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The origins of the Goths

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Roman Zaroff
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Published: Zaroff R., 'The Origins of the Goths’, Proceedings of The University of Queensland
History Research Group, No. 11, 2000, pp. 1-11.

THE ORIGINS OF THE GOTHS

The third and fourth century confederation of Germanic tribes known to the Roman
world as the Goths occupied the steppes of the Black Sea from the Don River to the mouth of
the Danube. During the fourth and fifth centuries they played an important part in Roman
history by contributing to the fall of the Western Roman Empire. They controlled the Apennine
Peninsula until the Byzantines in the middle of the sixth century defeated them.1
The Getica, a sixth century history of the Goths written by the Gothic writer Jordanes,
implies that they originated in Scandinavia. Jordanes mentioned their place of origin as the
"island of Scandza".2 This has been often identified with various places in Scandinavia such
as the region of Scania or the area around Götaälv in Sweden or the island of Gotland on the
Baltic Sea.3 Jordanes' account has been accepted by many historians in the past and still has
many supporters today. The main problem with the credibility of this story is that the
beginning of the alleged Gothic migration and the Jordanes account is separated by around
five hundred years. Oral tradition always played an important part in non-literate societies,
however it is often mixed with myths and legends. Hence, to be accepted, it requires to be
confirmed by independent sources. The following paper will explore the emergence and
question of the Gothic origins in the course of the first five centuries of the Common Era.
The origin of the Goths could have been solved by the acceptance of the simple notion
that the Goths originated on the steppes of the Black Sea. This is a genuine claim, taking into
consideration the following. The Goths, as the Romans knew them, formed an ethno-political
entity as a result of amalgamation of various Eastern Germanic groups that had migrated there in
the first half of the third century.4 Archaeological evidence as well as written sources suggests
that those Eastern Germanic tribes were clan-based groups with no wider ethnic or political
unity. At that stage their political or ethnic affiliation did not go beyond small tribal units
comprising a number of clans.5 The presence of Eastern Germanic peoples on the Pontic
steppes in the third and the fourth century was manifested by the culture known as the late
Chernyakhov6 that clearly shows many Eastern Germanic elements.7 Nevertheless, the
association of archaeological culture with a particular ethnic or linguistic group is a tricky
business. Also in this case, equation of the Chernyakhov culture with the Goths is a gross
oversimplification. First of all, who were the Goths? Were they the Tervingi-Visigoths or the
Greutungi-Ostrogoths ? Solving this question would not solve the problem at all. Both the
Visigoths and the Ostrogoths were not a product of a split of a unified Gothic ethnos, but rather,

1
The Goths and Rome: W. Goffart, Barbarians and Romans, AD 418-584, The Techniques of Accommodation
(Princeton, USA: Princeton University Press, 1980), pp. 6-15 and 66-70.
2
"Island of Scandza": H. Wolfram, History of the Goths (Berkley: University of California Press, 1988 ed. ),
p. 36.
3
Places of postulated origin in Scandinavia: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient Poland (Coral Gables:
University Of Miami Press, 1975 ), p. 1.
4
Goths product of steppes: T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1984), p. 23.
5
East Germans of early third century: T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths , pp. 19-21.
6
The spelling of the name of this culture varies in different sources due to the different transcription of
Russian name written in Cyrillic into the Latin script. It is often spelled as Chernyakhov, Chernyakhov,
Czerniachów, Černjachov or sometimes called Sîntana de Mure-Černjachov. In this work the spelling is
arbitrary chosen as Chernyakhov.
7
The Germanic elements in Chernyakhov: P. Heather & J. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century
(Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1991 ), pp. 57-63.
on the contrary, they were a product of the amalgamation of several smaller tribes into larger
units.8 The process might have begun during the migration to the steppes in the course of the
second and third centuries.
It is likely that tribal chieftains strengthened their position during the migration as
migrating people who are often exposed to hostile locals and a new unknown environment do
need a higher level of socio-political organization.9 Nevertheless, this process was not well
advanced before the middle of the fourth century. The name Goths used by the Romans, was a
collective name for various Germanic and other people from beyond the Danube, which replaced
names such as the Scythians and Sarmatians of the same broad connotation.10 Besides the
Tervingi and the Greutungi, a multitude of different Germanic tribal names were reported from
beyond the Danube such as the Gepids, Rugians, Heruli, Taifali and others, who were as much
part of the Chernyakhov complex as the so called Goths.11 Hence, it seems to be more proper to
use a term Eastern Germanic people or tribes rather than using the Roman term Goths.
Moreover, the above tribes were themselves a loose confederation of smaller tribal and clan
units that changed their allegiance or affiliation so often that the Romans could hardly follow
it.12 The archaeological evidence shows that the Chernyakhov complex never produced fortified
settlements, and villages were of rather moderate size. It has been suggested that some larger
villages might have been the seats of tribal chieftains at best.13 In this context, all those familiar
names such as the Gepids, Heruli, Taifali, Tervingi and Greutungi were collective names
themselves, and in no way indicate a stable ethnic or political unity.14 The name Goths was
initially recorded in the second century in a slightly different form of Gutones,15 who will be
discussed later. It reappeared in the late fourth century in the form of the Visigoths and the
Ostrogoths, referring to the Tervingi and the Greuthungi tribes respectively. The new names are
most likely a reflection of the unifying process that the Eastern Germanic people were
undergoing at that time. A process centred on these two tribal groups who were absorbing the
other small Germanic and non-Germanic people.16 Nevertheless, it should not be overlooked
that a similar process must have been taking place in the case of the other tribes such as Heruli
and Gepids.
The consolidation and political expansion of the Greutungi dates to the middle of the
fourth century, under their ruler Ermanaric, the times shortly before the Hunnic onslaught. The
Romans often applied the term "king" to any Germanic chieftains, and the application of the
term seems to be proper perhaps only in the case of Ermanaric. As for the others, rather the term
"prince” or “duke" would have been more appropriate, simply because they were leaders of
smaller tribal groups. The above process continued and even intensified among the Greutungi
under a Hunnic dominance and resulted in the formation of the Ostrogoths, as they became
known to the Romans in the late fifth century.17
The Chernyakhov complex itself cannot be attributed entirely to the Eastern Germanic
elements. P. Heather and J. Matthews in their book The Goths in the Fourth Century contradict
themselves by claiming that the culture was homogeneous.18 The culture itself has at least three

8
Formation of Gothic tribes: T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths, pp. 32-38.
9
People on the move. Conditions and logistics: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient Poland, pp. 36-38 and
H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, pp. 39-40.
10
Usage of term Goths: H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, p. 44.
11
Other Eastern Germanic people: T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths, p. 30.
12
Not defined ethno-political affiliations: T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths , pp. 25 and 30-31.
13
Chernyakhov settlements: P. Heather & J. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century, p. 57.
14
No East Germanic political unity: T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths, p. 24.
15
Goth-Gutones in historical records: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient Poland, p. 14.
16
The Tervingi-Visigoths and Greutungi-Ostrogoths: H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, pp. 40-44.
17
Unification attempts under Ermanaric: T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths, p. 37.
18
Homogeneity of Chernyakhov complex: P. Heather & J. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century,
p. 51.
distinct types of dwellings and different settlement arrangements and patterns. There were two
basic types of burial, inhumation and cremation, each with a number of significant variations.
Hand made and wheel-made pottery both displays a variety of different styles, etc.19 It rather
appears to be a number of different cultures that co-existed on parallel levels. The archaeological
data and some of the written sources indicate that the Chernyakhov complex was multi-ethnic,
comprising the various Eastern Germanic, Sarmatian and Daco-Getan components. They were
each divided into a multitude of smaller tribal units.20 To its northern extremes proto-Slavic
elements were also present. This was attested to by Jordanes’ account about the subjugation of
the Slavo-Sarmatian Antes by the Goths around the middle of the fourth century.21 Written
sources also suggest that in the early Chernyakhov culture, about the middle of the third century,
this region was politically dominated by the Daco-Sarmatian Carpi that its early material culture
shows strong Sarmatian characteristic and the Germanic tribes there played a minor role.22 It
appears that over time the Eastern Germanic elements of Chernyakhov became politically
dominant in the region. However, no single political structure emerged, but rather a cluster of
small tribal based entities. Without going into more details, it may be that the Chernyakhov
complex did not exist as a single entity at all, and it is an invention of archaeologists and
historians prone to label and classify archaeological material. Nonetheless, for the clarity of this
work this collective name will be retained, and the Chernyakhov complex will be used to
describe cultures that existed in the Pontic region during the third and fourth centuries.
The co-existence of various ethnic groups facilitated intermixing and the Eastern
Germans must have absorbed many local Sarmatian, Daco-Getan and some Slavic elements. For
example, Candac for whom Jordanes father worked as a secretary was an Alan (the Sarmatian)
as his name indicates.23 This Pontic ethno-cultural cauldron moulded the Eastern Germanic
culture. For example, they adopted wheel-made pottery from a local population, after reaching
the region. The East Germanic economy was initially based on agriculture with lesser
importance of animal husbandry. Most likely, only on the steppes, under the influence of the
Sarmatians their economy shifted toward greater importance of cattle breeding. Horses, wagons
and an army dominated by mounted warriors with lances were not a typical Germanic feature.
According to Tacitus a bulk of Western Germanic armies were infantry.24 Only on the steppes
under the influence of the Sarmatians, and later the Huns, mounted warriors became common
among the Goths, and a short Germanic sword was replaced by long Sarmatian one.25 It is worth
noting here that according to Ammianus Marcelinus a charge of Gothic cavalry was decisive in
the battle of Adrianopole with the Byzantines in 378. The leaders of the cavalry were Saphrax

19
On Chernyakhov culture, see: J. Strzelczyk, Słowianie i Germanie w Niemczech środkowych we wczesnym
Średniowieczu (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1976), pp. 127-130 and
136-138, also in P. Heather & J. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century, pp. 57-63.
20
Multi-ethnicity of Chernyakhov: P. Heather & J. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century, pp. 94-95 and
97, and T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths, p. 24.
21
Defeat of the Antes: Jordanes, Getica, in C.C. Mierow, ed., The Gothic History of Jordanes (Cambridge:
Speculum Historiale, 1966 ed.), XLVIII,247.
22
Z. Váňa, The World of the Ancient Slavs (London: Orbis Publishing Co., 1977), p. 20;and P. Heather &
J. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century, p. 97.
23
W. Goffart, The Narrators of Barbarian History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), pp. 42-43.
24
Tacitus, Germania, in H. Mattingly & S.A. Handford, eds., The Agricola and the Germania
(Hamondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1985 ed..),, chapter. 6.
25
Sarmatian & Hunnic influence: P. Heather & J. Matthews, The Goths In the Fourth Century, pp. 94-95; and
H-J., Diesner, The Great Migration: The Movement of Peoples Across Europe, 300-700 (London: Orbis
Publishing Ltd.,1983), p. 93; Daco-Getan influence: ibid., p. 97., pottery: ibid., p. 71., animal husbandry:
T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths, pp. 109-110. horses: H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, pp. 167-168
and L. Musset, The Germanic Invasions, The Making of Europe AD 400 - 600 (University Park: The
Pennsylvania State University Press, 1975 ed.). p. 36; and T. Newark, The Barbarians ( London: Blandford
Press, 1988), p.14.
and Alatheus, and there was an Alanic (Sarmatian) contingent of mounted warriors.26 The
name Saphrax is definitely Sarmatian, and the other of unknown origin, but appears not to be
Germanic.27 It is difficult to establish who exactly formed a bulk of Gothic cavalry, but a strong
Sarmatian component is certain and a strong Sarmatian influence on the character and tactics is
evident.28 Finally, the contacts with the prosperous Greek colonies of the Black Sea, such as
Olbia, and the Eastern Roman Empire exposed the Eastern Germanic people to the Greco-
Roman world.29 One of the most visible influences of the Mediterranean world was the
adoption of Arian Christianity by the Eastern Germanic elite and many of the ordinary people
during the course of the fourth century.30
In this context, the Goths emerged on the Pontic steppes as a political, cultural and ethnic
entity between the third and fifth century. They were a product of the mixing of various cultural
and ethnic elements, as well as their amalgamation into a larger ethno-political unit. Hence, the
people called the Goths in Jordanes’ migration story are hardly to be identified with the Goths of
the fifth century.
Jordanes' migration story itself could be explored only in the context of the East
Germanic migration, but without using the term Goths. As there are almost no written records
on this subject the migration of the Eastern Germanic tribes from the Baltic coast to the Black
Sea can be reconstructed practically only through archaeology. As already stated archaeological
cultures do not necessarily imply a single linguistic unit. Neither can they be easily associated
with a particular ethnic group. Nevertheless, in the case of the Eastern Germanic group, it is not
such a hopeless case. Sometime around the turn of the sixth century BCE , in what is now
northern Germany emerged a cultural complex known as the Jastorf. This culture flourished
between 600-200 BCE, in modern Lower Saxony, Mecklenburg, Brandenburg and Western
Pomerania around the mouth of the Oder River. Closely related cultures such as a Gubin group
continued well into the first century BCE The striking similarities of the Jastorf material culture
with those of later, historically known, Germanic people strongly suggests that the Jastorf
complex is an early clearly identifiable Germanic culture. Modern historians and archaeologists
almost uniformly accept this.31 During the first century CE on the territory of modern Polish
Pomerania emerged another cultural complex called the Wielbark.32 Around the first half of the
second century it had spread to parts of Warmia and north-western Mazovia as well as to parts of
Great Poland. The Wielbark culture showed numerous common traits with former Jastorf
culture and it is also assumed to be Germanic, Eastern Germanic in particular.33
In the past, a number of historians and archaeologists had tried to link certain
archaeological cultures with particular ethnic groups. Some German historians claimed that the
people of the Wielbark culture were Goths or Gotho-Gepids.34 It is true that Strabo, Tacitus,
Pliny the Elder and Ptolemy mentioned people called Gutones, Gotones or Gythones in this area
between the turn of Common Era and middle of the second century. However, all together,
something like thirty other tribal groups were also mentioned there. Many of them were

26
Ammianus Marcellinus, The Later Roman Empire, 354-378 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd.,
1986 ed.), 31.12.
27
B. S. Bachrach, A History of the Alans in the West (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1973 ),
pp. 26-27.
28
T. Newark, The Barbarians ( London: Blandford Press, 1988), p. 14.
29
Greco-Roman influence: T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths, p. 23.
30
Christianisation: T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths, pp. 148-150.
31
Jastorf culture: K. Godłowski & J.K. Kozłowski, Historia starożytna ziem polskich (Warszawa:
Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1985 ), pp. 99 and 122-124.
32
Wielbark culture is called in some other sources Pomeranian-Mazovian, East Pomeranian-Mazovian and
by some of the German scholars a Gotho-Gepid.
33
Wielbark culture: K. Godłowski & J.K. Kozłowski, Historia starożytna ziem polskich, pp. 147-152.
34
Claims of Wielbark being Gothic: H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, p. 42.
impossible to identify with any linguistic group or to be precisely located.35 The archaeological
evidence shows that the Wielbark people were agriculturists and lived in small villages. There
were no large fortified settlements and the social stratification was hardly visible. There were
two types of burials but inhumation was dominant. The lack of weaponry in those burials and
the scarcity of grave goods suggests a lower level of social stratification. This tends to imply
that they were clan based communities or small tribes with no centralized authority.36 Other
contemporary Germanic people lived in so called "war democracy", where tribal leaders were
elected in case of war but had not much political power in a peace time.37 That kind of socio-
political organization seems to be most likely the type to be found amongst the Wielbark people.
It is tempting to postulate that Wielbark culture encompassed all small Eastern Germanic tribes
such as the Gepids, Heruli, Tervingi, Greutungi and others, who later gave the names to larger
ethno-political structures, known to the Roman world from the late fourth century onward.
According to Tacitus "Beyond Lugii are Gothones, who are governed by kings".38 The use of
the plural in the account supports the claim that the Goths were divided into small tribal units
ruled by the chieftains. In this context, the name Gutones-Goths might have been a generic term
for a wide range of related Germanic tribes, but without any cohesive socio-political structure.
Hence, it appears to be reasonable to claim only that the Wielbark people were speakers of
Eastern Germanic dialects.
Beginning in the second half of the second century the Wielbark complex began to
spread south-east, at the expense of the Przeworsk culture, along the Vistula, then the Wieprz
rivers and reaching the upper Bug area. Further south it overlapped with the Chernyakhov
complex.39 The Przeworsk culture needs to be addressed in more detail as it is relevant to the
ethnogenesis of the Goths. It roughly occupied the territory of modern Poland, with the
exception of Pomerania, between the second century BCE and turn of the fifth century CE.40
The Przeworsk culture was characterized by fine pottery richly ornamented, abundance of grave
goods and well developed metallurgy and fine iron implements. The culture appears to be native
to the region and shows strong post-Lusatian, Celtic, Germanic and Sarmatian influences.41 On
the basis of some historical records the Przeworsk culture is generally associated with the people
called Lugians. It was a collective name and there was no single political entity there as the
Lugians were divided into a number of smaller independent tribes.42
The ethnicity of the Lugians remains a controversial issue even today. In the twenties of
this century a German archaeologist, Gustav Kossina (sic! ironically clearly a Slavic surname),
who saw the Teutonic people everywhere, and whose theories were very popular in Germany in
the thirties and forties, equated the Lugians with the Vandals, and claimed that the Przeworsk
culture was Germanic.43 Despite the fact that none of the historical sources identified the

35
The Southern Baltic tribes in historical sources: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient Poland, p. 26.
36
Wielbark people: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient Poland, p. 117-118 and K. Godłowski &
J.K. Kozłowski, Historia starożytna ziem polskich, pp. 148 and 178.
37
The Early Germanic society: H. Schutz, The Prehistory of Germanic Europe (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1983), pp. 317-322.
38
Tacitus on the Gutones: Tacitus, Germania, chapter 44.
39
The South-eastern expansion of Wielbark: K. Godłowski & J.K. Kozłowski, Historia starożytna ziem
polskich, pp. 149-150.
40
The Przeworsk - extension and period: K. Godłowski & J.K. Kozłowski, Historia starożytna ziem
polskich, pp. 137-138 and 146-147.
41
On Przeworsk culture, see: K. Godłowski & J.K. Kozłowski, Historia starożytna ziem polskich,
pp. 137-147. For more comprehensive account see: T. Dąbrowska, Wczesne fazy kultury przeworskiej
(Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1988).
42
The Lugians association with Przeworsk: L. Leciejewicz, Słownik kultury dawnych Słowian (Warszawa:
Wiedza Powszechna, 1990 ), pp. 214-215.
43
Gustav Kossina: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient Poland, p. 74; and M. Todd, The Northern Barbarians,
100 BC - AD 300 (London: Hutchison & Co. Publishers Ltd., 1975), pp. 20-21.
Lugians and the Vandals as being the same people,44 the ghost of Kossina still rambles. As late
as 1988, Herwig Wolfram in the book History of the Goths still identifies the Lugians with the
Vandals,45 but they turn up as a Celtic people a number of pages later.46 However, many Slavic,
especially Polish, scholars were not much better. A counter-claim that the Lugians were Venedi,
hence early Slavs was put forward.47 Fortunately, in recent times, an increasing number of
German and Polish scholars tend to agree that although the Przeworsk culture showed certain
Germanic influence it could hardly be attributed to a Germanic people, and in particular the
Vandals. On the other hand the Polish archaeologist Kazimierz Godłowski and the Czech
historian Zdenek Váňa pointed out that there are no direct links between the Przeworsk and later
historically known, Prague complex of the early medieval Slavs. Neither are the Venedi of the
second century CE the same people as the Slavic Venedi of the sixth century mentioned by
Procopius. This simply means that Slavs or proto-Slavs were not there, between second century
BCE and fourth century CE48 It is not surprising that these findings were not very well received
by many Polish historians representing the old autochthonous (on Polish territory) school of
Slavic ethnogenesis. As the Przeworsk culture is not our main concern it could be summarized
that the bulk of the population was neither Germanic nor Slavic. The Celtic connections of
Przeworsk are strong and clear, and besides having some Germanic traits it also exhibits post-
Lusatian and Sarmatian elements.49 Taking into consideration that the East Germanic people on
their south eastern trek moved through the eastern parts of the Przeworsk complex, and there are
signs of coexistence and mutual influence,50 it is reasonable to assume that a non-Germanic
Przeworsk people and some elements of their culture contributed to the ethnogenesis of the
Eastern Germanic people. This is clearly manifested by a number of Celtic borrowings in the
Gothic language, which must have taken place in the early stages of the migration.51 Also, at a
very early stage, probably toward the end of the second century CE, some of the Baltic Galindi
joined with the Eastern Germanic tribes on their south-eastern journey. Their name was reported
as late as the fifth century as the people who formed a part of the Ostrogothic confederation.52
Nothing except the name is known about those later Galindi. However, it wouldn't be a surprise
if those later Galindi were completely Germanised by then, but retained their old tribal name.
Certain similarities between Wielbark and Late Chernyakhov cultures, especially pottery,
suggest that the latter emerged as a result of a former culture that was exposed to strong Pontic
influence.53 In this context, it seems to be reasonable to assume that the Eastern Germanic
people took the route toward the Black Sea, along the eastern banks of the Vistula, then along
the Wieprz River. Then, they traversed the north-eastern slopes of the Carpathian Mountains.54
Finally, the Scandinavian origin of the Goths should be addressed. The supporters of
this theory, base their claim mainly on Jordanes’ account.55 However, as was previously stated,

44
The Lugians- historical accounts - Lugians: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient Poland, pp. 24-26.
45
Lugians are Vandals: H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, p. 40.
46
Lugians are Celts: H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, p. 112.
47
Polish claims: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient Poland, pp. 20-23 and 74.
48
On theory of late ethnogenesis of the Slavs, see: J. Strzelczyk, Od Prasłowian do Polaków (Kraków:
Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza, 1987), pp.22-25 and Z. Váňa, The World of the Ancient Slavs,
pp. 24-25.
49
Celtic, Germanic, post-Lusatian and Sarmatian elements in Przeworsk culture: K. Godłowski &
J.K. Kozłowski, Historia starożytna ziem polskich, pp. 176-178.
50
Wielbark and Przeworsk: : K. Godłowski & J.K. Kozłowski, Historia starożytna ziem polskich,
pp. 137-152.
51
Celtic borrowings in Gothic: H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, p. 113.
52
Absorption of Galindi: H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, pp. 8 and 41.
53
Wielbark & Chernyakhov similarities: P. Heather & J. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century,
p. 96.
54
East Germanic migration route: K. Godłowski & J.K. Kozłowski, Historia starożytna ziem polskich,
pp. 149-150.
55
H. Wolfram, History of t he Goths, p. 36.
there is a separation of around five hundred years between the event and its recording which
makes the whole story sound dubious. This supposedly oral Gothic tradition was recorded by
Cassiodorus and is believed to a large extent to have been copied by Jordanes. Cassiodorus had
written a Gothic history in the early sixth century when he was associated with the court of the
Ostrogothic kings of Italy. His original chronicle is lost but other works strongly indicate that he
was politically motivated. So was Jordanes. They both put in much effort to glorify the Goths
and their kings as well as to put the Goths on a par with the ancient Romans.56
It is true that tribal names similar to the Goths appeared in some other ancient sources.
In the middle of the second century CE Ptolemy mentioned two peoples: Gutae living on the
island of Scandia, that is Scandinavia, and Gutones who lived at the mouth of the Vistula
River.57 The Gutones were also mentioned by Strabo, around the beginning of CE,58 as well as
by Tacitus and Pliny the Elder. However, none of those contemporary sources mention any
migration from Scandinavia. The similarity of the names does not necessarily imply a similar
identity. For example, among the Slavic people tribal or national names containing the root
"Slav" are common. Besides the general name for Slavs being "Slavyane", there are Slovaks of
the former Czechoslovakia, Slovene of the former Yugoslavia, the Kashubian Słowińcy in
Polish Pomerania, and there was a Sloveni tribe in medieval times around Novgorod in Russia.59
Although, Slavic ethnogenesis took place somewhere north-east of the Carpathian mountains,60
and it could also be said that all Slavs are remotely related, no-one attempts to postulate that
Slovenes of the former Yugoslavia migrated there from Novgorod, through Polish Pomerania.
Hence, the Gutae of Scandinavia are not necessary those Goths who stayed behind after part of
the tribe supposedly crossed the Baltic. As for the Gutones, they may well be a small tribe,
which, together with other Eastern Germanic peoples, took a south-eastern trek. It is also
reasonable to claim that they were one of the many ancestral groups that contributed to the
emergence of the Ostrogoths or Visigoths of the fifth century.
The Scandinavian origins of the Eastern Germanic people is most seriously challenged
by archaeology. The Wielbark culture, which is generally accepted as Eastern Germanic, and
provided the bulk of the people who were migrating to the Black Sea, was a local Western
Pomeranian development, and not a result of migration.61 Besides, there are no cultural links
between the Wielbark and the Scandinavian cultures either, going beyond common Germanic
background.62 Finally, there is also no archaeological evidence to show that by the turn of
Common Era, the Germanic tribes of Scandinavia were able to make boats that were capable of
open sea voyage. A boat discovered at Hjortspring in Sweden, dated to the second century BCE
was relatively large measuring around 17 meters, but was flat bottomed, had no mast or sail, had
paddles instead of oars, and its sides were very low being made of only two planks. This would
indicate that it was only suitable for short coastal trips and not for long open sea voyages. The
first seaworthy vessels appear in archaeological records in the fourth century, when the East
Germanic peoples were already living on the steppes.63 There is some historical evidence from
56
On background for Cassiodorus’ and Jordanes’ writings, see: W. Goffart, The Narrators of Barbarian
History, pp. 20-39.
57
J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient Poland, p. 14.
58
Strabo account in: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient Poland, pp. 71 and 74.
59
Slavic people names with root "slov", the Sloveni, Slovaks and Slovenes: H. Łowmiański, Studia nad
dziejami Słowiańszczyzny, Polski i Rusi w wiekach średnich (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im.
Adama Mickiewicza, 1986), pp. 81 and 106 and 129, and Slovintsy of Pomerania: T. Wasilewski,
Historia Słowian południowych i zachodnich ( Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1977),
p. 20.
60
Slavic cradle: M. Gimbutas, The Slavs (London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 1971), p. 17.
61
H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, p. 39.
62
No archaeological links between the Scandinavia and Wielbark: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient
Poland, p. 7; and K. Godłowski & J.K. Kozłowski, Historia starożytna ziem polskich, p. 148 and
L. Musset, The Germanic Invasions, The Making of Europe AD 400 - 600, p. 35.
63
Early Scandinavia water vessels of second c. BCE and fourth c. CE: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient
this period, which also indicates that the Germanic people of that times were neither good sailors
nor good boat makers. 64 In this context the Scandinavian origins of the Goths and other Eastern
Germanic peoples can not be substantiated and therefore has to be discounted. A further attempt
was made to save the Scandinavian theory, by postulating that only a small group came from
Scandinavia, a group or clan that somehow became dominant over the Wielbark people.65 We
may further pose the question and ask: would a single person or handful of people from
Scandinavia make the Ostrogoths of the fifth century Scandinavians?
Summarizing, in the light of the evidence presented above, the issue of the Eastern
Germanic people, and the Gutones in particular, reaching the southern Baltic shores from
Scandinavia is not supported by any hard evidence. The only source that suggests this is
Jordanes’ account. However, as written nearly five hundred years after the event it cannot be
taken for a fact. Furthermore as his account was politically motivated it must be viewed with
suspicion and caution. The Eastern Germanic peoples migrated to the Black Sea from the
modern Polish Pomerania, where most likely they differentiated from Western Germanic stock.
Moreover, there is no archaeological or written evidence that the Gutones were a large and
substantially stratified tribe. It also appears that they had already absorbed other cultural and
ethnic elements when they were on the move toward the Pontic region. Although the migration
of the Eastern Germanic people to the Black Sea is a fascinating story on its own, the
Pomeranian Gutones of the first century cannot be equated with the Ostrogoths or the Visigoths
who were known to the Romans. In the same way the tenth century Slavic tribe, named
Polanye, after which the country of Poland got its name, cannot be equated with the Poles of the
fifteenth century. Therefore, we can conclude that the origin of the Goths as they were known
by the Romans lay in the Pontic steppes and their ethnogenesis took place between the third and
the fifth centuries CE. They emerged as a result of strong Sarmatian, Daco-Getan and other
ethno-cultural admixtures. Their Eastern Germanic culture was also moulded by contacts with
the local people that included Greco-Roman colonies on the Black Sea. In political terms, the
formation of the Visigothic and Ostrogothic kingdoms was a result of social and political forces
present in the Pontic region. In particular there was a strong and decisive Hunnic influence, as
well as frequent contacts with the Roman Empire and Mediterranean civilization.

Poland, pp. 41-43.

64
Germanicus campaign in estuary of Rhine in 16 CE.: J. Czarnecki, The Goths in Ancient Poland,
pp. 44-46.
65
Small number migration claim: H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, pp. 39-40.
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