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districtsof Rawal Pindi east of the Indus and Peshawaron the west
bank,which togethercomprisedGandhara,and the valleyof the Kabul
Riverbelow the KunarRiver.Adjoiningon the north lay the satrapy
of Nikanor, made up of the Kunar and Swat river valleys with an
extensioneastwardto an undefinedborderwith Gandhara;this unit
representsthe area personallytraversedand conqueredby Alexander
upon his entryinto India,and too little attentionhas been paid to its
wealth,high culture,and the strategicimportanceof this alternateroute
from KabulCity to the Indus.2
Within a veryshortperiodaftertheirestablishmentthe kingdomof
EasternPunjab(the kingdomof Poros) and Gandhara(the satrapyof
Philip) absorbedthe otherthreeunits.Though the latterretainedtheir
identitiesas importantnuclei throughoutthe succeedingperiods,East-
2 For this campaign of Alexander see Arrian, Anabasis, IV, 23-28. The route has
been describedby Sir Thomas Holdich (The Gates of India [London, 1910], pp. IOO-IOi,
II3, I29) as the oldest and probably the best trodden between Kabul and the Punjab;
he points also to its strategic importance and to the high culture of the Swat valley.
For the satrapiessee E. R. Bevan, "Alexander the Great", CambridgeHistory of India,
I (New York, 1922), 351-52.
mav not be applied to the first century B.C. in the absence of corroborativeevidence.
Cunningham and Rapson did not have access to the Chinese material which has been
made fully available by De Groot. The common view that the city of Katisa, named by
Ptolemy for the Paropamisadae,representsKapica is a pure surmise.
14Macdonald (Cam. Hist. India, I, 443) recognizes this monogram as a true mint
mark and discusses its importance. Cf. Whitehead, pp. 3I1 and 3I5-I6. It should be
emphasized that such mint marks do not necessarilyrepresentnames of cities. All of the
great Parthian mints of Iran from about 70 B.c. are so distinguished, and the Parthian
practiceappearsto have been borrowed directly from the Bactrian.
show thirteen different mint marks. The four mints for the upper
valley are represented by i6, 26, I7, and ii specimens each, the fifth
mint by only one coin.'5 Even more opposed to the attribution of this
mint to the Kabul valley is the evidence that it was employed by the
Parthians from about 70 B.C. to about 25 B.C. A large series of
Parthian coins for this period, thoroughly homogeneous in their style,
bear either the kappa-rhoor kappaalone. The latter form occurs also
in the Yavana coinage of this mint. The Parthian series cannot be as-
signed to areas further west, and their style had led me to associate
them with the Bactrian region before my attention was called to the
Yavana series.'6 The latter antedates 70 B.C., though the mint area was
very probably temporarily occupied also by Mithradates I and Mith-
radates II. The interest of both Parthians and Greeks of the East in
the Bamian region may be explained by the presence there of silver
mines as well as by its commercial and strategic importance as a
passageway.
This location of an important Yavana nucleus in the Paropamisadae
throws new light on the historyof Greek domination of the Middle East.
Though Bactria itself was lost, we find Greeks holding a solid block of
territory from the Punjab north and west to the whole line of the
mountain crest which overlooked Bactria and possessedof lines of com-
munication not only with the Oxus but with Areia and thence to
Media, farther west. In this arrangement the Kabul valley stands out
in the perspectivewhich we know was appropriatefor the earlierperiod
of Alexander and the later Islamic period-never an important center
in its own right, it was essentially a passageway and a dependency of
adjoining centers. This conclusion is supportedby the extremely varied
characterof the numerous coins found there.
Sometime early in the first century B.C. a Saka dynasty, that of
Maues and Azes, had risen in the Indus valley and by the middle of the
century had occupied Gandhara and the Punjab. This consolidation of
all of the Yavana holdings in the Indus basin, with the exception of
Kapica where for a brief period Hermaeus continued to rule, had
Gandhara for its center and was equivalent to the satrapy of Philip
with the kingdoms of Poros and Abhisares. In the latter area lay the
15 Whitehead, pp. 315-I6.
16 These Parthian coins wvillbe discussed in greater detail in a later
study. Warwick
Wroth (Catalogue of the Coins of Partthia[London, 1903], p. 48, n. i) has failed to
note the rho combined with the kappa, but I have observed it repeated!s,and it has been
recordedby Alexander von PetroNvicz (Arsaciden-Tvtiinzen [Vienna, 1904], p. 42, no. 23).
Azes II, are not known for the Ghaznicountryor for the Kabulvalley
above Jelalabad.There does occur in the valley, and apparentlyonly
there,a seriesof issuesbelongingto a Vononesand an associatedgroup
of Sakarulers.The style and typesof thesecoins are so closelyrelated
to thoseof the Sakaiin Gandharaand the Punjabthat the two groups
of princesmust be classedtogether,and it is generallyacceptedthat
Azes II representsa fusion of both elements.'8Rapsonstatesthat the
family of Vonones ruled over "Drangiana[Seistan] and Arachosia
[Kandahar]".In this he disregardscompletelythe essentialfactorof
find spots and baseshimself on the characteristic types found on the
coins of Vonones,which, he says,were "presumably" struckin some
districtof Arachosia.But these same types were employedby Azes,
Azilises, or Hermaeus,who by no stretchof the imaginationcan be
thought to have ruled Seistan,Kandahar,or even Ghazni. The as-
sumptionof Rapsonis reasonablethat the characterof the legend on
this classof coins, with its referenceto joint rulers,points to two dif-
ferent areascontrolledby one paramountchief. As one area I would
suggest the Kabul valley, where the coins occur, with Arachosiaas
we have defined it, excluding the Kandahardistrict.As the second
area,joinedto the firstby the Gumal and Tochi passes,southwestern
Punjab,southof the Peshawardistrict,presentsitselfas a logicalchoice.
Identifiedwith this area, the types of Vonones and his associates
fulfill all of the requirementsof their occurrencein other reigns.
Beforethe fusionof the twvogroupsunderAzes II, the princesof Kabul
andArachosiaappearat timesto haveextendedtheirruleoverPeshawar
and partsof Gandhara.It is not necessaryto assume,as do Rapson
and Thomas, that Vonones occupiednot only the Kabul valley but
brought to an end the rule of Hermaeusin what had been left of
Kapica. During this period Azilises continued to rule in parts of
Gandharaand the Punjab,and the ChinesesourcessuggestthatKapica,
in partat least,becameunitedto Gandhara.The dategiven by Rapson
for Vonones is approximatelycorrect,though it will be suggested
below that he had establishedhimself in the Kabul valley prior to
36 B.C. For our presentpurposesthe particularsignificanceof the rise
of Vononeslies in the evidenceit affordsof the developmentof a new
nucleus and, for the first time since the reign of Eucratides,of an
18 Gardner, pp. xl-xli; Rapson, Camii.Hist. India., I, 568-74. Vonones himself pre-
sumably was no Saka, but an Iranian prince who had joined himself to this group.
He may have been an Arsacid, but, as vill be shown belov, the date limits of his reign
do not permit of his identification as Vonones I of Parthia, as has been suggested.
comprised Wakhan, Badakshan, and Chitral. Most writers include also Kafiristan and
parts of the Kabul valley. For the former there is no evidence whatsoever, and it con-
tradicts the texts; for the latter the numismatic evidence' is strongly opposed, and
Bamian more nearly meets the requirements of the text. This will be discussed under
Ko-hu. In spite of the general agreement as to the actual location of the five clans, there
is a tendency on the part of scholars to assume that in some manner they also controlled
Bactria during this period. This is based largely on the assumption that in the second
century B.C. the Yueh-chi had invaded Bactria, called by the Chinese the Kingdom of
Ta-ha, from their base in Sogdiana, which the Chinese regarded as also Ta-ha country.
Though the texts repeatedly distinguish between the Kingdom of Ta-ha south of the
Oxus River and the Ta-ha territory north of the river, where alone the Yueh-chi are
described as located during this earlier period, scholars have completely missed the dis-
tinction-largely owing to their preoccupationwith attempts to identif) the Yueh-chi with
one or more of the nomad tribes named bv our Western sources. The evidence offered to
connect the Yueh-chi with Bactria in the first century is so weak that it would not have
received support except for the fatal confusion in the history of the second century.
This evidence concerns the names of capital cities: In the second century B.C. the
capital of Bactria was called Lam-si, a century later that of the Yueh-chi in their new
home bore the name Kam-si, and seven hundred years after this the name Lam-si occurs
as a district of To-ho-lo, a term which the Chinese had adopted to designate Yueh-chi
territory.At best, identificationthrough similarity in the supposed sound is weak. In this
instance scholars have disregardedthe clear statement in the Hou-han-su, which directly
follows the Ch'ien-han-st, that the Yueh-chi first took P'ak-tat (the countr) around
Balkh) only upon the rise of the Kushana dynasty in the period just after that with
which we are dealing. For the situation in the second century see De Groot, II, I2-27;
for that in the first century, ibid., pp. 95-I 02, 109. Cf. Konow, pp. sO-I I, I4.
25 De Groot, II, 85-87; Rapson, Cant. Hist. India, I, 566-67. Konow (pp. I5, 31)
admits that Ke-pin finally embraced all of the Gandharakingdom.