The Theodosian Age

(A.D. 379-455)
Power, place, belief and learning
at the end of the Western Empire

Edited by

Rosa García-Gasco
Sergio González Sánchez
David Hernández de la Fuente

BAR International Series 2493

2013
Published by

Archaeopress
Publishers of British Archaeological Reports
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BAR S2493

The Theodosian Age (A.D. 379-455): Power, place, belief and learning at the end of the Western Empire

© Archaeopress and the individual authors 2013

ISBN 978 1 4073 1107 4

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Sicilian cities between the fourth and fifth
centuries AD
Denis Sami
University of Leicester
Abstract
While a young generation of researchers and archaeologists is
working hard to update Sicilian studies with modern
methodological approaches and to fill the gap of information due
to traditional lack of interest in the Late Roman and Byzantine
periods, old theories and patterns still deeply influence current
research. Ideas such as economical decline caused by Vandal
raids, the tyrannical and oppressive fiscal government of
Constantinople, the decadence of urban centres and the tendency
towards independence from Byzantium control, are only some of
the common theories still accepted without critical debate.
In this presentation, I will provide an introduction to the nature
of Sicilian cities at the time of the House of Theodosius through
the analysis of four relevant topics of urban archaeology (the
reduction of civic space, the Christianisation of the townscape,
the military and economical roles of cities) accompanied by a
critical discussion of traditional hermeneutic patterns.
KEYWORDS: Sicily, Late antiquity, Byzantine, Archaeology,
city
Introduction
Defining the chronological range of this paper offers some
aspects of ambiguity. The late fourth to the late fifth
century has been assigned a variety of different labels
such as ‘Late Roman’, ‘Byzantine’ and the more
controversial ‘paleocristiano’ often used in Italian
sources, running alongside the ‘Early Medieval’ or, as is
more commonly used in Southern Mediterranean regions,
the ‘Early Byzantine’. The widely accepted term ‘Late
Antiquity’ presents notorious points of controversy
because it amalgamates processes of transformation
spanning from the Late Roman and Medieval periods.
Moreover, there is not full agreement on the chronological
duration of Late Antiquity, whose extremes have been
recently expanded to the third and the nine centuries. 1
Therefore, because this paper’s focus on the short period
of the reign of Theodosius (379-95) and his direct
descendants Honorius (393-423) and Valentinian III (425-
55), in using the word ‘Late Roman’, I am referring to the
period from the second half of the fourth century until AD
476. Inevitably, I will extend part of my discussion to the
late fifth and early sixth centuries and therefore, given the
capacity of Constantinople to influence the Sicilian, and
more generally, Italian politics, I will use the word
Byzantine when referring to the period comprised from
                                                            
1
For an example of the different interpretations of the chronological
span of Late Antiquity compare: Fowden (2002) and Cameron (1993).
27
the fall of Rome and the capture of Taormina by the Arabs
in 902 (Cosentino 2008).
The role of Sicilian cities during the Late Roman and
Byzantine Empire has been notoriously poorly explored
and debated by historians, and almost completely ignored
by archaeologists. 2 The reasons for such disregard have
different origins attributed: nationalistic, religious and
academic. The creation of the Italian nation in 1861,
initiated a process of construction and consolidation of a
national identity coagulated around Rome and the idea of
Regno d’Italia, in which the history of Sicily was adapted
to fit the history of the peninsula (Neff and Prigent 2006,
11; 2010). Similarly, but with much older motivations, the
Church had interest in undervaluing the Christian-
Orthodox presence on the island in favour of a more
Catholic identity. Finally, the emphasis placed on the
Classic Hellenistic period as the high point of Sicilian
civilisation often resulted in the removal of Late Roman,
Byzantine and Islamic contexts without any sort of
documentation. Luckily, in the last years the Late Roman
and Byzantine phases have attracted the attention of
scholars, reflecting an improvement of Sicilian urban
archaeology (Maurici 2010). In spite of this, the lack of
publication of post-excavation reports together with the
difficulty of access to grey literature, as well as to
publications released in journals or monographs poorly
distributed, discourage and dampen international
discussion. Paradigmatic of this situation was the
conference Archeologia della Sicilia Bizantina held in
Corleone in 1998, where urban contexts received no
attention and the participation of non Italian speakers was
very limited (von Falkenhausen, Belke, Johns and
Kislinger). The recent meeting dedicated to Sicilian
Byzantine urbanism: From Polis to Madina certainly
marks an important step for the discipline, however,
despite the English titles at the conference with the
exception of French scholars Annalise Neff and Vivien
Prigent, only Sicilian speakers were present, therefore
sadly not allowing the opportunity of involving and
tackling international debate.3
A general agreement has been found around the idea that
Sicilian cities were in decline from the second half of the
fourth century and that the real importance of the island in
this period lay in its rural areas. 4 The discovery of
important Late Roman villae such as that of Piazza
Armerina, Tellaro and Patti attracted much of the attention
and, as a consequence, urban centres have been relegated
to a minor role.
                                                            
2
Only fragmentary research exploring funerary contexts of other urban
site are available and so far an archaeological account of Sicilian urban
centres from the late fourth to the seventh century is missing. R. J. A.
Wilson (1990) in his analysis of Roman Sicilian cities also comprehends
the fourth and fifth centuries, but more work is needed.
3
The conference was held in Syracuse 21st-23rd June 2012 and when
the proceedings will be published the volume will add a great contribute
to the study of Late Roman and Byzantine urban centres in Sicily.
4
Paradigmatic is the paper Sicilia nel III-IV secolo: il volto della non-
città, by Cracco Ruggini (1982-83). The rural production occupies an
important part in 1980s, discussion by Cracco Ruggini. In addition, see
Vera (1997-98), for the potential grain production of Sicily.
 
The Theodosian Age (AD 379-455): Power, Place, Belief and Learning at the End of the Western Empire
Figure 1. Late antique Sicily, places mentioned in the text.
According to the ‘decline’ theory, the evident proof of
urban decline is the shrinkage of the civic space, the
abandonment or reuse of public monuments such as
theatres, amphitheatres or temples, and the loss of good
quality residential buildings (Ward-Perkins 2005; Christie
2006; Brogiolo and Gelichi 1998). The construction of the
idea of decline also involves the decrease of the civic
economy as well as the inability of providing urban
defence in the province (Wilson 1990, 237-76; 330-37).
Such theory, however, is just one category through which
we can observe cities in the transitional period of the so-
called Late Antiquity and Sicilian urban centres represent
a good case study because they continued to be populated
and function as political and religious foci until the Arab
occupation of the island.5
Describing the rise of Christianity in Sicily, it has been
proposed that the new religion was unanimously accepted
and, by the first half of the fifth century, traditional
Roman religions disappeared from cities (Otranto 1991;
Rizzo 1988-89). Some of these ideas have been elaborated
between the end of the nineteenth and the early decades of
the twentieth century reflecting both the contemporary
status of the research and the cultural environment still
deeply influenced by antiquarianism (Crisà 2012).
These theories were perpetuated through the entire
twentieth century without a substantial critical approach
or a significant discussion. It is only very recently that a
                                                            
5
In the sixth century there were in Sicily eleven bishoprics, in the eighth
century were sixteenth sign that urbanised centres played a fundamental
role in the administration of the orovince – although some of these
bishoprics were not more than villages such as Triokala (Caltabellotta),
Tindari and Lentini.
28
new phase of Sicilian studies offered different
perspectives in urban studies, Catania certainly being the
leading centre of this renaissance of Late Roman and
Byzantine research. Following the excavation of the
churches of S. Agata la Vetere (Arcifa 2009) and S. Maria
della Rotonda (Branciforti and Guastella 2008) and those
of the theatre, odeion (Branciforti and Pagano 2008) and
amphitheatre (Bestem, Becker and Spigo 2007), an
important amount of new data have been added to the
discussion. In the context of new debate Trapani,
Lilybaeum (Maurici 2003), Syracuse (Sami 2010) and
Catania (Arcifa 2009) are today under new examination
(Figure 1).
Below, four traditional topics of Late Roman and Early
Medieval urbanism will be discussed in the light of
Sicilian information. The phenomenon of the reduction of
civic space will be explored seeking to uncover the
potential existence of a common pattern between Sicilian
cities. The reduction of the urbanised area was a
consequence of political, economical, military and
demographic factors related to a more general crisis of the
Roman Empire, but also linked to local reasons (Christie
2006). Is it therefore possible that all the Sicilian urban
centres declined at the same time and followed the same
trajectories, or can we observe element of differences?
The move of Christianity within the urban space was
certainly a major factor of urban transformation implying
the creation of new foci, modifying the flux of people
through the network of streets, but also communicating in
a new way an emerging authority: that of the Church.
Such presence in the urban landscape without doubt
altered social and religious stability. Therefore, was the
 Denis Sami – Sicilianc cities between the fourth and fifth centuries AD
Figure 2. Late antique Syracuse.
appearance of Christianity fast, consistent and widely
accepted everywhere in the region?
The agricultural production of Sicily became in the late
fourth and early fifth century fundamental for the supply
of grain to Rome, in particular the political instability of
North Africa resulting in the rebellion of Firmius (379)
and Gildus (397-8) made it clear to Rome that Sicily was
an essential alternative of food supply. If the island was
then so important how is it possible that it was an
undefended province, while other centres set up defences?
Finally, central in the Mediterranean, Sicily was the
crossing point of trade routes and certainly imports were
an important part of the urban consumption, however,
what was the productive potential of Sicilian cities?
Sicilian urban society and in particular the local
aristocracy might have attracted goods from North Africa
or the eastern provinces, but at the same time they
originated and stimulated local productions.
29
The Reduction of the Civic Space
It is still a common opinion that Late Roman and
Byzantine Syracuse was confined to the island of Ortigia,
but it is has never been clearly explained on the basis of
which data this idea was developed (Figure 2). 6
Archaeological investigations in the Acradina district, in
piazza della Repubblica, uncovered a monumental road on
which maintenance was still active in the second half of
the seventh century demonstrating that the mainland of
Syracuse was still considered an appropriate place to
communicate authority (Agnello 1990). In addition,
excavations at the domus of via dell’arsenale, and at the
residential building in via Paolo Orsi, also offer scope for
speculating about the use of the Acradina district in Late
Roman and Byzantine period. The domus of via
dell’arsenale for its size and its quality of construction
must have belonged to a wealthy owner. Its origin can be
                                                            
6
Santi Luigi Agnello (1990) already noted the incongruence of such
proposal.
The Theodosian Age (AD 379-455): Power, Place, Belief and Learning at the End of the Western Empire

Figure 3. Late antique Agrigento.

Figure 4. Late antique Lilybaeum.

30
 Denis Sami – Sicilianc cities between the fourth and fifth centuries AD
Figure 5. Late antique Palermo.
traced back to the fourth century and it had a long life and
underwent several transformations and partitions until the
seventh century (Cultera 1954; Wilson 1990, 125). 7 A
fairly similar context was recorded in via Paolo Orsi
where floors of good quality were restored after the fifth
century and coins of Jovian (363-64), Constantine III
(409-421), Valentinian III (423-455) and Jiustinian II
(685-95; 705-11) were collected (Cultera 1954; Wilson
1990, 125). Data suggest, therefore, that the Acradina
remained a residential district with some wealthy
residential areas probably until the eighth century.
Agrigento and Lilybaeum are two controversial case
studies that can be used to prove both the decline in urban
functions and the transformation in the use of urban
landscape (Figures 3-4). Agrigento has been described as
a declining centre, but the city was until the seventh
century a relevant economical pole provided with a
harbour and an emporium connected with other Sicilian
ports in North Africa and Italy.8 However, despite this, it
is thought that by the mid-fifth century the Greek-Roman
quarter was depopulated, domus fractioned and
subdivided in smaller domestic spaces and burials cut into
former residential space (Wilson 1990, 114-19). This idea
is based on old excavations undertaken in the 1950s-80s
and therefore this source needs to be carefully examined.
7
Coins of Constans II have been documented.
8
The life of Saint Gregory of Agrigento written by Leontius offers
details about the route connecting Agrigento to other Sicilian and
Mediterranean coastal centres (Leontius Abbot, Life of Saint Gregory).
31
Mosaic floors within domus were neglected, covered or
removed, nonetheless the district remained a residential
space that, from the presence of the numerous nearby
funerary areas and the amount of finds, should have been
settled quite densely (Parello and Rizzo, forthcoming).
The life of Bishop Gregory describes Agrigento as a still
populated and active society organised around the forum
where the imperial authority was publicly manifested.9
In contrast with Agrigento, the area of capo Boeo in
Lilybaeum was until the early fifth century occupied by
sumptuous domus decorated with elegant mosaics. This
space underwent a radical transformation around the
second quarter of the fifth century when the domus were
deserted and replaced with a funerary area (Giglio 2001;
2007). Palermo, as we shall see below, maintained its
classical extension well protected by the civic defences
(Figure 5). The claimed decline of the urban landscape
based on the subdivision of the residential space occurred
between the fourth and the fifth centuries in the domus of
Piazza della Vittoria cannot be taken as sign of urban
decline since most probably there is scope to suggest a
change of use of the domus transformed from residential
to a religious space (Sami 2010: 137-38).
                                                            
9
After Bishop Gregory was arrested a preliminary trial was organised in
the forum by the imperial legate (Leont. 58).
The Theodosian Age (AD 379-455): Power, Place, Belief and Learning at the End of the Western Empire
Figure 6. Late antique Catania.
Thus, abandonment, continuity or reinterpretation of the
civic space? The contexts need to be explored singularly.
Catania, in spite of being one of the most important
centres of the province, underwent a reduction of space
(Figure 6), Palermo maintained its Classical perimeter,
and if the residential district of Agrigento underwent a
slow process of decline, the rich domus of Capo Boeo
were rapidly replaced by burials and devotional
monuments.
The Christianization of the Townscape
The development of Christianity has received great
emphasis in Sicilian studies, and when available,
archaeological data have been used to demonstrate the
precocious conversion of citizens to the new faith
(Otranto 1991; Pricoco 1997-8; Rizzo 2005-6). However,
the idea of a fast conversion of Sicilians to the Nicean
Creed needs to be re-explored on the light of a more
shaded background where syncretism was largely
diffused, heresy spread and a consistent and important
Jewish community resided in the major Sicilian cities
(Greco 1999).10 The religious context of fourth and fifth
century Sicily was indeed more complex and articulated
                                                            
10
In 593, Pope Gregory I, was still lamenting the presence of ‘idol
worshipers’ in the island (Greg. Let. III, 59). About the Jewish
community see Scadaliato and Mulè (2002).
32
than Christian narrative accounts describe. When in late
fourth century, in his Praefatio in lib. IV Jeremiae, St.
Jerome condemned an uncertain doctrine named
impeccantia, Sicily witnessed different heretical
movements (Rizzo 2005-06, II, ii, 272). Pelagius was in
fact, in the same years, visiting the island most probably
making proselytes concerning Syracusan Ilarius who
asked for advice from St. Augustine (Rizzo 2005-06, II, i,
148-52). Moreover, the specification of the catholic faith
in the late fifth century funerary inscription of Proba
found in Lipari was in the opinion of S. L. Agnello (1988,
83-103), proof of the presence of non-catholic worshipers
on the small island. Heresy and residual traditional Roman
religions were still diffused in Sicilian rural areas until the
end of the sixth century. Pope Gregory the Great, alarmed
by such presence, wrote to the bishop of Tindari about the
Angelii worshipers in that parish (Greg. Let. III, 59). Also,
it is assumed that Goths residing in Syracuse, Catania and
Palermo attended rituals in Arian churches, therefore
signifying that these monuments might have been present
in the fifth century Sicilian urban landscape.11
Material culture certainly offers an invaluable source of
information for questioning the early Christianisation or
Sicilian urban population. Excavation of funerary contexts
                                                            
11
In Catania there was a Gate of the Arian (Acconcia Longo 1989).
However, the peculiarity of Arian architecture and decoration is difficult
to identify, therefore it is problematic to clearly distinguish a Catholic
from an Arian monument. See Gwynn (2010) and Ward-Perkins (2010).
 Denis Sami – Sicilianc cities between the fourth and fifth centuries AD
in Syracuse reveals how ambiguous the difference was
between faiths and how the use of non-Christian objects
was common also in clearly defined Christian burials.
Among the hundreds lamps collected in the fourth-fifth
century hypogea Pupillo I and II, in Syracuse, several
displayed traditional Roman, neutral, Christian and Jewish
scenes denoting how the object crossed the boundaries of
religious identity (Orsi 1909; Agnello, G. 1969).
In a similar way, the line between rituals was blurred;
Christian burials associated with traditional Roman
funerary practice of the refrigerium are documented in the
fifth-sixth century funerary area of Piana degli Albanesi
near Palermo (Greco et al. 1991, 165) and the necropolis
sub-divo of Agrigento (Bonacasa Carra 1995).
The fourth and early fifth century organisation of the
Christian community within the enceinte remains
problematic to identify. The so called ‘basilichetta’ in
Agrigento and the three-apse monument in Catania are
most probably mid-fourth century buildings that, together
with funerary areas, document a certain degree of
Christian activity. However, these building in fact had no
direct impact in the urban intramural landscape (De Miro
1980; Cultera 1964). So far, the only fourth century
basilica known within the defences is the church of San
Pietro intra moenia in Syracuse (Figure 7). This church
was built by bishop Germanus in Ortigia between the
reign of Valentinian I and Theodosius and later modified
in the Byzantine and medieval periods. This monument in
not of large size and therefore we can suppose there were,
in Syracuse, other contemporary churches to host the
Christian community of the city (Agnello 1952, 89-106).12
To explain the degree of the difficulty of marking the
fourth and early fifth century religious intramural
buildings, the case of the domus excavated in Piazza della
Vitoria in Palermo may be exemplar. Here the Imperial
domus was at some point in the fifth century altered with
room partitions, burials were dug in the peristilium and
part of the mosaic floors representing mythological
images were patched with good quality neutral geometric
and floral motives (David 2000; Wilson 1990, 127). Given
the position of this domus near the now lost church of
Santa Maria della Pinta that has been dated to the period
spanning between the late fourth to the mid-sixth century,
it is not excluded that the domus was converted from a
residence to one of the early urban Christian monuments
of Palermo (Bonacasa Carra 1987, 312-14; Agnello 1962,
69-70; Pace 1949, 329-30).
The impact of Christian monuments on the alteration of
the civic space in the period spanning the late fourth and
fifth centuries is indeed still difficult to evaluate. Christian
building activity was in this period rare in Sicilian cities
and we lack material evidence to support such a program.
On the contrary, we possess documentation about fourth
                                                            
12
An idea of the size of the Christian community of Syracuse can be
guessed by the number of hypogea and the size of catacombs in
Syracuse.
33
and fifth century rural Christian monuments.13 The reason
for such a lack of civic Christian monuments may be the
priority given by the Church in the Christianization of the
rural areas where heresy and residual traditional Roman
religion was still spreading and to secure the control of the
rising properties of the Church.
The Defence of Urban Centres
City-walls are an essential part of the urban landscape and
core to the civic defence and urban identity. In fact, cities
are often represented in ancient sources through their
enceinte and are defined as castra (Latimer 2010). 14
Sicilian Hellenistic cities were heavily protected by walls,
towers and ditches, but the status of these civic
monuments in the Late Roman period needs to be
explored on the light of recent archaeological excavations
(Winter 1971).
On the base of Procopius description of Catania as un-
walled city (Gothic War VII, xl, 2), it has been thought
that the city was undefended. However, the note of
Procopius is controversial and not confirmed by other
sources. We know that in late fifth century the curiales
and possessores of Catania asked King Theodoric
permission to use the stones from the ruined Amphitheatre
for restoring the urban enceinte (Cassiodorus, Variae
XLIX). Moreover, in the eighth century Life of St Leo of
Catania a Gate of the Arians is reported, probably
belonging to the urban defences, dated to the late fifth or
early sixth century when the town was garrisoned by the
Ostrogoths (Acconcia Longo 1989). In addition, it should
be taken into consideration that Catania was not only one
of the main Sicilian urban centres, but was also a
temporary seat of the provincial consularis, and together
with Syracuse, shared the regional synod that was held
every three years in one of the two cities. It is therefore
indeed difficult to think of such an important centre being
without defences.15
In the second quarter of the first century AD Caligula
restored the city-walls of Syracuse: ‘which had fallen into
ruin though lapse of time’ (Svetonius, Life of Caligula
21), but we do not know if these restorations interested all
the defensive system or were limited to some specific
monumental parts, perhaps a gate. Later, during the
Gothic war Procopius indirectly confirmed the existence
of urban fortifications that might have been that of
Acradina. The Byzantine fleet in fact: ‘[...] forced his way
through the barbarian lines, sailed into the harbour, and so
got inside the fortifications with the whole fleet’ (Proc.
Gothic War VII, xl, 12). To some extent these defences
might have been maintained through all the Byzantine
period. From the account of monk Theodosius who
                                                            
13
Several cases are analysed in Giglio (2003).
14
For a general overview on the Italian context see Christie (2006: 281-
348).
15
For Catania as temporary seat of the Consularis see Mazzarino (1980,
351-54). Pope Gregory the Great stated the regional synod should be
held every year either in Syracuse and Catania (Greg. Let. I, 1).
The Theodosian Age (AD 379-455): Power, Place, Belief and Learning at the End of the Western Empire

Figure 7. The fourth century church of S. Pietro intra moenia.

Figure 8. Syracuse, the remains of a Byzantine tower and wall.

34
 Denis Sami – Sicilianc cities between the fourth and fifth centuries AD
witnesses the siege of Syracuse in 878, we understand that
the walls of Acradina still existed, since the Arabs used to
dig tunnels to enter the city and this was clearly not
possible if the wall described by Theodosius were those of
sandy Ortigia.16
The defences of Syracuse have been recently
archaeologically explored. Excavations undertaken in the
2000s for the construction of the new sewage system have
been resulted in the systematic exploration of the
fortification in Ortigia (Basile and Mirabella 2003; Figure
8). During excavation were recovered part of the
Hellenistic, Byzantine, Medieval and post-Medieval
defence structures, but investigations failed to identify any
Roman and Late Roman phase and a gap of circa twelfth
centuries exists between the Hellenistic enceinte and the
Byzantine structures. It is also not clear when the
Byzantine city-wall was founded since only deposits and
structures of seventh to ninth centuries were documented
(Basile and Mirabella 2003). 17 Maybe the Byzantine
enceinte developed from the Late Roman walls, as
documented in Palermo, but evidence is needed to shed
light on the subject.
Despite the lack of material conservation of the ancient
city-wall of Palermo, thanks to textual accounts the topic
of the urban defence of the city is clearer. In AD 441,
Palermo resisted the Vandal siege thanks to its exceptional
fortification, and it required a great effort and all the
military skills of Belisarius to take the city in 535. Thus
Palermo was a fortified city in the first half of the fifth
century (Maurici 1992, 23-26).
In the small town of Tindari a defensive wall was set up at
the time of Emperor Honorius using spolia from the
nearby theatre or other abandoned public monuments
(Maurici 1992, 14, 27; Wilson 1990, 170; 333).
Lilybaeum was taken by Vandals in 440, and old
excavations seem to document third century poor
residential structures built over the classical city-wall
remains and probably for this reason it was thought that
the city had no walls (Caruso 2003, 187; Wilson 1990,
170; Di Stefano 1976-7, 762; 1982-3). However,
Procopius (Gothic War V, iii, 15-18) describes the city as
defended: ‘The fortress of Lilybaeum (that was a Vandal
territory) which is ours, you have taken by force [...]’.
The evidence concerning the protection of Sicilian urban
centres is indeed still scarce and despite confirmation of
the existence of urban defences from the first half of the
fifth century in Palermo and Tindari, the majority of
Sicilian centres still wait for more data. The program of
urban fortification inaugurated from the late fourth
century in most of the Western provinces included the
near North African centres might have a certain degree of
                                                            
16
Theodosius monk, Epistola: ‘[...] when the tortoise-shed that destroys
cities had been used against us, and those things which they call
subterranean rats [...]’.
17
Residential and a ceramic kiln of the eighth and ninth century were
uncovered, but from the report it is not clear when the walls were erected
(Basile and Mirabella 2003).
35
influence and spread concerns about the defence of
Sicilian cities exhorting Sicilians to fortify their cities.
The Economy of Late Roman and Byzantine Sicilian
Centres
The current idea is that of an island split in three different
economical areas linked to three Mediterranean regions.
The western-south connected with Carthage and the North
African provinces, the northern coast bound with Rome
and the Tyrrhenian centres and finally the Ionian cities
gravitating around the eastern provinces, but also to the
Adriatic regions (Ardizzone 2010; Arcifa 2010).
It is reasonable to suggest that the economic life of
Sicilian centres lean on the grain market. Grain for the
payment of the annona was moved from rural areas
through a network of roads, stored in cities and then
dispatched to Rome activating the work of a multitude of
persons active in the stores, manufacture of containers and
boxes, loading ships and all the activities related to a
dockyard and trades. Urban economy thus was stimulated
by the movement and shipping of the annona. These
activities can be partially observed in funerary dedications
uncovered in Syracuse. We are in fact informed of: ship
owners, bankers, purple dyers and weavers, a linatarius
(Petrus Linatarius: Pace 1949, 237; 240-241) is known in
the late fifth or early sixth century in Palermo and an
important Jewish community of merchants is well
documented also (Sgarlata 1991, 134). However, together
with the trade activity developed local manufacturing for
regional consumption. A workshop producing lamps was
active in the second and third centuries in Syracuse in the
area of Villa Maria, later also producing cooking pottery
until the fifth century and there is scope to propose
production continued until the early Byzantine period in
the sixth and perhaps in the seventh century.18
Among the topics here considered, the economical and
productive aspect of Sicilian urban centres is certainly the
most susceptible to fast and radical changes. The very
recent attention in ceramic studies to the late and post
Roman phases together with the publication of material
from old excavations is changing our view of the
economical capacity of these provincial cities. Together
with the traditional Late Roman ceramics, such as the
dominant presence of African Red Slip ware and North
African amphorae, or the oriental fine wares, in both rural
and urban excavations are emerging Sicilian production
centres before ignored (Giorgetti 2006). The well know
small container Keay 52, produced in Sicily and Calabria
between in the fourth and the seventh century is a
common find in urban excavations, but more recently new
data about the manufacture of a different type of container
has been uncovered in particular at the excavation of the
                                                            
18
Fallico (1971) at the time of the publication did not recognise later
production. Sicilian lamps are widely exported from the seventh to the
eight century especially to Rome (Bacchelli and Pasqualucci 1998;
Pavolini 1998).
The Theodosian Age (AD 379-455): Power, Place, Belief and Learning at the End of the Western Empire

church dedicated to Sant’Agata la vetere in Catania.19 The

study of these amphorae will certainly shade light on the
potential export and urban consumption of regional
products such as wine, olives and olive oil, fish sauce and
dry fruits that were usually carried in these containers
(Arcifa 2009; 2010).

It was most likely in one of the larger cities that some of

the metalwork found in Sicily was produced. Bronze
incense burners, jugs and candelabras, as well as gold
necklaces and earrings and personal decorations such as
belt buckles, must have been not all been imports, but also
products of local manufactures.20 Data so far known offer
a general and superficial idea of the movement of goods,
the economic activity and the real capacity of urban
production still remains difficult to understand.

Conclusions

Because of the fragmentation of our knowledge and the

amount of data still waiting to be published, the history
Late Roman and Byzantine Sicilian cities cannot be at the
moment synthesized and reduced to a regional pattern.
However, despite the discrepancy in the documentation of
different urban contexts, the picture that appears through
our data is that of a province where variation seems to be
the general rule. The differences between cities merge in
the degree of the reduction of the urbanised area, as well
as in the dissimilar chronology of their decline and
reinterpretation. Problematic is also the evaluation of the
urban impact of Christianity and its potential modification
of the landscape, cathedrals and episcopia set in
extramural and intramural contexts. The location of the
cathedral was a major change in the urban setting since it
entailed the development of the surrounding areas in
terms of consumption, but also created a new pole of
authority. The position of the cathedral between the fifth
and the sixth century differ from intramural to extramural.
In a similar way Sicilian cities might differ in their
defence system, although it appears odd the lack of an
urban-wall in such relevant coastal centres while
contemporary cities of North Africa and Italy were
defended.

Our perception of Late Roman Sicily is definitely

changing and in the next years we shall see the rise of new
patterns and new debate on the role of this island at the
end of the Roman Empire.

                                                            
19
For the amphora Key 52, see Pacetti (1998); Di Gangi and Lebole di
Gangi (1998); More recent discovery of fourth century Keay 52, from a
shipwreck at Levanzo in Royal and Tusa (2012). Small container similar
to the oriental Late Roman Amphora 1 have been documented by Arcifa
(2010).
20
Wilson (1990, 272-274) sees limited evidences for Sicilian metal
production. On the contrary Pace (1949, 434-435) document in the
Byzantine period the activity of Sicilian laboratories producing goods of
good quality.

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