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Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Australasian Marketing Journal

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ausmj

Slow fashion – Balancing the conscious retail model within the

fashion marketplace
Lisa S. McNeill∗, Jasmine Snowdon
Department of Marketing, Otago Business School, University of Otago, New Zealand

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Consumers are ever more aware of the impacts of fashion textiles on the natural world, as well as the
Received 15 April 2019 production ethics concerns directed toward traditional fast fashion products in terms of human resources.
Revised 22 July 2019
This has led to an emerging form of fashion retail centered on production principles that encourage in-
Accepted 27 July 2019
creased lifecycles of products, reduced volume of purchasing by individuals, and ethical care in produc-
Available online xxx
tion and sales. The ethical movement termed slow fashion thus has a unique philosophy that is at odds
Keywords: with a number of traditional aims of retailing. Striving for higher profits through increased sales volume
Slow fashion and rapid turnover of goods contradicts the conscious consumption philosophy of slow fashion propo-
Fast fashion nents. This paper therefore explores the market strategies used by four New Zealand fashion retailers
Retail strategy who identify as slow, and have a business approach that encourages consumers to prioritize longevity
Positioning and consumption ethics over price and fashion newness. The research takes a case-based approach, and
Consumer behaviour
finds that the central issue for slow fashion retailers, irrespective of their individual philosophies within
Sustainability
the slow fashion sphere, is that of finding a balance between the particular conscious retailing models
they have self-prescribed, and that of traditional retailing. A necessity for profit making and market share
underscores the difficulty of their position in the modern fashion marketplace, and this paper details their
unique strategies in negotiating this ethical retail space.
© 2019 Australian and New Zealand Marketing Academy. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction Slow fashion is a relatively new concept in the apparel industry,

Desire for instant gratification and affordable products en-
courages many consumers to prefer fast fashion (Bhardwaj and
Fairhurst, 2010), but other consumers identify the fast fashion
business model as detrimental to the environment and extremely
unethical (Siegle, 2011). Sustainability is arguably the biggest issue
in fashion today, evidenced by the growing movement toward
retailers at all levels promoting their goods as ‘ethical’ or ‘sus-
tainable’ in production, process or human resource. Consumers
worldwide are beginning to question fast fashion’s dominance and
practices, and are less motivated to purchase disposable fashion
(Pookulangara and Shepard, 2013). There are significant public
calls for consumers to reduce their consumption of well-known
fast-fashion brands, and for the fashion industry, generally, to
counter the massive textile waste problem the world is facing (Wu
et al., 2013). Efforts such as the Great American Apparel Diet (an
act of voluntary simplicity in fashion) underscores this change, as
does growth of new forms of fashion retail dubbed ‘slow fashion’.
∗
Corresponding author.
E-mail address: lisa.mcneill@otago.ac.nz (L.S. McNeill).
and, as such, there is no one concrete definition that positions and
frames the movement amongst the foundational areas from which
it has evolved (such as sustainability and social responsibility).
Some scholars posit that slow fashion is the diametric opposite
of fast fashion (e.g. Holt, 2009), others argue that even the term
‘slow’ can be a misnomer in regard to some forms of sustainable
fashion that arguably fit under the heading (Clark, 2008). Fletcher
(2010) thus offers a broad definition of slow fashion that allows
for different forms of apparel production and retail by describing a
movement that “represents a vision of sustainability in the fashion
sector based on different values and goals to the present day…a
break from the values and goals of fast (growth-based) fashion”
(p. 262).
In regard to fashion retail, fast fashion is cited as a model
that focuses strategic efforts on increasingly efficient supply chains
in order to rapidly respond to consumer demand for new prod-
ucts (Levy and Weitz, 2009). Undeniably, the fast fashion sector
has an important and significant (in terms of scale) presence in
the apparel industry (Watson and Yan, 2013). Slow fashion, how-
ever, is said to not represent simply a slowing down of design or

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ausmj.2019.07.005
1441-3582/© 2019 Australian and New Zealand Marketing Academy. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article as: L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon, Slow fashion – Balancing the conscious retail model within the fashion market-
place, Australasian Marketing Journal, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ausmj.2019.07.005
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production, but a complete break from the principles of fast fash-
ion. In this way, the term ‘slow’ can be somewhat misleading, as
the two business models are not in direct opposition, rather they
are fundamentally different in terms of their economic logic, val-
ues and connection with consumers (Fletcher, 2010).
2. Fashion consumption
The consumption of fashion clothing falls into a non-essential
purchasing category. The desire to remain fashion-conscious has
been reported as a motivator behind impulse buying of fashion
as individuals recognise that others judge them by their clothing
(Hausman, 20 0 0). Rook’s definition of impulse buying emphasises
the hedonic needs of the consumer as paramount, rather than
the product as a motivator (1987). If this is the case, one can
expect motivations towards fast fashion to be greater than those
toward slow fashion products, which may have significant barriers
to purchase (such as the expensive or lack of availability of slow
fashion items). It has also been suggested that consumers do
not perceive impulse buying as normatively wrong, instead they
often feel good about their impulse purchases (Dittmar et al.,
1996; Hausman, 20 0 0; Park et al., 20 06). Where consumers do
express concern or regret regarding non-essential purchasing, it is
most often in regard to financial output (Penman and McNeill,
2008).
Impulse buying is described as occurring when a “consumer
experiences a sudden, often powerful and persistent urge to buy
something immediately. The impulse to buy is hedonically com-
plex and may stimulate emotional conflict” (Rook, 1987, p. 191).
Kim and Park (2005) suggest impulse buying in fashion is indeed
encouraged by emotional factors and hedonic consumption – in
other words, the need for fun, social interaction and fulfilment
contribute to impulsive fashion purchases. In this sense, critical
evaluation of the goods is often of little importance (Penman and
McNeill, 2008). Logically, if fashion goods are deemed as highly
hedonistic, the chance of unplanned purchase of these goods is
likely to increase. But, is this true in the context of slow fashion,
which is significantly higher priced than fast fashion? Where
careful consideration of garments is part of the overall ethos of
slow fashion, does hedonism have a role?
Park et al. (2006) suggest involvement in a product category
is an important predictor of behaviour, and specifically, that those
with higher involvement in fashion will be more likely to be
involved in fashion-oriented impulse purchasing behaviour. It is
critical then, for the slow fashion retailer to understand how to
align their unique business strategies with consumer needs, which
are most often driven by impulse for exciting, pleasurable and
temporary sensations (Pomodoro, 2013). In general terms, and
from a consumer perspective, purchasing less frequently, in less
volume, and from upper to mid-range fashion brands, fits within
the overarching slow fashion ethos of selecting longevity and
quality over price and ‘newness’ (Johansson, 2010). Models that
emphasise slow fashion consumption must address the hedonic
benefits sought through fashion consumption by many over-
consumers, particularly in relation to the satisfaction of emotional
needs of the fashion consumer (Kim and Park, 2005). In a slow
fashion setting then, one must ask how the majority of fashion
consumers (those slow fashion retailers seek to convert from fast
fashion purchasing) will transfer hedonic benefit perceptions from
rapid acquisition and disposal of products, to ethical and sustain-
able values implicit in a more conscious approach to garment
selection. Understanding the emotional aspects of fashion purchas-
ing within both the old (fast) and the new (slow) contexts, is thus
critical to the wider philosophy of consumer change in fashion
purchasing.
Please cite this article as: L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon, Slow fashion – Balancing the conscious retail model within the fashion market-
place, Australasian Marketing Journal, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ausmj.2019.07.005
[m5G;August 14, 2019;20:29]
3. Emerging strategies in fashion retail
3.1. An emphasis on online fashion retail
The complexity of the fashion industry creates many challenges
for retailers in regard to designing a retail strategy and optimiz-
ing the shopping experience for a range of consumer segments
(Ashworth et al., 2006). This is particularly true for small, indi-
vidual retailers who are less competitive against franchised stores
due to their size (Brun and Castelli, 2008). Smaller retailers need to
adapt quickly to any factors that change how their customers be-
have, and the massive growth in popularity of the online channel
adds a further level of complexity to a slow fashion retailer’s oper-
ations; with the potential to shift consumer preference towards the
online channel, and away from bricks and mortar, a very real (and
costly) risk. In many fast fashion examples, the physical store has
evolved to become a hub for consumer product research, where
increasingly consumers may choose to complete a purchase in the
online environment (Berman and Thelen, 2004). This is a catch-
22 for many smaller retailers, as the bricks and mortar store still
serves a distinct and necessary function for their consumers (given
the nature of the goods sold), and shifting sales to the online set-
ting exposes consumers to exponential other options in the com-
petitive global fashion marketplace.
The fashion industry was slower than other industries to in-
troduce online channels (Blázquez, 2014), however, since its in-
troduction, the online fashion channel has become one of the
biggest in the world. A combination of the rise in online retail
competition, and the constantly changing business environment
of the fast fashion sector, has meant that slow fashion retailers
are faced with a challenge of developing marketing strategies that
differentiate their store from fast fashion, whilst protecting and
growing a loyal customer base (Ashworth et al., 2006). Growth
in online fashion sales has led to more demanding consumers
who seek more variety, cheaper prices, and are more inclined to
compare across different retailers to find what they are looking
for (Blázquez, 2014). Slow fashion retailers, with comparatively
smaller ranges and higher prices, must deliver a shopping experi-
ence across channels that is unique and distinct from competitors,
but which also meets the very high expectations of modern fashion
consumers.
Swilley and Goldsmith (2013) suggest consumers allocate their
spending across retailers’ different channels according to task. Par-
ticularly, online channels are commonly used to determine price,
availability and features, and physical stores to examine the goods
(Berman and Thelen, 2004), suggesting that pre-purchase research
may be done online, and with actual purchase in-store. In fash-
ion, however the process appears reversed, with many consumers
using physical stores to research goods, and the online stores to
find the widest selection of products in their choice set (and, of-
ten, the cheapest price). In terms of loyalty to a retail store, Dawes
and Nenycz-Thiel’s (2014) examination of in-store and online gro-
cery shopping found that the majority of online shoppers of a re-
tailer also shop in their in-store environment. However, the study
also found a heightened tendency for online shoppers to also shop
across other online retailers in the same product category, with
online cross-retailer shopping increasing over time. This online
induced cross-purchasing increases competitive intensity for all
retailers.
3.2. ‘Slow’ retail positioning
While researchers do note the ongoing importance of the physi-
cal store, and for physical and online channels to complement each
other and provide a consistent service experience (e.g. Brynjolfsson
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et al., 2013; Blázquez, 2014; Piotrowicz and Cuthbertson, 2014),
there is a call for more research on fashion customer online ex-
perience (e.g. Blázquez, 2014). Slow fashion retailers fall into the
category of upper to mid-market fashion, which lies between fast
fashion retailers and luxury (couture) fashion retailers. In slow
fashion, greater brand prestige is generally achieved through pro-
vision of higher quality garments (Payne, 2013) as well as an en-
hanced retail experience. Consumers of slow fashion are encour-
aged to adopt a philosophy of deliberate choices to buy less, or a
higher quality (than they would in the fast fashion world). Where
these factors are consistent with the level of control achieved over
customer experience in a bricks and mortar setting, promoting
this philosophy becomes substantially more complex in an online
setting.
To compete in a discount dominated retail environment, some
have suggested that clothing retailers must choose to either re-
duce costs, increase prices or redefine positioning (e.g. Fratto et al.,
2006). For a small, high-end fashion retailer, competing on price
is not always a feasible or logical strategy. Instead, careful posi-
tioning strategies are the key to overall success of slow fashion
business models. However, most slow fashion research to date is
centred on consumer motivation to purchase within this category,
rather than how slow fashion retailers manage their unique phi-
losophy in the mainstream fashion retail context. With increas-
ing consumer concern for ethical consumption, and growth inter-
est in sustainably produced fashion, slow fashion retailers should
theoretically gain an advantage by incorporating sustainability pro-
motion into their overall retail strategy (Pookulangara and Shep-
ard, 2013). However, the challenge to slow fashion retailing is not
only that it is inherently more expensive than fast fashion, but
that, as part of any fashion channel, consumers have been con-
ditioned to purchase garments in ever increasing seasonal, rather
than need-based, cycles. Some consumers may use slow fashion
retail to purchase ethically and consciously, but others may use it
to increase or justify overall volume (and therefore waste) fashion
purchase.
The question of fashion as a contradiction to the term slow is
an important one to address. The mainstream fashion model cen-
tres on increased numbers of fashion seasons and increased vol-
ume of production and sales. Fashion is often seen as synonymous
with disposal (with styles rapidly ‘out of fashion’ through a de-
liberate shortening of the garment’s lifecycle) (Jung and Jin, 2016).
Theorists thus suggest that the term slow fashion is one that infers
potentiality of change in the fashion industry, rather than a singu-
lar framework for ethical fashion business. Three core areas for at-
tention within this scoping of the slow fashion movement are: the
valuing of local; transparent production systems; and sustainable
and sensorial products (Clark, 2008).
4. The research frame
The shift towards multi-channel retailing in mainstream fash-
ion business, and the advantages of integrating multiple channels,
has been explored previously (e.g. Berman and Thelen, 2004).
Fast fashion has also been the focus of much prior literature,
as have sustainability principles related to consumer attitude
and behaviour in the fashion context (e.g. McNeill and Moore,
2015). Literature examining the strategies of slow fashion retailers
themselves, however, is still emerging. In the context of slow fash-
ion, where retailers may be small, and margins tight, examining
emerging examples of this new fashion retail form is vital. The
evolution of physical fashion stores to hubs for consumers to try
on garments and feel materials has hastened, with many con-
sumers then completing purchases online (or indeed, disappearing
completely in the fiercely competitive cyber fashion space). This
Please cite this article as: L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon, Slow fashion – Balancing the conscious retail model within the fashion market-
place, Australasian Marketing Journal, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ausmj.2019.07.005
[m5G;August 14, 2019;20:29]
3
is particularly important for independent retailers with fewer
resources to maintain expensive high-street shop fronts. Little
previous research has examined in depth the different forms that
slow fashion retail might take in different markets, challenged per-
haps by the lack of a central definition of ‘slow fashion’ itself. This
study aims to highlight and evaluate the retail strategies employed
by four New Zealand fashion retailers who identify as ‘slow’, and
discusses their retail strategy in contrast to mainstream fashion
retail.
5. Methodology
Slow fashion is a new phenomenon in fashion retail, and in the
New Zealand context, is still emerging. However, there has been a
recent emphasis on a movement away from fast fashion principles
in the fashion industry, and opportunities for small-scale, local re-
tailers who identify with core slow fashion principles are increas-
ingly emerging. This study examines these issues from the slow
fashion retailer perspective, taking a case-based approach, with the
central objective of understanding how small, localized, slow fash-
ion retailers plan for the impact of changing fashion retail markets
in their online and physical operations. Four forms of small, slow
fashion retailers in New Zealand are examined, with the goal of
advancing understanding of the changing sustainable fashion retail
industry in this context.
6. Case selection
For the purposes of this study, slow fashion retailers were de-
fined as those who are independent, local, and small-scale, who
use sustainable principles in their selection of goods (e.g. locally
made garments, hand-made/low resource fashion, ethical fabrics
and ethical human labour). By nature of this definition, these
retailers tend to have a small sales volume and limited finan-
cial resources when compared to major fast fashion retail chains.
Slow fashion retailer products are also priced higher on aver-
age relative to fast fashion products, and thus have limited mar-
ket share across all groups of consumers. Further, local owner-
ship and management of these retailers can be contrasted with
that of international fashion chain stores. The four retailers pro-
filed in this study were selected because, together, they represent
the full range of accessible dimensions for this emerging style of
fashion retail in New Zealand, thus providing a more complete
range of insights into the challenges faced within this retail form
specifically.
6.1. Data collection and analysis
The exploratory nature of the problem deemed qualitative data
collection techniques the most useful. An interpretive approach
was taken to data collection, whereby the research consisted of
four key stages: stage one included a review of retailing and slow
fashion literature to identify critical thematic streams, and the sec-
ond stage focused on developing case profiles, in relation to identi-
fied thematic constructs, vital to understanding the nature of each
business under study. This was achieved through study of both the
online and physical retail settings for each case, observing the na-
ture of the retail form, the products and the sales and marketing
activities used by each. The third stage of the research involved re-
searcher immersion in the four retail settings, including site visits
(online and offline), and discussion with managers, retail staff and
owners of the stores under study.
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6.2. Case descriptions

Retailer A Retailer B Retailer C Retailer D

•Retailer A is an •Retailer B is a designer •Retailer C stocks New •Retailer D is a
independent, regional fashion brand Zealand and bouque women’s
bouque established consisng of 100% internaonal brands. store which sells New
in 2003, selling New Zealand made, The product range is Zealand made
designer women’s sustainable garments, diverse, encompassing garments. This retailer
fashion, produced in leather and jewelry. menswear, has a very unique and
New Zealand or •The majority of womenswear, recognizable style, and
Australia. products stocked are footwear and its brand image is
•Retailer A has its own produced locally under accessories. based on garments
store brand, produced an in-house label. •Retailer C has its own that require more
under slow-fashion •The customer base of store label. tailoring and luxurious
criteria. Retailer B tends to be •Customer age range is fabrics, in a higher
•The customer base is women in their mid- diverse, with reanges price bracket.
predominantly 18-25- twenes and older. targeng all age •Retailer D
year-olds, with a small •Average spend per groups 15 years +. predominantly caters
proporon of older garment $600NZ. •Average per garment to women aged 30-
women. spend is split between 60years-old, and has a
•Retailer B emphasizes
•Average spend on a age groups, with strong presence in the
print media
garment is around younger customers (of work-wear and
adversing and direct-
$250NZ, with older both genders) formal-wear markets.
to-consumer
customers spending, communicaons, such generally spending as •Customer spend on
on average, +$400NZ as customer e-mails. lile as $100NZ, and average $200NZ per
per garment. older, female garment, with some
•Retailer B began as an
•Instagram and customers spending split between younger
online retailer only,
Facebook store +$250. consumers spending
but in 2013, the first
profiles are used for •Retailer C operates slightly less and older
local store was
the majority of one physical store and consumers slightly
opened. Two other
markeng has recently launched more.
regional stores (in
communicaons. major cies) have an online store. •Retailer D opened its
•Retailer A has an since opened. •Tradional media first flagship store in
online store and one channels are used for 2002 and now has
•There is a disnct
high street store in its adversing, including nine stores around the
paern in sales, with
home city. print and radio. country, as well as an
the majority of
Addionally, Retailer C online store.
•Sales are spread products sold at the
throughout the retail beginning of each uses Instagram and •Retailer D heavily
seasons. season, to regular Facebook store emphasizes social
customers, and at the profiles. media in its markeng
•Retailer A is the
end of season sale, to communicaons,
smallest of the
non-regular using paid
retailers (by volume
customers. adversements via
and profit) in the
Facebook and
sample.
Instagram.
•Retailer D is the
largest of the retailers
(by volume and profit)
in the sample, but sll
comparavely small
when compared to
fast fashion brands.

Four formal interviews were conducted with owners and man-
agers of each store, using a semi-structured protocol, developed
from extant theory. The fourth, reflexive stage, included two depth
interviews with customers of the four stores under examination.
This stage of the research was not used to guide interpretation,
but rather to provide a triangulation point for retailer claims re-
garding consumer attitudes and behaviour in relation to their busi-
ness, and the protocol was developed from key concepts raised in
the four store interviews. Data gathering took place over a period
of three months, to allow rich case understanding to be developed.
The use of multiple sources of evidence, gathered in the four stages
of research, enhanced construct validity in the final case discus-
sions (Yin, 1994).
Each stage of the research was used to refine the key con-
cepts that informed and guided subsequent stages of the study and
its analysis. Interpretation of the data gathered was an iterative
process, employing both inductive (from the case) and deductive
(from the literature) techniques. Individual and cross case analysis
was performed, identifying the uniqueness of each case, but also
developing overarching concepts, coding categories and themes re-
lated to the phenomenon under study (Ayres et al., 2003). Anal-
ysis was undertaken by each researcher, independently, and then
cross analysed for consistency of meaning between the analyses.
This resulted in the identification of three interrelated and overar-
ching thematic areas for discussion, presented through the lens of
the New Zealand slow fashion retailers under study.
7. Results and discussion
7.1. Emotion and slow fashion retail – impulse, identity and
hedonism
Emotions strongly influence purchase actions, particularly im-
pulse buying behaviour (Kim and Park, 2005). In addition,

Please cite this article as: L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon, Slow fashion – Balancing the conscious retail model within the fashion market-
place, Australasian Marketing Journal, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ausmj.2019.07.005
JID: AMJ
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fashion consumers are often driven by an internal desire to remain
‘on trend’ (Hausman, 20 0 0). Involvement in a product category is
said to predict purchase behaviour within it (Park et al., 2006),
hence, those consumers who are highly fashion aware could be
presumed to be at greater risk of impulsive fashion purchasing. The
ethos of slow fashion, however, is at odds with impulse purchas-
ing. Slow fashion is fashion carefully chosen for its longevity, qual-
ity and ethical principles in production and sale. The retailers in
this study highlight this juxtaposition when discussing impulse in
the context of their retail sales. According to these retailers, where
the majority of their consumers carefully consider purchases, dis-
cussing garments and comparing features, impulse is still a strong
motivator – specifically when peers are involved in the shopping
activity: “quite often, you see people buying things because whoever
they’re with is telling them that they look good [in it]” (Retailer B);
“Especially if they’re with friends. So, if they’re with a group of friends,
one of them sees something and the others will egg them on and say
things like ‘definitely! It looks amazing! you should get it!’, and so
often, they do” (Retailer C).
Where retailers in this study noted the presence of friends as
a major driver of impulse purchasing in store, the two consumer
participants both noted the importance of the online channel in
how impulsive they were, agreeing that being online led to in-
creased impulsive purchasing, as well as greater volumes of fash-
ion purchasing overall: “I think I impulse buy more online now be-
cause you can’t actually try it on, whereas if I’m in-store, I’ll gener-
ally [try it on and then] go away and think about it” (Consumer 1).
The retailers in this study encouraged in store customers to take
their time deciding on garments however, and indicated concern
for a more thoughtful choice process: “In-store, a lot of them will
go away and have a think about it, but I encourage them to as well,
because in-store obviously we don’t do returns [on garments], so I al-
ways say ‘have think about it’ [to in-store customers], just in case”
(Retailer D). Retailers were, however, aware of the online channel’s
changing nature in regard to encouraging impulse purchase, de-
scribing a strategy of offering purchase incentives such as finance
tools within this channel. When probed on this, retailers agreed
that whilst in store customers tended to be those who were al-
ready loyal to their brand, or interested in the slow fashion val-
ues expressed by their stores, the online channel was how they
reached consumers who were either unaware or uninterested in
the slow fashion concept. However, this initial strategy of online
incentivizing only did not sit well with many of their customers:
“When [purchase finance deals] were first introduced it was only on-
line and you noticed a lot of [in store] people just being like ‘I’m going
to buy it online’ (Retailer D).
The flipside of impulse purchasing is consumer regret. As noted
in prior research, consumer reported regret in non-essential pur-
chasing is most often related to financial outlay (e.g. Penman and
McNeill 2008). Although consumers of slow fashion would pre-
sumably be aware of the higher cost of such garments, and rec-
ognize the inherent value in them, retailers in this study cite fi-
nancial regret as the most likely outcome of impulse purchasing
in their stores: “it’s usually a friend saying, ‘oh, just get it now, why
not?’” (Retailer A)…“people who are like ‘get it!’, and then the cus-
tomer will come back later [to return the garment] and be like ‘I can’t
afford this’ … definitely affected by friends” (Retailer D). Consumer
informants agreed, stating: “if my friends say [the slow fashion item]
looks nice, then that would make me want to buy it more” (Consumer
1, female).
Alongside impulse, the drive to be perceived as fashion-
conscious or express a fashion-forward self-identity has been cited
as a key motivating factor behind non-essential clothing consump-
tion (e.g. Hausman, 20 0 0; O’Cass, 20 04). Despite the mandate of
slow fashion proponents to be conscious consumers, reuse or recy-
cle and be satisfied with less, the retailers in this study still found
Please cite this article as: L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon, Slow fashion – Balancing the conscious retail model within the fashion market-
place, Australasian Marketing Journal, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ausmj.2019.07.005
[m5G;August 14, 2019;20:29]
5
that the drive to remain fashion conscious motivated a large pro-
portion of their customers: “women are always aware of the sea-
sonal changes, and changes in fashion that come with that, and [new]
things being released” (Retailer C). In regard to what consumers
are purchasing in that seasonal change period, however, there ap-
pears to be a strong age disparity. Older consumers will come into
stores at the beginning of each traditional fashion season (Spring,
Summer, Autumn/Fall, Winter) and seek updates to an existing
wardrobe of functional items. Younger consumers will come into
store for each new drop of clothing (up to every two weeks in
these cases), and seek out pieces distinctly different to what they
already own: “[trend pieces are] definitely important for the [young],
the older people are just in for that nice piece, or that nice pair of
work pants. They’re drawn to what they like. But [the younger cus-
tomers] come in on trends” (Retailer D). This was also reflected in
consumer interviews, where the two young female consumers con-
firmed that the majority of their fashion purchases were selected
in this way: “quite a lot … it’s [buying new items] just one of the
main reasons you have fashion really” (Consumer 1);“I’ve kind of al-
ways used fashion as a form of self-expression and as a way to feel
good about yourself and feel [comfortable], but also look kind of dif-
ferent, or set apart from other people” (Consumer 2). Slow fash-
ion retailers tended to see this behaviour as a life stage, where
“that’s a component of being fashionable … that teenage or early
adult conformity, where they want to be part of their peer group”
(Retailer C).
This juxtaposition of identity formation strategies through fash-
ion highlighted one of the key challenges faced by the slow fash-
ion retailers in this study. Where older customers were perceived
as loyal, and the core market for the limited range, higher price
pieces stocked by these retailers, interviewees were well aware of
the need to engage younger consumers and develop their buying
habits over time. As much fashion consumption in the youth mar-
ket is trend based, this issue was perceived as a critical discon-
nect for retailers with a slow fashion philosophy: “I think, because
we tend to stay away from any trend-based fashion, you do get the
odd customer asking what’s the thing for the season or something.
And when that customer comes into the store and asks that question,
you’re kind of like, ‘I’m not sure they’re going to find what they want
here’. Because we tend not to have what they’re looking for when
they’re looking at trends” (Retailer B).
It has been suggested that consumption of fashion is primar-
ily driven by the hedonic environment, including the satisfaction
of emotional needs, such as being ‘on trend’ or a ‘fashion leader’
(Kim and Park, 2005). Desires for rapid, exciting and pleasurable
sensations are key hedonic motivators of consumption (Pomodoro,
2013), and fast fashion purchasing has been directly linked to the
hedonism of instant gratification and rapid newness (e.g. Bhardwaj
and Fairhurst, 2010). In contrast, slow fashion is characterized by
careful choices, and garments designed to last significantly longer
than an average fast fashion, trend-based item. Slower, deliberate
(and some might say sensible) choice making could be said to be
at odds with the excitement and pleasure of frequent purchase
of new fashion garments. This means that slow fashion retailers
need to consider what hedonic associations may exist within their
particular form of retail, such as the acquisition of higher-priced,
higher quality, specialty designed, or limited production garments
(potentially separate from a more values-based emphasis on sus-
tainability or ethics). Further, garments within the slow fashion re-
tail context may fit with consumer perceptions of a ‘treat;’ or ‘re-
ward’ purchase, due to their exclusivity, quality and uniqueness. As
described by one retailer in the study: “[We sell] premium street
wear, the kind that people would get hyped about, like collectable
pieces and things like that…We try not to be too specific, because
if you put yourself in a box it can restrict you and turn people off”
(Retailer C). The unique nature of the goods sold by a slow fashion
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6 L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon / Australasian Marketing Journal xxx (xxxx) xxx
retailer such as this can make them more desirable in the fashion
world, and among young consumers who have not yet embraced
the slow fashion philosophy. As such, this retailer also noted the
importance of accessibility for this market of young consumers,
noting the pressure to provide things such as finance schemes: “we
have signed up for [a Buy-Now-Pay-Later scheme]. We feel like you
kind of have to…Yes. We have to follow suit. It will get a lot of kids
in trouble but, you know, they’ll learn the hard way” (Retailer C).
7.2. Slow fashion and consumer meaning – relationships and
importance of the physical store
Developing strong brand equity, and increasing perceived prod-
uct quality is recognised as vital to remaining competitive in the
retail industry (e.g. Fratto et al., 2006; Das, 2015). This is not in-
consistent with the main ethos of slow fashion – for example, the
retailers in this study highlighted their efforts to build a brand im-
age that avoided trends, and encouraging consumers to focus on
the quality and longevity of their product range: “I’ve always fo-
cused in [store] here on styles that have a lot of longevity, so, trends
I’ll stay away from. If I’m already seeing it in [a fast fashion store],
I don’t want to know about it” (Retailer A). Slow fashion retailers
believe that their existing, regular customers understand this key
difference, and value what the brand’s philosophy provides out-
side of fast-cycle trends: “we tend to stay away from any trend-
based fashion. Our customers look to us for the trend, [within the
ethos] they’re looking for. So our customers, they’re not trend-based,
they understand their own style a little bit more and keep away from
trends because they’re looking for more of an investment, something
they can keep wearing long-term. And that’s what we offer them”
(Retailer B).
Similarly, slow fashion retailers in this study understood that
what they offer is not easily replicated in fast fashion – that their
particular customer segment desires style over trends, and values
ethics and considered production in garments. However, the re-
tailers in this study also highlighted the inherent problem of slow
fashion related to this – that of catering to a small group of con-
sumers who actively try to buy less. Where retailers expressed a
desire to attract different market segments, developing new rela-
tionships in-store with these customers is seen as critical to trans-
mitting their core values to segments unfamiliar with slow fash-
ion: “It is to present our aesthetic to people, and just what the store
is about, and give people an actual shopping experience. People can
spend a lot of time here, trying clothes on with their friends, it can be
quite social for people…I love it when the [customers] come back to
town and everyone has like a massive reunion in the store! Like, ‘oh
my god! How was your Summer?!’” (Retailer A).
Social interaction is a core hedonic factor consumers seek from
fashion consumption (Kim and Park, 2005). Retailer informants in
this study identified personal interaction, and the development of
relationships over time, as a significant attribute of the slow fash-
ion store that cannot be obtained through the online channel:
“Opening up our [physical] store was to create [a story] and show
what we do and how we do it. And also, to break down the sort of
intimidating nature of this fashion. The sort of stuff that we make,
people kind of think that they won’t fit it, or that it’s too scary, or ‘I
don’t know how that would work’, you know? So, our staff are able
to talk people through how you can wear things, and what you can
wear them with, and stuff like that, which you don’t get online” (Re-
tailer B). This further emphasizes the critical nature of position-
ing in slow fashion, and raises the question of whether the on-
line channel can ever really replicate the relationship development
perceived as vital by slow fashion retailers: “I think a lot of our
customers like advice and styling. Online, you don’t literally see ev-
erything at once, whereas we like to, if they’re trying on a top and
Please cite this article as: L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon, Slow fashion – Balancing the conscious retail model within the fashion market-
place, Australasian Marketing Journal, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ausmj.2019.07.005
[m5G;August 14, 2019;20:29]
we know a skirt or pants that look really good with it, we pair it up”
(Retailer D).
Beyond product or style advice, the slow fashion retailers in-
cluded in this study also described a much more in-depth, personal
level of interaction that they experienced with their customers –
often based in a shared philosophy toward clothing: “[we get a
lot of] social interaction from our local people that come in all the
time. They might not necessarily buy stuff, but they come in to see
us, see what’s going on [in the industry]” (Retailer C). Retailers also
described the level of commitment that goes in to nurturing these
relationships: “we have some customers that can be [in store] for two
hours, and the girls that work in the store know everything about
them” (Retailer B). Consumer informants agreed that these rela-
tionships were a driver in returning to certain retail stores: “there’s
definitely certain stores that I go often to where I have a baseline
level of acquaintanceship with the people that work there. That’s re-
ally nice, to know when you go back there, you’re going to have a
nice, pleasant exchange, because you know them on a certain level”
(Consumer 2).
Despite the clear importance of the physical store, and person-
to-person interaction, the online channel continues to dominate
many forms of fashion retail. Indeed, consumer informants dis-
cussed their use of online fashion shopping in terms assessing and
comparing the offers of multiple brands: “you can search around the
different stores quite quickly. As opposed to sticking to one store at
once, you can have different [store] tabs open” (Consumer 1). Extant
literature supports this, noting that the online channel now has a
critical role in fashion retail (e.g. Ashworth et al., 2006; Kim and
Park, 2005; Blázquez, 2014; Loeb, 2017). Where the slow fashion
retailers in this study emphasized the physical store as their pre-
ferred point of interaction with the consumer, they were also re-
signed to the necessity of an online channel as part of their strate-
gic toolkit. What is interesting, however, is in how these retailers
use their online store fronts. All of the slow fashion retailers stud-
ied here saw the online channel as a means to engage the con-
sumer, and draw them into their retail store, rather than build a
separate market or increase sales. As such, these retailers described
a process whereby they would edit and select particular garments
to highlight online, but not to show everything they had in store,
as they saw the greatest value in presenting their garments in per-
son: “Well, [the personal interaction is] very important. I think you
have to create your own customer experience and it’s your time to
show what you are and what you’re about….that sort of sets the mold
for us. We wanted honest, genuine, shopping, and that we match peo-
ple with what they want and that they’re enjoying their experience.
That they’re looking for something, and we’re making people feel com-
fortable, because that brings people back” (Retailer B).
This approach has been successful for the small, independent
stores studied, as they described being able to control important
customer interactions, such as relationship development, by limit-
ing the role of the online channel. This is particularly important to
slow fashion, where consumers may need to be educated in the
value proposition that limited run, hand-made or locally designed
fashion presents, in contrast to mass-market fast fashion. In the
stores studied here, this form of channel integration worked well,
with the online channel seen as the conduit to bring people in
store (rather than a means for consumers to buy garments outside
of the physical store environment): “We find people use [the online
store] as a catalog for what is in [the physical] store. So they’ve kind
of pre-shopped before they come in” (Retailer A); “like they’ll have a
look at our online store and then come into the shop” (Retailer B).
“You’ll find a lot of people are coming in that have found something
online, so they’ll come in and they want to see it, want to try it on,
so I feel like there’s that research aspect to the online store” (Retailer
C). The overarching outcome of this careful control over the role of
the online channel has been positive for all of the slow fashions
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L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon / Australasian Marketing Journal xxx (xxxx) xxx 7

retailers studied here, notably that: “it’s increased our business. 7.3. Slow fashion and lifestyles – retail ethics and the volume issue
We’ve probably been able to reach a lot more customers that wouldn’t
Slow fashion in its essence is about changing consumer be-
have normally shopped here” (Retailer A); “it works really well for
picking up extra sales from [customers], and we tend to sell more that haviour to a more conscious form of fashion engagement – reduc-
ing the volume purchased, maintaining and keeping clothes longer,
we’ve already stocked in stores” (Retailer B). Overall, the place of the
and making choices that are based in style and longevity, rather
online store-front in slow fashion was seen as enhancing customer
reach, rather than volume of sales. As summed up by one retailer: than trend. Traditional fashion retail, however, is about gaining
market share, encouraging consumers to shop, and promoting the
“having a platform that can get to the rest of New Zealand…because
rapid turnover of clothing items (as evidenced by the increasing
we will have exclusive pieces or one-off pieces, and [we’re] so small,
they don’t really know that, but there will be other people out in New number of fashion ‘seasons’ seen in high street stores worldwide).
New sales tools designed to increase purchase volume and fre-
Zealand that are looking for that stuff [slow fashion], but don’t know
quency are common in fashion retail, but this aim is often at odds
where to get it” (Retailer C).
with the overarching slow fashion theme of conscious consump-
The unique philosophy of slow fashion, in a category dominated
tion. One recent addition to the sales toolkit in fashion retail that
by fast paced trends and desire for more, is underscored by these
may offer a different outcome for slow fashion retailers is the Buy-
retailers insistence on face-to-face interaction with the customer.
Now-Pay-Later (BNPL) payment platform, which, when applied in a
Despite acknowledging the growing demand for, and use of, on-
line channels in fashion retail more generally, these retailers felt slow fashion context may allow certain groups of consumers access
to slow fashion products that they would not otherwise have.
that the physical store would never be replaced when it came to
Since the introduction of the BNPL scheme, each retailer had
translating the slow fashion ethos to customers, viewing the online
store as a support mechanism for customers, for information gath- noticed a significant growth in sales that they could attribute di-
rectly to the scheme: “[we have seen a] phenomenal amount of new
ering, or for those that cannot visit the physical store, rather than
sales from [BNPL]…I would say probably a third of all our sales are
a market in its own right: “I think [the online store is] more for in-
formation and convenience shopping for people out of town. Because through [BNPL], maybe even more” (Retailer A); “We have noticed an
increase. I think it’s even the idea that you can pay [for our gar-
obviously [our product] is higher end, but there’s less stores, so there’s
ments] in instalments. When people are coming to your store and
not a store in every small town. It’s got us a bigger reach, it can get
they know that, then they start shopping” (Retailer B). BNPL com-
our whole country and overseas as well” (Retailer D). Consumer in-
panies see millennial consumers as the target market (McGowan,
terviews echoed this. When discussing how they interacted with
2017), and retailers in this study confirm that it is new, younger
slow fashion products, informants stressed the value of actually
customers using their BNPL offer: “younger people are a lot more
visiting the store, when considering the higher priced nature of the
garments, as well as the intention for longevity in the wardrobe: excited to buy now. Now, we can be like ‘we have [BNPL] as an option’
and they will be like ‘oh yeah, okay!’ And they’ll buy it straight away,
“[In store] the clothes are right there, you can actually try them on.
so definitely they are a little bit more excited” (Retailer D). The slow
You can kind of mix and match some of the pieces. You can try on
different sizes, you can check sizing. You can get it straight away” fashion retailers described here have already identified the chal-
lenge of engaging younger fashion customers with a slow fashion
(Consumer 1); “I like the experience of it and I like being able to
ethic. Where younger customers were seen to use the online chan-
know how something looks before purchasing it. It helps you to kind
of envisage what it would go with in terms of thinking about other nel more frequently than older consumers, they were also noted as
less likely to spend larger amounts on clothing items such as those
things that are in your wardrobe, once you’ve tried it on. Because you
offered by the retailers under study. It appears that the BNPL tool
kind of get a sense of the proportions and things like that, that you
has the ability to close the gap between desire and access in rela-
don’t necessarily get from models. It helps you envisage, yeah, what
tion to more expensive slow fashion retail for this customer group,
it’s going to look like with anything else” (Consumer 2).
but, as these customers are also identified as heavier consumers of
Further, retailers stressed the importance of integrating the look
fashion overall, the question remains as to how slow fashion re-
and feel of their websites, as part of their efforts to keep online
channel’s role as a support mechanism to the main, physical store, tailer balance their retail philosophy with sales tools such as this?
The slow fashion concept is relatively new to the mainstream
clear. As noted earlier, retailers discussed carefully editing and lim-
fashion industry, and whilst expressing excitement about the pos-
iting the garments presented online, as well as citing the impor-
tance of a consistent image across the two channels when trying sibilities emerging in reaching new groups of customers, the slow
fashion retailers studied here expressed concerns regarding the
to present a slow fashion philosophy in a market dominated by
conflict in overall ethics of increasing slow fashion sales volume
fast fashion: “we’ve tried to keep a similar aesthetic. It’s really hard
to transcribe [our philosophy] to a website. We’ve just got to let the via finance platforms: “we just thought, ‘how does [the debt aspect]
work?’, and is it a good thing to be promoting and teaching?” (Re-
products sort of shine and be more representative of us” (Retailer A);
tailer B); “perhaps BNPL is going to wreck this whole generation with
“We have certain designs together, you’ll see certain colours together
bad credit ratings and endless debt, as their understanding of it isn’t
in store, and certain labels… so you’ll see online that they tend to fol-
as comprehensive as it should be” (Retailer C). These concerns were
low the same pattern. So, making it very cohesive. If someone’s seen
backed up by recent experiences with their customers, where a
it online, they’ll know if they see it in store it’ll be in that area” (Re-
lack of fiscal awareness was highlighted by some: “one customer
tailer D). This cohesion extended beyond the garments presented,
and included all aspects of being a slow fashion retailer – including in particular asked, ‘do you have BNPL?’…she said ‘I’ve got so many
[schemes running], I don’t even know!’” (Retailer C).
social and cultural markers of what their brands represent: “[we
Fashion involved consumers are known to be more likely to
tell our story] to a degree through how [the website] looks, and the
colours that tie into our branding, and having a few little personal make impulse purchases than non-fashion involved consumers
(Han et al., 1991). Further, young consumers are prone to both
aspects to the site that we feel are important. Like, I’ve got no idea if
impulsive fashion purchase, but also utilizing debt to access fash-
these things are going to be important to people that are looking for
stuff online, but to create something that is unique to us, like have a ion products (McNeill, 2014). Where credit cards have previ-
ously been termed lifestyle enabling technology (Bianco and Bosco,
page for our team [of staff], and another page for posters for differ-
2002; Bernthal et al., 2005; Khare et al., 2012), BNPL schemes
ent [socio-cultural] events that we’ve been involved with, and things
are similarly risky for those who emphasise lifestyle over fiscal
like that. So that it’s not just a channel to sell stuff, but there’s also
responsibility. If this lifestyle is one of accumulating unnecessary
aspects of our identity attached to it” (Retailer C).

Please cite this article as: L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon, Slow fashion – Balancing the conscious retail model within the fashion market-
place, Australasian Marketing Journal, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ausmj.2019.07.005
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8 L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon / Australasian Marketing Journal xxx (xxxx) xxx
fashion products, whether they are produced using sustainable
principles or not, it is difficult to separate these concerns from
the use of finance schemes in fashion retail. However, the temp-
tation for slow fashion retailers to promote schemes such as BNPL
are clear: “the increases to our revenue have just been massive, we’re
actually looking at using a second company…so we have two on of-
fer…If you become a good customer it can increase the credit limit,
and for lot of young girls if you’ve never made a purchase for a fi-
nance company before, or have no credit rating, you automatically get
the [minimum credit]… which we think would benefit another type of
customer, so we’re going to add one of those on.” (Retailer A).
In this sense, finance schemes are a useful allegory for one of
the central issues in slow fashion retail – it is still about the sale of
goods and the building of market share, despite is ‘slow’ moniker.
Businesses must be profitable to survive, and in the fashion world
that means selling clothing to willing fashion consumers (sustain-
able and ethical principles or not). Consumers did agree that fi-
nance options gave them access to the higher-priced slow fashion
retailers in this study, which is consistent to the initial reasoning
given by retailers for offering the schemes, but also supports the
causes for concern identified by them: “I found a couple of things
that I really, really liked, but I knew I wouldn’t be able to pay up
front, or if I did, I’d be really stressed out about money for the next
fortnight. So, I signed up for [BNPL] and I paid them off” (Consumer
2). This willingness by consumers to create future debt in order to
consume non-essential goods sits somewhat uncomfortably against
the criterion of ‘conscious’ consumption, irrespective of the ethical
production value of those goods. However, the pressure of fashion
retail is ever-present, and stores profiled in this study did not sep-
arate the use of finance related promotional tools from that of fast
fashion retailers: “I know other stores have got it. Everyone’s doing
that. On our online store, right at the top of the homepage, it says
BNPL on it, you know. And everyone’s doing that. And as soon as you
click through we have a product that says, “Woohoo. Blah, blah, blah.
Five payments of $25”, or whatever (Retailer B).
When asked about the ethics of encouraging debt, retailers
were hesitant to emphasise the negatives of consumer finance pro-
grams, suggesting that the responsibility lay with the customer,
rather than the retailer: “Well, we actually have no control over that.
You know, there’s nothing that we can do. We haven’t seen any cus-
tomers doing lots of repeat [finance] buys though. But we actually
wouldn’t know, because the contract is with [the credit company]. So
we really wouldn’t know” (Retailer B). This type of response again
underlines a disconnect between the overall philosophy of slow
fashion and the application of its principles in a highly compet-
itive retail market – a disconnect that must be addressed before
the slow fashion retailer can develop sales strategies that support
production ethics alongside of consumer and social ethics in the
sale of their particular category of fashion garments.
8. Conclusions and managerial implications
Exploring the cases of four retailers who self-identify as be-
ing part of the slow fashion retail segment has identified a num-
ber of key areas for consideration as this style of fashion retail
evolves. The research described here highlights the central chal-
lenge of slow fashion retail as negotiating the balance between
traditional strategic retail objectives and those of a conscious con-
sumption model. Slow fashion, as a retail philosophy, is new, and
as such the boundaries for a retailer’s inclusion in this category
are still blurred. Further, the necessity of profit making and market
share that underpins traditional retail often clashes with an ethos
of buy less and avoid trends. The retailers in this study did, how-
ever, identify some critical elements in their strategic planning that
hold managerial implications for all slow fashion retailers, namely:
(1) the value of the physical store in a slow fashion philosophy; (2)
Please cite this article as: L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon, Slow fashion – Balancing the conscious retail model within the fashion market-
place, Australasian Marketing Journal, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ausmj.2019.07.005
[m5G;August 14, 2019;20:29]
the role of online retail within the slow fashion segment; and (3)
the ethical dilemmas associated with introducing new sales tools,
such as the Buy-Now-Pay-Later finance schemes that have taken
hold in fashion retail more recently.
9. Enhancing the value of the physical store
Retailers identified the physical store as central to imparting
their slow fashion philosophy to consumers, identifying the im-
portance of interacting directly with customers when selling fash-
ion that is not trend based, and not designed for fast disposal or
turnover. As such, the physical store should be the main focus of
slow fashion retail strategies, with the online store a supplemen-
tary presence. This is particularly important when it comes to en-
gaging a younger customer base (who have not traditionally been
large consumers of slow fashion products), and imparting the over-
all ethos of this style of fashion to this new segment. Retailers rec-
ognized that there could be an intimidating nature to slow fashion
compared to fast fashion chain store products, and felt that slow
fashion products needed to be sold in person for the customer to
truly understand the value they held. A core recommendation for
those wishing to set up slow fashion retail businesses is thus to
place the physical store as primary in development of the brand. It
appears that, while choosing a strategy of online retailing only may
reduce costs for smaller, slow fashion businesses, the need for con-
sumers to engage with products and staff (consistent with the cen-
tral tenants of conscious consumption more generally) necessitates
a physical space for this interaction. Limiting a brand to online re-
tail only may result in the unique principles of that businesses be-
ing lost within the wider online retail space – and potential for
brand substitution or switching rises, as brand loyalty reduces.
10. Managing online retail in slow fashion
Despite the recommendation of a physical store being the pri-
mary interface for developing a brand-customer relationship, the
online store is not without its benefits to slow fashion retailer.
This study identified the online setting as an additional informa-
tion source, as well as a means to promote a carefully curated se-
lection of products with the aim of bringing the online browsing
customer into the physical store. Where it is known that young
consumers browse for products online more regularly than older
consumers, this is a key market reach tactic for slow fashion re-
tailers looking to engage with a younger segment of the fashion-
buying market. By creating an online store atmosphere which is
inviting, consistent and promotes the ethical philosophy of the re-
tailer (in essence, the slow fashion story), this may break down
some of the barriers to engaging with slow fashion for younger
consumers.
11. Balancing traditional retail tactics with the slow fashion
ethos
Where retail sales promotion is a vital part of engaging and de-
veloping loyal relationships with your customer base, slow fashion
retailers need to more carefully consider the impact of any sales
tools they use in regard to their overall philosophy than do tradi-
tional fashion retailers. Promotional tools aimed at increasing pur-
chase volume are at odds with an ethos of conscious consumption
(buy less, value quality and longevity over trend). In this study,
the recent introduction of BNPL finance schemes in fashion retail
highlighted the challenges faced by slow fashion retailers in bal-
ancing this disconnect. The retailers in this study were still strug-
gling to categorise the role of such tools in their overall strategy,
but did recognize the potential for these tools to reach new au-
diences and provide access to their products to consumer groups
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previously unable to purchase slow fashion. This suggests a need
for careful consideration of aims and objectives of the slow fash-
ion retailer overall (and specifically in an ethical sense), before any
new sales promotion tool should be utilized. The impact of choos-
ing the wrong too is far reaching – not only do tools focused at
rapid turnover of goods and overconsumption challenge the moral
direction of the committed slow fashion retailer, but increasingly
ethically savvy consumers will be more likely to view with skep-
ticism the efforts of proposed slow fashion retailers who employ
such tactics. As the retailers in this study noted, their loyal cus-
tomers have built special relationships with them over time, and
value these relationships. Utilizing tools that conflict with what a
store claims to be will ultimately damage these relationships, po-
tentially irreversibly (and leading to brand switching).
12. Limitations and future research
Generalisability of the findings presented here is limited by the
qualitative, cased-based nature and scale of this research. Conduct-
ing further research with more slow fashion retailers would help
to validate these findings outside of the context of this study and
generate more broadly applicable results. In addition, the research
would benefit from a long-term analysis of the retails strategies of
slow fashion retailers, as this form of retailing becomes more pop-
ular and commonplace in the fashion market.
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Please cite this article as: L.S. McNeill and J. Snowdon, Slow fashion – Balancing the conscious retail model within the fashion market-
place, Australasian Marketing Journal, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ausmj.2019.07.005
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