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Sovereignty
Meaning:
The term “Sovereignty” has been derived from the Latin word “Superanus” which means
supreme or paramount. Although the term “Sovereignty” is modern yet the idea of
“Sovereignty” goes back to Aristotle who spoke of the “supreme power of the state”.
Throughout the middle Ages the Roman jurists and the civilians kept this idea in their
mind and frequently employed the terms “Summa” potestas and “Plenitudo potestatis” to
designate the supreme power of the state.
The terms “Sovereign” and “Sovereignty” were first used by the French jurists in the
fifteenth century and later they found their way into English, Italian and German
political literature. The use of the term “Sovereignty” in Political Science dates back to
the publication of Bodin’s “The Republic” in 1576.
“The word sovereign”, says J.S. Roucek and others, “entered the vocabulary of political
theory from the feudal order, wherein it designated a relationship between persons. The
term sovereign had been applicable to any feudal overlord with authority over subjects in
his own dominions”.
This sovereignty exercises its absolute authority over all individuals or associations of
the individuals within the state. Professor Harold Laski has very aptly remarked in this
connection: “It issues orders to all men and all associations within that area; it receives
orders from none of them. It will is subject to no legal limitation of any kind. What it
proposes is right by mere announcement of intention”.
We mean, by External Sovereignty, that the State is subject to no other authority and is
independent of any compulsion on the part of other States. Every independent state
reserves the authority to renounce trade treaties and to enter into military agreements.
Each estate is independent of other states.
Every independent State is at liberty to determine its foreign policy and to join any bloc
of power it likes. Any other state does not reserve any right to interfere with the external
matter of an independent state. Thus, by external sovereignty we mean that every state
is independent of other states.
In other words, External Sovereignty means national freedom. Professor Laski has very
correctly observed in this regard, “The modern state is a sovereign state. It is, therefore,
independent in the face of other communities.
It may infuse its will towards them with a substance which need not be affected by the
will of any external power”. This statement of Professor Laski makes it very clear that the
State possesses both external and internal sovereignty.
Definitions of Sovereignty:
(1) “That characteristic of the state by virtue of which it cannot be legally bound except
by its own or limited by any power other than itself. -Jellineck
(2) “Sovereignty is the sovereign political power vested in him whose acts are not subject
to any other and whose will cannot be over-ridden”. -Grotius
(3) “Sovereignty is the supreme power of the State over citizens and subjects
unrestrained by law”. -Bodin
ADVERTISEMENTS:
(4) Sovereignty is “the common power of the state, it is the will of the nation organised in
the state, it is right to give unconditional orders to all individuals in the territory of
state”. -Duguit (Droit Constitutional Vol. 1, page 113)
(5) Burgess characterised sovereign is the “Original, absolute, unlimited power over the
individual subjects and over all associations of subjects”.
(6) “Sovereignty is that power which is neither temporary nor delegated, nor subject to
particular rules which it cannot alter, not answerable to any other power over earth”. -
Pollock
(8) “Sovereignty is the daily operative power of framing and giving efficacy to the laws”. -
Woodrow Wilson
(10) The sovereignty is “legally supreme over an individual or group, says Laski, he
possesses “supreme coercive power”.
After closely studying and carefully examining the definitions of sovereignty, given above,
we arrive at the conclusion that sovereignty is the supreme political power of the state. It
has two aspects: internal and external. Sovereignty is an unlimited power and it is not
subject to any other authority.
(2) Exclusiveness.
(3) All-Comprehensiveness.
(4) Inalienability.
(5) Unity.
(6) Imprescriptibility.
(7) Indivisibility.
(9) Originality.
(1) Permanence:
Permanence is the chief characteristics of sovereignty. Sovereignty lasts as long as an
independent state lasts. The death of the king, the overthrow of the government and the
addiction of power does not lead to the destruction of sovereignty.
We should keep in mind the basic fact that the king or the ruler exercises sovereign
power on behalf of the state and, therefore, sovereignty lasts as long as the state lasts.
The death of the king or the overthrow of the government does not affect sovereignty.
This is the reason why people in England used to say “The King is dead, long live the
King”.
Dr. Garner has beautifully summed up this idea in the following manner:
“Sovereignty does not cease with the death or temporary dispossession of a particular
bearer or the re-organisation of the state but shifts immediately to a new bearer, as the
centre of gravity shifts from one part of physical body to another when it undergoes
external change”.
(2) Exclusiveness:
By exclusiveness we mean that there can be two sovereigns, in one independent state
and if the two sovereigns exist in a state, the unity of that state will be destroyed. There
cannot exist another sovereign slate within the existing sovereign state.
(3) All Comprehensiveness:
The State is all comprehensive and the sovereign power is universally applicable. Every
individual and every association of individual is subject to the sovereignty of the state.
No association or group of individuals, however, rich or powerful it may be, can resist or
disobey the sovereign authority.Sovereignty makes no exception and grants no
exemption to anyone. It grants exemptions only in the case of foreign embassies and
diplomatic representatives of foreign countries on the reciprocal basis. This does not in
any way restrict the sovereignty of the state in the legal sense. The state can abolish and
withdraw the diplomatic privileges granted to foreigners.
(4) Inalienability:
Sovereignty is the life and soul of the state and it cannot be alienated without destroying
the state itself. Lieber has very aptly remarked in this connection: “Sovereignty can no
more be alienated than a tree can alienate its right to sprout or a man can transfer his
life or personality to another without self-destruction”.
(5) Unity:
Unity is the very spirit of Sovereignty. The sovereign state is united just as we are
united.
(6) Imprescriptibility:
By imprescriptibility, we mean that if the sovereign does not exercise his sovereignty for
a certain period of time, it does not lead to the destruction of sovereignty. It lasts as long
as the state lasts.
(7) Indivisibility:
Indivisibility is the life-blood of sovereignty. Sovereignty cannot be divided state,
American statesman Calhoun has declared, “Sovereignty is an entire thing; to divide it is
to destroy it. It is the supreme power in a state and we might just well divide it is to
destroy it.
It is the supreme power in a state and we might just well speak of half square or half a
triangle as half a sovereignty”. Gettell, has also very aptly remarked in this regard, “If
sovereignty is not absolute, no state exists. If sovereignty is divided, more than one state
exists”.
(8) Absoluteness:
Sovereignty is absolute and unlimited. The sovereign is entitled to do whatsoever he
likes. Sovereignty is subject to none.
(9) Originality:
By originality we mean that the sovereign wields power by virtue of his own right and not
by virtue of anybody’s mercy
Robert Dahl in many of his works has defined power and analysed its various aspects. In
his A Preface to Democratic Theory Dahl calls power a type of relationship in respect of
capability and control. Take a very simple example. There are two men—A and B. If A
possesses the capability to control B then it will be assumed that A has the power. So
power involves a successful attempt to do something which he could not do otherwise.
In any society there are diverse interests and all are alike. When there are conflicts
among them one interest proceeds to dominate over the other and the interest which
prevails upon the other the former may be called powerful interest.
Karl Deutsch says that power means the ability to be involved in conflict, to resolve it
and to remove the obstacles. Though Deutsch defines the concept in the background of
international politics, its relevance to national politics is, however, undeniable. In
domestic politics or pluralistic societies there are many competing groups and all
struggle to capture power or to influence. The group which succeeds finally will be called
powerful. D. D. Raphael (Problems of Political Philosophy) has analysed power from
various aspects. He believes that generally power means the ability. Raphael says that in
French there is a word “Pouvoir”. In Latin “Potestas” is commonly used. Both these
words (these are verbs) mean “to be able”.
Raphael is of opinion that the English word power is derived from these two words and
naturally power may be used to mean ability and hence his definition of power is specific
kind of ability. Why specific kind? Let us quote him: “The ability to make other people do
what one wants them to do”.
Some political scientists want to mean that there is a special type of power which may be
designated as political power. For example, Alan Ball feels that power may generally be
used in political sense. Hence political power may broadly be defined as the capacity to
affect another’s behaviour by some form of sanction. Leslie Lipson (The Great Issues of
Politics) thinks that power is nothing but the ability to achieve results through concerted
action.
Hague, Harrop and Breslin’s definition is slightly different: “In a broad sense the power
is the production of intended effects”. A sociologist’s definition of power is: the possibility
of having one’s own decision, select alternatives or reduce complexities for others. Thus,
power means the capacity to make decisions binding and ability to discharge
responsibilities and perform certain functions.
Nature of Power:
From the definitions of power noted above we can get certain features and the first such
feature is it is used in relational sense. When there is only one actor or element the issue
of power does not arise. It is because power implies ability to influence or control others
or to get things done by others. Naturally power relates to the relationship or interaction
between two or among more than two elements or actors. So power is always viewed in
the background of relationship.
Hence it is observed that power is not concentrated at any particular centre. Again, all
the centres of power do claim to have equal or almost equal amount of power. In other
words, there is an unequal distribution of power like an unequal distribution of wealth.
Thirdly, in a class-society there are diverse interests and each power centre represents a
particular interest. This point may further be explained. In any capitalist society there
are several classes, both major and minor, and each class strives for the realisation of its
own interests which are generally economic.
But there may be political interests. However, the conflicts among the classes sometimes
lead to the other conflicts and this is the general characteristic of capitalist society. But
the advocates of the capitalist system argue that this conflict does not create an
atmosphere of class struggle. There are processes of peaceful resolution of all conflicts.
At least Talcott Parsons and many sociologists think so. According to these persons the
capitalist system is so structured that the conflicts do not create any impasse.
Fourthly, Maclver is of opinion that power is a conditional concept. Power, Maclver says,
is an ability to command service from others. But this ability, he continues, depends in
some measure upon certain conditions and if the conditions are not fulfilled properly
power cannot function. Power is not something which is permanently fixed. It is subject
to change and it has source.
If the source dries up power generation or enhancement will stop. Again, mere existence
of sources cannot cause the rise of power. The holder of power must have the ability to
use or utilise the sources of power. All these conditions establish the fact that power is
conditional.
Fifthly, power (used in political science) is a very complex notion. How it is used, what
consequences it produces, how it is to be achieved-all are in real sense complex. No
simple analysis can unearth the various aspects of power. Different people use different
terms to denote power. For example, Dahl uses the term ‘influence’ to mean power.
These are the common interpretations of power. But this ability may not be legitimate.
An individual or a military general may by physical force seize political’ power but
behind that there may not be sanction of law or constitution. In that case, the person’s
ability to force others to do something is also not authorised by law. So it is held that
power is not legitimate, the authority is always legitimate. Behind every act or decision of
the authority there shall be approval of law. Law and constitution always stand behind
an authority.
A person having power may demand obligation from other persons. But if they refuse to
act accordingly the holder of power legally or constitutionally cannot force him to show
obligation. Behind power there lies coercion or application of coercive measures or
physical force. But people show obligation to the authority on the ground that it is
legally entitled to claim obligation.
But this conception is not applicable to power. This relation between power and
authority has been stated by Leslie Lipson in the following words. “What demarcates
authority from power is that the former is power recognised as rightful. Authority is
government that all accept as valid. Its exercise is, therefore, sectioned by those who
approve the particular act or agent and is tolerated by those who disapprove. …
Authority is power clothed in the garments of legitimacy”.
The relationship between the two can be explained still from another angle. Raphael
observes that authority can exist without power. This may be illustrated in the following
way. A man may be invested with authority of an office in accordance with law or formal
rules. Naturally he can take any decision. But he fails to exercise his authority on the
ground that majority men do not support or recognise him.
This may be due to the popular mass upsurge. On the other hand, power can exist
without authority. This frequently happens in many countries. The military rulers
demand obligation from citizens though he has not that authority. But people, out of
tear, obey the order of the person who holds and exercises power. This is a very common
feature of many Third World states.
But this distinction does not always hold good. For example, we call national liberation
movement of Africa or Latin America. Here liberation is used to denote freedom or
liberty. In political science, however, the interchangeable use is the general practice.
The term liberty is associated with two other words—toleration and liberation. Toleration
means to allow other men to do their duties and even if that creates disadvantage to
some that should be tolerated. It is because the liberty of one is restriction to others, and
vice versa. Naturally if one does not tolerate others’ actions, the people cannot have
liberty. So we can say that liberty cannot be separated from toleration.
Similarly, in recent years we witness the emergence of another word which is a variation
of liberty—it is liberation. Today the words ‘liberation movement’ are very often used.
When a nation is under foreign domination it cannot be called a free nation so also the
citizens (it is used in general sense) are not free.
Heywood says that philosophers and political scientists do not use the term in identical
sense. The philosophers use it as a property of the will. It is primarily a matter of mind
and psychology. By contrast, the political scientists use the term in different senses. It is
connected with values, development of mind and inherent qualities of individuals. It also
denotes a congenial atmosphere in which men will be able to flourish their good
qualities.
Freedom also means the scope to select the required alternative from a number of
alternatives. If this scope or opportunity is not available to the individual that will mean
the absence of freedom. Hence liberty is an atmosphere where individuals will face a
number of choices and they will pick up one or more according to their requirement. D.
D. Raphael views freedom in this sense. He further maintains that freedom is the
absence of restraints. Raphael further says that freedom means to carry out what one
has chosen to do. This sense is generally used in political science.
Nature of Liberty:
After thorough study the political scientists have found out several features of liberty or
freedom.
2. Laski calls liberty an atmosphere. In the atmosphere, the individual will be permitted
to perform such activities that will facilitate the development of the best qualities a man
possesses. We can say that freedom is a material condition of social life.
3. Freedom is understood as voluntary and un-coerced action. Behind every action there
shall exist spontaneity. When man is forced to do a work that will lead to the loss of
liberty. We can say liberty and coercion are antithetical terms. This, however, is not
always correct. Sometimes a man is forced to act accordingly to make way for the
exercise of freedom to others. If a person creates obstacles, authority removes them by
force.
4. Norman Barry pointed out another feature of liberty. He suggests to draw distinction
between “feeling free” and “being free”. According to Barry the following is the
distinction. Feeling free is a state of contentment and “being free” is a state in which
major impediments to making choices have been removed. In his opinion liberty (Barry
uses both liberty and freedom interchangeably) includes both meanings.
The distinction may be illustrated in the following way. A convict may commit a crime
deliberately in order to go to prison for security reasons. Here the condition of “feeling
free” appears, but not the “being free”. He says that “being free” and “being able” are two
terms different from each other. When there are no physical impediments a man may
undertake any work but his ability does not allow him to shoulder the burden of doing
the work. So here we find that a person is free to do the work but he is not able to do it,
and mainly for that reason his ability and freedom stand apart.
Explaining freedom we must take note of this distinction. It can further be illustrated by
another example. A man has the freedom to go to any expensive restaurant and take
choicest dish. But his fund or health condition do not allow him. Or it may be that
doctor has advised him not to take food outside. In our analysis of the nature of freedom
we must consider these subtitles.
5. A plausible distinction can be drawn between political liberty and other types of
liberty. In a democratic state political liberty is especially stressed. Participation in all
affairs of the state is encouraged. But the same individuals are confronted with
dissimilar situation in social and cultural fields. In less advanced societies (these may be
or are democratic) numerous superstitions inhibit the free lives of the individuals.
They are not always free to select their religious ways or to practice any belief or faith: on
the contrary, in many autocratic states political liberty is very limited but religious or
other liberties do exist- Our viewpoint is that for a proper analysis of the concept of
freedom all forms of liberty are not to be mixed or confused. In other words various types
of liberty shall carry their our identity.
6. Liberty is a very comprehensive idea and it changes with the change of time and other
things such as outlook, physical conditions, attitude etc. By liberty one need not mean
only political or any other’ particular type of liberty. The objective of liberty is quite
ambitious—to make feasible the development of good qualities of man and for that
purpose all types of liberty may be required and in this sense it is comprehensive in
nature.
Liberty is, again, a dynamic concept. If attitude and outlook of individuals are changed
the sphere or extent of liberty must also change. For example, women of today’s society
are claiming more jobs or employment opportunities and they deem it as their right and
they claim that they must have the liberty to do job.
Women are also demanding to do job with men in night shift and with full protection. In
Western countries women work in night shifts and India is proceeding to that. The age of
Information and Technology has enhanced freedom.
The state will enact laws as to the enjoyment of liberty. Everyone in the society has an
identity and in that background he can claim liberty, Barker beautifully observes:
[Liberty] is not the indefinite liberty of an undefined individual, it is the definite liberty of
a defined personality”.
Liberty in the state, that is legal liberty, is always relative and regulated. When liberty is
regulated, its amount is much greater than the absolute liberty. This is due to the
reason that absolute liberty is the liberty of only few persons but the relative or regulated
liberty is meant for all men. Even men whose liberty is controlled can enjoy liberty.
Conflict is often found between civil and economic liberties. A worker can claim higher
wages or less working hour and this falls within his economic freedom. On the other
hand the employer has the civil liberty to enter into contract with the workers dictating
the terms of wages, working hours etc. In this way different forms of liberty create
conflict among the citizens and Barker believes that this is inevitable.
Everyone is eager to enjoy liberty to which he is entitled. There is no way of getting out of
this dilemma and remembering this (perhaps) Barker has said that liberty is really a
complex notion, it has the capacity to unite men and, at the same time, it divides or
disunites them—clash of interest is the cause of disunity.
This is the exact relation between law and liberty. But the relationship between law and
liberty must be judged in the proper perspective. Law will not be permitted to interfere
with the freedom of individuals. The purpose of law, in regard to liberty, must be to
protect liberty for all. Mention may be made in this connection that though law makes
the enjoyment of liberty more liberal, blind obedience to law does not do that.
Obedience to law must be based on reason and rationality. Again, a law must be based
on the approval of citizens. This does not, of course, mean that a law is to be approved
by all, only majority support behind a law is enough. A law shall not be used to harass
citizens.
(b) Whether the term liberty can be extended widely. But while doing so care shall be
taken about the retention of significance. In other words, the extension of the meaning of
liberty cannot curb the significance of the concept,
(c) Why political liberty is considered important. Berlin claims that he has slightly
amended his earlier version of the concept of negative and positive liberty. This, however,
does not change the core idea of liberty.
Berlin has discussed some of the definitions given by leading political scientists of his
time. He, in the following way, defines liberty, “The freedom of which I speak is
opportunity for action, rather than action itself. If, although I enjoy the right to walk
through open doors, I prefer not to do so, but to sit still and vegetate. I am not thereby
rendered less free. “Freedom is the opportunity to act, not action itself, the possibility of
action, not necessarily that dynamic realisation of it”. Berlin refers to a very interesting
aspect of liberty.
Normally we say that freedom means when man satisfies his wants. But if he cannot
satisfy his wants he must learn the way as to how and in what way he can meet his
wants. And, by adopting this method, he can contribute to his happiness. In this case
the individuals will have to devise ways of meeting demands.
Positive Freedom:
Definition:
The positive meaning of liberty may be defined in the following words: It means that the
individual is his own master. The life and decisions of one will depend on the individuals
themselves. The individual is the instrument of his own affairs. The positive sense of
freedom is concerned with the question “By whom am I governed?” rather than “How
much am I governed?” “I wish to be a subject, not an object, to be moved by reasons, by
conscious purposes which are my own, not by causes which affect me. I wish to be
somebody, not nobody, a doer deciding not being decided for, self directed and not acted
upon by external nature or by other men as if I were a thing, an animal or a slave
incapable of playing a human role”.
In its other sense, positive freedom relates to the ideas of self-realisation and personal
development”. “I feel free to the degree that I believe this is true, and enslaved to the
degree that I am made to realise that it is not”.
But the realisation of self will never be possible if congenial atmosphere is not available.
It means that the individual will not feel any obstruction which stands on the way of
self-realisation. Berlin says that self-realisation cannot thrive in vacuum or in an
atmosphere free from all sorts of obstructions.
Berlin maintains, “The notion of liberty is not the negative conception of a field without
obstacles a vacuum in which nothing obstructs me but the notion of self-direction or
self-control”. What a man wants to do, he will have the opportunity and freedom to do.
Berlin says that there is the necessity of obstruction for the realisation of self.
The aim of the restriction imposed by the state of society will be to help the furtherance
of self-realisation. It has been assumed that obstructions are not always harmful. They
have good effects and here lies the fundamental difference between negative freedom and
positive freedo
The term equality used in political science differs from uniformity, identity and
sameness. Some people, of course, want to use it to denote uniformity. But this does not
convey the meaning when it is used by political scientists. Equality does not mean
obliteration of diversity.
Number of political scientists has defined the concept and Prof. Laski is one of them. We
shall mention his definition because of its special approach. According to Laski equality
means “coherence of ideas”.
In the treatment meted out to different individuals there shall persist coherence. While
privileges are distributed among the individuals justice and reason must be maintained
so that no individual can think that he is neglected or is deprived of his due share. In
the distribution of privileges attention shall be paid to the development of personality.
This definition leads us to find out another meaning (definition) of equality. It means the
absence of special privileges. Individual’s claim for the privileges rests on the ground
that without it he cannot develop his personality and because of this reason an
individual’s claim for something is logical and legitimate.
In that case, if some individuals are deliberately made to suffer that will be a gross
violation of equality. Of course, the deprived person must prove that others have been
given more than what is reasonably his due.
Mere providing privileges or opportunities is not all. This does not bear the complete
meaning of equality. Laski further says that privileges provided by the authority must be
adequate. Individuals, with the help of inadequate opportunities, cannot develop
personality. It is difficult to ascertain what is exactly meant by the term adequate. What
is adequate to one may be inadequate to other and we all admit this.
Still we hold the view that adequacy will be determined by the person claiming
opportunities. And at the same time that state must have the capability to provide
opportunities. It may not be possible for the government of a poor country to provide all
the requirements for the research of atomic energy. Again, providing privileges depends
upon the mentality of the party in power.
All these factors enter into the consideration while analysing the term adequate. But this
controversy need not be an obstacle for the authority in charge of distributing
opportunities (we use opportunities and privileges alternatively though there is a very
subtle difference).
Basic needs are a good term and everybody wants its fulfillment. Here the problem is
what is actually basic needs differs from person to person. The criterion of basic needs is
to be determined at first. The different senses of equality designated by Raphael, though
controversial, are meaningful and many subscribe to these meanings.
Instead of attributing any clear meaning to the concept of equality Dorothy Pickles
(Introduction to Politics) draws our attention to the fact that it is used in most of the
cases ambiguously. To the French revolutionaries it was meant equality before law.
Irrespective of any differences all classes and groups of persons are to be treated equally
by law. Nobody is above law and outside the purview of law.
Equality has another meaning and this is everybody can claim equal protection of law.
Law will protect all persons equally and it will make no discrimination. Some people still
hold the view that equality denotes equal economic opportunities. There is still another
meaning of equality which means property should be distributed equally among all
persons. These are the different connotations attributed to the concept of equality.
Analysis of Equality:
We now turn to a detailed analysis of the various aspects of equality:
1. Everybody admits that equality is a very complex notion; there is no single meaning
and no single notion about equality. We here note some well-known meanings or notions
such as political equality, economic equality, social equality, racial equality and sexual
equality or equality in respect of gender. All these forms are important and they have
relevance in the social and political structures.
2. Benn and Peters have said that the concept is more often prescriptive than
descriptive. The exponents of the doctrine, through the idea of equality, want to
prescribe some norms or ideals. For example, they want to say that there shall be
political or racial or economic equality or it is suggested that both women and men shall
be on equal footing. While prescribing something in the form of equality it is generally
addressed to the persons in power, policy-makers and general public that the principle
of equality should be strictly adhered to.
3. In the analysis of equality we very often refer to egalitarianism, and in political theory
both equality and egalitarianism are profusely used. Egalitarianism refers to the belief in
the principle that all men are equal because they are created by God equal and,
therefore, they deserve equal rights and opportunities. No discrimination is allowed.
Particularly Christianity worked behind the propagation of this concept.
It is also defined as a theory or practice based on the desire to promote equality or the
belief that establishment of equality is the primary objective of any society,
Egalitarianism, we can say, aims at extreme or strict equality. It says that in all spheres
of social, political cultural, economic and other fields there shall exist equality.
4. The progress towards attainment of equality has not been uniform in all states. For
example, in the USA the legislature and the judiciary have been found very active in the
fields of social and political equality; it has been less active in economic equality. Not
only the USA, in other liberal democracies more stress is given to political equality and
less to economic equality. Whereas in socialist countries much importance is paid to
economic equality. But egalitarianism calls it a violation that all types of equality are to
be treated adequately.
Formal Equality:
Nowadays a term is frequently used and it is formal equality. The political scientists do
not especially use this term but it is manifest from their analysis that the idea of formal
equality is quite fresh in their minds. It is believed that formal equality is legal equality.
The inner idea is that every citizen is a legal member of the state which is a legal
association.
As a legal member of the legal association every person has certain claims to equality.
There are two very important forms of legal or formal equality. One is equality before law
and equal protection of law. We have already mentioned these two. What is to be noted
here is that the legal member of the legal association (Barker calls a state a legal
association) can legitimately claim that all the citizens (including him) must be treated
equally by law and no discrimination is to be allowed. In the British system of
administration and politics this was especially emphasised and Dicey spoke a lot about
it. Violation of this principle will be treated as violation of equality.
There is another type of formal equality and it is equal protection of law. It is the primary
function of law to give protection to all citizens and while doing this it makes no
distinction between rank, position and wealth. Legal or formal equality, to speak the
truth, constitutes the very core of rule of law. In this sense the formal equality comes to
be associated with equality.
It has been pointed out by Heywood that the formal equality is basically negative
because the state authority takes special care in regard to the distribution of
opportunities. The objective shall always be not to allow awarding special privileges to
few persons.
Naturally to attain this goal the state must impose restriction in one form or other upon
the distributing machinery or the state must take policy to that extent. We have already
noted that Laski has observed that equality means the absence of ‘special privileges.
Formal or legal equality has received almost universal approval from conservatives,
liberals and even socialists. It is absolutely irrational, unjustified and even bigotry to
deprive some persons of their legitimate share in wealth, income and manifold privileges
on the ground of accidental birth in poor families or in so called neglected religious
groups.
The white rulers of South Africa adopted a policy of segregation or apartheid for the
black people who were the original inhabitants of the land. Even in the USA the Negroes
were not allowed to sit with the white students in public schools or to dine in the famous
restaurants.
The blacks were not even allowed to enjoy other privileges which the white people had
the right to enjoy. This type of discrimination was irrational and against equality, liberty
and justice. It is ridiculous to think of the rule of law in a society which gleefully
practices all forms of discriminations.
Every individual has the right to claim equal liberties with others and when the state
authority can ensure this, it will be assumed that justice will no longer be far away. The
state must see that in regard to the allotment of rights and liberties the principle of
equality has been most scrupulously observed. If equality is violated justice will not be
achieved. Justice is always hand in glove with equality.
Rawls further maintains that for the sake of justice inequalities may be allowed to reign
in society. Rawls writes, “Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that
they are both reasonably expected to be to everyone’s advantage”. In a state all the
opportunities and position shall be opened to all. There shall be no place of
discrimination. Rawls also says that even the inequalities shall create no disadvantage to
anybody.
In this way Rawls has suggested that equalities and inequalities will build up a
foundation for justice. Distribution of all values, rights and liberties will be based on the
above principles and all institutions shall be modelled on the same principles.
This should be done in such a manner as it will enable to flourish and utilise their
talents properly. But Rawls points out a condition. Formal declaration of policies or
processes is not sufficient; care should be taken as to the fact that all are capable of
attaining the opportunities. If necessary the structural changes of the society are to be
effected. “Free market arrangements must be set within a framework of political and
legal institution”.
Rawls suggests that democratic equality is achieved by combining the means of the
principle of fair equality of opportunity with the difference principle. Let us explain it. We
have already noted that whatever opportunities are available, that must be fairly
distributed among the legitimate claimants.
The rights of persons are to be protected by the rule of law. The citizens will be able to
realise that rule of law is not violated. The rule of law and equality travel side by side
and both help the realisation of justice. We here find that Rawls was immensely
influenced by the British systems of rule of law and he considered it as the basis of
justice and equality.
The structure must be helpful for equality and justice. The structures of institutions will
have no function for discriminating among the citizens and thereby devaluing justice. It
is the duty of institutions to impart justice and ensure equality. Thus, Rawls concludes
that justice and equality are not separate concepts.
For example, social, political, economic etc.; and these were due to the bourgeois
structure. In any capitalist state there were inequalities between men and women, rich
and poor, there were discriminations among various religious groups.
But in actual situation most of the rights, liberties and equalities remain unfulfilled.
Marxists claim that all “these allegations against the bourgeois society are not based on
any concoction or emotion. It is their claim that Marx and Engels studied the capitalist
society from a very close distance.” In the second half of the nineteenth century the
capitalist systems of Britain, Germany and France were matured.
But people’s equal rights and privileges could never be obtained through the
announcement of political emancipation. According to Marx it was merely partial
emancipation. For achievement of all forms of equality (also of rights and liberties)
human emancipation was necessary. By human emancipation he meant emancipation of
all men and women from every type of bondage created and imposed by the capitalists.
Emancipation only of the Jews could not achieve that ambitious objective.
So Marx on the Jewish Question ridiculed the emancipation only of the Jews. Marx
believed that the institution of private property was the chief evil and it always acted for
the creation of inequalities and differences among people. For this reason he
recommended the abolition of private property through the seizure of political power.
Prevalence of market economy was another factor for the growing menace of inequality
and exploitation.
The weaker sections of the body politic were gradually being eliminated from the market
because of money power exercised by the capitalists. Therefore, the abolition of
capitalism was the first precondition for the attainment of universal political values such
as equality, right and liberty, also justice.
There is another principle: “Each according to his abilities, to each according to his
needs”. This principle indicates that each person in the society will perform his duties as
far as his abilities permit him to do. That is, none will be asked to do any work beyond
his capacity.
ADVERTISEMENTS:
On the basis of these two criteria the remuneration will be decided. It is believed by the
Marxists that if this criterion is strictly adhered to that will lay the foundation of equality
because none will be deprived of his due share of wealth. But the Marxists believe that
only in a post-revolutionary society such an aim can be realised.
In the first stage of the post-revolutionary society, Marx claimed, this objective or
principle could be achieved. Marxists did not treat this stage as the stage of just
equality. It was apprehended that due to differences in ability and talent there might
appear differences among men in many respects. Nevertheless, this principle might be
regarded as the stepping stone to equality.
There is another principle delineated by Marxists: “From each according to his abilities,
to each according to his needs”. Marxists (including Lenin) stressed this principle and
held that only in a communist society this principle could be achieved. Explaining this
principle the author of the above-noted article has said, “This principle corresponds with
the higher communist phase of post-revolutionary society. Under communism will there
be equal treatment of unequal human beings with all their necessarily unequal needs”.
But the Marxists do not share this view. They are of opinion that when everybody
in the society is assured of satisfactory activities and requirements there shall not
arise the urge for private property. This will clear the way for the emergence of
equality. A good social relation will develop among all persons in the body-politic.
Marxists have further said that, in communism, when such a situation will arise,
nobody will try to acquire private property because that will appear to them a
useless venture
ADVERTISEMENTS:
1. “Rights are those conditions of social life without which no man can seek in general,
to be himself at his best.” -Laski
2. “Rights are powers necessary for the fulfillment of man’s vocation as a moral being.” -
T. H. Green
3. “Rights are nothing more nor less than those social conditions which are necessary or
favourable to the development of personality” -Beni Prasad
As such, Rights are common and recognized claims of the people which are essential for
their development as human beings.
Features/Nature of Rights:
ADVERTISEMENTS:
1. Rights exist only in society. These are the products of social living.
3. Rights are recognized by the society as common claims of all the people.
4. Rights are rational and moral claims that the people make on their society.
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5. Since rights in here only in society, these cannot be exercised against the society.
6. Rights are to be exercised by the people for their development which really means
their development in society by the promotion of social good. Rights can never be
exercised against social good.
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9. Rights are not absolute. These always bear limitations deemed essential for
maintaining public health, security, order and morality.
10. Rights are inseparably related with duties. There is a close relationship between
them “No Duties Ho Rights. No Rights No Duties.” “If I have rights it is my duty to
respect the rights others in society”.
11. Rights need enforcement and only then these can be really used by the people. These
are protected and enforced by the laws of the state. It is the duty of a state to protect the
rights of the people.
All these features clearly bring out the nature of Rights.
Types of Rights:
ADVERTISEMENTS:
1. Natural Rights:
Faith in natural rights is strongly expressed by several scholars. They hold that people
inherit several rights from nature. Before they came to live in society and state, they
used to live in a state of nature. In it, they enjoyed certain natural rights, like the right
to life, right to liberty and right to property. Natural rights are parts of human nature
and reason.
However, several other scholars regard the concept of natural rights as imaginary. Rights
are the products of social living. These can be used only in a society. Rights have behind
them the recognition of society as common claims for development, and that is why the
state protects these rights.
2. Moral Rights:
Moral Rights are those rights which are based on human consciousness. They are
backed by moral force of human mind. These are based on human sense of goodness
and justice. These are not backed by the force of law. Sense of goodness and public
opinion are the sanctions behind moral rights.
If any person violates any moral right, no legal action can be taken against him. The
state does not enforce these rights. Its courts do not recognize these rights. Moral Rights
include rules of good conduct, courtesy and of moral behaviour. These stand for moral
perfection of the people Legal Rights.
Legal rights are those rights which are recognized and enforced by the state. Any
violation of any legal right is punished by law. Law courts of the state enforce legal
rights. These rights can be enforced against individuals and also against the
government. In this way, legal rights are different from moral rights. Legal rights are
equally available to all the citizens. All citizens enjoy legal rights without any
discrimination. They can go to the courts for getting their legal rights enforced.
2. Political Rights:
Political rights are those rights by virtue of which citizens get a share in the political
process. These enable them to take an active part in the political process. These rights
include right to vote, right to get elected, right to hold public office and right to criticise
and oppose the government. Political rights are really available to the people in a
democratic state.
3. Economic Rights:
Economic rights are those rights which provide economic security to the people. These
enable all citizens to make proper use of their civil and political rights. The basic needs
of every person are related to his food, clothing, shelter, medical treatment etc. Without
the fulfillment of these no person can really enjoy his civil and political rights. It is
therefore essential, that every person must get the right to work, right to adequate
wages, right to leisure and rest, and right to social security in case of illness, physical
disability and old age.
As there is a close relationship between the body and soul, so there is a relationship
between the rights and duties.
Professor Laski finds the following points of relationship between the rights and
duties:
(1) The right of one is related to the duty of the other:
If one has the right, the other has the duty related to that right. If one enjoys the right, it
becomes the duty of the other not to prove an obstacle in the enjoyment of his right. For
example, if I enjoy the right to life it is the duty of others not to cause any harm to my
life.
(2) The duty of the one is the right of the other and vice versa:
If I possess rights, I owe duties also. As we treat others so others will treat us. If the
other has the right to life and security, it is our duty that I should not cause any harm to
his life and security. To give proper respect and regard to the rights of others is our duty.
(3) The state guarantees the enjoyment of certain rights to every individual:
But at the same time, it becomes the duty of the individual that he should make the use
of those rights for promoting the common welfare. For example, if I have the right to
vote, it becomes my duty that I should cast my vote in favour of a deserving candidate.
While casting my vote, I should not allow my prejudice to work. I should not be
influenced by the distinction of caste and creed, rich and poor, black and white, etc.
Thus, it is quite clear that rights and duties are so closely related to each other, that
they cannot be separated from each other. If every individual pays ‘ attention only to his
rights and does not perform his duties to others, rights o individual will cease to exist.
There is a close relationship between the rights and duties. They are the same conditions
viewed from different angles. They are the two sides of the same coin. If we have the right
to speech, writing, wandering, running institutions and any religion we like, it is our
duty, at the same time that we should not spread evils in society by our writing work or
by our lectures.
If we have the right to vote, we should make the proper use of this right and cast our
vote in favour of the honest and deserving candidate. If we have the right to make the
use of roads for our vehicles, it becomes, at the same time, our duty that we should keep
to the left so as to avoid accidents.