects for socio-ecological flourishing on this
planet. The carrying capacity of Earth simply cannot bring everyone ‘up’
to that level. As part of its commitment to achieving integral sustainability
marked by a respect for social justice and the common good, a Berryite
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Then there is the question of industrial “development” of the more land-based peoples.
To disturb the village life of a people living in harmony with the ever-renewing sequence
of the seasons by teaching them a non-renewing commercial-industrial way of life, is to
impoverish rather than to enrich them. When we loan money to the politically competent
commercial-entrepreneurial members of a society entering its modern phase by developing
their natural resources, we open the way not only to an oppressive class in the local society
but also to the accumulation of the enormous debt owed to the industrialized nation by the
so-called “third world.”
(Berry 2001)
out during the same period that Berry published his essay on 9/11 as a histor-
ical moment, whether the offer was genuine or not will never be fully known
because the Bush administration only reinforced a problematic innocence,
which encouraged a faith-infused culture of sacrifice (Denton-Borhaug
2011: 56–91), by focusing on forming a ‘coalition of the willing’ to engage
a nation-state that became synonymous with the ‘axis of evil’ in ‘the war on
terror.’ Moreover, the Iraqi invasion that was justified by similar rhetoric can
be read from a Berryite perspective as partly underpinned by a hunger for oil
to keep an ‘innocent’ American dream alive.
While such interventions are undoubtedly also buttressed by an innocent
desire to do good, they nonetheless can make the USA appear more of a world
dictator than a global partner. As Berry wrote, explicitly connecting “violated
innocence” with a weak involvement in equity initiatives when reflecting on
the experience of the nation in which he was a citizen:
While here in America we have taken an attitude of violated innocence with a flaming
assertion of vengeance against the perpetrators of the assault on the Towers, we might
reflect somewhat on the larger context of what is happening. We might be under extensive
illusions as regards our efforts to “help” the less developed nations. While we are indeed a
“good-hearted” people we must begin to recognize that “doing good” is not the simplistic
thing we sometimes think it to be. We seem not to realize that, of the industrialized nations
of the world, we give the least percentage of our national income to assist these nations in
need. We have consistently refused to join with the other nations of the world in bringing
about a greater harmony of peoples and more equitable distribution of wealth.
(Berry 2001)
It is noteworthy that this feeling was not fully dissipated during the Obama
administration. The ambiguity about the role of the USA in the international
community persisted despite the related, yet largely unrealized, deep hope
for transformative change associated with his perceived potential to shift the
American cultural examples, that saw Barack Obama awarded the Nobel
peace prize at the beginning of his tenure as President. The moral tensions
identified above by Berry are only further compounded as a result of Donald
Trump being elected President through employing rhetoric about “making
America great again” via the morally problematic yet disquietingly culturally
erudite invocations of (1) building a wall (to protect American innocence?)
for which he promised to bill Mexico, (2) othering Muslims to the point
of questioning their suitability as potential US citizens, and (3) employing
his frequently invoked mastery of the ‘art’ of negotiation to recast myriad
treaties and arrangements with the USA’s international partners in order to
‘get a better deal’ for his country. Indeed, Trump has explicitly promoted an
outlook onto world and national issues that ignores their socio-ecological
implications as suggested by a number of Trump’s (2018) policy stances,
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including his elevation of “beautiful clean coal” as a path to the future and
his dedication of over a trillion dollars to “modernize and rebuild” the US
nuclear arsenal as reaffirmed in his first State of the Union Address, wherein
he also stated:
A new tide of optimism was already sweeping across our land …. [W]e have gone for-
ward with a clear vision and a righteous mission –to make America great again for all
Americans.
We have advanced on a righteous mission …. This is the New American moment.
There has never been a better time to start living the American Dream. So to every citizen
watching at home tonight –no matter where you have been, or where you’ve come from –
this is your time. If you work hard, if you believe in yourself, if you believe in America,
then you can dream anything, you can be anything, and together, we can achieve absolutely
anything.
(Trump 2018)
Read through a Berryite lens, these sentiments are related to how the US
President tries to invoke the desirability of an ‘America first’ policy, pro-
moting a saccharine innocence that Trump offers both literally and figura-
tively as a model, claiming innocence for all of America, wealthy citizens
(an exceptionalism that justifies deplorable income inequalities in the USA),
and himself. In this regard, consider, for instance, how, when asked about
the role of faith and repentance in his life, Trump, tellingly in terms of the
themes of this chapter, told CNN’s Anderson Cooper that he tried to do the
right thing so he did not have to ask for forgiveness and asked “why do I have
to, you know, repent, why do I have to ask for forgiveness, if you are not
making mistakes? I work hard, I’m an honorable person. I have thousands
of people who work for me”, shortly before going to re-emphasize how he
would revive the American Dream to make “bigger, better, and stronger than
ever before” (Trump 2015).
In sharp contrast, the solution to the associated challenges suggested from
a Berryite perspective, which certainly does not discount the complex nature
social and ecological issues, is a relatively simple one supportive of both
social justice and ecological health: that a critical mass of Americans over-
come a problematic innocence of WonderWorld by intentionally building
integral cultures. Here, socio- ecologically problematic utopian thinking,
what Berry (1988) in part labels the “fictional context” of economics (105),
is countered by integral utopian thinking that, countering exploitive real-
ities, imagines alternatives characterized by socio-ecological flourishing. In
so much as more Americans learn to use their political and cultural power
to effectively and collectively share, they can be said to be simultaneously
moving towards an integral distributive justice. Indeed, given the realities
of the socio-ecological crisis, for all those who overconsume, regardless of
153
their socio-political locations, learning to do with less and share more of what
they have is emerging as a contextual imperative that requires expression on
a number of levels, including cultural ones.
Along similar lines, as part of a larger effort to overcome the disconnect
between an unsustainable ideal of a consumerist expression of the American
Dream and the realities facing the Earth community today, a Berryite
approach highlights the need for a critical mass of US cultures to rediscover
the reality of humanity’s essential location within webs of socio-ecological
relationships. From a Berryite perspective, this rediscovery can only come
about when a certain form of military-industrial-consumerist American inno-
cence is lost and replaced with integral cultural examples. Here, the accom-
panying hope for the future is that such an insight can lead to a sustainable
American cultural example, which could, in turn, influence substantive posi-
tive transformation in intra-human and human–Earth relationships both at
home and abroad.
The City Upon a Hill: Winthrop and American Innocence
from a Berryite Perspective
At its founding, the Massachusetts Bay Colony, so important to American
cultural identity, represented a comparable type of hope for the future. John
Winthrop (1630/1998) was an influential figure in the establishment of the
colony, serving multiple terms as governor. In 1630, he delivered a sermon
reframing Jesus of Nazareth’s invocation of the image of “a city upon a
hill” (Matt. 5:14). Winthrop’s reflection served to define the purpose and
mission of many New England settlements. Since that time, the phrase and its
variants have become recurring and influential images in American cultures
and politics. The genealogy of the phrase is worth unfolding in the context of
a Berryite treatment of US cultures and their unsustainable intersections with
American innocence. The phrase will also help ground the synthesis in the
conclusion that follows.
In 1630, Winthrop boarded the Arbella on the Isle of Wight for a passage
that would end in Salem, MA. It was most likely during the voyage across the
Atlantic Ocean that he delivered his sermon, now titled “A Model of Christian
Charity,” where he set out a foundational vision for the colony (Winthrop
1630/1998). He supported the division of society into the wealthy and poor.
Nonetheless, Winthrop (1630/1998) framed settling in the new world as a
chance to do better than in England. He continued that the Massachusetts
Bay Colony was meant to represent a renewed Covenant with God and a
divine Commission. His famous invocation of the ‘city upon the hill’ image
is not only a notion of power to resist enemies –power generated by keeping
the Covenant and following the Commission –but, crucially when viewed
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156 Natural Communions
In the case of American cultures and their influential example, the socio-
ecological crisis points to the need to ‘wake up’ and repent from an inno-
cence that supports a consumerist WonderWorld that, in turn, encourages a
disregard for other humans and members of the larger life community. Only
then, to adapt Berry’s rather uncompromising terms, can we have a legitimate
excitement about the prospects of the human endeavor both in the US and
elsewhere on the planet. It follows that American cultures wishing to more
positively contribute to a verdant future must abandon socio-ecologically
problematic manifestations of innocence in favor of a conscious and inten-
tional embrace of the larger human and ecological communities. However,
it is also important to emphasize, from a Berryite perspective, that this lead-
ership can only be transitory, working toward a communion relationship
that will nullify the necessity of hierarchical leadership or indeed the excep-
tionalism inherent in the concept of a city upon a hill, even in its original
accountably oriented sense. The challenge is that such an embrace of com-
munion relationships within US cultures must be widely integrated on the
level of both insight and action. Mitigating factors against that integration
abound. Indeed, such difficulties were especially apparent in March 2018,
when the new US President was evidently committed to a vision of putting
America first in a manner that scapegoats Muslims and immigrants while
also eroding both human rights and environmental protection. However, if
integration along Berryite lines is achieved by a critical mass of American
cultures, it will facilitate US cultural creativity, substantively contributing
to the flourishing of all life on this planet. Under that alternative scenario,
America’s body politic undertakes a moral project of transforming into a
critical mass of diverse, green cultures supportive of integral global citizen-
ship. When projecting that example out onto the world, this critical mass of
US green cultures will then constitute a sustainable city on a hill. Further,
with the “eyes of the world upon [us],” these American cultures will be well
poised to dovetail with other integral cultural examples in nourishing the fur-
ther contagion of cultures supportive of socio-ecological flourishing. Therein
lies a vital path of dialogue and action upon which an increasing number of
US cultural examples can positively contribute to a verdant future that is
accessible to all people within the Earth community.
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Berry, Thomas. 1988. The Dream of the Earth (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books).
——. 1999. The Great Work: Our Way into the Future (New York: Bell Tower).
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Fulbright, J. William. 1966/1998. “The Arrogance of Power,” in Conrad Cherry (ed.), God’s
New Israel: Religious Interpretations of America’s Destiny (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press): 328–342.
Glaze, William. 2001. “The Loss of Innocence,” Environmental Science & Technology 35.21:
433A.
Halsey, William. 1980. The Survival of American Innocence: Catholicism in an Era of
Disillusionment, 1920–1940 (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press).
Hardin, Garret. 1968. “The Tragedy of the Commons,” Science 162.3859: 1243–1248.
——. 1974. “Lifeboat Ethics: The Case against Helping the Poor,” Psychology Today 8
(September): 38–43; 124–126.
Henley, Don and Bruce Hornsby. 1989. “The End of the Innocence” (June 1). https://genius.
com/Don-henley-the-end-of-the-innocence-lyrics.
Kollmuss, Anja and Julian Agyeman. 2002. “Mind the Gap: Why do People Act Environmentally
and What are the Barriers to Pro-Environmental Behavior?” Environmental Education
Research 8.3: 239–260.
Lake, Osprey Orielle. 2010. Uprisings for the Earth: Reconnecting Culture with Nature
(Ashland, OR: White Cloud Press).
Laszlo, Ervin and Allan Combs (eds.). 2011. Thomas Berry, Dreamer of the Earth: The
Spiritual Ecology of the Father of Environmentalism (Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions).
Leopold, Aldo. 1949/1997. “The Land Ethic,” in E. H. LaFollete (ed.), Ethics in Practice: An
Anthology (Oxford: Blackwell): 634–643.
May, Henry Farnham. 1959. The End of American Innocence: A Study of the First Years of Our
Own Time, 1912–1917 (New York: Knopf).
Myers, Norman and Scott Spoolman. 2014. Environmental Issues and Solutions: A Modular
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Northcott, Michael S. 1996. The Environment and Christian Ethics (New York: Cambridge
University Press).
O’Sullivan, Edmund. 1999. Transformative Learning: Educational Vision for the 21st Century
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press).
Palin, Sarah. 2009. Going Rogue: An American Life (New York: HarperCollins).
——. 2010. America by Heart: Reflections on Family, Faith, and Flag (New York: HarperCollins).
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(October 26). http://theconversation.com/the-problems-with-big-history-and-turning-
science-into-myth-48225.
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Stoll, Mark. 2015. Inherit the Holy Mountain: Religion and the Rise of American
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Winthrop, John. 1630/1998. “A Model of Christian Charity,” in Conrad Cherry (ed.), God’s
New Israel: Religious Interpretations of America’s Destiny (Chapel Hill: University of
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Dennis O’Hara
In 1988, Pope John Paul II sent a letter to the Director of the Vatican
Observatory, Fr. George Coyne, in which he speculated:
If the cosmologies of the ancient Near Eastern world could be purified and assimilated
into the first chapters of Genesis, might not contemporary cosmology have something to
offer to our reflections upon creation? Does an evolutionary perspective bring any light to
bear upon theological anthropology … and even upon the development of doctrine itself?1
Despite his conjecture that the evolutionary cosmology that has emerged
from modern science might inform our understanding of theological anthro-
pology and have implications for the reimagining of doctrine, Pope John
Paul II did not move significantly beyond this speculation. Even though his
concern for the ecological crisis would prompt him to call for an ecological
conversion2 to address ecological sin,3 he would not concurrently call for
theological conversion of a comparable nature, nor an updated theological
anthropology.4
Similarly, while Pope Benedict would note “that there was no opposition
between faith’s understanding of creation and the evidence of the empirical
sciences” on evolution,5 and while he would admonish that “obedience to
the voice of the earth is more important for our future happiness than the
voices of the moment, the desires of the moment [since] … existence itself,
our earth, speaks to us, and we have to learn to listen,”6 his theologizing on
questions of evolution, ecology, and theological anthropology merely echoed
earlier teachings and did not seem to be advanced by new scientific insights.
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inflicted on themselves. The false notion that they were superior to the rest
of creation since they were made in the image of God and alone were graced
with souls and rational minds, and therefore subjectivity, reinforced their
right to lord their dominion over the mere objects of creation which supplied
the resources for humanity’s story. The absence of a sacred dimension in this
fallen creation further verified that Earth could be used with impunity. Sacred
objects and sites are to be respected and even revered; profane objects and
systems lack such intrinsic worth and can be used according to the agent’s
inclinations and ability. With this mindset, the plundering of the planet was
perhaps inevitable.
Lessons from a Cosmology of Cosmogenesis
The emergent processes of this evolutionary universe can be seen as a
single, irreversible, unrepeatable, ever-unfolding story of cosmogenesis that
has continued for the past 13.8 billion years. Every player in this story –i.e.,
every element, organism, system and event –has contributed to that evolving
history in a meaningful way. Change any stage or player in that story, and
the subsequent storyline is altered irrevocably. The present state of the uni-
verse is the sum of each of the prior contributions to the progress of that
story. A retrospective examination of this epic of evolution reveals that, in
the longer arc of time, it is characterized by increasing levels of differenti-
ation as the complexity of the universe grows with the evolutionary emer-
gence of ever-more complex and diverse players. Concurrently, each of these
players can be recognized as a unique individual responding to the particular
interior spontaneities of its being and the external attractors of its environs.
Furthermore, the entire epic is one continuous story originating from a primal
singularity resulting in a single community on a cosmic scale.
Since every player in this epic contributes to the unfolding storyline,
informing how the next moment of the story will unfold, each player is a
subject rather than an indifferent spectator of no consequence. Unlike the old
cosmology where humans were the only subjects and the rest of creation was
merely the stage for its unfolding history, now we
understand that the universe is a communion of subjects, not a collection of objects. Every
being has its own inner form, its own spontaneity, its own voice, its ability to declare itself
and to be present to other components of the universe in a subject-to-subject relationship.
Whereas this is true of every being in the universe, it is especially true of each component
member of the Earth community. Each component of the Earth is integral with every other
component. This is also true of the living beings of the Earth in their relations with one
another.10
For us, truly, there are no ‘surroundings.’ I can lose my hands and still live. I can lose my
legs and still live. I can lose my eyes and still live …. But if I lose the air I die. If I lose the
sun I die. If I lose the earth I die. If I lose the water I die. If I lose the plants and animals
I die. All of these things are more a part of me, more essential to my every breath, than is
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my so-called body. What is my real body? We are not autonomous, self-sufficient beings as
European mythology teaches …. We are rooted just like the trees. But our roots come out of
our nose and mouth, like an umbilical cord, forever connected with the rest of the world.16
Forbes’ words remind us that our bodies are not limited to what Allan
Watts has described as our “skin-encapsulated egos”; our bodies are not
strictly demarcated from the environs we inhabit, but instead are in a con-
tinuous discourse with the same.17
The wisdom of indigenous cultures not only recognizes that the other parts
of creation are our relations –i.e., our sisters and our brothers –with whom
we were bonded in deeply integrated relationships, that wisdom also reminds
us that creation has a numinous dimension, as well.
Lessons from a Functional Spirituality
Historically, most human cultures recognized that there was a numinous
dimension within the universe in which they resided, whether in the mys-
tery of life, the spectacle of the stars, the power of storms and seas, or the
splendor of sunsets.18 Earlier cultures considered the cosmos to be sacred
because it was created by the gods and was therefore revelatory of the divine.
The entire cosmos could become a hierophany –i.e., a revelation or a mani-
festation of the sacred.19 As creations of the gods and residents in this sacred
cosmos, humans necessarily shared in this sacredness although they could
choose to act in ways other than what were ordained by that sacred order.
The divine forces that ordered the universe out of chaos were the same forces
that ordered the person. Accordingly, the order of the universe was rightly the
order to which each person should adhere.20 To live one’s life outside the har-
mony of these forces would be to invite disharmony into one’s being which
could manifest as disease and could even lead to death.
Spending time within the grandeur of creation can increase our sense
of wonder and awe for its numinous dimension and develop feelings of
connection with other humans, the rest of creation and the divine.21 But while
a spiritual appreciation for the rest of creation on an individual basis can have
positive benefits for our personal health, to develop a deep appreciation and
respect for the spiritual dimension of creation on a species level will require
that we reawaken to the functional spirituality that previously guided human
cultures –i.e., a spirituality that embeds humanity within creation with a
horizon of meaning that is mutually enhancing for both.
Sandra Schneiders has argued that spirituality deals “with the integra-
tion of all aspects of human life and experience”; that it is “affective as
well as cognitive, social as well as personal”; and “that whatever enters
into the actual living of this ongoing integrating self-transcendence is rele-
vant, whether it be mystical, theological, ethical, psychological, political,
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The numinous dimension of the universe impressed itself upon the mind through the
vastness of the heavens and the power revealed in the thunder and lightning, as well as
through the springtime renewal of life after the desolation of winter. Then too the general
helplessness of the human before all the threats to survival revealed the intimate depend-
ence of the human on the integral functioning of things. That the human had such intimate
rapport with the surrounding universe was possible only because the universe itself had a
prior intimate rapport with the human as the maternal source from whence humans come
into being and are sustained in existence.28
Berry describes spirit as that which brings form to matter. The spiritual
dimension is the unifying, attractive force that causes a distinctive identity to
manifest by holding its particular physical elements in unique communion.
Thus, subjectivity results from each being’s spiritual dimension organizing
and maintaining its physical dimension as a recognizable and dynamically
stable entity within an ordered whole.29 This can be said of distinct beings
as well as ecosystems and galaxies.30 Accordingly, we come to recognize
that each participant in the story of the universe plays a significant role in
advancing the storyline. A functional spirituality reminds us that we are part
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For [God] brought things into being in order that His goodness might be communicated to
creatures and be represented by them; and because His goodness could not be adequately
represented by one creature alone, He produced many and diverse creatures, that what was
wanting to one in the representation of the divine goodness might be supplied by another.
For goodness, which in God is simple and uniform, in creatures is manifold and divided
and hence the whole universe together participates the divine goodness more perfectly and
represents it better than any single creature whatever.33
Some people, in order to discover God, read books. But there is a great book: the very
appearance of created things. Look above you! Look below you! Note it. Read it. God,
whom you want to discover, never wrote that book with ink. Instead He set before your
eyes the things that He had made. Can you ask for a louder voice than that? Why, heaven
and earth shout to you: “God made me!”34
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light.”46 The breath of God, the Rûaħ, brings order from chaos. Thus, “when
you hide your face, they are dismayed; when you take away their breath, they
die and return to their dust. When you send forth your spirit, they are created;
and you renew the face of the earth.”47 Should the breath of God exit from
any part of creation, chaos would return and the intelligibility of that part
dissolves; for creation to endure, the Spirit must be present. In this reading
of scripture,
we can think of the Spirit or breath of God breathing life into the universe at all its stages,
into its physical laws, its origins and its evolution. The creator Spirit empowers and
energises the multiplicity of processes at every stage, directing them by optimising the
chances that are a natural part of the evolutionary process from within so that creation
achieves its God-given purposes. … It is the creative breath of the Spirit that enables what
is new to emerge and creatures to transcend themselves. … [T]he Spirit also draws all
things towards the future and enables more to come from less.48
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“thanks to our bodies, God has joined us so closely to the world around us
that we can feel the desertification of the soil almost as a physical ailment,
and the extinction of a species as a painful disfigurement.”69 Asserting such
a deep interconnectivity with the rest of creation on a cosmic and spiritual
level aligns us with 13.8 billion years of cosmogenesis that are on our side –
i.e., 13.8 billion years of cosmic creativity that created the conditions for
our emergence, that ensured the systems and resources for our perdurance,
that provided the aesthetic nourishment for our imagination to overcome
hardships and envision new possibilities, and that now supplies the psychic
energy to confront the challenges of the ecological crisis. All of this can
support our recovery if we re-align ourselves and our cultures with the order
of creation as good neighbors.
The universe story recounts times when cosmogenesis confronted
seemingly unsurmountable obstacles with unexpected responses –what
might be called moments of grace –in order to initiate new levels of order
to transition through the crisis. Moments of grace occur when a part of
the universe story is pushed to its extreme with the most tension that it
can creatively engage causing it to reinvent itself to a new level of com-
plexity that was unimaginable in the prior state. The explosion of the first-
generation stars was a moment of grace; the invention of photosynthesis,
the introduction of sexuality, humanity’s capture of fire were moments
of grace. Humanity is living in a time of crisis. Readopting a functional
spirituality within a functional cosmology offers the opportunity and the
psychic energy to accept this moment of grace and undertake the difficult
task of transitioning to ways of being that are mutually enhancing for us
and the rest of creation.
Notes
1 Pope John Paul II, “Letter of His Holiness John Paul II to Reverend George V. Coyne,
S.J., Director of the Vatican Observatory,” Vatican, June 1, 1988. (http://w2.vatican.va/
content/john-paul-ii/en/letters/1988/documents/hf_jp-ii_let_19880601_padre-coyne.
html).
2 Pope John Paul II, “General Audience: God Made Man the Steward of Creation,”
Vatican, January 17, 2001, §4. (http://w2.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/audiences/
2001/documents/hf_jp-ii_aud_20010117.html).
3 Pope John Paul II, “Homily, Zamosc, Poland,” Vatican, June 12, 1999, §3.
(http://w2.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/homilies/1999/documents/hf_jp-ii_hom_
19990612_zamosc.html).
4 Donal Dorr, “ ‘The Fragile World’: Church Teaching on Ecology before and by Pope
Francis,” Thinking Faith (February 26, 2014), 3.
5 Pope Benedict XVI, “Address of His Holiness Benedict XVI to the Members of the
Pontifical Academy of Sciences on the Occasion of their Plenary Assembly,” Vatican,
October 31, 2008. (http://press.vatican.va/content/salastampa/it/bollettino/pubblico/
2008/10/31/0685/01691.html).
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6 Pope Benedict XVI, “Meeting of the Holy Father Benedict XVI with the Clergy of the
Dioceses of Belluno-Feltre and Treviso,” Vatican, July 24, 2007. (http://w2.vatican.va/
content/benedict-xvi/en/speeches/2007/july/documents/hf_ben-xvi_spe_20070724_
clero-cadore.html).
7 Pope Francis, Laudato Si’: Care for Our Common Home (Vatican City: Libreria
Editrice Vaticana, May 24, 2015). http://w2.vatican.va/content/francesco/en/encyclicals/
documents/papafrancesco_20150524_enciclica-laudato-si.html.
8 David Tracy and Nicholas Lash, “Editorial,” in Cosmology and Theology, ed. David
Tracy and Nicholas Lash, Concilium: Religion in the Eighties (Edinburgh: T&T Clark,
1983), vii.
9 For an informed reading of the creation stories in the Bible, see: William P. Brown, The
Seven Pillars of Creation: The Bible, Science, and the Ecology of Wonder (New York,
NY: Oxford University Press, 2010).
10 Thomas Berry, “The Ecozoic Era,” The Eleventh Annual E. F. Schumacher Lectures (Great
Barrington, MA, October 1991), 4. www.centerforneweconomics.org/publications/
lectures/berry/thomas/the-ecozoic-era.
11 Terrence L. Nichols, “Evolution: Journey or Random Walk?” Zygon 37, no. 1 (March
2002): 193–210.
12 For instance, while the phytoplankton who produce oxygen and are the foundation of life
on the planet, or the insects who pollinate plants, would not be harmed by the extinction
of humans at the species level (and arguably might flourish in such as scenario), humanity
could not survive the extinction of either of these lifeforms who developed a planet that
became compatible for human emergence and perdurance.
13 Thomas Berry, “A New Era: Healing the Injuries We have Inflicted on Our Planet,”
Health Progress 73, no. 2 (1992): 63.
14 Prescott and Logan have described this time when people would act in ways that are
mutually enhancing for them and the rest of the planet as the “symbiocene.” See: Susan L
Prescott and Alan C Logan, “Down to Earth: Planetary Health and Biophilosophy in the
Symbiocene Epoch,” Challenges 8, no. 2 (January 2017): 1–22. www.mdpi.com/2078-
1547/8/2/19.
15 Thomas Berry and Thomas Clarke, Befriending the Earth: A Theology of Reconciliation,
ed. Stephen Dunn and Anne Lonergan (Mystic, CT: Twenty-Third Publications, 1991), 43.
16 Jack D. Forbes, “Indigenous Americans: Spirituality and Ecos,” Daedalus 130, no. 4
(2001): 291.
17 Joanna Macy, “The Greening of the Self,” in Dharma Gaia, ed. Allan H. Badiner
(Berkeley: Parallax Press, 1990), 53. Cf., Arthur J. Fabel, “Environmental Ethics and
the Question of Cosmic Purpose,” Environmental Ethics 16 (Fall 1994): 312. Michael
Zimmerman reminds us that “ego consciousness, which is necessarily dualistic, is a major
achievement in human evolution.” However, he also observes that ego consciousness
is characterized by its tendency to differentiate and dissociate itself from the body and
from nature. And while rationality and ego consciousness emerged together in the his-
tory of the human, the latter initially defined but now confines the former. See: Michael
E. Zimmerman, “Quantum Theory, Intrinsic Value, and Panentheism,” Environmental
Ethics 10, no. 1 (1988): 13, 15.
18 Ursula King, “One Planet, One Spirit,” Ecotheology 10, no. 1 (2005): 69. David Kinsley,
“Introduction,” in Ecology and Religion: Ecological Spirituality in Cross- Cultural
Perspective (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1995), 3–4.
19 Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane (New York, NY: Harper and Brothers, 1957),
12. Cf., John Mizzoni, “Franciscan Biocentrism and the Franciscan Tradition,” Ethics &
the Environment 13, no. 1 (2008): 122.
20 Gerardus van der Leeuw, Religion in Essence and Manifestation: A Study in Phenomenology,
2 vols., trans. J. E. Turner (New York, NY: Harper and Row, 1963), 1: 191.
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10
Carol Wayne White
After you have exhausted what there is in business, politics, conviviality, love, and so on –
have found that none of these finally satisfy, or permanently wear – what remains? Nature
remains; to bring out from their torpid recesses, the affinities of a man or woman with the open
air, the trees, fields, the changes of seasons –the sun by day and the stars of heaven by night.
Walt Whitman, Specimen Days
Introduction
The film Big Miracle (Director: Ken Kwapis, 2012) is one in a genre of
films, including Free Willy, Whale Rider, and A Dolphin’s Tale, in which
humans struggle to rescue cetaceans. Often popular with all age groups, these
family-oriented films offer contemporary audiences a sense of intimacy with
the more-than-human world and encourage young and old to adopt an ethic
of care for the “environment.” Big Miracle in particular features humans
surmounting greed and self-interest to save at-risk nature. It appears that the
“miracle” depicted in the film is that many people with widely divergent
interests come together to save whales trapped in the ice near the Alaskan
coast. A deeper implication is that these immense creatures –and perhaps
endangered nature itself –have the power to unite fractious humanity. But
what vision of nature constitutes this “miracle”? I contend that despite its
feel-good quality, the film presents a problematic treatment of nature that
re-inscribes popular attitudes toward myriad nature, which, paradoxically,
contribute to the degradation of the more-than-human worlds that constitute
our being here. In particular, the film reinforces the idea that it is humans’
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distinct difference from nature that enables us to save it. While identifying
and assessing some of the troubling implications of such a view, I raise the
following questions: What expanded views of nature would help ground
human action and ethical reflections in the present, and in the future? How
might these expanded views of nature provoke an eco- spirituality that
motivates North Americans, in particular, to rethink and honor our connect-
edness to myriad nature? In this essay, I introduce religious naturalism as
a set of theoretical insights that respond adequately to these queries. As a
capacious ecological religious worldview, religious naturalism encourages
individuals and communities to view themselves as pulsating nature aware of
itself. Moreover, it helps reframe humans as natural processes in relationship
with other forms of nature. Religious naturalism also encourages us to reflect
meaningfully on the emergence of matter (and especially life) from the Big
Bang forward, promoting an understanding of myriad nature as complex
processes of becoming. Operating on the assumption that the natural order is
ultimately and finally real, I am thus essentially concerned about the human
in its most concrete, basic terms: as a material process of nature in relation-
ship with other forms of nature. As such, religious naturalism offers a deeper
level of ethical engagement that opposes the facile ethics we see depicted
in the film. This type of religious reflection encourages critical questioning
of our values, behaviors, and resource uses as we conceive and enact our
relationality with the more-than-human worlds that constitute our being here.
Drawing on key theoretical insights of religious naturalism, I advance an
emerging eco-spirituality as a fundamental orientation in life. This practice is
inspired by an aesthetic ethical vision that acknowledges the inherent worth
of everything alive, i.e., all sentient entities. This model of eco-spirituality
provides the grounds for a view of the sacred in nature that assesses, even
celebrates, the fullness (the “More”) of life as we reflect on processional
nature, challenging the ideological dualisms that deny our radical and mutual
relatedness as natural entities. While advancing the central themes of this
eco-spirituality, I also feature poetic, philosophic, and literary expressions
of its lived truths articulated by such iconic figures as Walt Whitman, Mary
Oliver, Annie Dillard, Henri Bergson, and Anna Julia Cooper.
The Seduction of Fantasy Narratives
Big Miracle is a family drama based upon the 1988 effort to save three grey
whales trapped in the ice near Point Barrow, Alaska. After a local TV reporter
(John Krasinski) discovers the trapped whales, the national media pick up the
story, and the whales become a cause célèbre. “Operation Breakthrough,” as
it came to be called, coordinates the efforts of a great number of agents: Inuit
whale hunters, Greenpeace activists, energy executives, global media, the
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182 Natural Communions
levels of community with others (and with otherness). In this context, the
appreciable miracle (or reality) is that human organisms are afforded oppor-
tunities to actualize and become more fully ourselves in honoring our consti-
tutive relationality –with each other and with other natural processes. Here,
evolving life itself is the miracle, and part of that miracle is that humans can
continually question our values, behaviors, and resource uses as we enact our
relationality with the more-than-human worlds. In the next section, I explore
further this expanded notion of miracle in a model of eco-spirituality that
challenges the outdated one found in Big Miracle. I also express key themes
of this eco-spirituality in the writings of select poets, writers, and visionaries
who have envisioned or foreshadowed its emergence.
Celebrating the More of Life: The Makings of an Eco-Spirituality
With an expansive sense of miraculous life, religious naturalism helps to
ground an eco-spirituality that celebrates the fullness (the “More”) of life. The
eco-spirituality that I envision bears in mind Peter Van Ness’s notion that “the
spiritual dimension of life is the embodied task of realizing one’s truest self in
the context of reality apprehended as a cosmic totality. It is the quest for attaining
an optimal relationship between what one truly is and everything that is.”14 As
a consequence, this model of spirituality is not centered in any traditional reli-
gious system; rather, it is a mode of being here, of seeing, thinking, and acting
in ways that bear witness to the relational, material human. As such, this eco-
spirituality evokes a sense of wonder to our consciousness when acknowledging
our constitutive relationality. There is an element of mystery, of not knowing
what may unfold in pondering our being here and of actualizing ourselves, as
Rilke intimated in the ninth of his Duino Elegies:
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text have been alarmingly violent. For instance, the same liberal humanism
that espoused the universal rights of humans also spawned a distinct set of dis-
cursive formations and cultural practices that justified unjust capitalist social
relations in the West and their extension, via colonialism and imperialism,
to other societies. As well, classic Enlightenment ideals –progress, univer-
salism, and guaranteed freedoms once privileged at the end of the eighteenth
century and throughout the nineteenth –now appear in contemporary cul-
ture as suspicious ideologies, masking special privileges and selfish materi-
alism. Scientific medicine, long viewed as the paradigmatic expression of
Enlightenment reason, has, through its financial ambitions, proven inadequate
in providing equitable healthcare. Furthermore, in denying our inescapable
relationality with other sentient life, this modernist spirit continues to pose a
threat to myriad natural systems. In the form of technical industrialism, which
expanded as the Enlightenment had hoped, modern humanism has accelerated
the processes by which we use up crucial natural resources on which we all
depend.16 The ecological spirituality I introduce in this essay has the potential
to move us through the shadowy residue of this humanist project. Confronting
a self-serving humanism that has posited itself as the new [A]uthor of life,
this eco-spirituality humbly inscripts the human as part of a complex web of
cultural and cosmic meanings. Celebrating humanity’s material, relational
nature, this eco-spirituality encourages humans to re-arrange established,
influential positionalities, accentuating new emphases in our enunciations of
desires, dreams, and possibilities. Here, Annie Dillard’s provocative passage
from For the Time Being is illuminative: “We live in all we seek. The hidden
shows up in too-plain sight. It lives captive on the face of the obvious –the
people, events, and things of the day –to which we as sophisticated children
have long since become obvious. What a hideout: Holiness lies spread and
borne over the surface of time and stuff like color.”17 Mindful of Dillard’s
wisdom, eco-spiritualists consider how other life forces, bodies, modes of
being – infinitely multiplied – share in the capacious entangled web of life
and amid shifting, ontological orderings. Resting in our entangled materi-
ality, eco-spiritualists recognize an irreducible “thereness,” which is prior to
the objectifications of “I–it” dualisms created by our conceptual abstractions.
Simply put, humans are entangled in all that is even before we can begin to
conceptualize ourselves as human beings.
Eco-Spirituality as Seeing, Living, and Acting Differently
The eco-spirituality I am advancing alerts us to the powerful influence
of cultural memes that both harbor anthropocentric desires and valorize an
exceptional human nature. Inspired by ideas, images, and poetic visions
that declare humans, too, are natural creatures, this eco-spirituality invites
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What do I make of all this texture? What does it mean about the kind of world in which
I have been set down. The texture of the world, its filigree and scrollwork, means that there
is the possibility of beauty here, a beauty inexhaustible in its complexity, which opens to
my knock, which answers in me a call I do not remember calling, and which trains me to
the wild and extravagant nature of the spirit I seek.22
188 Natural Communions
developing and generating new forms, one recognizes that evolution is cre-
ative, not mechanistic. In his processional philosophy, Bergson continued to
explore the implications of positing intuition and duration as constitutive of
the innermost reality of everything. The Bergsonian system rejected static
values while embracing dynamic ones such as motion, change, and evolu-
tion. Accordingly, for Bergson, nature is constituted by a nisus or striving to
bring to realization something more, something over and above the existing
frame of things. Within this Bergsonian register, eco-spiritualists reject reduc-
tionism of any sort in the twenty-first century as we value a vitalist sense of
myriad nature’s movements, inclusive of scientific, philosophical, and reli-
gious concerns. More important, eco-spiritualists intuit myriad nature’s most
powerful expressions in terms of change, innovation, and creativity.29
To further illustrate this point, I introduce the Romanticist idiom of black
feminist Anna Julia Cooper, whose ideas, along with those of Bergson and
Whitman, connect contemporary eco-spiritualists ongoing explorations of
nature with earlier significant ones. In the late nineteenth and early twen-
tieth centuries, Cooper imbued her view of nature with aesthetic-ethical
inflections; in nature, she saw egalitarian principles at work.30 When speaking
out against various forms of oppression and cultural imperialism, Cooper
argued that such developments are not in keeping with nature’s design: “Now
I need not say that peace produced by suppression is neither natural nor desir-
able. Despotism is not one of the ideas that [man] has copied from nature.”31
Equally important, Cooper re-envisioned the human as an important finite
realm (or, perhaps, as constituting a unique value-laden matrix) of potenti-
ality within the unfolding of cosmic infinite possibilities.32 Employing natur-
alistic metaphors alongside religious ones, she often characterized humans
as evolving beings with inner-determination.33 For our purposes, Cooper’s
major significance lies in the unique way she used organic, naturalist imagery
to accentuate the vital and inextricable intersections of racial, gender, com-
munal, and national progress. With such processual imagery, she depicted an
evolving, dynamic quality to human life that helps to dismantle problematic
constructions of the human aligned with racist and sexist ideologies.34 For
example, Cooper consequently suggested that various forms of inequality are
ill-informed social constructions that are not inherent to the natural strivings
and agential activities within all humans. She envisioned a nation of citi-
zens participating in mutually enhancing norms and conventions, where
each constituent part achieves self-fulfillment as the nation fulfills its des-
tiny. Moreover, with a keen sense of the interconnectedness of human life,
Cooper’s understanding of historical progress necessitated the interaction of
vital forces contending fairly with one another. In her worldview, what was
so deplorable about any form of discrimination was its systemic silencing
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and tyrannical imposition upon natural forces and vital processes that inher-
ently desired to fulfill themselves.
Cooper’s historical example and her sensibilities anticipate and strengthen
the case for a model of eco-spirituality that addresses justice for myriad
nature. Her insights are crucial to eco-spiritualists who continue questioning
the idea of Enlightenment progress, as well as the ethics of unrestrained devel-
opment as a means of dominating nature in all its forms. From this critical
consciousness emerges the possibility of cultivating a moral imagination, or
the significance of grasping our constitutive relationality, as Wendell Berry
suggests with the term propriety. Propriety is a term Berry uses to describe the
fittingness of our conduct to our place or circumstances, even to our hopes.35
It affirms “the fact that we are not alone. It acknowledges the always-pressing
realities of context and of influence; we cannot speak or act or live out of
context. Our life inescapably affects other lives, which inescapably affect our
life.”36 Barry’s sense of propriety is an integral aspect of the eco-spirituality
I outline. A century after Cooper, in a wider cosmological context, this eco-
logical spirituality adamantly advocates kindness, empathy, and compassion
for all-natural processes, not just for human others. With the capacity to influ-
ence one another and other natural processes, humans also have a responsi-
bility to act in ways that promote the flourishing of all life, and to urge other
humans who may be less aware of our interconnectedness to do the same.
The Miracle Continues
In rejecting the fantasy of rescue in Big Miracle, the model of eco-
spirituality I outline urges contemporary Americans to ignore the major
assumptions we have learned about ourselves from earlier human-
istic models. (Here we acknowledge the truthfulness in the Nietzschean
adage: We knowers are unknown to ourselves.) The ongoing miracle,
echoing Oliver, Whitman, and Dillard, is that we can continue to see who we
are, and marvel at our endless connections. Moreover, inspired by Cooper,
accentuating our mutual interdependence compels us to postulate ethical
theories that provide as fully as possible inclusive and global analyses of
intersectional oppressions; here, eco-spiritualists insist that ethical solutions
to global problems will not be found if contemporaries ignore the inter-
connectedness of all life. The result may be a type of planetary ethics –as
coined by Goodenough –where the vital forces of love, or of élan vital,
promote an understanding of, and commitment to, the importance of valuing
and preserving ecosystems (whether understood as organisms, individuals,
populations, communities, and their interactions).
Conspicuously absent in this eco-spirituality’s vision of life is a guar-
anteed triumphalism. Rather, eco- spiritualists experience and embrace a
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Notes
1 Ella Taylor, “ ‘Big Miracle’: A Whale Tale as the Cold War Wanes.” February 2, 2012.
www.npr.org/2012/02/02/146108194/big-miracle-a-whale-tale-as-the-cold-war-wanes
(accessed July 9, 2017).
2 Ibid.
3 For a sampling of current works, see Ursula Goodenough, The Sacred Depths of Nature
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2000); Loyal Rue, Religion Is Not about God (New
Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2006); Chet Raymo, When God Is Gone,
Everything Is Holy (Notre Dame, IN: Sorin Books, 2008); Jerome Stone, Religious
Naturalism Today: The Rebirth of a Forgotten Alternative (New York: State University of
New York Press, 2008); Donald Crosby, The Thou of Nature (New York: State University
of New York, 2013); Michael Hogue, The Promises of Religious Naturalism (Lanham,
MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010); Carol Wayne White, Black Lives and Sacred
Humanity: Toward an African American Religious Naturalism (New York: Fordham
University Press, 2016).
4 Ursula Goodenough and Deacon Terrence, “From Biology to Consciousness to Morality,”
Zygon: Journal of Religion and Science 38 (4): 801–19.
5 Goodenough, The Sacred Depths of Nature, 85.
6 Rue, Religion Is Not About God, 77, 75.
7 Michael W. Fox, “What Future for Man and Earth? Toward a Biospiritual Ethic,” in
On the Fifth Day: Animal Rights and Human Ethics, ed. Richard Knowles Morris and
Michael W. Fox (Washington, DC: Acropolis Books, 1978), 227.
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31 Ibid., 150.
32 Ibid., 244, 258, 297.
33 Ibid., 295.
34 White, Black Lives and Sacred Humanity, 60.
35 Wendell Berry, Life is a Miracle: An Essay against Modern Superstition (Berkeley:
Counterpoint, 2000), 13.
36 Ibid.
37 Raymo, When God Is Gone, 98.
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11
Whitney A. Bauman
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to forge distinctions among human beings based upon what types of human
beings were more “like nature” (women, children, slaves) and what types of
human beings were more “like God” (elite men). This familiar patriarchal
structure, though challenged by “post-” thought, still functions, and results in
sexism, racism, and, most of all, human exceptionalism.2
This chapter argues that nature has always been agential and political,3
and that uncovering the politics of mono-logical thinking (first in the form
of hyper-monotheism in religion, and then in the form of universal reason
in science) places the modern understanding of the world as just that: an
understanding of the world rather than the inevitable tail end of an inev-
itable progressive narrative of human beings struggles and triumph over
nature. Placing the narrative of Modernity alongside other narratives helps
to unravel the dimorphic categories of Modernity and in doing so, nature
becomes valuable again, and a partner in planetary politics.4 In other words,
nature becomes (overtly) once again the place of spirituality and politics. As
such, we might be able to think with the planetary community in formulating
a planetary polis, a planetary spirituality, and a planetary ethic.
I first examine the roots of the ontological split between nature/culture
and some of the basic technologies used to reinforce that split in mod-
ernity: namely progressive time and an understanding of humans as above
the rest of the natural world.5 I then move into a discussion of what happens
when humans are placed in an evolutionary context, using the non-reductive
naturalistic understanding of nature held by Ernst Haeckel and other romantic
scientists as an example. Finally, I discuss some of the implications of what
it might mean that nature has always been the space of both politics and
spirituality.
The Death of Nature and the Great Divide
In her now classic The Death of Nature, Carolyn Merchant describes the
process by which nature shifts from something that is vital/valuable in esse
to “dead stuff” valuable only for its use by human beings. In conjunction
with this process, also known as the “scientific revolution,” gender roles and
domains were also redefined. Women’s work in terms of agriculture (gar-
dens/animal husbandry around the home) and medicine (midwifery) were
slowly transformed into men’s work. The home and “home economics”
were more and more associated with a place of (feminine) refuge from the
male public world of work –economics, politics, and law. The “internal”
and subjective space of the home became the realm of the female; and the
external, objective, value-neutral space of the public became the realm of
the male. Religion became associated with the internal, subjective, private
sphere, while science became associated with the external, objective, public
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sphere. Aiding in the creation of the private/public divide was, of course, the
Protestant Reformation. As religious authorities began to disagree there had
to be neutral arbitrators to settle these arguments: first monarchs, but eventu-
ally the “neutral” space of the national government.
These divides effectively backgrounded the work of women, children,
and slaves and created the illusion of the liberal self (isolated, independent,
self-created individuals) in the form of elite European males. These elites
(scientists, priests, lawyers, doctors, politicians, businessmen, etc.) ignored
all the free labor on the part of women, children, and slaves, which made their
lives possible, thereby allowing them to live “as if” they were discrete indi-
viduals entirely responsible for their own success.6 Caught up in this division
of labor, then, are gender/sex roles, the division between public and private,
neutrality and value, objectivity and subjectivity, and science and religion.
These various divisions are all intertwined with the making of the natural
world as dead matter for human use, which, in turn, helps to maintain these
divisions.
Though natural philosophy, which eventually becomes “science,” is a
product of Indic, Chinese, Greek, Roman, Arabic, European, and Indigenous
cultures –drawing on ideas, intellectual developments, and knowledge of
flora and fauna from all these different cultures –the thing that makes science
“western” and the reason it developed into the reductive and productive
mode of science is that nature, during the European scientific revolution,
becomes dead stuff for human use. This means that nature has no value in
itself and that it can be done with as humans see fit. This very attitude which
fueled the visions of early scientists that science would transform the world
into paradise and bring continual progress, was, in fact, smuggled in from
theological presuppositions held by the early architects of western, reductive
science. Here I want to focus on three such presuppositions: the assumption
that humans are above the rest of the natural world; the assumption of pro-
gressive, linear time to the exclusion of cyclical time; and the assumption of
a single, objective truth.
Human Exceptionalism
It is not at all obvious that humans should be thought of as anything other
than a part of the rest of the natural world, just as it is not at all obvious that
human should be primarily thought of as hyper-individuals, or necessarily
male/female, straight/gay; yet, these are the assumptions that most (western)
Moderns hold. In 1967, the historian of science Lynn White Jr. argued that
the emerging environmental crisis was at heart a religious crisis based upon
the dominion clause in the first account of creation in Genesis.7 Humans,
unlike other animals in this story, are created in the “image of God” and are
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made to have dominion over all other life on the planet. He also argued that
if the ecological crisis is at root religious, then the solution must also have a
religious component. Since the publication of this article, the academic fields
of “religion and ecology” and “religion and nature” have emerged and have
been searching for green religions, rituals, texts, and traditions both within
extant “world” religions and in new forms of religious naturalisms.8
This human exceptionalism found in monotheistic traditions (though not
only in these traditions) also influenced the theological interpretations of the
Ptolemaic cosmos, in which the world was ordered hierarchically in a “great
chain of being” from God (on top) to humans (elite men, then elite women,
then all others –poor and slaves) then animals and the earth. It also influenced
the Cartesian understanding of the “self” as the cogito: humans as the only
things that are “thinking things” are the only things vital and valuable. The
Cartesian great divide eventually aided in the making of the Lockean lib-
eral self that is still at the heart of our western economic, legal, and political
systems today.9 Human exceptionalism was also assumed by (or subsumed
into) western science (though not totally).
Early scientists depended on the idea that humans are somehow “in
charge” and different from the rest of the natural world rather than merely a
part of it. First of all, this enabled an objective view of nature: only humans
have the capacity to “discover” nature’s truths. Second, nature must be seen
as subordinate to the rest of the natural world if we humans are going to
go about experimenting on the world and transforming the world into the
human vision of the world. Just “who” was and was not a part of nature was
also problematic: people of color, women, and children were often seen as
“closer” to nature and therefore less valuable, if not mere resources for the
ends of elite males. Third and finally, this view enabled all value to be located
on the human side of the human–nature divide, meaning that whatever is
valued, humans make it so.
These assumptions are not obvious when looking at other cultures and
religious traditions. Most often people are at least interrelated with the rest
of the natural world, if not in deep kinship with the rest of the natural world.
Buddhism, Jainism, and most indigenous traditions, for instance, posit some
sort of relationality and/or kinship with the rest of the natural world. From
these perspectives, one cannot ignore the rest of the natural world and focus
only on the human world and human history. This brings me to my second
point about the understanding of history and time.
Progress and History
There are certain assumptions about time that were also smuggled into
western scientific narratives from their largely monotheistic backgrounds:
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namely that time is linear and that there is some sort of progress throughout
time (even if punctuated with declines). The ideas that humans were created,
that there was some sort of fall, and that there will be a new paradise helped
to drive such linear and progressive understandings of time. History as told
from the perspectives of some humans is, for Moderns, the only important
story and the rest of the natural world is just background to this narrative. It’s
also important to note that many histories were covered over by dominant
histories: in the case of modern science, the narrative that moved from Greek/
Rome to the “dark ages”, to the Renaissance in Europe helped to cover over
the incredible history of the Golden Age of Islam.10
This progressive and linear notion of time was taken over by early
European natural philosophy and modern science. Bacon, in his New
Atlantis, imagined the utopia that scientists, the new priests, would bring
about. Other emerging scientists of the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-
turies began to rank cultures, languages, races, and religions in ways that
projected primitivity onto “indigenous” peoples and other people of color,
and a highly civilized status onto (mostly) white Europeans. Words such
as “progress”, “development”, and “civilized” all serve to rank humans
and the rest of the natural world in a progressive hierarchy. Yet, there is
no reason to favor this progressive understanding of time over cyclical
understandings of time. The seasons come and go, the earth revolves again
and again, and makes its way around the sun, marking the year. The months
come and go again and again. We see the “cycles” of generations, of the
moon, of tides, of bodies. Forcing all of life into a progressive, linear
understanding of time does not pay deep attention to all of the cycles in
life that come, go, and then repeat again and again. Might enforcing linear
time over the planet in the name of one culture’s or people’s understanding
of “development” or “progress” harm many peoples and the rest of the
natural world?
The Problem with Objectivity
One problem with progress is that it assumes, or rather mistakes, one
people’s or group’s understanding of what “progress” is for some sort of
objective standard for the world. Elite European men (in the story of western
civilization, colonization, and continued globalization) have tended to dom-
inate the ideas of what progress and development are. Ideas of progress and
development at the heart of western economics, politics, and science –the
spread of human rights, the end of hunger, the end of disease, a better life –
have been subsumed by monetary gain, efficiency, and more power. The
sciences, in the form of technology transfer, are often subsumed under these
more reductive goals.
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War. If humans are a part of nature, and nature is mechanical and reducible or
malleable toward certain ends, then humans must also be reducible, mechan-
ical, and malleable. Such a reductive and productive understanding of nature,
in other words, eventually ends up treating humans as objects.
Indeed, the reductive and productive model of nature is a relatively recent,
dominant model among the natural sciences. Though physics may have
adopted this model earlier, biology, chemistry, geology, ecology, and other
sciences had not yet come together into a full naturalistic (not to mention
reductive) worldview by the late nineteenth century. By that time, there
were many, non-reductive models for understanding the natural world (and
humans therein) being explored and argued for. One such model can be found
in the work of Ernst Haeckel.
Ernst Haeckel, Monism, and Non-Reductive Materialism
Ernst Haeckel, also known as the “German Darwin,” was a nineteenth-
century scientist, philosopher, and artist. He introduced Darwinian evolu-
tionary theory to a wider audience. At the end of the nineteenth century, if
you were reading about evolution and you were from Europe, the USA, or
even Japan, it was likely that you were reading Ernst Haeckel rather than
Darwin’s original work. Part of the reason for this is that he understood
that evolutionary theory changed everything and believed that it must be
translated to a wide audience. For him, evolutionary theory was the missing
piece for developing a full, naturalistic view of the world into which all the
sciences could fit: not just the natural sciences (Naturwissenschaften) but
also the human sciences as well (Geisteswissenschaften). In other words, for
him physics, chemistry, biology, evolution, ecology, psychology, religion,
and philosophy could all be placed in a single framework because humans
(and all things human) were now a part of the rest of the natural world. This
had some important implications for Haeckel scientifically, philosophically,
and aesthetically.
Science and the Queerness of Nature
One of the most important scientific/philosophical/anthropological aspects
of placing humans within the rest of the natural world in an evolutionary per-
spective was that the diverse nature of other life-forms, and the changing of
these forms over time –morphology –must also be true of human forms. In
other words, the idea that species were stable and formed somehow “in the
beginning” was dealt a deathblow by the emerging science of geology and
eventually evolution. It was discovered that species emerge and even become
extinct. It was also discovered that there were species much older than Homo
sapiens.
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Haeckel came of age in the midst of these ongoing findings. One of his
scientific obsessions was comparative morphology. He loved to look at the
morphology of different species and show their similarities at different stages
of development. For him a prince and a dog are “the same” at a certain stage
of development.14 This meant, among other things, that humans were deeply
intertwined with the rest of the natural world. It also gave rise to his theory
of recapitulation: “ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny.”15 This meant simply
that an individual organism undergoes its own, individual evolution, going
through all of the stages its organismic ancestors went through to get to it.
This is now, of course, a debunked understanding of how evolution works,
but the gist of it –we are products of our evolutionary ancestors –still holds.
In addition to, or perhaps because of, these two insights about form and
morphology, Haeckel was able to really appreciate the aesthetic diversity of
forms of life: even within a single species. The sheer number of variations in
form, in function, and even in terms of traits like sex and sexuality. The latter
recognition led him to be an early supporter of the work of Max Hirschfield.
Haeckel recognized to some extent that nature was much queerer than we
humans once thought. It doesn’t hold to binary gender, sex, and sexuality
structures.16 For Haeckel, this meant that the same must be true of the human
community. Prior to the emergence of evolutionary thought, scientists such as
Linneaus had been interpreting nature through the lens of gender dimorphism
and heterosexuality, but this became harder and harder to justify.17 Indeed,
any one interpretation became hard to justify because with evolutionary
theory, the sciences stumbled into a bit of a hermeneutic problem.
Evolution and the Philosophical Problems of Hermeneutics
For Haeckel, placing humans within an evolutionary perspective meant
also that we are a part of the evolutionary process and not outside of it. There
are no longer any “bare facts,” but science too is a matter of interpretation.
The times when he put his philosopher’s hat on, he quibbled with the Kantian
idea that there was any a priori knowledge. For Haeckel all knowledge is a
posteriori and that which seems to be a priori is just a posteriori covered over
by time.18 Though he was still very much a scientist and believed that science
would solve all the world’s mysteries,19 he did have this understanding that
knowledge also involves hermeneutics. In this sense, we might now argue,
placing humans within an evolutionary perspective is the precursor to some-
thing like the post-modern problems of interpretation and critiques of naïve
objectivity. If we are indeed emergent creatures from a long process of geo-
evolution, then we do not observe nature from “outside,” but rather from
“inside.” As such, the objective, God’s eye view which is based upon the idea
that humans are in some way above or set apart from the rest of the natural
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adaptation that led to our opposable thumbs and the emergence of our con-
sciousness. We as individuals did not self-create ourselves out of nothing, but
we emerge out of a long line of symbiotic and competitive relationships with
the rest of the natural world. In this way, “nature” must be an agent in polit-
ical discussions about how we ought to live. It cannot be understood as mere
backdrop for the human political drama.
More relevant to Haeckel’s evolutionary understanding of the world was
the way in which some critics realized how placing humans in an evolutionary
structure affected the political class system. If all humans evolved out of the
same fertile mud, so to speak, then how could any class system, much less
aristocracy or monarchy, be supported? For this reason, some critics argued
that evolutionary theory led to Marxism.24 Haeckel, though not a Marxist,
did think that an evolutionary understanding of nature was politically revo-
lutionary. For him the theory of evolution should be the basis for reforming
the entire educational system, and should be the basis for a new religion to
replace all others (Monism).25 Toward this end, he helped found the German
Monistbund, which found against theological control over educational cur-
ricula and argued that the sciences should be the basis instead.
There were, during this time, tons of societies set up just to promote or
combat this new theory of evolution and the new authority the sciences were
gaining over theology. Evolutionary theory was political through and through
because it challenged the assumptions about what it means to be human
in the world, what our values are, what knowledge is, and how we ought
to become in the world. Not all the answers to these questions were good
ones: eugenic societies, racialized constructions of evolutionary trees, etc.26
But these questions that the new understanding of nature proposed could not
be ignored.
Nature is only thought to be de-politicized when, once again, it is seen as
mere resource for use by humans (who are the only valuable entities in the
world). However, this de-politicized understanding is itself very political: it
makes assumptions about human–nature relations and about the utility of the
rest of the natural world that promote certain forms of power over another.
The productive and reductive model of nature, I argue, happened through
the war production efforts of the Second World War and later advancements
in agricultural, transportation, and communication technologies. Despite the
efforts to make of nature mere stuff for human use and a backdrop for human
history and politics, nature in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century
has begun to re-emerge as overtly agential and active. From the beginnings
of the contemporary environmental movement starting with Rachel Carson’s
Silent Spring in 1962, right up to our contemporary recognition of the problem
of global climate change, we have begun to understand again that nature is
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knowledge therefore can (or can never) get “at” the really real. Instead, how
we know the world is itself part of the world, and is always tied up with the
way the world becomes. In other words, we should not be talking about epis-
temology and ontology separately, or culture and nature (for that matter),
but rather epistemontology and natureculture.30 From this immanent perspec-
tive, epistemology becomes more about aesthetics and ethics than ontology
and metaphysics. The question becomes about asking how our knowledge
(always tied up with power systems and struggles) co-creates the worlds
around us. How do our ideas and facts and observations about the world set
up the world in certain ways over others and affect bodies differently? The
knowledge produced by the medieval church, for instance, created a different
knowledge than the sciences producing the Industrial Revolution, which
created a different knowledge of the way the world works (mechanism) than
contemporary sciences of relationship (evolutionary theory, neurosciences,
ecology, quantum physics). There are truths to each knowledge system, but
the more interesting question might be how the various knowledge systems
affect earth bodies for better and worse. This means that we might develop
a type of experimental approach with our knowledge systems and meaning-
making practices. It also means we must remain a bit agnostic in our stance
toward the world.
Viable Agnosticism
Why a viable agnosticism?31 To put it simply, the only viable way for-
ward is one that remains open to the unknown. Our bodies are porous, they
are indeed micro-biomes, and require energy and materials to enter and
exit us all the time in order to continue living, as do all other living things,
ecosystems and the earth itself. Perhaps, then, our thinking must be porous as
well. Modern metaphors for thinking are that thinking should be “solid” and
“sealed tight,” for instance. These metaphors may work for a hermetically
sealed individual who is not open to the rest of the natural or human world,
but not for bodies that are porous, open, continually moving, and planetary.
The ecology of the self requires also an ecology of thinking.32 I would
argue that an ecological thought is one that is also open and porous: and
thus viable. The agnostic part comes from the phenomenology of embodied
experience, memory, and imagination. We can only think so far into our own
past, before things shade off into mystery, just as we can imagine ourselves
to be no more, which is also mystery. Furthermore, we can think with our
scientific and other tools only so far back into the past (perhaps to a singu-
larity) but not before that period, just as we can imagine so far into the future,
and even out to the edges of our universe, before we reach a horizon, and
all shades off into mystery. Rather than filling these mysterious places with
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of bioregions. This is not to downplay the need for human rights and human
justice, but it is a refocusing on the planetary community and the more-than-
human community within that: human rights must be embedded within a
thriving planetary community. Such a refocusing may give humans the
connectedness and purpose they need to overcome selfish anthropocentric
desires that have landed us where we are today. This may sound far-fetched,
and indeed it is, but I am in agreement with Donna Haraway (among others)
when she argues that we must begin to write speculative fiction regarding our
future in order to generate new possibilities for future becoming.33 Speculative
fiction imagines beyond what Ernst Bloch identifies as the “future present.”34
The future of the present is projecting into the future from what is already: in
this way it is a continuation of the same, with modifications. What we need
is what Bloch identified as the “future future.” This is the not yet become and
not yet imagined possibilities for the future. Speculative fiction is one way of
thinking about the “future future”. Whatever planetary politics might emerge
must come from thinking about the unimagined possibilities of the unknown
future; this is the “to come” of deconstructionism that Derrida writes of;35 but
it is also the embracing of radically different possibilities for the world found
within many religious traditions. It is not certain that the planetary commu-
nity will heed the call toward a new way of becoming, but it is something we
can hope and work towards.
Notes
1 Lynn White, “The Historical Roots of our Ecologic Crisis,” Science 155, 3767 (March
10, 1967): 1203–1207.
2 Anna Peterson, Being Human: Ethics, Environment and Our Place in the World (Berkeley,
CA: University of California Press, 2001).
3 This is following the work of Latour: Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993).
4 I’m thinking here of the “partnership ethic” outlined by Carolyn Merchant. See: Carolyn
Merchant, Reinventing Eden: The Fate of Nature in Western Culture (New York,
NY: Routledge, 2003).
5 I understand technology more along the lines of the Greek understanding of technē: it
includes art, idea, and language, all of which help shape the material world in certain
ways.
6 Val Plumwood refers to this as a process of “backgrounding.” See: Val Plumwood,
Environmental Culture: The Ecological Crisis of Reason (New York, NY: Routledge, 2002).
7 White, “The Historical Roots of our Ecologic Crisis.”
8 Two organizations that promote this work are the Forum on Religion and Ecology (fore.
yale.edu), and the International Society for the Study of Religion, Nature and Culture
(www.issrnc.org/).
9 This was the argument in my book Theology, Creation and Environmental Ethics: From
Creatio ex Nihilo to Terra Nullius (New York, NY: Routledge, 2009).
10 On this process, see: Walter Mignolo, The Darker Side of the Renaissance: Literacy,
Territoriality, and Colonization (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
207
11 For a good analysis of Darwin on this metaphor for evolution and its implication for
humans, see: Michael S. Hogue, The Tangled Bank: Toward an Ecotheological Ethics of
Responsible Participation (Eugene, OR: Pickwick Publications, 2008).
12 There is a whole body of literature emerging on “queer theory” and nature. See, e.g.,
Catriona Mortimer-Sandilands and Bruce Erickson, eds., Queer Ecologies: Sex, Nature,
Politics, Desire (Indianapolis, IN: Indiana University Press, 2010).
13 Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac and Other Writings on Conservation and Ecology
(New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1949).
14 See, e.g., Robert J. Richards, The Tragic Sense of Life: Ernst Haeckel and the Struggle
over Evolutionary Thought (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 451; see
also, Ernst Haeckel, The Riddle of the Universe at the End of the Nineteenth Century
(North Charlesworth, SC: Pantianos Classics, 1905 edition), 41: “When we see that, at
a certain stage, the embryos of man and the ape, the dog and the rabbit, the pig and the
sheep, although recognizable as higher vertebrates, cannot be distinguished from each
other, the fact can only be elucidated by assuming a common parentage.”
15 Haeckel, Riddle of the Universe, 57.
16 See e.g.: Magnus Hirschfeld, “Ernst Haeckel und die Sexualwissenschaft,” in Was wir
Ernst Haeckel verdanken, 2 vols. (Leipzig: Verlag Unesma, 1914), vol. 2, 282–284.
17 Londa Schiebinger, Nature’s Body: Gender in the Making of Modern Science (Boston,
MA: Beacon Press, 1993).
18 Ernst Haeckel, The Wonders of Life: A Popular Study of Biological Philosophy (New York,
NY: Harper & Brothers, 1905), 317–319.
19 This was the basic assumption of Haeckel’s Riddle of the Universe.
20 Ernst Haeckel, Gott-Natur (Theophysis), Kommentar Nachdruck von Olaf Breidbach und
Uwe Hoßfeld (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2008 edition), 69: “In dem universalen
Begriffe der Substanz –als des wirklichen Weltwessens –vereinigt unser naturalistischer
Monismus drei untrennbare Attribute oder Grundeigenschaften: die raumerfüllende
Materie (= Stoff), die wirkende Energie (= Kraft) und die empfindende Weltseele (=
Psychom).”
21 Ernst Haeckel, Kristallseelen: Studien über das anorganische Leben (Leipzig: Alfred
Kroner Verlag, 1917).
22 This is his argument in Kristallseelen. Cf.: Olaf Breidbach, Visions of Nature: The Art
and Science of Ernst Haeckel (Munich: Prestel, 2006), 112.
23 See, e.g., Ernst Haeckel, Art Forms from the Ocean (Munich: Prestel, 1862); Ernst
Haeckel, Art Forms from the Abyss (Munich: Prestel, 2015 edition); and Ernst Haeckel,
Art Forms in Nature (Munich: Prestel, 2015 edition).
24 See, e.g., Jonathan Marks, “Why Were the First Anthropologists Creationists?”
Evolutionary Anthropology 19 (2010): 222–226.
25 Ernst Haeckel, Monism as Connecting Religion and Science: A Man of Science
(New York, NY: Dossier Press, 2015 edition), 24.
26 Haeckel was a part of the Eugenics Society, as were many biologists of his day, and his
infamous evolutionary trees of the races ranked races in a hierarchy that put Europeans
(and even Germans) on top. Though this is obviously egregious, I do not agree with the
assessment of Daniel Gasman and others that Haeckel is a proto-Nazi scientist. See,
e.g., Daniel Gasman, Haeckel’s Monism and the Birth of Fascist Ideology (New York,
NY: Peter Lang, 1998).
27 Latour, We Have Never Been Modern.
28 The term is widely attributed to Hunter Lovins of the Rocky Mountain Institute. It gained
more traction with an article by Thomas Friedman, “Global Weirding is Here,” New York
Times, February 17, 2010: www.nytimes.com/2010/02/17/opinion/17friedman.html.
There is now a regular YouTube series with popular climate scientist Katharine Hayhoe
called “Global Weirding”: www.youtube.com/channel/UCi6RkdaEqgRVKi3AzidF4ow.
208
208 Natural Communions
29 On the concept of “wicked” problems see: Horst W. J. Rittel and Melvin Webber,
“Dilemmas in a General Theory of Planning,” Policy Sciences 4 (1973): 160.
30 On epistemontology see: Karen Barad, Meeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics
and the Entanglement of Matter and Meaning (Durham, NC: Duke University Press,
2007). On naturecultures, see: Donna Haraway, Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The
Reinvention of Nature (New York, NY: Routledge, 1991).
31 I expand more on what a “viable agnosticism” means in: Whitney A. Bauman, Religion
and Ecology: Developing a Planetary Ethic (New York, NY: Columbia University Press,
2014), 63–84.
32 Lisa Stenmark, “An Ecology of Knowledge: Feminism, Ecology and the Science and
Religion Discourse,” Metaviews 6 (February 5, 2001). From Metaviews Listserv:
metaviews@meta-list.org.
33 Donna Haraway, Staying with the Trouble: Making Kin in the Chthulucene, Experimental
Futures (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016).
34 Ernst Bloch, The Principle of Hope (Boston, MA: MIT Press, 1986), vol. 1, 114–177.
35 Jacques Derrida, Specters of Marx: The State of Debt, the Work of Mourning, and the
New International (New York, NY: Routledge, 1993).
209
12
Martin O. Yalcin
Introduction: The Naturalized God
An argument that is commonly leveled by atheists against the Christian
God is that this God is an omnipotent tyrant whose existence limits human
freedom and human flourishing. Atheists such as Ludwig Feuerbach, Karl
Marx, Friedrich Nietzsche, Sigmund Freud, Daniel Dennett, Richard
Dawkins, and Christopher Hitchens assume that the Christian God is one
among the innumerable objects populating the vast universe.1 God may be
the most powerful being, nevertheless, he is part of the furniture of our uni-
verse. If the atheists’ description is correct, God would then be in competition
with his creation. Where God is, we cannot be. We would be annihilated in
the presence of a such a supremely powerful being. This view would indeed
transform God into humanity’s greatest enemy. But this description of a God
whose being is conditioned by the nexus of causes and effects common to
everything in the universe, and whose existence poses a grave threat to us, is
not the God of Christianity. This God would represent the epitome of idol-
atry, and Christians who have a correct understanding of the biblical God
should applaud their fellow atheists for raising vehement objections to this
God. Idolatry is the worship of anything but God as God. Idolatry is the
valorization of something or other within the universe, or even the universe
itself, as if it had ultimate or unqualified value. Atheists and Christian theists
are on common ground in opposing such idolatry.
The belief that God is not a competitor to human flourishing is central
to Christian faith. Since the publication of my book entitled Naturalism’s
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210 Natural Communions
Philosophy of the Sacred, I have increasingly found this belief compelling. But
this belief contradicts the thesis of Naturalism’s Philosophy of the Sacred, in
which I argued that all theisms, including the monotheism of Christianity, are
driven by a metaphysics of ontological priority that is the source of religious
violence. Ontological priority is the view that there are degrees and grades
of reality, that some things are more real than others, and that those things
that are more real are also more valuable and more praiseworthy. In Christian
theology, God is the pre-eminent reality. His being is fundamentally distinct
from his creation. For this reason, God is incommensurably real, meaning that
he cannot be measured by any standard discoverable in his creation. In sum,
God is absolutely independent of his creation, and this total absolution from
the limitations of his creatures grants him absolute value, including, among
others, the perfections of omniscience, omnipotence, and omnibenevolence.
But if God’s being is radically distinct from his creation, then it seemed to me
that a defense of ontological priority led to religious violence.
I discovered the link between religious violence and ontological priority
in the experience of abjection.2 Abjection is a psychoanalytic term used to
describe the ambivalent experience of attraction and repulsion, a primal
loving and loathing, directed against the mother figure. As the source of one’s
being, she is the creator and preserver, however, she is also experienced as
the engulfing, devouring womb of dissolution and death. There is a dual
movement within abjection: first, the jettisoning of one’s maternal origin
through a primal repression, and, second, the idolization of a substitute
mother figure. The substituted mother is an idol because the ambiguities
and contradictions attached to the maternal origin have been jettisoned, so
that the idolized figure has been transfigured into the image of the perfectly
good mother. The bad mother is psychologically demonized and killed off,
to be replaced by the virginal mother. The demonized mother can be any-
thing which is experienced as threatening, other, different, or vagrant, and the
idolized mother can be anything which is purified and idealized.
I argued that in the context of Christianity, abjection occurs when nature’s
power and fecundity are grafted onto God, thereby rendering nature an impo-
tent womb, whose natural creativity has been usurped by a male God who
brings all things into being supernaturally through his Word alone. A reli-
gious metaphysics of ontological priority inevitably demonizes nature, which
is believed to be ontologically inferior, in order to idolize God, the onto-
logically superior being. What is more, the total absolution accorded to God
within a metaphysics of ontological priority also demonizes nonbelievers,
those who have been denied access to revealed supernatural knowledge.
In response to the violence associated with abjection and a defense of
ontological priority, I argued for ontological parity as the cornerstone of
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212 Natural Communions
Aquinas concurred with these two early Church Fathers. Anselm defined God
in the Proslogion as id quo maius cogitari nequit (that than which nothing
greater can be thought), while in the Summa Theologica, Aquinas addressed
God as ipsum esse subsistens (the sheer act of to-be itself or self-subsisting
being itself). And Nicholas of Cusa argued in the fifteenth century that God
is non aliud (Not-other) in a work entitled On the Not-Other.
How are these statements related to the idea of God as non-contrastive?
I advert to contemporary Christian theologians Robert Sokolowski, Kathryn
Tanner, Robert Barron, Henk J. M. Schoot, and Fleming Rutledge for some
answers. In The God of Faith and Reason, Sokolowski argues that the incar-
nation of God in Christ reveals to us that
God does not destroy the natural necessities of things he becomes involved with, even in
the intimate union of the incarnation. What is according to nature, and what reason can
disclose in nature, retains its integrity before the Christian God …. God is not himself a
competing part of nature or a part of the world.
(35–36)
214 Natural Communions
dumbfounded, and terrified by the sheer mystery and ineffability of God, and,
on the other, we are mesmerized and enraptured by it. The biblical accounts
of creation testify to Otto’s insight. Whereas the first account presents a dis-
tant majestic God (called Elohim) who creates the heavens and the earth, the
second offers an intimate God (called YHWH) who lovingly creates man by
infusing him with God’s own life-giving breath, then places him in a verdant
divine garden teeming with life and fashions a woman to be his ideal com-
panion. It is instructive that these two accounts were preserved side by side
by biblical authors for their complementary descriptions of God.
The Mosaic theophany in the Book of Exodus also confirms Otto’s intu-
ition. As he is tending to his flock on Mount Sinai, “the mountain of God,”
Moses encounters God in a burning bush, and is surprised that the bush is not
being consumed by fire. God addresses Moses from the bush and instructs
him to remove his sandals for he is standing on “holy ground.” Moses then
hides his face because he is overtaken by dread. The uncanny God who has
overpowered Moses with his disturbing manifestation in nature tells Moses
that he has heard the suffering of his people under their Egyptian masters, and
that with Moses as his messenger, he will rescue the Israelites and lead them
to the promised land. Moses then asks for God’s name; God replies with the
elusive name YHWH, the tetragrammaton, rendered in the New American
Bible Revised Edition (NABRE) as “I am who I am.”
The first feature of this sacred manifestation that fits Otto’s model of the
numinous experience is the burning bush. The awful (used here in its archaic
form as full of awe) mystery of God in the burning bush both repulses and
attracts Moses, who is terrified and enraptured by the presence of the hallowed
bush. More to it, the burning bush illustrates that God’s activity in nature is
not destructive but rather uplifting and vivifying. The bush that is on fire with
God is not consumed. Moses is not annihilated in its presence. Through his
encounter with God, Moses is infused with the courage to confront boldly
Israel’s Egyptian oppressors, despite his evident misgivings. How different
is this theophany from that involving Semele, Zeus’ human lover, who bursts
into flames when Zeus unveils to her his divine identity.
That God’s profound mystery revitalizes and empowers is all the more evi-
dent in God’s holy name. When Moses asks for God’s name, the response “I
am who I am” both conceals and reveals. Aquinas suggests that this holds true
for any discourse about God because anything we say of God is analogical –
it applies to God in certain respects, but not in others. Although it unveils, the
holy name remains a mystery that circles in upon itself –the “I am” returns to
itself. This suggests that God refuses to be tamed and categorized according
to natural distinctions. Even as God speaks to Moses as to an intimate friend,
encouraging him to be bold in the face of danger, nevertheless, using Rudolf
215
Otto’s German designation, it is clear that God does not cease being das ganz
Andere, the wholly Other. Anselm’s definition of God as “that than which
nothing greater can be thought” and Aquinas’ description of God as “self-
subsistent being itself” are both abstract theological interpretations of this
idea. For Anselm, as for Aquinas, the sui generis character of God’s being –
his holy otherness –implies that God’s essence is no different from his exist-
ence. “I am who I am” means for both theologians that God must exist, that
he is not contingent or dependent in any respect, and that, therefore, God
owes his existence entirely to himself. To put it simply, God’s essence –what
God is –implies his necessary existence –that God is. “I am who I am”
is an apt designation for this coincidence of essence and existence in God.
Furthermore, God’s nonviolent and non-competitive presence in nature is
grounded in this coincidence, for this coincidence means that because God’s
essence is fully actualized in his existence –God cannot fail to be what he
is –God’s action in nature is always directed for the good of creation and not
for his benefit. As God lacks no perfection, God has no need to compete with
his creatures to satisfy an unrealized desire.
In the biblical story of Jacob, this coincidence is manifested in a most dra-
matic way when Jacob, who has wronged his twin brother Esau by cheating
him out of his birthright, is about to encounter his brother after many years
of estrangement. The night before the brothers meet, while Jacob is alone
and defenseless, Jacob is visited by a messenger of God, “some man,” who
is none other than God himself. Then an unusual event transpires: the mes-
senger of God wrestles with Jacob throughout the night. The Bible relates the
story in this way:
When the man saw that he could not prevail over him, he struck Jacob’s hip at its socket, so
that the hip socket was dislocated as he wrestled with him. The man then said, “Let me go,
for it is daybreak.” But Jacob said, “I will not let you go until you bless me.” “What is your
name?” the man asked. He answered, “Jacob.” Then the man said, “You shall no longer be
named Jacob, but Israel, because you have contended with divine and human beings and
have prevailed.” Jacob then asked him, “Please tell me your name.” He answered, “Why do
you ask for my name?” With that, he blessed him. Jacob named the place Peniel, “because
I have seen God face to face,” he said, “yet my life has been spared.”
(Gen. 32:26–31, NABRE)
216 Natural Communions
presence in nature than a wrestling match with God. Before Jacob is ready
to reunite with his long-lost brother, Jacob must be deprived of his wits, his
selfish regard, so that he can approach his brother with humility. In this story,
the sign of this humility is the dislocated socket, a physical manifestation
of God’s sheer transcendence in the body of Jacob, which prepares him for
a peaceful meeting with Esau. To use Otto’s language once again, Jacob is
awestruck, decentered at his core, by the wholly other God who destabilizes
him. Note also that in this encounter between God and man, God is not a vio-
lent aggressor whose aim is to destroy Jacob; he is not like any other human
foe who can be named, and whose face poses a grave threat to Jacob’s exist-
ence. Rather, when one is properly aligned to God, so that neither the self nor
anything else is idolized, then this turning to God, this face-to-face experi-
ence of God, prepares the self to receive the blessings of God without hin-
drance, as Jacob has. Through his loving struggle with the mysterious divine
figure, Jacob is realigned with God and with his brother Esau. In a homily
for World Youth Day 2005, Pope Benedict XVI clarified the meaning of this
face-to-face encounter as a loving submission to the kiss of God.
The Disappearance of God’s Strange Holiness
Thus far I have argued that God is both radically transcendent and rad-
ically immanent; that this paradoxical coincidence is the foundation of the
non-competitive presence of God in nature; and that when this both/and con-
junction is jettisoned in favor of an either/or disjunctive choice between tran-
scendence and immanence, God turns violent because he has become either
another object in nature vying for supremacy, or another object pitted against
nature, menacingly hovering over it. The reason we find God burdensome,
overbearing, and (for some atheists) tyrannical, is that we have denied the
holiness of God. However, the Bible speaks of nothing else except the holi-
ness of God; a holiness which destabilizes and disturbs our ordinary projects,
in order to effect a profound realignment of our way of being and of our
values. Why are we in the West no longer attuned to this holiness?
The Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor provides an intriguing clue to
this question in A Secular Age with his distinction between the pre-modern
“porous self” and the contemporary “buffered self.” The contemporary
self is defined by an impregnable boundary between mind and world. In
fact, that the contemporary self is aware of such a boundary at all is what
makes it modern. In his Meditations, the seventeenth-century French phil-
osopher René Descartes discovered an ultimate foundation upon which to
construct all his ideas about himself, other minds, and nature. Having sum-
marily rejected his previously held beliefs through a universal skepticism,
the only “clear and distinct” idea he retained was that he was a thinking
217
thing, a self that exists insofar as it thinks. From this place of deep interiority,
Descartes was able to prove to himself that God, other selves, and the world
existed. Using Descartes’ language, the self, an independently existing finite
substance, became the necessary bridge to other thinking things (minds),
to extended things (natural objects), and to the infinite thinking substance
(God). In this extraordinary move, Descartes subsumed God to the human
mind, and separated the mind from the body and nature, thereby rendering the
human self the unchallenged master of its house. Justice Kennedy expressed
the awesome power of this unrestricted autonomous self in the court deci-
sion in Casey vs. Planned Parenthood, 505 U.S. 833 (1992), in this way: “at
the heart of liberty is the right to define one’s own concept of existence, of
meaning, of the universe, of the mystery of human life.” This is, indeed,
the standpoint of the modern self, namely, that it admits no objectively dis-
coverable meanings external to itself in the universe. The buffered self has
jettisoned the idea of an ordered cosmos by which it can govern its life. What
remains is a vast, indifferent, and leveled universe, bereft of palpable ben-
evolent and malevolent beings and forces impinging upon the self, such as
saints, angels, demons, and God. According to Taylor, the “creation of a thick
emotional boundary between us and the cosmos” (38) defines our modern
buffered selves, as we operate in a world that has become disenchanted.
By contrast, the pre-modern porous self is embedded in a cosmos that is
ordered and hierarchical, permeated by higher and lower grades of being
and value, punctuated by events and spaces external to the self that are res-
onant with objective meanings, and saturated by the presence of beings
transcending nature. For this porous self, the world is an enchanted place
where the boundary between the self and nature is open to influence by external
powers and agents. Even more than this, as Taylor notes, “that there is a clear
boundary, allowing us to define an inner base area, grounded in which we can
disengage from the rest, has no sense” (38) for the porous self. It is not an
atomic unit that is master of its domain, as if it were entirely disengaged from
its environment; therefore, the porous self discovers its ultimate meaning and
ultimate value in ontologically and axiologically superior sources, such as
God. The round of daily life is punctuated for the porous self by what Taylor
labels “anti-structure.” These are recurrent celebrations of chaos, disorder,
and death, whereby all human and natural structures are dismantled, so that
the porous self can reunite with its rejuvenating sacred source. Taylor argues
that one of the defining features of the pre-modern world is this interplay
between structure and anti-structure. In sum, the porous self does not live in a
flattened, homogeneous universe; rather, its milieu consists of a thickly tiered
cosmos defined by sacred and profane spaces. By inhabiting sacred spaces,
the porous self is able to transcend the limitations of linear time through
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218 Natural Communions
its immersion in eternity. Rather than lauding its autonomy from external
influences, the porous self finds its fulfillment and joy in what exceeds it
infinitely.
Returning to the buffered self, it is evident that the buffered self erects a
screen that shields it from the impact of the holy. But there is a very particular
way in which this shielding occurs –the strangeness of God is attenuated in a
myriad of ways. The trajectory of this modern sensibility can be traced from
theologians in the later Middle Ages in the thirteenth century down to con-
temporary atheists.
Although the genesis of modernity is typically attributed to Descartes,
there is a controversial theory among theologians who espouse a movement
called radical orthodoxy that Christian theologians in the later Middle Ages
sowed the seeds of modernity.4 If this theory is correct, then the prevailing
view that modernity is the inevitable shedding of mythological and religious
thought in favor of the scientific method is flawed. For the prevailing view,
religion and science are intrinsically at odds, such that the rise of science
occurs as human reason frees itself from the tyranny of authoritarian religious
beliefs. But this prevailing view has its own mythology –a myth of origins
about men of great courage, such as Giordano Bruno and Galileo Galilei, who
threw off the shackles of domineering religious authority, thereby rendering
human beings free agents, now able to determine the course of their destinies
apart from superstitious revelation. The euphoric optimism of this myth of
origins is evident in Kant’s categorical rejection of heteronomous authority
for autonomous reason. The belief that science and religion are incompat-
ible was indeed espoused by those Christians who desired to return to the
“fundamentals” of the faith in early 1900s America. This conservative wing
of Protestantism sought to stem the rising tides of secularism and modernism
in American culture through a literalist reading of the Bible that was aimed
at Darwin’s theory of evolution. But this return to fundamentals was nei-
ther universally accepted by all Protestant Christians at the time, nor has
it been the dominant view among Christian theologians and philosophers.
Because many today believe that the scientific method is the sole arbiter of
truth, an idea about the opposition of religion to science that was circulating
within a fringe Christian movement has now become widely acceptable. We
ought to be skeptical of the scientism that would denigrate all other forms of
knowledge.
What scientism finds repellant in religion is the supposed moral grounding
of religious beliefs in a system of ethical values considered by scientism
to be irrational and utterly subjective, in contrast to the putatively rational,
impartial, and objective point of view of the sciences. I agree with Taylor
that this characterization of the difference is untenable, as it constructs a false
219
dichotomy between value and fact. The metaphysics of the buffered self is no
less embedded in an ethics than the porous self, an ethics that predetermines
the horizon of its metaphysics. According to Taylor, the buffered self’s myth
of origins tells the story of how we moderns transitioned, with great effort and
determination, from a state of dependent infancy –the Kantian “self-incurred
immaturity” –to one of independent adulthood, through a painful effort
of “subtraction,” of sloughing off the comforts of an illusory supernatural
moral order in order to independently face stark reality. Presumably, while
the porous self is governed by a moral point of view, the modern buffered
self has attained the view from nowhere, untainted by moral concerns. The
modern self is convinced that facing the demands of the natural order can-
didly required disengagement from its enchantment with the supernatural.
According to this narrative, it was inevitable and laudable for enchantment to
give way to disenchantment. Taylor deconstructs this narrative by unearthing
some of the moral ideals embraced by modernity’s buffered self, such as
“images of power, of untrammeled agency, of spiritual self-possession”
(563). That the buffered self is enamored of these virtues does not render
its metaphysics more natural, objective, impartial, or rational. What’s more,
disenchantment can arise within religion itself in defense of God. This was
the case in the later Middle Ages when two opposing traditions of God’s rela-
tionship to nature competed for supremacy among Christian theologians. On
the one hand, theologians such as Aquinas who embraced Aristotle’s natur-
alistic metaphysics emphasized God’s immanent presence in nature, while,
on the other, theologians such as John Duns Scotus who were influenced by
Augustine’s Platonism praised God’s absolute transcendence of nature. In
the polemic against their rivals, Augustinian theologians argued for nature’s
disenchantment in order to secure God’s primacy over nature.
The dispute between these theological schools regarding God’s relation-
ship to nature hinged on the status of discourse about God. Christians have
argued that God cannot be subsumed under the genus of being. There is no
overarching category that unites both creator and creature. Creatures are
entirely dependent on the creator for their being, while the creator is entirely
independent of his creation. Nothing stands above God as a third term uniting
the creator and his creation. Because God is not one being among many,
not one more creature among other created beings, assigning predication to
God becomes problematic. How do we speak about the God who cannot be
categorized according to our natural distinctions?
One way is through apophatic or negative theology, as it was originally
formulated by Pseudo-Dionysius in The Mystical Theology and then picked
up later by Aquinas and others. This tradition is aware of the impossibility of
grasping God’s essence, or what God is in himself, due to the limitations of
220
220 Natural Communions
human reason. According to this tradition we can know that God is, but not
what he is. Nevertheless, we can approach God by proceeding thus: whatever
predicates are applied to creatures are denied of God; we begin with creatures
and work our way back to God. The result of this exercise is that we can come
to know that creatures exhibit as effects the pre-eminent perfections found
in God as their cause. Although apophatic theology has value, this negative
way ultimately leads to silence in the presence of the inscrutable God. This is
not necessarily a negative outcome, for it reminds the Christian faithful that
genuine blessedness is to be had when all self-assertive grasping is set aside,
including the desire to capture God through human reason. Aquinas learned
this lesson after having written thousands of pages on God, when, according
to tradition, Aquinas willingly fell silent at the end of his life, leaving his
Summa unfinished, insisting, “all that I have written seems like straw to me.”
Nevertheless, there is a second path complementary to apophatic the-
ology called cataphatic theology, which argues that positive predications
of God can be made. And it is to this tradition of cataphatic theology, as it
was developed in the later Middle Ages by John Duns Scotus, a near con-
temporary of Aquinas, that theologians of radical orthodoxy have traced the
beginnings of modernity. They have discovered in Scotus’ works germin-
ating what would later become seminal ideas in modern thought, especially
the belief in the primacy of the rational capacities of the subject to determine
for itself the nature of reality apart from God. Of course, as a Christian theo-
logian, Scotus did not set out to undermine the subject’s dependence upon
God, but the unintended consequence of his theology of univocal predication
seems to open the door to this self-grounding of human reason.
There are three possible ways in cataphatic theology that our predicates
refer to God. The first way is to argue that the common words we use to
speak of creatures and of God have entirely different senses when referred
to creatures than when referred to God. So, to say that God is wise is to
mean something altogether different than to say that Socrates is wise. This is
equivocal predication, which Scotus summarily rejects. For he argues that we
would be speaking nonsense, indeed we would be speaking falsehoods, if we
did not use common predicates in the same way when referred to creatures and
to God. The second way is to argue, as does Aquinas, that human discourse
about God is analogical, meaning that divine predicates are both affirmed and
denied of God in different respects. The predicates neither fall entirely off
the mark, as in equivocal predication, nor do they hit the mark with perfect
accuracy, as in univocal predication. For Aquinas, the reason we can predi-
cate anything of God is because nature manifests God’s handiwork. Human
perfections are derived from the creator God, upon whom creation depends
for its being at all. In other words, to exist at all is to participate in or to mirror
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224 Natural Communions
“Shall I tell you the secret of the whole world? It is that we have only known the back of
the world. We see everything from behind, and it looks brutal. That is not a tree, but the
back of a tree. That is not a cloud, but the back of a cloud. Cannot you see that everything
is stooping and hiding a face? If we could only get round in front.”
(143)
And when Syme, along with his companions, does in fact see Sunday face-
to-face at the end of the novella, Sunday’s response to the question “ ‘Who
and what are you?’ ” (152) is this, “ ‘I am the Sabbath,’ ” (152) “ ‘I am the
peace of God’ ” (152).
Chesterton’s novella illustrates the message of the biblical Book of Job,
in which a righteous man of great faith named Job endures unimaginable
suffering at the hands of Satan, who has been given permission by God to
test Job’s faith.5 Job eventually rails against what he believes is God’s cruel
treatment. So long as God remains hidden, so long as Job is only privy to the
back side of God, from Job’s vantage point, God appears to be an almighty
tyrant who abuses Job capriciously. Of course, Job is closer to God than an
atheist, for whom there is neither a back nor a front side to God. Nevertheless,
Job’s faith must be tested because Job must realize that the only answer to
suffering and violence is to experience the front side of God, to see God
face-to-face. And this is precisely the dénouement to the Book of Job. Job’s
restless heart, full of rage against his sufferings, is stilled as Job encounters
“the Sabbath,” “the peace of God.” This peace comes to Job not because God
provides some logical, rational explanation for Job’s sufferings, but simply
because Job has experienced the love of God as the infinite in the finite, as
the front side of God in the back side of God, as the divine in the mundane,
as God in nature.
What happens when this paradoxical, strange, and disturbing holiness
of God disappears? God becomes nature itself, as in pantheism (Baruch
Spinoza6); or he turns into a supreme clockmaker, a first cause, who creates
the universe, winds it, and lets it tick away on its own, without revealing
himself to his creatures, except through nature’s rational design, as in deism
(Thomas Paine7); or he is reduced to a mere postulate, to some being that we
must assume exists for the sake of morality, in order to close the gap between
who we are and who we ought to be (Immanuel Kant8); or he is taken to be
the highest and best human qualities stripped of their limitations, and then
225
projected onto a supreme being, who contains all those qualities infinitely
(Ludwig Feuerbach9); or he is transformed into an illusion, a glorified father
figure, produced by the psyche in order to contend with the horrors and terrors
of existence (Sigmund Freud10); or he is derisively labeled a narcotic, the
opium of the people, that deadens our desire to change our real conditions,
by offering an escape from our economic miseries (Karl Marx11); or he is
declared an impediment to full human flourishing, because belief in him was
supposedly concocted by weaklings who unjustly sought to curb the joyful
and exuberant life of the powerful (Friedrich Nietzsche12); or he is lambasted
as a “permanent, unalterable celestial despotism that subjected us to con-
tinual surveillance and could convict us of thought-crime, and who regarded
us as its private property even after we died” (Christopher Hitchens, Portable
Atheist, xxii); or as a I have done in my own writings, he is naturalized as
another object arising out of nature’s fecundity.
But none of the foregoing descriptions of God makes sense in the context
of theism, because each one performs a reduction of God to something or
other in nature or to nature itself. The uniqueness of Christianity consists in
the orthodox declaration that arose in the early Christian ecumenical councils
that Jesus Christ was both fully divine and fully human. Just as the God of
the Jewish Scriptures has often been misunderstood because one pole of the
transcendent/immanent paradox has been favored over the other, so Jesus
Christ has been mischaracterized when one pole of the God/man paradox has
been unduly favored. Since the Enlightenment, there has been a movement
to found a universal religion of humanity based on reason alone. Thomas
Jefferson attempted to do just that for Christianity by cutting out the texts
in the Gospels which referred to the divinity of Jesus, including accounts
of Jesus’ virgin birth, his miracles, and his resurrection. Having excised the
very strangeness and the apparent irrational elements of the God-man, in
his heavily edited gospel entitled The Life and Morals of Jesus of Nazareth,
all that remained of Jesus was another great moral teacher palatable to the
mass of humanity. However, what disappeared in the process was the New
Testament Jesus handed down to us by the Gospel writers, according to
whom Jesus was fully God and fully man. Jesus does offer a new moral code
in his Sermon on the Mount, but the uniqueness of Jesus is not his ethical
demands. What was shocking to his Jewish contemporaries was Jesus’ blas-
phemous declaration that he was God. In John’s Gospel, Jesus said of him-
self, “ ‘before Abraham came to be, I AM’ ” (8:58), which Jewish tradition
understood as the name of God. Which is why John’s Gospel tells us that
the Jews who heard this “picked up stones to throw at him” (8:59). Stoning
to death was the punishment for claiming a prerogative solely belonging to
God. In yet another incident in Mark’s Gospel, Jesus incensed the Jewish
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226 Natural Communions
self and the buffered self. From the perspective of the buffered self, God is
violent, but that is only because the buffered self has embraced modernity’s
edited version of the biblical God, a version that dispenses with his paradox-
ical holiness. The buffered self may wish to erect insurmountable barriers or
buffers between itself and God, but it only does so by misinterpreting and
misrepresenting the God of the Bible and his relationship to nature.
The Bible is not ambiguous about this relationship. God’s manifestation
to the prophet Elijah in 1 Kings describes God’s strange holiness as a “light
silent sound” in the midst of nature’s raw power. As Elijah waits for God to
“pass by,” the Bible tell us that
[t]here was a strong and violent wind rending the mountains and crushing rocks before the
LORD –but the LORD was not in the wind; after the wind, an earthquake –but the LORD
was not in the earthquake; after the earthquake, fire – but the LORD was not in the fire;
after the fire, a light silent sound.
(19:11–12)
And it was in this “light silent sound” that God appeared to Elijah as a
mysterious divine presence, a gentle whisper –the paradox of God in nature.
In his book entitled Not in God’s Name: Confronting Religious Violence,
Rabbi Jonathan Sacks interprets this gentle whisper as an invitation by God,
the archetypal stranger, to embrace the stranger, the outcast, the weak, and
the persecuted, to “search for the trace of God in the face of the Other”
(203). The Bible relates the story of the Israelites, who have been chosen
to redeem a fallen world. Their destiny is to wrestle with God, as the name
Israel suggests. They are strangers who must endure great suffering under
their Egyptian masters, so that being strangers, they can identify with the
stranger. Rabbi Sachs argues that the Jewish Scriptures contain a series of
stories revolving around sibling rivalry designed to elicit empathy for the
stranger. In one of these stories, God promises Abraham that he will be the
father of a great nation, despite the fact that his wife Sarah is barren. Before
Sarah discovers in old age that she is pregnant with their son Isaac, she gives
permission for Abraham to sleep with their household slave named Hagar.
To Hagar is born Isaac’s half-brother, Ishmael. The Bible tells us in the Book
of Genesis that when Hagar and Ishmael are driven from Abraham’s house-
hold, due to Sarah’s jealousy, God assures Abraham that, “ ‘As for the son
of the slave woman, I will make a great nation of him also, since he too is
your offspring’ ” (21:13). Abraham then reluctantly sends mother and child
into the wilderness to assuage his wife’s anger. Brimming with pathos, God’s
response to the hardships that befall Hagar and Ishmael in the wilderness
illustrates God’s noncompetitive relationship with his creatures. God’s love
is not limited to Isaac, the chosen one, but also extends to Ishmael, the slave
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228 Natural Communions
God heard the boy’s cry, and God’s messenger called to Hagar from heaven: “What is the
matter, Hagar? Don’t be afraid; God has heard the boy’s cry in this plight of his. Arise, lift
up the boy and hold him by the hand; for I will make of him a great nation.” Then God
opened her eyes, and she saw a well of water. She went and filled the skin with water, and
then let the boy drink.
(21:17–19)
This story demonstrates that God’s love extends equally to the naturally
gifted as to the weak, for although Isaac as the weaker of the two is made
spiritually powerful through God’s covenant with Abraham, Ishmael, who is
at home “in the wilderness” and is an “expert bowman,” is also loved by God.
In other words, what is given to Isaac by God is as lovable as what is given
to Ishmael by nature. God is not in competition with nature. God is, rather,
the divine stranger who embraces both the loved and the unloved, precisely
because he is the eternal stranger.
Notes
1 For their views on God see Feuerbach’s The Essence of Christianity; Marx’s Critique of
Hegel’s “Philosophy of Right”; Nietzsche’s The Anti-Christ; Freud’s The Future of an
Illusion; Dennett’s Breaking the Spell: Religion as a Natural Phenomenon; Dawkins’ The
God Delusion; and Hitchens’ God is Not Great and The Portable Atheist.
2 See Julia Kristeva’s Powers of Horror for the concept of abjection.
3 The philosophical naturalism I have in mind is the Columbia School of Naturalism,
which can be traced to the Spanish-born American philosopher George Santayana, and
later developed by John Dewey, John Herman Randall Jr., Frederick J. E. Woodbridge,
and Justus Buchler at Columbia University. I have especially found great inspiration from
Buchler’s seminal work entitled Metaphysics of Natural Complexes.
4 My discussion on the origins of modernity in late medieval Christianity borrows heavily
from the insights of contemporary Christian theologians of radical orthodoxy and their
opponents. See Burrell’s “John Duns Scotus”; Perrier’s “Duns Scotus Facing Reality”;
Pickstock’s “Duns Scotus”; Sokolowski’s The God of Faith and Reason; Vorster’s
“Milbank on Protestantism”; and Williams’ “The Doctrine of Univocity Is True and
Salutary.”
5 I owe the insight into the connection between Chesterton’s novella and the Book of Job
to Gardner’s The Annotated Thursday.
6 See Spinoza’s Ethics.
7 See Paine’s The Age of Reason.
8 See Kant’s Religion within the Limits of Reason Alone.
9 See Feuerbach’s The Essence of Christianity.
10 See Freud’s The Future of an Illusion.
11 See Marx’s Critique of Hegel’s “Philosophy of Right”.
12 See Nietzsche’s The Anti-Christ.
229
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