chapter eleven Shamans, Alternative States, and Schizophrenia Prior to the spread of Western scientific medicine early in che twemicth century, aust illnesses — physical ane ment by “home remedies” such as test, hot drinks, or medicinal applications. Only if an iHeess was painful or persistent would a heating specialist be called into diagnose the meaning of syunptoms ancl to treat He cause of the problem, Eolk curers relied primarily on their practical knowledge of the effects of herbs or on manipulative cechuiques such as massage oF bone-setting, but their weatuents usaally had ritual aspects as well (tor example, prayer, sacrifice, and inipusition of talains on che pacient anc bis or her Family). Onue ancient type of folk healer is known as a shaman. (Uhe word is fromthe Pungus language vf Siberia.) Me shatian diagnoses and heals with supernatural aict. In most shamanic pectormances, the curer enters adeep traace during which he (or she} contacts specifte spirits and uses their power (o discover the source of the illness aud to cembar i Withia a given society, this ability inay be limited to a few individuals or it nity be widely shared. For example, among dhe Kang of southern At most aduls take part ie periodic healing rivuais, elileugie a few recognized as especially gifted. As described by Eosfard Kate, aboot four times each month a {Kung heasog dance begac sv taghtlalk: —— were treated Drawing by David Levine, Reprinted with permission trum The New turk Review of Books. Gapyright © 1976 NYREV Inc, 185186 Shamans, Aiternative States, and Schizophrenia The woren sit arvund the fire, singing and rhythmically clapping. he meu, sometimes joined by women, dance around the singers. As the dance nsihes, num ov spiritual energy is activated in the healers, both men and woren, dal mostly among the dancing men fand] they begie lo kia or experience an enhancement of thei While experiencing kia, they heal all those ag the dance. (Kate 1982:54) constiousne: “The music gradually becomes more spirited and the dancing more serious. As midnight approaches, some of (he healers begin to shudder vivlently, the whole beady convulsing in pain: ‘The experience of kia has begun and the bealers who are in kia gu te each person at tke dance and begin to heal. hey lay thei Hutering hands on a person... pulting aut the sickness. Then they shake uh Is vigorously Loward the esapty space beyond the dan casting the sickness they have taken from the person our into the dherkuess.” (198240) Shamanic performances are often highly dramatic events. Shamans ainay swallow or inhale dangerous substances (including tobacco smoke); they dance, chant or play a drum to induce trance, atid finally they contact spirits who mity act or speak through chem. Many shamans claim to be able: to senct dhe spirits they contro} against the lwonap source of an illness (a sorecrer or witcl!) or to do baile widh angry spirits (including ancestral plosts) who may feel offended and who may be responsible tor the sickness. Shamans tay cure by laying on hands (us do the [Rung}, ot they nay extract intrusive objects from the patient's body by sucking act sleiyclit of be depending on the nalive theory of disease. Navajo “singers” create complex symbolic altars and elaborate potions, which, together with lengthy chants, restore the patient to health. (See Liu phere 1986.) Shamans are varely full-time curers. Although paid bor the services they render, they generally carry out subsistence tasks as well Slaiian- isin is often beheved to be a “vocation” whose call cannot be resisted without spirttial endangerment. Phe curer is obfiguted to respond whenever called, even if die payment offered does aor compensate for time dost from other activities. A persistent question aimang students of shamarisis has been whether people who become sliamans are psychologically normal or if they suffer from a mental illness. his is a sensitive issue since even in our own society there are thousands of “faith healers” whose perform- ances include clanns of contact with the supernatural, direct “seeing” of disease entities, anc curing while ina trance state, yet whose actions are viewed as entirely normal and highly desirable by members of cheir congregations. Some aubropelogists feed chat the irrational betiefs and bizarre DOME AMUN LOpOTogtstsShamans, Alternative States, and Schizophrenla 187 behaviors of shamans indicate a severe psychological instability thal its been channeled by their cultures into an acceptable social role Ga Fréudian terms, a useful “sublimation’), Others believe chat (he aver- age shaman is no more (or less) mentally distua bed than are successtul curers in our own society Gncluding faith healers, medical doctors, and psychother: At res Tat attrac rpeople of tany per ny Personality types ress shamans* ‘ami arity with the individuals they treat, including, intimate knowledge of sources of stress in family and local coutiicns. Some interpreters go even further, alfieming the empirical validity of folk medicines and the efficacy of slamani¢c cures (Harner 1980), The late George Devereux was one anthropologi argued that the shaman is alwayS abnormal, His firsthand stadies of “etlimepsy- chinry” i Southeast Asia and in several American Lydian societies (e.g., Devereux 1961) convinced him that the bizarre behavior of me shamans indicates serious disturbance and that, even allowing for eu turatinftachce on symptonis, psychiatvists would rec recognize “the shi as a Meuvolic or a psychoti in temporary remission. “Brie Ay sited, writes Devereux, “ty position is that the shanrai is mentally deranged” (1980:15). However, he continues, Unlike the “private” neurotic or psychotic, [the shanna] does not have ect his impulses and contlicts by ang dees than cals lure places at the disposal of Those whase conflicts are of the Wwentional™ type [for often] his constices are simply more incense than those of ¢ other memnbe This explains why the intrapsychic coniticts so readily and why they find Ins "symptunss’' (riqual at Us) 30 reassuring. (1940-17) Devereux’s views were highly unpopular among American anthro- pologisis, especially during the 1960s, when many people looked 1 drug experiences and exotic societies for alternative models of social life, religion, and healing. These concerns of the ‘counterculture’ contributed to the enormous popularity of the works of Carlos Casta- neda, from The Teachings of Don Juan (1968) oA Separate Reality(197 1), fourney to ixtlan (1972), and fates of Power (L974). Vhese four books purported to be accounts of Castaneda’s apprenticeship lo a Yaqui Indian shaman, “don Juan.” Over several years, dan Juan allegedly taught Castaneda how to experience an alternative reality and how to take charge of his own Jife -to live as a “warrior” and a man of knowledge. Many anthropologists questioned the autheneicily of Castaneda» account, but even chose most knowledgeable about Yaqui cuteare188 Shamans, Alternative States, and Schizophrenia seemed reluctant simply to call ita fraud (Beals 147%). Vhe reaction of the profession as a whole was one of “silence and uneasines: (Maquet 1978: $62). Inan earlier work, F suggested that Castaneda lad “imag sp master to the Sonoran desert, s) ay Iie Wise hack ground co Iptions of his experiences with peyote, datura, and psychotropic mushrooms did correspond with the experiences of many of bis readers, including many of my students, Also in L980, however, the psychologist Richard de Mille published The Bon fuan Papers, iw which he and his fellow wathors document at length che falsehoods and plagiarisms in Castanecia’s books. ‘hey dem- onstrate, at least to uy satisiaction, that Castanedia’s “heldwork” was actually done in the U.C...4. library and in conversations wilh tresting colleagues — nany of whot mistook bis plagiarisins for confirmations of then legitimate findings! See Bock [981.) Pcntirvely agree with de Mille (1880: 168} chat" Vhe don Juan books deserve io survive as an ingenioas and instructive hoax, bat they will never be laerature or any” (L980:220), the case. Castaneda’s desc sarred lexts, Alternative States of Consciousness ‘The revelation of Castaneda’s work as a scienttic hows should make us cautious, but it shanld not discourage careful investigation into sha- manish ov other aspects of fatk medicine, for we still have much to learn from diferent traditions of healing. For example, independent re- searchers in Central and South America have confirmed the impor- ce of certain drugs in New World shamanic practice. In pardcular, the writings of Michael Harner on the use of hallucmogens by the Jivaro contribute (a our understanding of alternative states af cousciousness, jivare Indians regularly take large quantities of a diag called natema (Hanivteriopsis sp.) and Jivaro stramans learo by using this drug to sum ton aid contiel animal spirits. These spirits can be wed to kill or to cure and may also protect their master against attack rom other host ite spirits. According to Farner, ile ov demute, who desires ta become: any adult, chia practitioner, simply preseuts a gift to an already practicing shaanan, who acininisters the Banisteriopsis drink and gives some of his own super atucal power Lo the apprentice. These spirit helpers... are the main supernatural forces believed to Cause iflness anc death in claily life. Vo the won- shamau they are normally invisible, and even shamans cau perceive them only under the influence of ndtema. (1973:17)Alternative States of Consciousness 189 ln their drawings, fivaro men show considerable agreement about the appearance of the spirits; some appear as jaguars, others as snakes or birds, and the shaman’s head appears to others who have drunk natema as surrounded by a halolike crown. Cultural expectations concerning the anunal spirits doubtless affect the drug-induced fantasies, but it also ‘seems possible that certain drugs produce specific kinds of visual, audi- tory, and kinesthetic effects. Harner, who took these drugs, reported experiences very Tike those described by Jivaro shamans, as did a num- ber of nov-Indian Peruvians who knew nothing about the usual ethects of the drug (Harner 1973:151- 190). The careful reader may have noticed that | use the plirase alterna- tive states of consciuusness ty that the more usual altered states bdo this 10 avoid the presumption that our (my) everyday way of experienc ing the world is “unaltered” or normalin any absolute senge. Our setise what the warld is like to people with very different cultures or to people who speak radically different languages. Nor, for that matter, do most of'us know how the world might appear if we fasted tor tour days. Many American adults have large quantities of nicotine, caffeine, alcohol, or other less legal drugs circulating in their bloodstreams. What would our consciousness be Like without these chemicals or without the constant crowding and noise pollution of urban life? We cannot yet answer these questions, but studies of brain funcuioning and of “meditative states” indicate that ordinary waking consciousness is just one of several alter- native mental states available to humans, with or without the use of ctrugs (Sugerman and ‘Varter 1978; Prince 1982). Vhe mast common of these alternative states is dreaming. Anthro- pologists have long known that societies atuibute different kinds of importance to dreams. A few representative examples of social attitudes were summarized by Dorothy Eggan as follows: Huron Indians believed that dreams were a revelation of the secret and hidden wishes of the soul, while the Trobriand Istanders reversed this belief and thought that magically mduced dreams could produce a wish in the dreamer, and thus influence his waking conduct. The Naga of Assam dismissed much of the manifest content and looked tor symbols. Other groups, such as the Hopi and Navaho Indians, treated the manifest coment at face value, interpreting it loosely, depending apou the dreamer’s emotional and physical reaction’ on awakewing. .. . he Navaho treated a bad dream as they did any illness, by religious ceremony and native medicine. (1961:553; see also Wallace 1958) Documenting such cultural differences is an important part of psy- chological anthropology, but many problems of theory and method190 Shamans, Alternative States, and Schizophrenia remain. Should cross-cultural analysis of dreatiy attempt dyiainic in- lerpretations, Combining the couch and ile field” (LeVine 1982)? Or should it deal only with manifest dream content? To whar extent are dreams personal and to whal extent are they shaped by cultural expec- Lalions or universal syinbolism? Since dreaming appears 10 be universal in human experience, what are its adaptive functions for che individual and the group? (See Kennedy and Langness 1941.) Freud, Réheim, Devereux, and other psychoanalytic anthropolo- gists used dream material in their cultural studies. But while dreams provide special kinds of information about an individual, to attempt to collect a representative sample of dreams may presen great difficulties, Such a task calls for close rapport between the aruhropologist and the dreanters, a willingness on the part of the dreamers to record or vel} their dreams, an avoidance by the collector of “cultural standardiza- tion” of the contents of the dreams, and a sensitiviry on the part of the collector to linguistic and symbolic meanings. Kor example, the Hopi believed that “a bad dream required immediate confession and action, while a good dream bad to be remembered but not told until it came trac” (Eggan 1961567). Obviously, this altitude might bias the sample of dreams available in Hopi society. Nevertheless, with persistence and imagination, a great deal can be learned from dream analysis, Dorothy Eggan’s own work with the Hopiand Gearge Devereux’s extended case study of ao Indian man (1969) are examples of what can be accom- plished in uns area. Abundant evidence exists to show Chat intense menial activity goes on during sleep. Solutions ts personal or intellectual problems often comme in dreams, as do poems, melodies, and visual images that may be developed into works of art (Dement 1974:95-182). These facts should make us aware that not all earning can be accoumed for by mechanical stimulus-response Connections. Some types of learning appear to have quite special characteristics. Authony Wallace bas called one of these special types ritual learn- ing. Vhis refeys to the rapid reorganization of experience ander condi- dons of stress, resulting in far-reaching cognitive and emotional changes (1966:239-242), Such learning may take place in tribal initia tions, individual conversions, and in the restruciring ef behavior that often accompanies sumeone’s recruituent to a pessianic cult (Katcher and Katcher 1968), Some people would argue that becuming a nuctear physicist, a communist, or a Freudian involves a similar reorganization ofexperience under stress. The techniques of “thought retorin” devel- oped in the People's Republic of China and methods of intensive per- suasion (stich as tiose used in Reverend Jim Jones’ People’s Temple) combine siluational and interpersonal factors to produce special kindsAlternatlve States of Consclousness 191 of learning (Lifton 1961; Hollonuin 1974). One does nat have to ap- prove of these methods to recognize their potency. Ritual learning is often accompanied by music, and it frequently involves the belief that peapte can become “pussessed” by spirits, holy or demunic. In his recently translated Music and Trance (1985), Gilbert Rouget explores the relationships among shamanist, spirit possession, and various states of consciousness that are induced and araintained by music. His detailed study concludes chat different types of Wance make use of music in different ways. For example, the shaman, whose “ad- veilure” is prewarily “an mdividual affair,” always makes his own music, "Possession lraice, on the contre consists ina change of iden tity that] would be meaningless if 1 were not recognized by the group... . This is why the music is provided by the group” (p. 425). Rouget denies that music in itself has any mysterious power over mental states: Its €Hects can be understood only ih térihs ot paricvlar oe : =a clitural patlénis of symbols aiid behavior, Anthropological studies of alcohol intoxication have come co similar conclusions, for similar levels of bloud alcohol appear vo produce very different behaviors depeintin on su Expectations Tapanese businessmen entering ga bar aft tworke For example, are reported to exhibit a typical form of “drunken com- portent” even before purchasing their frst drink. Situational factors always play a role in the display and interpretation of behavior “under the influence” (MacAndrew and Edgerton 1909). Che combination of ohol intake wi icenusic is characteristic of most places ~ Avecent essay by Howard F. Stein (1985) serves to remind us how little we really understand about our own culture. Stein points out that the American fascination with “the alewholic” Hinctions to “defect our attention fromm others whose official pathologies are nut supposed to be noticed” (p. 208). According to Stein, “Ale lism will be ful ey stood ouly when we can begin to accept the factihat. . . drynessand etness, workaholism and alcoholism, soctal contraland social violation ares 7 : i ¥ en ire, and presup- pose one another’ (p. 208). Stein argues that focusing our attention on alcoholic aggression and drunk driving enables us 10 ignore and deny the out-of-control aggression and intoxication with power exhibited by our political leaders in foreign policy and the nuclear arms race. Jeoholism has become a central metaphor in American society, used to organize our thinking about [oss of self-control. Stein claims that alcoliolism has the character of a “secularized form of possession” in