Southern African Unguistics and Applied Language Studies 2007, 25(4): 463-472 Copyright © 2007 NISC Pty Ltd

Printed in South Africa-Alt rights reserved SOUTHERN AFRICAN LINGUISTICS

AND APPLIED LANGUAGE STUDIES
ISSN 1607-3614

The use of slang by black youth in Gauteng

Magdeline Princess Bembe^* and Anne-Marie Beukes^

' Department of English Studies, University of South Africa, PO Box 392,
Pretoria 0003, South Africa
Department of Unguistics and Literary Theory, University of Johannesburg, PO Box 594,
Auckland Park 2006, South Africa
* Corresponding author, e-maii: bembemp@unisa.ac.za

Abstract: Youth generally use slang to identify themselves with particular groups in terms of age,
gender, region, race, etc. The focus of this paper is to discuss the use of slang, particularly in
English, by black youth in Gauteng and their social motivations for using this variety of English. The
paper will demonstrate, through examples drawn from a study conducted in Gauteng, how the use
of slang by black youth is a response to the diversity of voices represented in essentially multilin-
gual Gauteng. Although the focus of this paper is on slang in English, reference will also be made
to the influence other non-standard black varieties such as Tsotsitaal and Is'camtho have on the
slang of the youth.

Introduction
Slang is primarily viewed as 'age-specific variation within a language' (Coulmas, 2005: 52). The
association of slang with youth, who are often perceived to challenge social norms, is an important
aspect of the study on youth language in general and slang in particular. Researchers on slang
have highlighted deviation from Standard English and secretiveness as among the central
purposes of using slang (Partridge, 1935; Eble, 1996). This paper aims to demonstrate, through
findings and examples obtained from a study^ on the sjang of youth who use English as an
Additional Language (AL) conducted in certain areas of Gauteng, that slang also serves other
functions such as for fun, linguistic innovation, signaling group identity, and fostering solidarity. The
focus of the investigation was on the slang of black youth who reside in the Gauteng Province.
Attention is paid, among other things, to research findings on the influence of other languages. The
findings also hint at the influence of urban non-standard language varieties such as Tsotsitaal and
Is'camtho. These results are indicative of the multilingual nature of Gauteng Province, given that it
is one of South Africa's linguistic and cultural melting-pots.

Defining slang
Slang is perceived as non-standard, ephemeral, and in flux (Partridge, 1935; Eble, 1996; Thorne,
1997), and some scholars define 'slang' in terms of level of formality. It is viewed as a highly informal
style category within a language, which chooses to occupy a rather extreme position within that
language's fomial structure when looked at from a linguistic point of view (Asher, 1994: 3961 ; Thome,
1997: iii). Other researchers define slang in direct opposition to the conventional and standard
language, and view it in tenns of its deviant and rebellious nature. They argue that slang is improper,
unsystematic, unacceptable language usage, with unconventional vocabulary that diverges from that
of standard lexicon (Burke, 1939: vii; Lighter, 1994: xvi; Munro, 1997: 7). These negative attitudes
towards slang fail to account for its relevance as an integral factor of linguistic choice.
464 Bembe and Beukes

Slang as an age-related factor of linguistic choice is associated with social and psychological
complexities, which make the term difficult to define with precision. What these definitions above
fail to address is the user's intention when employing slang. De Klerk (in Mesthrie, 1995: 265)
argues that '... the importance of the user's intention is frequently neglected in [slang] definitions'.
According to Bailey (1985: 2), the best way towards generating a more universally accepted defini-
tion of slang is to describe it in terms of a 'register or variety according to use, a style whose distin-
guishing feature is the intention' of the speaker or user of slang. Slang should be defined according
to who uses it in addition to the intention (the why) of using slang.

The study of slang

Studies on slang in the South African context include the work of Mfusi (1992) on Soweto isiZulu
slang with a focus on black youth; Ndlovu (1963) on isiZulu slang used by black youth in Natal; De
Klerk (1991) on the slang of youth who are mother-tongue speakers of English in Cape Town; and
Bailey (1985) on the origins, form, and function of slang in English among youth in Natal who are
mother-tongue speakers of English, However, linguists have not yet studied slang in English in
Gauteng and have mainly focused their attention on other black urban speech varieties such as
Tsotsitaal and Is'camtho (Ntshangase, 1993; Ngwenya, 1995).
One of the idiosyncratic aspects of youth, besides fashion and hairstyles through which age-
specific behaviour is demonstrated, is their form and use of language, particularly slang. The
language of adolescents and more particularly how it differs from the language used by other age
cohorts in society, has been widely researched and documented with a view to determining its age-
preferential features. The youth shape and reshape language to suit their individual needs and
status. In as much as language is used for conducting certain functions, it Is also subject to change
in form, particularly in terms of its lexicon to suit the needs and demands of its speakers and is thus
distinctly conspicuous. Slang forms part of a resourceful way of using language and it, therefore,
forms an integral element of linguistic innovation. To disregard the existence and richness of slang
as a factor of linguistic choice would be to ignore one of the essential aspects of language, as well
as the identity of the youth who use it to serve various functions in their lives.
Apart from slang being a fashion item, it is also a marker of identity and delineator of groups,
separating young from old, urban from rural, and a marker of an in-group from the out-group
(Labov, 1972; Eckert, 2000), Besides the fact that research on slang in South Africa has received
inadequate attention from sociolinguists, no description has hitherto been provided of the slang of
black youth in Gauteng who use English either as a second or additional language. Their use of
slang is a function of the nature of urban life in Gauteng that is characterised by a high degree of
language diversity.

The language situation in Gauteng

Gauteng is one of the provinces in South Africa that is representative of diverse cultures where all
the official languages are spoken. Because of the multilingual nature of Gauteng, language contact
is inevitable and most of its speakers are either bi- or multilingual.
According to the latest census statistics (Census, 2001) Gauteng residents speak a variety of
languages as a first language. These languages include isiZulu (21.5%), Afrikaans (14.4%),
Sesotho (13.1%), English (12,5%) and Sepedi (10,7%), IsiZulu is the language most spoken at
home in Gauteng, while only 0,5% of blacks use English frequently in the household. The majority
of black people (98.5%) speak an indigenous language. The most dominant home language in the
Johannesburg area (West Rand) and East Rand is isiZulu, whilst the most dominant home
language in the Tshwane area is Sepedi.

Non-standard language varieties used by blacks in urban speech communities

The following is a brief description of some of the non-standard language varieties used by blacks
in urban speech communities.
Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 2007, 25(4): 463-472 465

Tsotsitaal
According to Makhudu (2002) Tsotsitaal (aiso known as 'Fiaaitaai') originated because of language
contact within a muitiiingual setting in nineteenth century South Africa. Tsotsitaal is associated with
particuiar townships such as Soweto, Atteridgeviiie, Sebokeng, and the East Rand. Calteaux
(1994) refers to the fact that regional varieties of Tsotsitaal can be distinguished and that the base
language of this variety often differs from one area to another. However, Afrikaans is generally its
base language. According to Caiteaux (1994) Afrikaans-based Tsotsitaal is rarely spoken in the
home, but isiZulu-based Tsotsitaal has expanded its use. It is used in the home between fathers
and their sons, generally in informal social situations.

Is'camtho
Ntshangase (1993) argues that whilst Tsotsitaal draws its lexical base largely from Afrikaans,
Is'camtho leans more strongly towards isiZulu and Sesotho for its lexical base. Is'camtho has no
structure of its own but relies on the language structures of the languages from which it operates.
In other words, it is a language used through another language, a type of basilect (Ntshangase,
1993). Is'camtho also cuts across ethnic and political boundaries and incorporates into its structure
lexical items from South Africa's eleven official languages (Ntshangase, 1993).
Is'camtho, like Tsotsitaal, is believed to be generally used where people socialise, and performs
both a unifying and separatist function, marking its speakers as urban, hip, and sophisticated.
Although Calteaux (1994) believes Is'camtho is sometimes associated with criminal subcultures,
Ntshangase (1993) argues otherwise and says Soweto Is'camtho is no longer limited to crime-
related topics, locales and interlocutors, but that it is being used by non-gang members as well.
Is'camtho has a social function whereby it is used to negotiate social relations between its
speakers, acts as a marker of solidarity and is beginning to break down ethnic barriers
(Ntshangase, 1993 in Calteaux, 1994). Is'camtho has gained popularity amongst Kwaito musicians
and they use it in their lyrics, it is often referred to as the language of Kwaito.

Empirical research on siang used by biack youth in Gauteng

The present study is on a non-standard English language variety used by black youth in Gauteng,
which often draws lexical items from both American English slang as well as from South African
languages. Calteaux (1994: 115-116) posits that slang is 'mainly adopted from Black Americans
and is often picked up from television, films, videos, radio and music...' She further explains that,
as in the case of Tsotsitaal, those unfamiliar with the variety often do not understand it. The follow-
ing is an example of slang used by black youth taken from the data gathered in this study:
A: Y6 was'sup bra? Saw this cool pair of shoes., real tight...
[Hello, how are you my friend? I saw this lovely pair of shoes., .really elegant...]
B: Hola, mfana! Where, ntate?..
[Hello, friend! Where?]
The users of slang in this study are black youth who speak English as an additional language
amongst themselves, even though they have an indigenous African language as their predominant
language. The study focuses on their choice of slang lexical items and phrases when they use
English as a base language. The slang used by youth in this study differs from Tsotsitaal and
Is'camtho in that Tsotsitaal has Afrikaans as its base language; Is'camtho has Nguni (particularly
isiZulu) or Sesotho as its base language; whilst in this study black youth's slang has English as its
base language.
Research was conducted in selected areas of the Gauteng Province, mainly the urban areas in
the East Rand (Springs, Kwa-Thema, Boksburg, Vosloorus, Benoni), the West Rand (parts of
Johannesburg and Soweto), and parts of Tshwane (including Centurion, Mamelodi and
Atteridgeviiie). A sample consisting of 215 male and female black youth between the ages 14 and
21, who use English as an additional language, was chosen for the study. Some 400 question-
naires were disseminated to the respondents, of which 215 questionnaires were completed and
466 Bembe and Beukes

returned. However, five of the completed questionnaires had to be eiiminated because respondents
outside the specified group compieted them. The data is therefore based on 210 completed
questionnaires which were statisticaliy analysed by the Statkon section of the University of
Johannesburg.
The 400 questionnaires were disseminated (with the assistance of teachers and staff at the
youth centres) as follows:
• Veritas College (a private Catholic school in Springs, East Rand): 50 questionnaires (11
returned). The school is from Grade 0 to 12, and the researcher focused on the senior phase
group within the specified age groups,
• Christian Brothers College (a private Catholic school in Tshwane): 50 questionnaires (33
returned),
• Boksburg High School (a government high school in Boksburg): 50 questionnaires (39
returned),
• Sunward Park High School (a government high school in Sunward Park): 50 questionnaires (44
returned),
• Volunteer township youth in Kwa Thema (Springs): 50 questionnaires (24 returned),
• Movement Into Dance Mophatong (youth dance organisation in Johannesburg): 50 question-
naires (23 returned),
• The South African Association of Youth Organizations (SAAYC in Florida, to disseminate within
the specified areas in Gauteng): 100 questionnaires (41 returned).
The use of written questionnaires (see Annexure) as data collection strategy was augmented by
group discussion interviews and participant observation since language use and variation are best
understood within the reality of the situation. Conducting group interviews was necessary in
understanding the reasons why youth use slang as well as the contexts in which they use it. The
researcher carried out informal discussions with 14 black male and female adolescents, aged
between 17 and 21 at Sibikwa Youth Community Centre in Benoni, on the East Rand of Gauteng;
and engaged in personal observations of five male and three female adolescents in Kwa-Thema, the
East Rand Mall, and at social gatherings such as Monsoon Lagoon dance club (Emperor's Palace
Casino, in the East Rand region of Gauteng Province),

The functions of slang

The findings point to various functions that slang fulfils in the lives of the black adolescent respon-
dents: slang is used for fun or for humorous effect; to substitute a word; to be creative; to regulate
social interaction whereby they use particular words for purposes such as greetings and farewells.
This study revealed that the three most popular reasons why the respondents use slang are for
fun (65%), to substitute a word (64%), and to be linguistically innovative (51%), The need to
deviate from Standard English was one of the lowest rated reasons. One of the interviewees (a
female) at Sibikwa argued that slang serves the important function of showing off one's linguistic
talent and creativity whilst having fun with words. Her peers in the group (two males and a female)
that supported her added that the intention of slang users is to be innovative and come up with new
words all the time. They argued that one's peers admire one if one demonstrates an ability to be
creative and use language in a fun and innovative way.

For fun and humour

This study found that 44,1% of the youth who are most inclined to use the particular form of slang
which is a mixture of American and urban non-standard varieties such as Tsotsitaal and Is'camtho
are those who listen to YFM (one of Gauteng's most popular youth radio stations). This is in
contrast to those youth who seldom or never listen to YFM and who are less inclined to use these
forms of slang (31,7%), The YFM disc jockeys (DJs) use predominantly English and include other
South African languages and non-standard varieties such as Is'camtho (referred to as 'township
lingo' of the urban black youth) when presenting their shows. Many of the DJs tend to switch freely
between English, the African languages and some Afrikaans (in the form of Tsotsitaal), and their
Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 2007, 25(4): 463-472 467

speech patterns are fuii of fun and humorous iexicon. The DJs in the studio, and the iisteners who
caii the station, seem to be at ease with demonstrating their verbai independence and creativity.
The foiiowing are but a few of the many exampies of humorous iexicon that the youth in this
study provided:
• cheese-boy/cheese-girl: reference to a rich young maie/femaie. Cheese, in this case, is
associated with the fact that only a person who comes from a rich famiiy baci<ground wouid
afford a cheese sandwich (especiaiiy at schooi).
• fine-ass-brotha: a good-iooi<ing/handsome maie. The word broths from 'brother', is generaliy
used to refer to a biaci< maie; however, fine in this instance is used to mean 'handsome'.
• pencil: referring to the smaii size of a maie's genitalia, thus making fun of them. Used iargeiy
by females when mailing fun of a maie.
• personalities: femaie breasts. The youth in this study argue that the iarger the breast size, the
bigger and better the femaie's actuai personaiity is. The smaiier the breast size, the more iii-
tempered and unpieasant their actuai personaiity is.
• ioxion-kulcha: the word ioxion is derived from 'iocation' (referring, in this case, to a township,
an equivaient of 'ghetto' in America); Kuicha comes from 'cuiture' (aithough the pronunciation is
the same, the speiiing is different). The word ioxion-kuicha is derived from a iocai ciothing
brand. The youth in this study use the term to refer to a 'rawVrude/buiiying black femaie who
originates from the township.
• roil-on: a substitute lover or a mistress. This image emanates from the idea that the armpit
where roli-on is appiied, is conceaied and out of sight, in the same way, a mistress is often
'hidden' and a weii-kept secret from the other woman.

The exampies above indicate the piayfui nature of the youth in this study, and how they empioy
certain words not oniy to poke fun at others but aiso at themseives and the often serious environ-
ments and situations they find themseives in. This kind of creativity serves to make their worid
more bearable, fun, and exciting, knowing that they are in controi, at least iinguisticaiiy.

Lexical creativity and innovation

Words such as was'sup, nigga?, which are of biack American origin, have found their way into the
siang iexicon of the Gauteng youth. However, it is significant to note that youth's siang is not
entireiy infiuenced by Americanisms, but that it also contains eiements of African (harambe, Swahiii:
'unity') and South African words adopted from other officiai languages such as isiZuiu, Setswana,
Sesotho, and Afrikaans {baba, tsala, nogal). The foiiowing examples demonstrate this point:

(a) Chill (cooiness/coidness) + reiax (rest/ease up): chiii + reiax = chillax

(calm down/relax/take it
easy)
(b) Thuia (from isiZuiu: be quiet) + relax (rest/ease up): thur+ reiax = thul'ax
(keep quiet and pay
attention)
(c) Tshasa (from Setswana, to apply, usu. ointment) + -ment (Eng. Suffix): Tshasa + -ment =
tshasment (ointment,
usu. lip baim)

The words chill and relax in (a) were blended to form a new and more creative term chiilax.
Generally, the term chill means 'coldness/coolness'. However, according to the respondents, the
word means to 'caim down' or to 'reiax'. The youth's innovation is demonstrated by biending the
words chill and relax to form a new word, chillax, which means to 'caim down and reiax' or 'to take
things easy'. The word thul'ax in (b) is a combination of the isiZuiu word thula 'to be quiet' and a
cupped form of the Engiish word, relax (to take it easy). The end-result is the word thul'ax meaning
fo be quiet and pay attention. The lexical items tshasment in (c) reveaied a rather interesting form
468 Bembe and Beukes

of blending. The word comprises two words, namely a word taken from Setswana tshasa which
means to apply (usuaiiy) an ointment and a suffix from English, -ment (presumably from the word
ointmenf). In combining the two, the youth came up with a new and rather humorous word
tshasment, which means either body lotion or lip ointment.
The lexical items demonstrate both the lexical creativity of the youth's use of language, and
also their aligning themselves with a changing reality, that is, closer contact between the diverse
cultural groups in contemporary South Africa. The following are typical examples of words
borrowed from other languages as used by the respondents to add to the fun and humorous aspect
of using slang:

gooi (Afrikaans, to 'throw'): to play good music/drink excessively

nogal (Afrikaans, 'also'/'as well'): rather/as well
pap (Afrikaans, 'flat'): boring/exhausted
tsala (Setswana, 'friend'): friend
baba (isiZulu, 'father'): friend
blom (Afrikaans, 'flower'): stay/wait around with
dwaal (Afrikaans, 'lost'/'in a daze'/'day-dream'): stupid/high from drugs

In Afrikaans, the word gooi means 'to throw or pour'. However, the respondents use it to mean
'drinking too much', or 'to play good music'. The latter is in particular reference to a disc jockey (DJ)
playing good, trendy music. Another new meaning, which the word takes on, is that of 'playing a
prank on someone'.
Nogai is another Afrikaans word that means 'rather/as well'. The respondents use it to
emphasize a point as in the following example:
Not oniy did he take you out for dinner, he went and bought you flowers nogal (as well)!
To be in a dwaal (Afrikaans) means 'to daydream or be in a daze'. This word is used as part of the
respondents' slang to refer to someone who is indeed in a daze/day-dreaming or to refer to
someone who is crazy or delusional. When something is pap in Afrikaans, it means that it is flat.
However, it soon changes its meaning once used as part of a borrowed lexical item in the slang of
the respondents. The Gauteng youth use it to refer to something that is 'worthless', or 'boring', or
even 'plain stupid'.
Tsaia is a Setswana term for 'friend'. From personal observation and the group discussion
interview, the female respondents indicated that they use this word as a means of address, and
that it serves as an identity marker of sisterhood for them. Another example provided was the word
mongane (friend) which is an isiZulu word that has been 'Tswanalised' (the Sibikwa respondents'
exact words). This means that the isiZulu word mngane has acquired a Setswana flavour by
adding the 'o' between the 'm' and the 'n'. Through personal observation, it was significant to hear
a black female youth addressing one of her classmates (white female) as tsala. The use of this
term is not only confined to black female youth, but has found its way across raciai barriers as an
element of sisterhood beyond racial divides.
The isiZulu word, baba, means 'father'. However, it serves as a term of address particularly
among males who use it as a marker of solidarity and manifestation of their identity as blacks:
What's up, baba? (IHow are you, my friend?)
It is evident from the discussion and examples provided above that some of the lexical items
borrowed from other languages tend to shift in meaning to suit their users. This kind of shifting is
evidence of the fun, humorous and innovative nature of the slang used by the respondents.
At the same time, code-mixing signals a speaker as identifying with a particular group. The
conversation below is loaded with a combination of Americanisms and words taken from South
African languages and non-standard varieties used in Gauteng (such as S'camtho and Tsostitaal).
The slang lexical items which the respondents use function as markers of their identity not only as
Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 2007, 25(4): 463-472 469

black and young, but also as identifying with other language and cultural groups through their use
of lexical items borrowed from other languages. This serves the function of imprinting a multilingual
and multicultural identity in addition to their black identity:

A: So why do you seem to have beef (American) with the guy?

B: Well. I don't. Mzansi is not ready for beef (American). / only want to set the record straight.
Aigtt't? (American) And to say...ag (South African (SA))...it's cool (American),.,
A: Sure...Gaz'lam (SA, isiZulu)
B: ...You dig, my man?(American) Now you understand?
A: Ja, mará (SA, Afrikaans) even you, bra (SA), are to some extent to blame for the whole
ckuf-up - wouldn't you say?
B: £/s/i,(SA, Is'camtho), neh! (SA, Is'camtho) eintlik (SA, Tsotsitaal) you see now you're
taking sides, Black! (American) I'm telling you, bra (SA), the nigger ^American) started the
whole thing, and he's fr/pp/n'(American) big time! (American)
A: Sure...sure... (SA)

Other functions of slang

The following are some of the other functions of slang gathered from interviews and personal
observations:

In greetings:
Greeting: Response:
(a) Yo, was'sup, black/skin/nigga? Cool, nigga!
Mellow, shwarka, maintaining, pashash, shweet
(b) Hola! (from Spanish; Hallo), Heita!?Hola-bola
Hoezit? Sharp/Moja/Grand
Hola-7
(c) Heita! (from Tsotsitaal/ls'camtho: Hallo), Heita!
often used by males
(d) Vede (from Afrikaans, 'verder': further): [neti] Grand/sbarp
How are you?

In farewelis:
Later!: see you later/goodbye
See you second-half: see you later/goodbye
Tweede (from Afrikaans: 'second'): see you later/goodbye
Sharp!: fine, goodbye

Group membership and marker of identity

An important aspect of these youth's slang, which echoes other studies on slang (De Klerk, 1991),
is that it reinforces group membership and acts as a marker of social and linguistic identity. The
following examples illustrate this point.

Conversation 1:
Englisft-medium school on the East Rand, immediately after school (on school grounds).
Participants: Three black male adolescents aged between 16 and 17 (names of participants
have been changed).

Thabo: Wassup, blacks? (how are you, friends?)

Sipho: Yo, cool my man! I'm cool! (Helio. Fine, Just fine)
 Bembe and Beukes

Mongezi: Yo bra, cool man! What you been up to ladely?(lately)

Thabo: Ag (oh), just this and that ... Hey, have you guys heard Bonga is having a
411 (party) this weekend? Has he invited you guys?
Mongezi: Neh (no), not me ...
Sipho: Me neither, bra (friend). Was'sup wid de brother (what's wrong with him?),
has he forgotten who his homies are?
Mongezi: Clearly! (obviously!)
Thabo: For sure! Eish! (gosh!), how soon we forget! Anyway, It's cool like that ...it's
cool. We'll gate-crush anyway I'm taking my chick (girifriend) with me.
Mongezi: Yeah, right bro, which one? Maki? Or maybe Carey?
Sipho: C'mon, man, why you go and diss (disrespect) the brother like that? What
do you mean 'which one'? You know nigger (black/friend) here smaaks
(likes) Carey Aigh'tbro (alright, brother/friend)?
Thabo: Forsheezy, bro! ...(absolutely my friend)

Conversation 2:
The township (Kwa-Thema), at Thabo's house
Participants: JMbo, Monaezi. (attend English-mediunt school); Kagiso', Mzwandile,
Themba (attend a local township school)
Thabo: [to Mongezi] So, bro where's your bra, Sipho, today?
Mongezi: Ag, com'on nigga he's your blood (best friend) too. Anyway, don't know.
Last saw him walking his regte (steady girifriend) home yesterday afternoon.
Maybe the brother c...
Kagiso: [arrives and joins the two] Heita ma-outie. Hoezet?(Hello guys. How are
you?)
Mongezi: Neh, grand outie.(No, we're fine)
Thabo: Sharp, bra. Fede? (Fine, friend. How about you?)
Kagiso: Neh, grand! (I'm fine)
Mzwandile and
Themba [anive]: Holla, holla ma-gents!
Thabo: Heit!
Mongezi: Holla!
Kagiso: Holla!
Mzwandile: So, u-waa uSipho vandag? ...(So, where is Sipho today?)
Thabo: Eish, loyol Uyankhinya, serious! (Oh, that one really annoys me!)
Mzwandile: Entiek, why nina ungathi ni ne beef so? Zikhiphani, vele? Or maybe
nibanga i-maidie?(Why do you two always seem to be fighting? What's your
real problem? Is it perhaps you're fighting over a giri?)
Thabo: Haa, uyabona /ce... (You see now...)

The examples above demonstrate various discourse functions that the slang of the respondents
serves for its speakers. Besides using certain words {was'sup?/vede?) to initiate conversation, the
speaker in his use of words such as Yb was'sup, nigga/biack/skin?, is immediately delineating
himself and the addressee as black (nigga/skln/black). The words act as markers of an identity that
the interlocutors wish to highlight, to demonstrate to other people (who are not participating in the
speech act) that they (the speakers) are urban, male, young, trendy, streetwise and black. In this
sense, the slang words they select as part of their speech repertoire define who they are and how
they wish to be perceived by society.
Choice of certain lexical items identifies the speakers as belonging to a particular ethnic group,
and to an urban black youth culture. These words serve as markers of black identity and solidarity.
The word black above, for instance, is used among black males as a form of greeting and is
Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 2007, 25(4): 463-472 471

appropriated by them as a marker of their black urban identity. From personal observations and
group discussions with the youth, the words nigga (nigger/nigga) and black are considered in a
positive manner when used solely by and amongst black males. Black youth, in their defiance of
social taboos attached to these words, use them as manifestations of black, male solidarity when
used amongst themselves. However, the same words are perceived as derogatory when uttered by
anyone other than a black person. The words have a sense of exclusivity about them.

Conclusion
The use of slang in English among the youth in this study is laden with innovative lexical items and
Americanisms but at the same time it portrays a uniquely South African identity. Their slang is a
manifestation of their multifaceted identities as trendy young South Africans who move from affilia-
tion with one identity to another with great ease. This is nowhere more evident than in their ability
to shift from American English slang words such as y'all; homey; was'sup, and nigga, to distinctly
and exclusively South African ones such as dwaai, eish!, heita!; baba (from Is'camtho), grand (from
Tsotsitaal and Is'camtho) and gaz'lam (from Is'camtho), The youth do not necessarily lose their
identity in their assumption of American slang words, but only add on to their already diverse and
rich black youth culture and linguistic repertoire.
The functions of slang as employed by the youth in this study are mainly twofold: On the one
hand they use slang to display the fun element of using slang through their unconventional linguis-
tic creativity and innovation. However, they also appropriate slang, through the use of certain
lexicon, as a manifestation of their unique identity as black youth against the backdrop of a
changing socio-political landscape in an environment where diverse language and culture groups
are in ever-closer contact.

Notes
1 This research was undertaken as part of a mini-dissertation in partial fulfillment of an MA degree
in Applied Linguistics in the Department of Linguistics and Literary Theory at the University of
Johannesburg, South Africa,

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