Professional Documents
Culture Documents
TRE
DIGITAL EN E R S E C T I O NALIT Y
D INT
GENDER AN
A s ia n Pe rs pective
An East
-Fai
Leung Wing
Dynamics of Virtual Work
Series Editors
Ursula Huws
Hertfordshire Business School
Hatfield, UK
Rosalind Gill
Department of Sociology
City University London
London, UK
Technological change has transformed where people work, when
and how. Digitisation of information has altered labour processes out
of all recognition whilst telecommunications have enabled jobs to
be relocated globally. ICTs have also enabled the creation of entirely
new types of ‘digital’ or ‘virtual’ labour, both paid and unpaid, shift-
ing the borderline between ‘play’ and ‘work’ and creating new types
of unpaid labour connected with the consumption and co-creation of
goods and services. This affects private life as well as transforming the
nature of work and people experience the impacts differently depend-
ing on their gender, their age, where they live and what work they do.
Aspects of these changes have been studied separately by many different
academic experts however up till now a cohesive overarching analytical
framework has been lacking. Drawing on a major, high-profile COST
Action (European Cooperation in Science and Technology) Dynamics
of Virtual Work, this series will bring together leading international
experts from a wide range of disciplines including political economy,
labour sociology, economic geography, communications studies, tech-
nology, gender studies, social psychology, organisation studies, indus-
trial relations and development studies to explore the transformation of
work and labour in the Internet Age. The series will allow researchers to
speak across disciplinary boundaries, national borders, theoretical and
political vocabularies, and different languages to understand and make
sense of contemporary transformations in work and social life more
broadly. The book series will build on and extend this, offering a new,
important and intellectually exciting intervention into debates about
work and labour, social theory, digital culture, gender, class, globalisa-
tion and economic, social and political change.
Digital
Entrepreneurship,
Gender and
Intersectionality
An East Asian Perspective
Leung Wing-Fai
King’s College London
London, UK
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Acknowledgements
v
vi
Acknowledgements
was inspirational. Thank you to the series editors, Professor Huws and
Professor Rosalind Gill, and the great team at Palgrave Macmillan for
their faith in the value of this monograph.
I owe a debt of gratitude to the Department of Culture, Media and
Creative Industries, King’s College London (KCL). Without the gener-
ous interest my colleagues have shown in my research, the writing pro-
cess may have been a lonely one. The Publication Subvention Grant
(2017–2018) from the Faculty of Arts and Humanities at KCL funded
additional editorial help.
I would also like to thank all from the startup community in Taiwan
and Hong Kong who have generously given of their time to speak to
me about their work and life. This study would not have been possible
without their openness and enthusiasm.
As always, thanks to the support of Benjamin J. Heal and Audrey
P. Y. Heal, without whom none of this research and writing would ever
get done.
This book is dedicated to my mother, Law Wan Tai (1936–2016),
whose spirit and sense of duty exemplified women’s independence and
strength. I have learned from her my entire life.
Contents
1 Introduction 1
Studying Entrepreneurs 5
Focusing on Taiwan 8
The Taiwanese Society and Women 12
Restructuring and Change in East Asia 15
The Startup Environment and the Traditional Tech Sector 18
Gender and Intersectionality 26
Research Strategy and Methods 32
Concluding Remarks 34
References 36
vii
viii
Contents
6 Conclusions 197
The Times They Are a-Changing 197
The Generations 201
Digital Entrepreneurship, Intersectionally 208
Digital Entrepreneurship: An East Asian Perspective 214
References 218
Index 221
List of Figures
ix
List of Tables
xi
Note on Romanisation and Translation
The personal and place names follow the spellings already in existence.
Since I refer to terms used in the People’s Republic of China, Taiwan
and Hong Kong where hanyu pinyin, the Wade-Giles System and
Cantonese transliterations are present, it is inappropriate to completely
standardise. My Romanisation of Chinese terms is given in hanyu
pinyin, based on Mandarin Chinese, and presented in italic. All transla-
tions of the interview transcripts are mine. Chinese publications will be
listed by the Romanised names of their authors alphabetically and the
translation of the titles is provided in the list of references.
xiii
1
Introduction
For the opponents of the CSSTA, in a fear that also echoes the m
artial
law period, Taiwanese identity will dissolve in a media, cultural and
that I noted in the summer was heightened around the time of the local
elections on 29 November 2014. The Taipei mayor election is tradition-
ally the most important litmus test to gauge the public opinion towards
the two major parties. The main contest in 2014 was between the two
candidates, the independent Ko Wen-je and KMT’s Sean Lien. Ko won
support from the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the KMT’s main
opposition, and the Taiwan Solidarity Union, and he defeated Lien by
nearly 17 points. Ko’s campaign video captured my attention. Entitled
‘How Long Has It Been Since You Last Listened to Your Kids?’, the
video used visual and textual elements to convey a sombre black-and-
white narrative that asked questions about a dystopic future. Though
devoid of specifics, it suggested how Ko would safeguard future genera-
tions against barriers to social and economic mobility. Polls showed that
Ko was indeed most popular among voters aged 20–29 and those over
60 (Sung 2014). Lien’s campaign video, ‘One World’, differed from Ko’s
by its use of break-dancers and upbeat music. Although it appealed to a
younger audience, it ultimately failed to address whether or not any of
his policies would benefit the young voters in Taiwan.
In September 2014 the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong began
when the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress in
China issued a decision on the future of the city’s electoral process. The
candidates for the Chief Executive role would be closely controlled and
vetted by the Chinese state. The Umbrella Movement was inspired by
the Sunflower Movement and was initially led by university students.
Many of the supporters were also young students, and awareness of the
event spread through social media. The occupation ended when the
police cleared the central areas in Hong Kong after 79 days. I returned
to Taiwan for eight months in 2016 to witness the landslide win (25
points over the KMT candidate) of DPP candidate Tsai Ing-wen on
16 January, making Tsai the first female president of the country and
returning the DPP to power after eight years of KMT rule. A red thread
of change shaped my fieldwork experiences during both the 2014 and
2016 stays in Asia. At the same time, in Silicon Valley in 2015, three
lawsuits were brought by Asian American female employees against
major tech corporations and a venture capital firm. The suits alleged
sex and race discrimination, which prompted me to consider the range
4
L. Wing-Fai
Studying Entrepreneurs
Entrepreneurs exploit ‘situations in which new goods, services, raw
materials, markets and organizing methods can be introduced through
the formation of new means, ends, or means-ends relationships’ (Shane
and Eckhardt 2003, p. 165). Entrepreneurship can be defined as the
exploitation of new economic opportunities, which may include cre-
ating new products or changing existing products in order to develop
6
L. Wing-Fai
Focusing on Taiwan
To understand the young generation of nascent business owners, it is
necessary to explore recent cultural, social and political developments
in Taiwan which serves as the backdrop of the current digital econ-
omy. At the end of the Second World War, Taiwan was decolonised
after 50 years of Japanese rule (1895–1945). Governance came from
mainland China, which had been under KMT rule. The new admin-
istration brought political and social instability, including the
February 28 Massacre of 1947 (The 228 Incident), which sparked an
1 Introduction
9
and provided some capital investment, but the SMEs remained reliant
on family and friends for capital (Myers 1984, p. 524).
Industry in Taiwan began to develop after the Second World War and
the end of Japanese colonisation in 1945. By the 1950s, the manufac-
turing industry had begun to flourish, especially in Taipei and some of
the East Coast cities. In the 1950s and 1960s Taiwan’s dependency on
agriculture continued to shift to manufacturing (Myers 1984), much of
which was export oriented. The turn to manufacturing benefitted the
overall economy, and unlike many other developing nations, Taiwan did
not experience the mass rural-urban migration or the unemployment
and other urban problems associated with mass migration (Thorbecke
and Wan 2007). The shift from agriculture to manufacturing and, later,
the service industry was therefore relatively balanced. The Taiwanese
government’s control of financial channels through the Central Bank
of China was important to deal with inflation from 1949 to 1953
(Chu 1989, p. 666). There was the separation of political power (exer-
cised by the KMT) from the native Taiwanese business community.
Subsequently, the state began to form links to local business elites as this
was seen as imperative for the country’s political and economic stabil-
ity. Nonetheless, ‘a true coalitional relationship between the state-based
Mainlander minority elite and the Taiwanese industrial capitalists [had]
always been prevented by the latter’s potential threat to the former’s
political dominance at the national level’ (Chu 1989, p. 666).
Electronics production in Taiwan was started by Japanese and
American multinationals in the 1960s to take advantage of the avail-
ability of cheap labour (Kraemer and Dedrick 1996, p. 235). Taiwan
soon developed economically to become one of the four Asian tigers,
alongside Hong Kong, Singapore and South Korea. From 1966 to 1986
strong growth in the plastics and electronics industries was accom-
panied by a modernisation programme led by the government. In the
1980s Taiwan began to develop more complex products, such as moth-
erboards, and the hardware sector continued to grow, with 95% of the
products being exported (p. 237). However, the OEM system made
the electronics industry vulnerable to the world economy because the
majority of its industrial products were bound for export. The computer
and semiconductor industry in Taiwan was greatly encouraged by the
1 Introduction
11
(Kraemer and Dedrick 1996, p. 230). The KMT also supported hun-
dreds of government-owned large enterprises and a dozen key financial
institutions, investing enormously across a wide range of capital-in-
tensive and manufacturing sectors (Zhang and Whitley 2013, p. 307).
SMEs in the export-oriented, high-tech sectors developed collaborative
partnerships in which they could jointly perform R & D (p. 319). The
Taiwanese government has therefore always seen economic stability as a
vital part of good governance. With the recent economic difficulties, the
involvement of the Taiwanese government in the development of the
software sector has become all the more urgent.
primarily benefitted the bourgeois class, other women were also posi-
tively affected (p. 318). Young women provided low-cost labour, and
they were mostly unmarried and lived at home. Many factory owners
would not hire married women, and therefore few continued to work
after marriage. In Diamond’s sample, some rural households began to
urbanise when the younger generation left farming and migrated to
work in factories in the city (p. 326). The family’s hope for mobility
though was mostly placed in the male siblings (p. 327), whose studies
might be funded by their sisters’ work. During the 1970s, women held
only a third of senior high school or college places (p. 328), but many
hoped to achieve middle-class status through marriage and sending their
children (especially sons) abroad to study, preferably to the USA. This is
indicative of Taiwanese women’s submission to the Confucian ideals of
filial piety and obedience to husbands and sons.
Gender roles and standards of equality in Taiwan have changed since
the 1950s. The traditional, extended family has been reduced to nuclear
families, with the birth rates dropping to below replacement rate (total
fertility rate of 1.12 children per woman, according to the 2016 esti-
mate in CIA fact book).5 The family unit now often consists of only
one child and working parents bringing in two incomes. Feminism and
gender studies on the island developed from the 1970s onwards, with
the US-inspired feminism brought by foreign researchers. However,
the feminist movement has been counterbalanced by a combination of
Christian and conservative groups that uphold more traditional Han
Chinese values (Damm 2015).
Chinese family firms have traditionally operated through nepotism,
paternalism and family ownership (Wong 2014), and women have
played important roles in small family businesses, often as ‘the boss’s
wife’ (Lu 2001). These women usually play a supporting role and pro-
vide free labour in their husband’s companies, but they are not rec-
ognised as the owners. Family members working together provide a
‘cheap, steady, flexible and efficient work force that enables Taiwanese
manufacturers to produce goods at a low price while ensuring reliable,
on-time delivery’ (Lee 2000, p. 5). In 2010, the then Taiwanese presi-
dent Ma Yingjiu gave the number of female entrepreneurs as 454,000
or 36% of the total number of entrepreneurs, which demonstrates the
14
L. Wing-Fai
wisdom, large firms have played a central role in the co-ordination and
development of the Taiwanese production system ’ (Ernst 2001, p. 104,
original italics). Large corporations rely on many small contractors and
pass a portion of their profits on. The small sub-contractors can in turn
avoid risky trading with foreign suppliers.
Many of the companies dealing with the online economy in
Taiwan are also SMEs, and this sector is a particularly risky field with
a fast-moving and highly competitive market. The knowledge-based
economy has the potential to become an important growth area for the
island, and the government recognises that it needs to support the digi-
tal entrepreneurs as it has done with the electronics sector. For instance,
MOEA’s Small and Medium Enterprise Administration (MOEASMEA)
is responsible for many such projects, collaborating with universities
and ITRI in promoting business incubation and accelerators. The gov-
ernment has also initiated joint research projects with private firms,
such as those through ITRI, to promote venture capital to finance high-
tech startups (Zhang and Whitley 2013, p. 314). ITRI (funded 60%
by the government and 40% from industry, and research and devel-
opment projects) has also had its own venture capital fund for over 30
years to provide seed money for the institute’s spin-off companies. ITRI
organises a Tech Venture Club, where venture capitalists (VCs) meet
and listen to pitches from startups. The club provides opportunities for
20 teams and plays a match-making role between VCs and founders.
DOIT (Delivering Open Innovations for Tomorrow), supported by the
Department of Economics, promotes entrepreneurship among young
people. In July 2014, I attended the IDEAS Show sponsored by III, an
annual event for startups that has since 2008 brought together inter-
national entrepreneurs, VCs and mostly Asia-based startup teams. The
winners of the pitching competition receive incubation, and coaching
and access to global capital and accelerators. The winning team in 2013,
Gogolook, was subsequently acquired for NTD529 million by NAVER,
a Japanese corporation, which subsidiaries include the LINE messag-
ing and call application.8 The National Development Council (NDC)
of Taiwan was planning a new initiative in 2014 called HeadStart
Taiwan when I was on fieldwork. I was invited by the NDC to serve as
an expert on digital entrepreneurship to the HeadStart project, which
1 Introduction
21
for the high-tech sector for eight years, commented that after 2008
many technical professionals and engineers in Taiwan felt that they
were not able to develop their careers in the OEM or even ODM envi-
ronments, and some felt devalued. In my sample, many founders had
indeed left large corporations by choice to start up their own ventures.
In AppWorks’ ninth programme, 43% of the founders had quit their
jobs in large high-tech corporations to start companies.11 Its 12th
batch of ‘graduates’ from 21 teams (June 2016) had an average age of
31 year; 58% were graduates from the top universities in the country:
National Taiwan University (NTU), Tsinghua, Chiao Tung, Chengchi
and Cheng Kung.12 Of 24 founders, ten were serial founders, nine had
left large corporations to become entrepreneurs, seven had left other
Internet companies to strike out on their own, and four were female.
Vincent Guo from the China University of Technology sets out the
positive and negative aspects of the startup environment in Taiwan in a
presentation at the Epoch Foundation, Taipei, in August 2014. Taiwan’s
historically strong computer hardware industry means that there are
already trained and experienced world-class engineers and computer sci-
entists. Members of the hardware industry also serve as investors and
advisors to the startup sector, as I detailed earlier. Compared to other
locations in East Asia, Taiwanese cities offer a low-cost but good stand-
ard of living and health care, and relatedly low operation costs, such as
cheap rents. A co-working space costs NTD4–5000 or USD135–165
per month. However, the software industry is relatively new. Similarly,
the business model of the past still dominates, with most computer
and hardware manufacturers operating as business to business ven-
tures. By comparison, the business to customer model is underdevel-
oped. While the Taiwanese government has attempted to support the
digital economy, many in the industry complain about outdated laws
and regulations that benefit the manufacturing sector. Some examples
are immigration policy that makes it difficult to attract foreign talents,
antiquated company laws, and government subsidies with draconian
matching fund criteria. The startup sector has much to catch up on
compared to other locations with concentrations of high-tech compa-
nies, such as Silicon Valley and Taiwan’s rich neighbours, South Korea
and Singapore, whose governments make concerted efforts to support
1 Introduction
25
Gender and Intersectionality
In this section, I consider what an intersectional approach means in this
study, an approach which has been adopted to allow me to make refer-
ence to the social structures (Carastathis 2014). I argue that intersection-
ality provides a frame of references in the discussion of the construction
of the subjects as they are positioned inter- and intra-categorically, and
this explanatory frame will be combined with the concerns of the work-
ings of late capitalism that have spread to developed countries of the Far
East. This analysis also responds to a lack of literature on gender and
entrepreneurship in Asia (Henry et al. 2016, p. 223).
1 Introduction
27
2006, p. 200, original italic; see also Daniels 2012, p. 697). The expe-
riences of East Asian digital entrepreneurs and workers are part of the
global flows that have prompted my discussion of race and gender in
Chapter 5. In that chapter, I present the experiences of the Chinese
American and Taiwanese American workers in Silicon Valley and the
careers of two high-profile Taiwanese female entrepreneurs.
I argue that an appropriate approach for examining the combined
influences of individual characteristics is intersectionality, which refers
to overlapping systems of discrimination (Brah and Phoenix 2004;
Crenshaw 1991) and interlocking systems of privilege and disadvan-
tage (Collins 2000). Intersectionality often means the intersections of
race, ethnicity, gender, class and nation (Holvino 2010). Intersectional
studies challenge pre-existing boundaries of ‘race, class, gender, and
ethnicity as categories of analysis, theories that cross borders … blur
boundaries—new kinds of theories with new theorizing methods’
(Anzaldúa 1990, pp. xxv–xxvi). Kimberle Crenshaw (1991) demargin-
alises the intersection of race and sex and points out that black wom-
en’s experiences are unequal to those of black men or white women.
The realisation that white women are privileged, too (Holvino 2010),
comes out of the recognition that the liberal feminist paradigm is dom-
inated by white, middle-class women’s experiences (Holvino 2010, p.
255). An intersectional approach began with the questioning of a sin-
gle-category associated with the anti-discrimination law in the USA,
in which there is a clear distinction between sex discrimination and
racial discrimination. Instead of the single-category (sex or race) used in
anti-discrimination law, ‘intersectionality is an analytic sensibility, a way
of thinking about identity and its relationship to power,’ and it should
bring ‘to light the invisibility of many constituents within groups’
(Crenshaw 2015). The emergence of the intersectional approach is part
of ‘the intersectional turn in feminist theory’ (Carbin and Edenheim
2013), which can be seen as a theory, framework or politics (Carbin and
Edenheim 2013, p. 234). Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, feminists
began to address race and class concerns and to advocate thinking inter-
sectionally (p. 236) about the triple oppression of racism, sexism and
classism (Yuval-Davis 2006, p. 194).
30
L. Wing-Fai
Concluding Remarks
I have come across many innovative, digital producers in Asia, espe-
cially connected with startup companies and SMEs, who are seeking to
exploit the online economy. It is vital to understand not only creativ-
ity and innovation but also the interpersonal dynamics within digital
entrepreneurship in order to nurture the talented individuals who can
bring about the next stage of industrial development. This study seeks
to understand these entrepreneurs, their relationships with established
economic drivers, and the place of a local ecosystem in the nation-
al-political, regional and global contexts. I examine how digital entre-
preneurship represents both a disjuncture and a continuation of the
tradition of business networks in Asia, and I investigate whether the
1 Introduction
35
digital sphere has engendered new forms of social relations in the face
of political, cultural and economic change. I consider the gender identi-
ties of the business founders, intersectionally with age, family and class
as personal factors that contribute to the entrepreneurs’ experiences,
approaching the research through qualitative methods with underlying
feminist concerns. In doing so, I seek to understand some of the social
and cultural changes in Taiwan, other Chinese territories in East Asia,
and within the Chinese diaspora in the global technoscape. I employ
an intersectional approach in order to capture the intersections among
personal characteristics that explain the experiences of digital entrepre-
neurs. With reference to recent political, social and economic events in
Taiwan, the digital sphere is a barometer of social change and a signifi-
cant site worthy of examination that provides many valuable lessons of
entrepreneurship.
Notes
1. The idea of the startup accelerator originates from Silicon Valley and
offers a short-term support programme (typically three to six months)
to new digital entrepreneurs, usually including mentoring, a free office
and opportunities to pitch to potential investors.
2. Gregory Ferenstein, 10 November 2015. https://www.theguard-
ian.com/us-news/2015/nov/10/silicon-valley-politics-tech-industry.
Accessed 20 February 2017.
3. http://english.gov.taipei/ct.asp?xItem=1084529&ctNode=29491&mp=
100002; http://population.city/taiwan/adm/new-taipei-city/. Accessed 11
March 2017.
4. The SME Administration defines SMEs as enterprises with paid-in
capital of NTD80 million and fewer than 200 employees; micro-busi-
nesses have fewer than five employees. https://www.moeasmea.gov.tw/
ct.asp?xItem=70&CtNode=261&mp=2
5. http://www.indexmundi.com/taiwan/total_fertility_rate.html. Accessed
2 January 2017.
6. Taiwan Today, 29 May 2012. ‘Ma spotlights importance of female entre-
preneurs.’ http://taiwantoday.tw/ct.asp?xItem=191372&ctNode=420.
Accessed 5 March 2017.
36
L. Wing-Fai
7. http://www.taiwaninsights.com/tag/taiwans-entrepreneurs/. Posted 13
September 2013. Accessed 15 June 2014.
8. Ideas Show catalogue, 2014, p. 5.
9. By 2016, however, the initiative had yet to take off.
10. https://www.startup.taipei. Accessed 19 March 2017.
11. AppWorks Demo Day 9. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UI-
9HTzOYnq0. Accessed 15 November 2014.
12. https://appworks.tw/appworksdd12/. Accessed 16 March 2017.
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1 Introduction
37
Introduction
In 2014, during three months of fieldwork in Taiwan, I interviewed
60 nascent entrepreneurs and 17 people in associated roles (venture
capitalists, business angels and mentors; and managers of business
incubators, accelerators and co-working spaces). The types of fields the
entrepreneurs were working in included data and information services,
hardware-software integrated products, cloud computing, mobile appli-
cations, e-commerce, social media platforms, games and Internet of
Things. In 2016, I conducted further interviews with a new startup sup-
port project, two additional startup founders, the manager of a venture
fund, and I re-interviewed ten founders to gain insight into the changes
in their entrepreneurial experience since 2014. Also in 2016, I attended
seven industry events, such as pitches and the launch of She Means
Business, an initiative by Facebook to support female entrepreneurs,
which opened a chapter in Taiwan. I participated in as many Girls in
Tech meetings as possible (see Chapter 3), and I visited co-work-
ing spaces, hackerspace and maker spaces in Taiwan and Hong Kong
(see Chapter 4).
Single/Female, 8, 13%
Husband/Wife, 9, 15%
Single/Team/Male, 9, 15%
strong ties with those from the same social class (p. 210). Although
people tend to favour others like themselves (homophily), people who
are more highly educated or in professional roles often interact with
more acquaintances (p. 207). This is beneficial to their work-life because
Granovetter’s research indicates that innovation comes from the margins
of close-knit groups (p. 216).
Related to Granovetter’s work is the structural hole theory. According
to James Coleman:
Social capital is defined by its function. It is not a single entity but a vari-
ety of different entities, with two elements in common: they all consist
of some aspect of social structures, and they facilitate certain actions of
actors - whether persons or corporate actors - within the structure. (1988,
p. S98)
Social capital can also be defined as ‘the sum of the resources, actual
or virtual, that accrue to an individual or a group by virtue of possess-
ing a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of
mutual acquaintance and recognition’ (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992,
p. 119). In the view of Walker and colleagues (1997), networks become
increasingly structured over time and are significantly influenced by
social capital; ‘a network tends toward the reproduction of an inherited
pattern of relationships due to the value to the individual in preserv-
ing social capital’ (Walker et al. 1997, p. 109, original italics). Ronald
Burt (1992) proposed the concept of ‘structural holes’ between dense
pockets of relationships in networks. Burt argues that the network posi-
tions associated with the highest economic return lie between rather
than within these dense regions of relationships; these structural holes
provide opportunities for brokering information (Walker et al. 1997,
p. 112). When entrepreneurs strategically exploit these structural holes,
their startups can push industry boundaries into new fields and increase
competition in traditional markets (p. 110). Walker and colleagues also
point out that in some industries (such as biotech and semiconductors)
the dominance of large firms is based on startup alliances (p. 119). They
find new biotech firms form important relationships with established
corporations. The entrepreneurs will likely form important networks
50
L. Wing-Fai
within their nascent firms and seek importance alliances through more
distant relationships such as those with the established firms.
While much of the entrepreneurship literature is based on studies in
the West (mainly North America and Europe) and treats the individual
as the unit of study, previous studies of Chinese family firms have dis-
covered that ‘nepotism, paternalism and family ownership’ are central,
though the importance of these dimensions varies, depending on the
phases of development of the companies (Wong 2014, p. 58). Rong-I
Wu and Chung-Che Huang’s report (2003) shows that in the more tra-
ditional small and medium-sized enterprise (SME) sector in Taiwan,
owners are often blue collar workers who have become bosses, and the
bosses’ wives and business networks are all-important cultural aspects of
these small businesses. Social capital operates in the local and national
contexts (such as guanxi networks in the Chinese context), but, when
Asian firms seek to expand globally, they may not have access to inter-
national business networks (Hitt et al. 2002).
To understand the intense sociality within the new media and cre-
ative workforces, it is necessary to also consider how the technology
firms and work places are gendered. Men are assumed to be the ideal
information and communications technology (ICT) workers because of
their perceived rationality, while women are traditionally thought of as
having better social and emotional skills. In addition, men’s supposed
carefree lifestyle allows them to be flexible in the highly demanding tech
sector (Kelan 2007, p. 52). The ideal worker in any organisation is dis-
cursively masculine (Acker 1990). This is what Acker would go on to
call ‘hegemonic masculinity,’ especially typified by a kind of ‘trans-na-
tional business masculinity’ marked by arrogance, a passion to control,
ruthlessness, and aggression (Acker 2004, p. 30), characteristics that fit
the highly competitive environment in tech clusters like Silicon Valley.
Elisabeth Kelan (2007), in discussing the gendering of ICT skills, finds
that social and emotional skills have become increasingly important;
that is, both technical and emotional/communication skills are neces-
sary for the ideal ICT worker. Nevertheless, when women enact social
skills, they are seen as performing gender roles, but when men do the
same they are simply doing what an ideal ICT worker does (Kelan
2007, p. 63) because of the rise of hybrid job roles in the technology
2 Family Metaphor, the Geek and the Entrepreneurial Ideal
51
What the founder referred to was the generations since the Second
World War who had faced economic and political circumstances that
impacted on how they might make a living and whether they pursued
entrepreneurial activities. There were push and pull factors. As benshen-
gren, native Taiwanese were excluded from public life dominated by
the mainlanders after Taiwan came under KMT rule, and professional
work opportunities were restricted. At the same time, the founder’s
grandmother represents the Taiwanese who found themselves in a posi-
tion to start up businesses and make use of the economic development.
However, the interviewee’s parents would have benefitted from the later
industrialisation, which engendered a preference for corporate careers
and the formal economy. I shall return to a consideration of genera-
tional identity in the concluding chapter.
A traditional upbringing can also create barriers to digital entrepre-
neurship. The manager of a co-creation space suggested that this has to
do with the education system in Taiwan, which is too demanding and
competitive, with a lot of pressure put on children to achieve education-
ally in the more traditional subjects. According to her, it is hard for par-
ents educated in such a school system to see the value of creation and
innovation. Children need to have the exposure to ‘being able to mess
around’ and be encouraged to be creative. She lamented that there is
no time for extracurricular learning within the hectic schedule of formal
education. As a key figure in the co-creation movement in Taiwan, she
blamed the conservative attitude to upbringing and education on the
lack of interest in creativity and innovation. She observed that children
who go to the co-creation space and participate in the events by them-
selves are more creative; when parents participate with their kids, the
parents are opinionated and try to control the children.
Natalie Wreyford argues:
It is difficult to talk about women and work without talking about child-
care. The same is not true of men and work[,] and this is still one of the
most obvious difficulties to be managed by working women, even those
who choose not to have children. (2013, p. 1)
58
L. Wing-Fai
While female entrepreneurs often talk about family, marriage and child-
care (see Chapter 3), I found that my male informants were equally
open to discuss family responsibilities. An entrepreneur (electronic
identity service) told me that his wife looked after the children. He
lamented that his son might question why his peers’ parents took them
out to play but his dad could rarely go out with him. He concluded
that the worst thing about entrepreneurship was not worrying about
whether the business succeeded but that he had to sacrifice his family
life. Another male entrepreneur (a designer who ran a successful crowd-
sourcing campaign):
It is evident that starting a company affects not only the founder and
his or her partner, but also their children, and this is an issue that male
founders also experience. Given the kind of consciousness seen in my
interviewees, I assert therefore that for digital entrepreneurs with family
responsibilities, whether male or female, beginning a new venture is not
an individual decision; rather, the family should be seen as the unit for
analysis. For instance, whether a founder can engage in digital entre-
preneurship depends on the family income. A male founder who was
working from a co-working space explained that since he and his wife
had some savings, their housing costs were low, and his wife had a sta-
ble job, they had enough capital to invest in the company. In fact, sev-
eral male founders said they were able to start their businesses because
their wives had a steady job that provided the necessary income for the
households.
pressure on the startup. Even if I haven’t earned much money, we can sur-
vive for a while. Her salary is enough. The household income has been
greatly reduced, so initially she objected … but that’s understandable.
(Male founder, Internet of Things)
My wife of course asked whether I had thought about this clearly. I’m
of an age now. At first, she objected, but I will give myself some time. If
within this period, after putting in good effort and I fail, I’ll go back to
working part time. (Male founder, automobile technology)
The awareness of male founders of their family roles reflects the rise
of the ‘new men’ in Taiwan (Chang 2008). They are willing to express
how they take their family responsibilities seriously and share house-
hold chores. Yet, only one of the male founders among my interview-
ees had taken on the majority of the childcare while managing his own
enterprise. In this instance, the nuclear family had moved to another
city when the wife found a new post. The founder used the flexibility
of being an entrepreneur to work from home and take care of their two
children. In this way, the couple managed to balance income, childcare
and the demand of the startup. A female designer also commented on
the flexible working arrangements of being an entrepreneur. She set
up the company with her husband, and she adapted management of
the startup to her childcare responsibilities. They are in the minority,
however, in that most entrepreneurs expect long working hours, and in
some instances those with family responsibilities encounter difficulties
in balancing work and family life. Only one married female founder
among my interviewees had not started her business with her husband;
the fact that her husband had stable employment allowed her to take on
the risky venture.
60
L. Wing-Fai
My family status is slightly higher than other people, a little higher than
middle class. Because my parents are teachers, we have a steadier financial
situation than many others. I am lucky. My parents are supportive; they
gave me money for my education. They pay some of the money towards the
rent here. I will eventually pay them back, but so far, they are supportive.
A lot of founders are only in their twenties, just graduated [from univer-
sity] and finished with military service. They don’t have wide social net-
works and don’t understand the finance environment and what resources
the government offers. I feel that an important role of the incubator is to
accumulate resources and to provide social network connection.
2 Family Metaphor, the Geek and the Entrepreneurial Ideal
63
The accelerator programme helps you meet friends. Even though we have
different companies, we feel like brothers [sic.]. We are all starting up …
So, it’s a community more than an incubator. Of course, the incubation
process is valuable—they have mentors and courses and a weekly happy
hour where lots of Internet entrepreneurs come. (Graduate of a startup
accelerator, Taipei)
Homophily, the preference for teaming up with those who are similar
to oneself, makes it harder for women to get into a male-dominated sec-
tor, so this woman was a rare example of a female entrepreneur who
works with two male co-founders. The three co-founders all studied
finance at one of the most prestigious universities in the country. This
female founder therefore shared educational capital with her two male
co-founders. Her case indicates that having similar educational and
cultural capital can be more important than gender for the choice of
co-founders.
2 Family Metaphor, the Geek and the Entrepreneurial Ideal
67
engineering graduates in the past. Low wages, long hours and lack of
autonomy in the traditional job market were identified by many of my
interviewees as push factors for either not entering or for leaving jobs in
traditional tech corporations, which were once seen as providing life-
long, stable employment. This executive of an incubator explained the
choice between employment and entrepreneurship:
The questions facing young people are many. First, when am I going
to be able to develop within the company? Some of them are not con-
tent with a NTD30–40,000-a-month salary. This is the present condi-
tions in Taiwan … so there is likely to be a wave of young people leaving
companies.
So many younger people think ‘I have talent. Why should I work for big
corporations?’ I have to work over ten hours a day to generate profit for
the boss. My annual salary is only 1 million or so. In Taipei, I can’t afford
a house, don’t dare to get married and have children. I don’t have a car
because even a parking space will cost 2 million.
He’d come back from Silicon Valley, so he was on my side, and he under-
stood that I wanted the challenge, to take the risk. (Male founder, media
subscription service)
The boss may ask you to do things that you don’t want to do. Being your
own boss, if you choose to work eight, twelve hours a day, it’s your own
time. You have the freedom to control what you do.
Technology is really just a tool. It should be a tool that serves our pur-
pose, not the other way round …You should work because it fulfils you,
not because you have to be a slave to your work or your job. I think suc-
cess is to achieve basic income as a guarantee for all citizens, regardless of
whether you choose to work or not. (Male entrepreneur, big data)
74
L. Wing-Fai
This male founder wanted not only creative freedom but also greater
autonomy to choose where he worked and to control his time and work
content. His company allowed flexible working hours and one day a
week for the co-founders and employees to use as a ‘study day.’ As start-
ups usually have a small staff, many co-founders are able to adopt a new
kind of company structure. Some entrepreneurs are able to work flexi-
bly, fitting their work around their lifestyle, including childcare (see also
Chapter 3). Not only do entrepreneurs feel they are doing something
they are passionate about, they also believe they can control their com-
pany’s culture, and as such entrepreneurship offers an alternative to regi-
mented corporate culture.
While freedom is proffered as a reason for becoming an entre-
preneur, it is often balanced against other factors, such as the ‘public
good.’ A male founder of a consumer rights website stated: ‘Freedom
is not always good. I feel that self-discipline is also important. At the
very least I like to think that I’m doing something right.’ He went on to
explain that even if the service his company provided had not generated
income, it was benefitting society, which made him proud.
The analysis thus far demonstrates that the discourses around entre-
preneurship are always contextual, whether they are about national
characteristics, family traditions, generational differences or educational
backgrounds. Those in the sector can assert their creativity and their dif-
ference from the more traditional, conservative segment of society. The
emphasis on freedom from a conservative upbringing and education is
part of the discourse of entrepreneurial ideals, which include identifying
opportunities, experimenting and innovating (Stokes 2010). As part of
the discourse of risks and change, many founders intimated that they
saw entrepreneurship as a fundamental life choice:
The Taiwanese seem to think that they are only alive after work or dur-
ing the weekend. So my co-founders and I feel that starting a company
is a lifestyle choice. This is a choice to make our lives meaningful, to have
an impact. Other people don’t have to work in the evenings or at week-
ends, but we choose to work and give up our time. Entrepreneurship
is passion and responsibility. It is about persistence and growth. We
have a responsibility for other colleagues, for the consumers; we are
2 Family Metaphor, the Geek and the Entrepreneurial Ideal
75
There were several factors in this young entrepreneur’s choice. She felt
that she was young enough to experiment; she did not like the tradi-
tional work environment, even if it was more stable; she chose to do
something she felt passionate about. It was also clear that her mid-
dle-class parents were supportive. We are beginning to see how age
intersects with class as factors in the decision of many of the younger
generation of entrepreneurs to start up their own businesses. Many
are also free of responsibilities which might prevent those from poorer
backgrounds from being able to walk away from stable employment.
Many founders in their twenties indicated that they thought of starting
a business as an experiment, a mindset not as common among the older
entrepreneurs with family responsibilities. This female entrepreneur
(makeover service) told me:
I feel that I’m still young and I want to try different things. A lot of peo-
ple are scared of failure, so they won’t try. I’m afraid, but I still want to try
it. I’m only in my twenties so I’ve got nothing to lose. If I succeed, it’s my
success, I’ll have learned many things … I’m not afraid of failure. I’ve got
the courage to chase my dreams. Some people will dream, but they don’t
dare to want.
Her view was that following one’s passion when still young is liberating,
something that speaks to the young and the creative. A male co-found-
ers of a driving application commented on how young entrepreneurs
are brave enough to chase after ‘cool dreams’ or exciting ideas. These
comments can be considered an indications of cultural change, a mes-
sage about the generation of start-uppers who are not afraid of embrac-
ing the precarity that come with entrepreneurship. They are part of the
first generation of Taiwanese who have grown up with the Internet and
mobile technology. They understand that many startup companies fail,
2 Family Metaphor, the Geek and the Entrepreneurial Ideal
77
public life and yet opting to be in the more precarious position of entre-
preneurship define many in the 22k generation in Taiwan.
The parents want you to stay in the comfort zone. They hope you’ll
choose stability, to protect you. We are the 22k generation because we [as
a nation] failed to innovate. If we say that the young people are willing
to create new concepts, new products, the investors in Taiwan should be
able to support that and invest in us. We will change slowly. If we criticise
the government, why don’t we take action? (Male founder, online adver-
tising agency)
I was in the audience at a startup event when this founder talked about
the young, disaffected generation. However, what he offered was entre-
preneurship as an alternative to direct political action, and the audiences
applauded. Entrepreneurship for the relatively young in Taiwan pro-
vides an alternative to the more traditional hardware electronics indus-
tries and corporate life. Taking such a risk is proffered as a life choice to
be carried out with passion. Entrepreneurship provides autonomy and
freedom for a generation who aspire to neoliberal ideals and see these
individual choices as a form of personal empowerment. In the conclud-
ing chapter, I shall return to an analysis of the political meaning of this
emerging startup culture.
Concluding Remarks
Digital entrepreneurship in Taiwan reflects a shift in society. It is mostly
carried out by a generation that has known life only after martial law
and under democratic governance. Digital and mobile startups are pre-
dominately founded by male entrepreneurs and their colleagues, many
of whom identify with the tech geek or nerd identity. Members of
startup teams tend to have close relationships with each other, as found-
ers choose to work with people they know from university or a previous
workplace. Their shared cultural, educational and social capital gener-
ates trust and engenders homophily. Startup entrepreneurs often liken
their closeness with their fellow founders to a family relationship.
2 Family Metaphor, the Geek and the Entrepreneurial Ideal
79
Notes
1. https://worldcompetitiveness.imd.org/countryprofile/TW. Accessed 13
February 2017. Taiwan ranked third in the Asia Pacific region in 2016.
2. www.104.com.tw. This is one of the most established ‘job bank’ websites
in Taiwan, used by both recruiters and jobseekers.
3. The English equivalent is ‘Better be the head of a dog than the tail of a
lion.’
4. See also Introduction for a brief discussion of the ‘change the world’
optimism of the startup sector.
80
L. Wing-Fai
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Introduction
Technology education, careers and entrepreneurship in Taiwan are
dominated by men, as they are in Europe and the USA. Taiwan ranked
16th in the 2017 Global Entrepreneurship Index1 but only 26th in the
Female Entrepreneurship Index (Terjesen and Lloyd 2015). According
to the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor women’s entrepreneurial activ-
ity was only half that of men’s in Taiwan in 2015.2 I have previously
argued that the gender inequality of the sector is partly the result of the
fact that small new enterprises rely on family and close social networks
built on shared social, cultural and educational capital for support
(Leung 2016; see also Chapter 2). The male dominance in technical
education and careers means that few women are able to join the sector
with male friends and colleagues. Among my female interviewees, half
started their nascent companies with their husbands or male partners
(what I am calling husband and wife teams) for reasons of trust and also
because men are more likely to have the technical skills. In this sense,
women’s participation in the startup companies has not changed vastly
from their role as ‘the boss’s wife’ in the more traditional industries
In Taiwan the majority worry that family life will suffer if women work
full time (p. 84), while, contradictorily, three quarters of respondents dis-
agree that the family would suffer if the mother works at all and more
than half disagree with specialised gender roles (p. 83). Therefore, in
Taiwan, ‘female homemaking roles are not necessarily perceived as com-
plementary to (or as a substitute for) female income-earning roles’ (p.
77), and women are expected to contribute to family income (p. 83). In
other words, in China and Taiwan women are supposed to fulfil contra-
dictory roles (economic contributor and housewife) (Yang 2016). In the
PRC, traditional Chinese cultural norms were revived in the 1980s with a
state policy encouraging married women to leave work and ‘return home’
to become full-time homemakers (Sechiyama 2013, p. 279). Women in
China generally hold more traditional views than those in Taiwan (Chia
et al. 1997). Men’s participation in household chores is greater in the
China and Taiwan than in South Korea and Japan, and this can also be
explained by gender role attitudes (Hsu 2008). Respondents in Taiwan
are more egalitarian about education and political and economic leader-
ship (Yang 2016). Overall, there has been relatively little change in gen-
der role attitudes in East Asia, compared to the more equal division of
domestic labour, especially among young couples in Western countries
(Goldscheider et al. 2015). These studies indicate that people in East
Asia support women’s participation in the labour market but still expect
women to carry out traditional gender roles within the home. How do
digital entrepreneurs themselves think about gender roles and the partici-
pation of women in this new type of economy?
There are few women in this sector, so I am not that active in networking
… You can see that 80 to 90 percent in this social circle are men. They
are probably already connected from previous occasions, other networks.
Women need to be more proactive to join in these social networks.
(Founder, messaging service)
have any. Melissa Guzy (Arbor Ventures) was one of the guests during a
Silicon Dragon Salon event in Hong Kong (2 June 2016). When asked
whether women in venture capital really made a difference to women’s
participation in startups, she replied that diversity matters because con-
sumers are diverse, so if VCs are too homogeneous, there will be less
able to access certain markets. She acknowledged that female partners
in venture capital firms were still in the minority. Jenny Lee (GGV
Capital), who was present at the same event, stated that investors bring
resources and personal aptitude to the startups they fund, and there-
fore women VCs offer specific advantages and values to their invested
companies. She asserted that conditions for women in investment had
already changed. For example, 15 years ago women who wanted to get
into the sector would be expected ‘to learn golf ’ [in order to socialise
with male colleagues], but that is no longer the case. Guzy admitted,
however, that there was not enough discussion about gender and diver-
sity among venture capital firms, while she also commented that ‘it’s
the wrong way to think about [diversity by ensuring there are women].’
She went on to explain that her firm did not ‘invest based on gender,’
even though four out of six of the partners were women. When asked
about her response to alpha males in the sector, she simply said that
men usually toned down their demeanour when they faced a female
VC, and she basically refused to deal with men who were rude and
dismissive. Despite recognising the business case for women’ participa-
tion in the sector, Guzy refused to proactively support women. Rather,
women who hold relative positions of power (e.g. access to venture cap-
ital fund), such as Guzy, often feel that women are not excluded from
opportunities within the sector because of structural discrimination but
they have not been funded because of their business ideas or products.
Despite the opinion of women like Guzy who suggested that the sec-
tor is open to entrepreneurs of both genders, from the data discussed in
this and the previous chapter, we can deduce that women are excluded
from close-knit teams in the startup culture, resulting in a dispropor-
tionate number of women who participate in tech entrepreneurship
with their husbands or male partners. Among those I interviewed in
2014, nine had founded companies with their husbands, representing
exactly half of the female founders I interviewed. All but one married
3 Girls in Tech: Progress and Barriers in a Gendered Culture
97
woman were in husband and wife teams, which suggests that married
women seldom start companies by themselves. The other eight women
who founded companies were unmarried or single and without chil-
dren. Among those I re-interviewed in 2016, one female entrepreneur
had had a child in the meantime, but, exceptionally, she continued to
run her business. One of the husband and wife teams had had a baby,
and the female founder no longer worked with her husband. In this
instance, the couple’s startup had ceased operations, and the husband
had taken up a job with another tech company. These examples indicate
that female entrepreneurs are similar to women who work in traditional
small family businesses: most support their partners’ advancement and
sacrifice their own careers as the family grows.
As my colleagues and I suggest in an article on film and television
workers in the UK, women are often expected to shoulder the child-
care responsibility, which is unmanageable for the workers and unspeak-
able in the workplace (Leung et al. 2015). I want to employ the word
‘unspeakable’ in two ways. In this section, I discuss the first meaning.
Female workers feel that they cannot talk about their childcare respon-
sibilities without risking their jobs. Even wanting to have children may
be questioned in a sector that demands long hours and presenteeism,
and whether women have children or not, it is assumed that it may
become a ‘problem,’ while the same is not true for men who have chil-
dren (Wreyford 2013, p. 1).
As Chapter 2 shows, however, the men and women I interviewed
were open to talking about their childcare responsibilities. For exam-
ple, one of the female entrepreneurs (designer goods) had a female
employee with children. She allowed the employee time off when her
child was sick and allowed her to bring the children to the studio dur-
ing the summer. In Taiwan, despite the fact that after-school care and
other classes are relatively expensive, many parents place their children
there until very late in the evening, leaving little time for the fam-
ilies to be together. It is not only entrepreneurs who find it difficult
to balance family, childcare and work. This is reflected in the fact that
Taiwan has a very low total fertility rate of 1.12 children born to one
woman (2016 estimate according to the CIA fact book; this is below
replacement rate).3 A 2010 comparison between Taiwan and China,
98
L. Wing-Fai
Japan and South Korea finds that the fertility rate in Taiwan was
0.9, and the mean age at first marriage was 31.8 years for men and
29.2 years for women (Raymo et al. 2015, p. 8.4). The later marriage
age in Taiwan was comparable to that in Japan and Korea, though
the fertility rates in these countries were higher (1.4 for Japan, 1.2 for
Korea). In China, the ages for first marriage were lower (26 for men,
23.1 for women) and the fertility rate was 1.6. The divorce rates was
1.8/1000 in China, 1.9 in Japan, 2.3 in Korea and 2.4 in Taiwan (p.
8.8). Late marriage and low fertility rates are indicative of the contra-
dictory expectations women face regarding marriage, childbearing and
career (p. 8.9). James Raymo and colleagues state that ‘East Asian mar-
riages continue to be characterized by expectation of rapid transition
to parenthood, a highly asymmetric division of domestic labor, and
strong expectations of intensive mothering and maternal facilitation of
children’s success in school’ (p. 8.10), while despite these expectations,
many women choose to work outside the home.
In 2014, only two of the nine husband and wife teams in my study
had a child. One female founder told me that working freelance allowed
her to take care of her daughter. Many women in the sector accept that
there will be difficult choices to make because there is an assumption
that women are the only ones who struggle with balancing childcare
and work. It is not unusual for women to give up their businesses when
they have children. Anita Huang of Taiwan Startup Stadium acknowl-
edges that there are challenges for female entrepreneurs, especially those
with children, and that when considering entrepreneurship women have
to think about traditional expectations. Huang is a single parent, and
her own history as an entrepreneur included a three-year break for her
to focus on her children. There is a tacit acknowledgement that work-
life balance is nearly impossible for female entrepreneurs because of the
contradictory demands of their work and traditional gender roles. Anna
Fang (partner, ZhenFund, investment firm) stated clearly:
Rather than demanding change in the sector, Zhang implies that the
work environment is unlikely to change to accommodate women, so
women individually have to make difficult choices. There seems to be
no corresponding expectation that men need to do the same, which
can be conceptualised as ‘unspeakable inequality’ (Gill 2014). The con-
sciousness conveyed in this comment reflects a postfeminist sensibility,
specifically concerning individualism, choice and empowerment (Gill
2007). Although Rosalind Gill focuses her arguments on postfeminism
in popular culture, the concept is relevant here in that while women
have achieved a degree of equality, they are autonomous subjects who
are ‘demanded by neoliberalism’ to negotiate with individual choices
(Gill 2007, p. 154). In the following discussion, the reassertion of sex-
ual difference (p. 158)—justification for traditional gender role atti-
tudes—will also become apparent. The idea that there are natural sexual
differences that cannot be overcome explains why people accept inevita-
ble, separate roles for men and women with little collective demand for
change. In this way, as Gill suggests, ‘postfeminism constructs an artic-
ulation or suture between feminist and anti-feminist ideas, and this is
effected entirely through a grammar of individualism that fits perfectly
with neoliberalism’ (p. 162).
Few women in the startup sector discuss whether their (male) partners
are able to support them or if they too make sacrifices or find it impos-
sible to balance their work and home lives. However, as mentioned in
Chapter 2, an over-emphasis on women’s difficulty in achieving work-
life balance obscures the fact that many male founders in the sector face
a similar issue and have to consider their work commitments and their
effects on the family as well, even if the expectation on them may have
been different. I had a lengthy discussion with a female entrepreneur
who was not married and did not have children. She talked about the
idea of ‘having it all’ and referred to Facebook Chief Operating Officer
Sheryl Sandberg, who had raised the issue of family and children in the
American context. This entrepreneur felt that women could never have it
all and there would always be hard choices to make.
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L. Wing-Fai
During these two years, I have realised that if you have to be highly
devoted to the profession and being a business owner, then … hav-
ing children is one question and the role you play in the [nuclear] fam-
ily is another. I have to be realistic. It depends on the woman to choose
because there is no [work-life] balance. Everyone wants work-life balance,
but I think there will never be balance.
her business with her husband. The founder’s husband, who had a stable
job, was supportive of her entrepreneurship, though. It was her mother
who expressed the more traditional view of the incompatibility between
home life and outside employment for women. Her involvement in
entrepreneurship was seen as a challenge to traditional women’s roles, as
she went on to explain:
Women should have family. Traditionally men are more likely to take on
risky jobs. So, with me, a lot of people ask, ‘What are you doing? Why
are you not at home with your children?’ I don’t take much notice of
them. But very few women are likely to think like I do. Everyone knows,
when you have a baby, you don’t even get any sleep in the first year, so
how can you start a business? I have two children. When I get home,
I am so tired. [Sigh]
since founded another with his wife and a friend. His wife was a suc-
cessful entrepreneur herself, but now she worked with her husband. My
interviewee told me that he assumed the decision-making role, while
she would carry out those decisions. This is an example of how female
entrepreneurs are often subordinate to their male partners within the
companies.
I am particularly interested in the daily interactions and the views
of husband and wife teams on how they worked together and how set-
ting up a business affected their home life. The idea of startups being
family concerns and life choices is particularly important for husband
and wife teams. A female entrepreneur (games) stated that she and her
husband had been together for 14 years. Becoming business partners
too had not changed their lives that much because they had integrated
their working life into their home life. She felt positive about improving
and growing together as both spouses and business partners. However,
there are downsides to having the family unit become the basis of entre-
preneurship. This interviewee continued to explain that as startup entre-
preneurs, they suffered from financial problems, and this caused tension
in their marriage. Nonetheless, she still felt that they had gained other
experiences that could not be bought by money and had enriched their
lives. Husband and wife entrepreneurial teams qualify as family firms,
which are a strong Taiwanese tradition, while the attitudes of the female
partners had changed. This interviewee emphasised personal fulfilment
and experiences, and downplayed the fact that she was working hard for
little pay.
Nonetheless, the negative aspects of working together ‘24/7’ were
acknowledged by most of the husband and wife teams I interviewed.
Running a business this way tends to have a profound impact on the
home life because there is no separation between work and home when
the family unit becomes the entrepreneur team. This male entrepreneur
explained:
Of course there are some difficulties. The good thing is that my wife
knows about the conditions of the company, so when you are at home,
you don’t need to communicate why you’re so busy, why you’re tired.
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L. Wing-Fai
The negative side is that you’re together 24 hours a day. Things at home
became merged with business … Gradually business became our life.
He went on to talk about how his wife would worry and they would
argue, especially when there were money problems, though he said the
partnership had got easier as they became accustomed to being busi-
ness partners. Arguments were common among the husband and wife
teams. They were attributed to the tensions of running a business,
being together constantly and worrying about the risks and uncertain-
ties of the nascent business. One team (travel service) was founded by
a boyfriend and girlfriend, both of whom had studied at a prestigious
Taiwanese university, though the male partner was the senpai (from
an earlier cohort). The female partner weighed up the pros and cons
of such relationship and said that they understood each other, which
made the communication and working together easier. However, as they
spent a long hours working, they rarely found time to go on dates. One
husband and wife team I interviewed at length in both 2014 and 2016
were open about the pressure on their relationship. He had given up
his highly paid work to open a designer crafts business in New Taipei,
which was his wife’s choice. The pressure of starting a business led to
many arguments. By 2016 the husband had returned full time to his
job as an engineer, leaving the female partner mostly working by herself.
She subsequently hired two co-workers. As he worked long hours, she
felt that she had to do most of the work related to the startup and be
more independent. As she was offered a stall in one of the cultural parks
in Taipei, she had to negotiate the contract herself and physically trans-
port her products. Although the couple were very supportive of each
other, they told me that they continued to have many arguments.
The working relationships between husbands and wives does vary, as
this team (dating application) suggested:
Of course, if a couple has problems, then the business will also have prob-
lems. (Male partner)
The good thing is, because we are husband and wife, we commu-
nicate easily. We can be more direct with each other. The bad thing is,
the pressure he gives me is not really pressure … If a boss tells me to do
3 Girls in Tech: Progress and Barriers in a Gendered Culture
105
Men are more rational, while women are more emotional. In a team,
it’s vital to have both elements for a smooth operation. If they are all
men, they will be too rational and there will be conflicts and fighting …
Women are born more inclined to accept others, to listen. (Female entre-
preneur, wearables)
sense, even though these businesses are digital, the gender division of
labour and the founding of service-rich businesses by women persist.
Despite selling her design products online, a female entrepreneur sug-
gested that she could not really help with the website. Rather, her goal
was ‘to manufacture products that come from a female angle and reflect
women’s sensibility.’ Few of the my interviewees acknowledged that
these seemingly fixed and essential differences are in fact discursive. The
interviewee quoted below was an exception, as he attributed ‘typical’
feminine traits to socialisation, though he paradoxically characterised
men and women in rather traditional ways:
Women usually have higher ability to think in other people’s shoes while
men are normally more self-centred. So, I feel that women [entrepre-
neurs]’s chosen business ideas are also more considerate, but at the same
time because they are more considerate, their businesses are also likely
to be smaller in scale. Women are usually socialised in a way that makes
them less ambitious; they don’t think big and found great companies. Of
course, I am over generalising. There are also ambitious women. (Chief
executive, startup accelerator)
me that ideas about the technical roles within startup companies were
rather fixed. She explained: ‘Technical means programming and coding.
Unless you are a programmer or coder, you cannot call yourself a devel-
oper.’ As one of the few female developers and the technical expert for
her company, she encountered these fixed gender roles within the tech
sector and had to fight hard to challenge them.
Being a female entrepreneur challenges the idea that men are more
suited to starting a business and to risk-taking. Yet many female found-
ers in the sector continue to hold traditional values about the appropri-
ate male and female behaviour and accept that there are distinct, fixed,
innate characteristics of the two genders. However, a female entrepre-
neur (organic health products/e-commerce) questioned the view that
men were more suited to entrepreneurship because she felt that women
dealt with risks and instability better:
Starting a business is a very difficult career path, but I feel that women
are more resilient and stronger … perhaps because I am a Hakka person6
… Most think that Hakka women are strong and persistent. They are dil-
igent and are not afraid of hard work. We have an ancient idiom: Use
gentle power to reach far (ningjing yi zhiyuan ).7 So it says that you can be
low-key but go far. I think woman entrepreneurs are like that; they can
use their feminine power to organise and manage.
In each startup team, there are perhaps three or five co-founders who take
on different roles. The man may be the CEO and the woman the finance
or sales person. I don’t think it’s because she can’t take on other roles, but
that these are her own interests.
What she suggested is that while the more educated women are quite
free to enter the Internet and mobile sector, their roles, freely chosen for
themselves, tend to focus on the less technical aspects of these compa-
nies. Not only did this interviewee have confidence in gender equality
in Taiwan, she also attributed the gendered roles within companies to
individual interests and preferences. I would suggest that this is another
aspect of the second meaning of unspeakable inequalities (Gill 2014):
that equality has been achieved between men and women in the tech
sector, and no further improvement is necessary.
Furthermore, the above interviewee referred to the educational capi-
tal of most of the digital entrepreneurs who are indeed college graduates
and appear to have the resources to take on the risks of their nascent
businesses, an issue I shall return to shortly. Many in the sector share
the opinion that the sector’s reliance on knowledge renders it open to
both genders as long as the entrepreneurs possess the necessary educa-
tional capital. A female founder (travel website) suggested: ‘Our com-
pany deals with information, so from that point of view, there’s little
difference between men and women.’ One of the GIT’s ‘40 under 40’
3 Girls in Tech: Progress and Barriers in a Gendered Culture
113
ecosystem rather than expecting the ecosystem to evolve, or, that the
sector affords women and men the same opportunities means inequal-
ities have become unspeakable; the result is that the gender discourse
witnessed in the startup sector in Taiwan reflects neoliberal and post-
feminist sensibilities.
Men in Taiwan face pressure from their families [of origin] to work for
large corporations. Families [of origin] expect more from men, but the
younger generation of women can do something different as they don’t
have much pressure.
While men are expected to launch careers that meet the family expec-
tations, women who are from comfortable backgrounds are absolved
and can pursue something they feel passionate about, even if it does not
generate enough income (see also Duffy 2015).
Due to the fact that few startups succeed financially, many women
can participate in the sector only because they are relatively well
off. Many of my interviewees were aware of their economic capital.
3 Girls in Tech: Progress and Barriers in a Gendered Culture
115
One female entrepreneur took over her parents’ brand when they
moved onto another business in mainland China. Another young
female entrepreneur returned from studying in New York. She was from
a middle-class family of teachers, and they did not have financial wor-
ries like many other people. Her parents were supportive of her venture
and had provided financial backing. In this analysis, intersectionality is
therefore not evoked to explain discrimination, but rather it helps us to
understand the participation of overwhelmingly well-educated, young
and relatively well-off entrepreneurs in the startup community.
However, barrier to the male-dominated social network also criss-
crosses with different personal characteristics for women, despite their
social and cultural capital in the form of higher education and mid-
dle-class background. A young female founder (in her early twenties,
electronic payment), for example, explained that her gender and age
were both factors when she interacted with potential trading partners:
Concluding Remarks
Despite women’s increasing participation in technical work and entre-
preneurship in Taiwan, many assume traditional roles and identities
within the technical workplace. In my fieldwork, I came across men
and women who talked about how they struggled with their personal
lives while being startup founders, issues already described in existing
literature. For example, those in the tech sector usually work long hours
and need to devote themselves to developing strong networks, which
makes work-life balance difficult. Workers and entrepreneurs with
childcare responsibilities find it hard to devote as many hours to work
3 Girls in Tech: Progress and Barriers in a Gendered Culture
117
gendered roles. When asked about the working relationship, these teams
admitted to both advantages and disadvantages. The startup ecosystem
operates in effect as a gendered organisation (Acker 1992), evident by
gender division, and the acceptance of gendered structure of opportu-
nity by those within the startup culture.
Finally, gender is not the only personal characteristic that has an
impact on how women participate in the tech sector. As the discourse
around gender is intricately linked to marital status and family respon-
sibilities, gender often intersects with age. The younger women in my
interview samples tended to be unmarried and to found companies with
friends and colleagues rather than with their personal partners. Class
and educational background also play a part. By their own admission,
most of the founders were highly educated, and some of the women
freely discussed the fact that their families of origin were well off and
some were able to offer financial assistance to the new businesses. My
findings reflect changes in Taiwanese society since the economy took off
in the 1970s and 1980s. Women nowadays have better opportunities,
and middle-class women no longer have the burden of taking care of
their parents and siblings like many of their working class counterparts
used to. All these factors intersect to explain the experiences of those
who have chosen to embark on entrepreneurship. On the basis of this
analysis, I assert that intersectionality not only explains discrimination,
but intersectionality—between gender, class and age—adds complexity
and subtlety to explaining the experiences of the new generation of tech
entrepreneurs in Taiwan.
Notes
1. https://thegedi.org/global-entrepreneurship-and-development-index/.
Accessed 2 January 2017.
2. http://gemconsortium.org/data/key-aps. Accessed 2 January 2017.
3. http://www.indexmundi.com/taiwan/total_fertility_rate.html. Accessed
2 January 2017.
4. This was an initiative supported by Facebook in conjunction with
Taiwan Startup Stadium and Girls in Tech.
3 Girls in Tech: Progress and Barriers in a Gendered Culture
119
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3 Girls in Tech: Progress and Barriers in a Gendered Culture
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Introduction
This is not only an office setting. It is a lifestyle and your way of achieving
success for your career. (Facebook, CreativAsia Space, Taichung)
my interviewees and organised the results into the relevant themes. The
interviews and observations over time enabled me to interpret the phys-
ical, mental and social dimensions of these spaces. As part of the wider
project described in this book, I relied on the semi-structured qualita-
tive interviews with nascent entrepreneurs, funders and venture capital-
ists. Among other topics, they were asked about workspaces within the
sector. In discussing the social construction of space, I focus on three
case studies: AppWorks and the Ching Long Business Club (CLBC) in
Taipei, and CVS in Taichung. The justification for these choices will be
discussed shortly.
prominent university, has its own alumni fund that has supported enter-
prises set up by its past graduates.
The government, the higher education sector, large corporations and
industrial leaders have all played a part in supporting new startups.
Taiwanese venture capital funds and the principals of these funds are
usually conservative with their investments, avoiding the highly risky
new media sector. However, high-profile individuals, sometimes con-
nected to the Taiwanese high-tech business empires, have begun to
engage in the investment of startup companies. National Cheng Kung
University’s Creativity, Innovation and Entrepreneurship Centre is an
incubator that has the support of Gou Shou-cheng, the son of Terry
Gou, founder and chairman of Hon Hai. Gou Shou-cheng, chairman
of the Syntrend Creative Park, ear-marked the centre for researching
Internet of Things technology (for example, wearable products such
as 3-D glasses). These organisations and individuals demonstrate the
close-knit nature of high-tech businesses in Taiwan (and increasingly
in Greater China and the Asian region), with large corporations in the
sector supporting nascent enterprises.
While early state investment in the high-tech sector was mostly in the
semiconductor industry, the Taiwanese economy needs to diversify its
industrial sectors and sources of funding. This has led to the emergence
of a relatively small network society centred around a bid to develop
innovative startups in Taiwan. This network is mostly located in Taipei,
with smaller clusters in Hsinchu, Taichung and Kaohshiung. The
main hub of Internet businesses in Taipei is along Keelung Road near
City Hall. The major private accelerator AppWorks and its co-work-
ing space occupy two floors of a building. AppWorks graduate teams
are able to rent out office space in the floor above at a lower cost than
in the open market, enabling the graduates to remain in contact with
the programme’s principals and staff. When I attended their Friday
happy hour, I was introduced to current teams and some graduates
who came downstairs to join in. In the same building are the offices of
other startup companies; sometimes three or four companies are co-lo-
cated on one floor. Due to this concentration of nascent companies, the
building has grown organically into an industrial cluster. On the other
side of Keelung Road is the Taiwan Mobile Innovation (TMI) office.
4 Luxury Chairs and Pizzas: The Production …
135
bachelor’s degree, and 52% either came from abroad or had interna-
tional work or study experience.
My interviewees worked in a variety of settings. Although I con-
ducted interviews with 62 entrepreneurs, I was able to learn their places
of work for only 48. Table 4.1 gives a sense of the different workspaces
the digital entrepreneurs chose.
The most common type of workspace was a company office, though
this arrangement tended to be used mainly for startups that were more
established and employed more than a few workers. In fact, 24 (half ) of
the startups were located in some kind of co-working space, especially
those supported by additional infrastructure, such as an accelerator pro-
gramme, government entrepreneurship programme or university indus-
trial cluster. The benefits of these supported spaces are that they tend
to be cheaper to rent or even free if the startup is part of a specific pro-
gramme. An entrepreneur who rented a co-working space in a govern-
ment-supported cluster stated: ‘I used to work at home. It is very easy
to get distracted there. So I rent a space here for NTD 3000 a month.
private office spaces and venture capital investors. This analysis is there-
fore firmly embedded in the industrial and economic history of Taiwan.
Unlike Florida’s universalising notion of a creative class and subsequent
research explaining urban areas as attractive to those with cultural capital
because they are diverse, tolerant and bohemian, the findings discussed in
this chapter reveal that spaces are not intrinsically more or less conducive
to creativity and collaboration. It is evident that the majority of digital
entrepreneurs are middle class and are highly educated, and are thus pos-
sessors of social and cultural capital. Yet they are not pulled towards the
co-working spaces by particular hard or soft factors. Rather, they partici-
pate in and are in turn instrumental in the spatial practices that together
support their digital entrepreneurship within the co-working spaces.
Spatial Practices
My research on the social spatialisation of the places of work inhab-
ited by startup entrepreneurs focuses on three examples: CLBC,
AppWorks and CVS. AppWorks is a business startup accelerator that
also offers co-working space for the teams in its programmes and for
recent programme graduates. CVS was in Taichung, which is the
third-largest city in Taiwan with a population of 2.7 million and is
located on Taiwan’s midwest coastline. Due to high rent, the owner
moved the operation in 2015 to a much smaller co-working space/
café located in a government-supported cultural and creative zone in
the same city. I also consider the maker spaces in Taipei, which have
adopted the ethos of the co-creation movement originated in the USA.
The co-working spaces in Taiwan import the Western model and have
similar offerings, including office space, hot desks, meeting rooms and
other facilities. Many co-working spaces also provide a ‘virtual office,’
where users can utilise the postal address and have telephone calls
answered and messages delivered. CLBC, one of the biggest commercial
co-working spaces in central Taipei offers high-end furnishing. It offers
a fixed-desk monthly rental for NTD 6000 (approximately USD 190).
The co-ordinator asserted the benefits of co-working:
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L. Wing-Fai
entrepreneurs have to make a living and are serious about creating suc-
cessful businesses, the fact that they are able to take on the risk of a nas-
cent venture can be contrasted with workers involved in ‘manual labour,
industry, whatever has to do directly with the everyday work of get-
ting a livelihood’ (Veblen 1899, pp. 2–3). To appeal to the tech startup
founders and freelance workers, private co-working spaces must display
power and distinction. While these are ‘work’ spaces, they are also phys-
ically set up as conspicuous consumption for those embarking on wor-
thy and honourable ventures (p. 9). Pierre Bourdieu’s works on culture
and distinction (1980, 1984) expand upon Veblen’s earlier arguments.
With their luxurious furniture and designer brands that emphasise form
rather than function, these co-working spaces are articulated to taste
and self-image (Bourdieu 1980, p. 235). While it is possible to provide
functional office spaces with the minimal provisions, the use of expen-
sive, branded furniture is a form of ‘gratuitous luxury and conspicuous
consumption’ (p. 252) symbolic of the workers’ and entrepreneurs’ cul-
tural capital (Bourdieu 1986). In the case of the startup ecosystem in
Taiwan, human capital mostly reflects entrepreneurs’ educational and
class backgrounds and, subsequently, their ability to work in a high-end
cultural environment: the co-workspace.
The current discussion employs Henri Lefebvre’s (Lefebvre and
Nicholson-Smith 1991) work on the production of the (social) space,
understood through seminal writings on conspicuous consumption
and class (Bourdieu 1984; Veblen 1899). In private co-working spaces,
physical objects, such as chairs, were used to assert the privilege and lux-
ury. The articulation to luxury was shared by some co-working spaces
in Hong Kong, where central locations are often more luxuriously fur-
nished and expensive than those in downtown Taipei.
AppWorks is great. There are pizzas every Friday! Ha ha. [The accelerator]
is really good to us. We can ask any difficult question, and they can find
some solution, and help solve issues as much as possible … AppWorks’
biggest strength is its human network. (Female founder, social media)
The reasons for choosing a shared office, then, often go beyond the
physical needs of the entrepreneurs. A staff member of a startup sug-
gested that Taiwanese startups often cooperated with each other,
and sharing offices facilitated mutual support and information shar-
ing. Despite competition, information sharing is important when
the startup teams need to find supportive venture capitalists to invest
in their companies. In turn, this interviewee pointed out that a good
venture capitalists, from the perspective of a startup, not only provides
financial support but also shares their experience and network.
Another co-working space I visited in Taichung was basically a café.
It was situated in a cultural and creative industry village supported by
the government. The complex, converted from disused military hous-
ing units, caters to entrepreneurs under the age of 35 who are start-
ing up in the cultural and creative industry. The entrepreneurs receive
a TWD 22,000 a month government subsidy. The owner of the
4 Luxury Chairs and Pizzas: The Production …
145
co-working space told me that ‘it is café style, so is closer to the cen-
tral idea of co-working where people are more open to meeting others
… It is all about connections and word-of-mouth among friends.’ One
of the founders of AppWorks agreed that the most important learning
opportunities for new founders come through its alumni and mentor
networks, not necessarily through the accelerator process per se. The
networks are also a very valuable asset to alumni if they hope to sur-
vive. This reason for choosing their workspaces has little to do with the
diversity or coolness of the environment. Another entrepreneur (male
founder, hardware-software integration) agreed that the most impor-
tant benefits of accelerator and incubator programmes were friendship
and contacts—in other words, the interpersonal relationships. Partners
and mentors met through participating in the business incubators may
introduce their industry contacts to the startup teams.
The sociality engendered by co-working spaces in Taiwan is assumed
to increase creativity and generate serendipity production. CLBC boasts
weekly social events. For example, I was invited to a pizza and Wii gam-
ing night when the tenants played against an American company that
one of the CLBC tenants worked for. CVS also organised many events,
such as language exchange, yoga classes, movie nights, and ping pong
and gaming sessions. The owner of CVS admitted that these events were
really a marketing tool meant to introduce the concept of co-working to
entrepreneurs in Taichung. She also asserted, ‘I’d like to make Taichung
more cultural. I don’t know who started using the term, but they call
it the “Cultural City.”’ In all three examples—AppWorks, CLBC and
CVS—social events are seen as opportunities for introducing people
to a specific ‘culture’ of entrepreneurship and to engendering network
sociality (Wittel 2001). The fact that these co-working spaces have to
promote the ‘working together’ culture suggests that serendipitous
production is a social construction. It has already been demonstrated
that many of the digital entrepreneurs share similar educational back-
grounds and social capital, and they are in networks that are the result
of homophily. These co-workspaces, socially constructed to support
a fun and creative lifestyle, are accessible only to those with the right
social, cultural and educational capital. Networking can be considered
a soft factor, but here it combines with the hard dimensions (low rent,
146
L. Wing-Fai
I know there are people who feel that there may be companies working
in similar areas sitting next to each other. When the team members dis-
cuss their products, they may feel uncomfortable. I don’t think it matters.
There are lots of ideas around. Lots of people can have the same idea.
The important thing is who can quickly execute it. I think an open space
where startup teams can exchange is a good thing.
There are probably two or three times more co-working spaces than
maker spaces in Taipei. We are not in shortage of co-working spaces
at all, but for a co-working space with a focus on hardware, that’s very
unusual. We’re a hardware-based co-working space. We have a lot of
participants who are doing this for fun, but for the management team,
it’s important to bridge the gap between design and industry … What
[a maker space] creates is something intangible, that is, the building of a
community. So you have a community, where people have ideas to collab-
orate, to make things together.
She went on to tell me that since the production cost has dropped so
much that it was easy to produce prototypes. Taiwanese entrepre-
neurs have used crowdsourcing platforms, such as Kickstarter, and the
Taiwanese equivalent, Flying V, which allow makers to test the market
and their ideas. The maker space mentioned above actively promoted
success stories and encouraged people to participate in the maker move-
ment. There are several elements of this spatial story. For this maker
space, there was an underlying aim that the activities should not result
in amateurish creations but that there should be some economic ben-
efits. This interviewee also pointed out that the maker community is
a relatively new one in Taiwan, but the space would not be ‘complete’
without the creation of a community. Within the community the phys-
ical (tangible) space engenders innovation with the availability of hard-
ware. However, many in the maker community also integrate software
and the virtual (crowdfunding) with the hardware. What this evinces is
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L. Wing-Fai
We have ten members who drop in. The ten people are part of startup
teams themselves. So they are freelancers who come here to work every
day. What’s interesting is that they are software developers. It’s not only
hardware producers who are interested in our space. That’s why it’s so
interesting, running a community. We had a pizza lunch and shared expe-
riences, and we realised that some of our users had hardware backgrounds
… it’s easy for them to mingle and come up with something … When
something like that happens, new ideas pop out. (Organiser, a maker
space)
The basis of the maker movement is shared creation, and therefore the
term ‘community’ featured strongly in the narrations of the organisers
I interviewed. The origin of the Taiwanese maker community is often
attributed to someone called Honki, who started the Open Lab in a
dedicated artists’ cluster called Treasure Hill in Taipei, which was built
on the concept of collaboration back in 2008. For Honki, the most
important aspect of the Open Lab is community spirit, while ‘space
is not important’ (interview with the author). As Fig. 4.1 shows, the
Open Lab is a small, one-room studio that is jam packed with mate-
rials for building anything from robots to drones. When I spoke to
Honki, he was teaching another would-be maker about 3-D printing,
sharing his knowledge and expertise. By definition, the maker com-
munity is established on the basis of trust, with open source being the
driving force behind co-creation. The contrast between Open Lab and
private co-working spaces such as CLBC is stark. In the maker space,
there was no articulation to luxury or class. Richard Florida and sub-
sequent researchers on the creative class rarely comment on the mental
4 Luxury Chairs and Pizzas: The Production …
151
Fig. 4.1 Open Lab, maker space with shelves and boxes jam packed with mate-
rials and equipment
152
L. Wing-Fai
Concluding Remarks
(Social) space is not a thing among other things, nor a product among
other products: rather, it subsumes things produced, and encompasses
their interrelationships in their coexistence and simultaneity—their rel-
ative order and/or (relative) disorder. (Lefebvre and Nicholson-Smith
1991, p. 73)
between the co-working spaces in Taiwan and the West, specific prac-
tices and ‘stories’ distinguish the relatively new startup culture and the
maker movement that has developed in the East Asia.
While users of these spaces are involved in virtual work and they deal
with new knowledge, the heightened sociality, cultural networks, cul-
tural and social distinctions, oral stories, social and cultural capital, and
imagined community all recall longstanding sociological problems, such
as the exclusion of those without equal cultural capital and the gender-
ing of spaces. Richard Florida’s idea of the creative class (2002a, b) and
subsequent urban studies focus on the clustering of creative talents in
specific geographical locations without reference to industrial develop-
ment more widely, and his approach tends to ignore the agency of the
workers and render them passive in their geographical mobility. The
current analysis challenges the concept of the creative class by focusing
on the articulation of class distinction and the formation of networks.
The chapter argues that it is necessary for knowledge workers to be
part of the social networks that form the basis of the startup eco-sys-
tem. The places of work for these nascent entrepreneurs and co-work-
ers can be explained through a spatial articulation of social and cultural
capital that marks the boundaries around an imagined community of
the young, creative and middle class. Social networks, moreover, inter-
sect with other characteristics, such as gender, which have been previ-
ously discussed. Given the social, cultural and educational capital that
digital entrepreneurs possess, their choice of workspace is related to
their relatively privileged position. These workspaces and the assertion
of an imagined community also reveal an aspiration to a Western ideal
of an entrepreneurial lifestyle. For instance, the entrepreneur of a pri-
vate co-working space studied in New York and saw the similar spaces
there, which inspired her to open up an office in Taiwan, where such
spaces were lacking. The social production of space in Taiwan cannot
be explained through a congregation of diverse, bohemian workers, as
in Florida’s conceptualisation of the creative class, but rather the entre-
preneurs and freelancers are agents of change as their class position
intersects with gender and transcultural backgrounds to become the
experience of a new generation in Taiwan.
156
L. Wing-Fai
Notes
1. Space is perceived when it is observed and interpreted in everyday life.
Representations of space demonstrate the discourses on space—the
regimes of theories and expert knowledge. The representational space is
‘directly lived through its associated images and symbols’ (Lefebvre and
Nicholson-Smith 1991, pp. 33, 39–42).
2. h t t p : / / w w w. h e r m a n m i l l e r. c o . u k / p r o d u c t s / s e a t i n g / p e r f o r -
mance-work-chairs/aeron-chairs.html. Accessed 25 November 2016.
3. http://clbc.tw/coworkingspace/. Accessed 15 August 2015.
4. http://mba.cuhk.edu.hk/news_post/booming-startup-ecosystem-sig-
nals-bright-future-hong-kong-entrepreneurs/. Accessed 25 November
2016.
5. http://mba.cuhk.edu.hk/news_post/booming-startup-ecosystem-sig-
nals-bright-future-hong-kong-entrepreneurs/. Accessed 25 November
2016.
6. http://brinc.io. Accessed 4 November 2016.
7. http://www.scmp.com/lifestyle/technology/start-ups/article/1747842/hong-
kong-tipping-point-becoming-fast-growing-and. Accessed 25 November
2016.
4 Luxury Chairs and Pizzas: The Production …
157
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Florida, Richard. The Rise of the Creative Class. New York: Basic Books, 2002b.
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thanks4adddraft.pdf.
158
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Introduction
In the summer of 2017, sexual harassment scandals plagued Silicon
Valley, which supposedly prides ‘itself as being progressive, open and
supportive to all, especially the most marginalized people,’ while also
paradoxically, being well-known for its a male-dominated culture and
‘frat-boy lifestyle.’1 The Silicon Valley scandal has been echoed in the
#MeToo campaign, which began in October of the same year after reve-
lations of the sexual harassment allegations against Hollywood producer
Harvey Weinstein. The movement generated millions of responses,
demonstrating the extent of sexual misconduct, mostly against women,
happening in the workplace. The #MeToo campaign illustrates the kind
of barriers which are found in the male-dominated cultures, including
that of Silicon Valley, and how these barriers serve to discourage women
from formally complaining about sexual harassment.
The allegations in Silicon Valley brought to light that many tech
companies tacitly endorse sexual harassment when they asked female
employees to agree to non-disparagement clauses. The spats of accu-
sations in 2017 began when a female engineer, Susan Fowler, alleged
Asian females. Asian female workers in the global tech industry have
engaged in legal challenges to their employers in recent years.
This chapter focuses on Asian women’s involvement in the global
tech industry through an examination of discrimination experienced
by women in Silicon Valley and the career history of two high-pro-
file female entrepreneurs from Taiwan. Ellen Pao, a former partner in
the Silicon Valley venture capital investment firm Kleiner Perkins,
announced in September 2015 that she would not pursue an appeal
against the company after she brought a lawsuit for sex discrimination
in 2012. Pao’s case directly inspired a study, ‘Elephant in the Valley,’5
which surveyed 200 women who were in executive positions, venture
capitalists, or startup entrepreneurs, and it found that 60% had expe-
rienced unwanted sexual advances. Ninety percent had witnessed sex-
ist behaviour at company offsite events or at industry conferences. In
March 2015, a former employee of Facebook, Taiwanese-American
Chia Hong, alleged sex discrimination, sexual harassment and racial dis-
crimination after she was fired and replaced by a less qualified and less
experienced male. In May 2015, software engineer Tina Huang alleged
gender discrimination while she was employed by Twitter.
Asian and Asian American women who work for global corpora-
tions in Silicon Valley or who own tech companies have entered the
upper echelons of the digital sphere. Nonetheless, they face many bar-
riers in their careers, as demonstrated by the sex harassment scandals,
lawsuits, and economic and management difficulties. This chapter will
first expand on the critical discourses on gender and technology work-
ers detailed in the Introductory chapter of this book. It will examine
the spate of lawsuits against Silicon Valley firms around 2015 and
their implications. These court cases in the USA explain some of the
reasons for the exodus of women from technical careers. This will be
followed by an analysis of the careers of two Taiwanese female entre-
preneurs, Cher Wang (b.1958), founder and CEO of the Taiwanese
mobile phone corporation HTC (High Tech Computer Corporation).
Wang was expected to turn the company around after shares lost more
than 90% of their values between 2011 and 2015.6 Eva Chen (b.1959)
founded the security firm Trend Micro. The examples of Wang and
Chen will serve to explain some of the challenges faced by women in
164
L. Wing-Fai
is not recognised (Sorensen 1992, p. 18), and little space is allocated for
alternative social values. Techies face high expectations; ‘technical bril-
liance, innovation, creativity, independent work ethics, long hours, and
complete dedication to projects are the main requirements for compa-
nies trying to position themselves on the cutting edge’ (Cooper 2000,
p. 385). Socially and discursively constructed innate differences between
men and women view the two genders as a dichotomy, with men more
attuned to IT skills and women attuned to emotional and social skills
(Kelan 2007). Men are perceived to be best at rational work. Their skills
are conceived to be more suited to ‘hard’ technical roles (Woodfield
2002, p. 125). When male workers come out of their workstations and
communicate with others, they are seen to be performing a kind of
hybrid role (Woodfield 2002; Glover and Guerrier 2010; Bury 2010).
Men in hybrid roles are seen as techies who have social skills, but when
women take up similar roles their social skills are not recognised or
rewarded (Woodfield 2002). Women in the sector either challenge the
masculinised culture that has become synonymous with technology, or
they take up ‘softer’ roles—non-technical, more informal, people-facing
roles—within the organisations. In other words, in order to maintain
careers and fit into the culture constructed around technology, some
women render their gender invisible by downplaying their femininity
(Adam et al. 2006) or performing gender through taking up expected
roles (Bury 2010).
Niki Panteli and colleagues discuss a gendered pattern of labour
where women are under-represented in management, technical roles
and hardware but over-represented in administration and in software,
so ‘women remain disproportionally distanced, symbolically and prac-
tically, from power and authority’ (Panteli et al. 2001, p. 13). Susan
Adams and Joseph Weiss (2011) dispute the idea that women progress
to leadership only when they take on more ‘people-oriented’ roles.
Instead, they suggest that there are three kinds of leadership role: tech-
nologist, change agent and business expert (Adams and Weiss 2011,
p. 225) and women tend to focus more on change and business man-
agement. The cases examined in this chapter reveal highly accom-
plished women—some in management and technical roles—who have
worked with some of the world’s most recognisable companies or have
166
L. Wing-Fai
release of workforce data, which they argued could harm their compet-
itiveness.8 In 2014 Google began an industry-wide initiative to disclose
workforce figures relating to diversity (Lafrance 2015). In the mean-
time, the poor record of achieving and managing diversity among the
workforce in the tech sector has been demonstrated through a series of
high-profile lawsuits brought by Asian American workers against Silicon
Valley global corporations.
Ellen Pao was a former junior partner of Kleiner, Perkins, Caufield
and Byers (KPCB), a venture capital firm. Located in Menlo Park in
Silicon Valley, KPCB is one of the most well-known venture capital
providers. It has backed Amazon, Google and Symantec, among doz-
ens of other top Valley companies. Pao joined Kleiner Perkins in 2005
and was fired in 2012. She subsequently brought a three-and-a-half-
year legal case against the firm for gender discrimination and retali-
ation. Pao exemplifies the Chinese American model minority myth,
and her personal background appears to demonstrate meritocracy as an
American ideal. Her parents grew up in China and studied in the USA
with scholarships, staying on and bringing up Pao, who also took the
education route to upward mobility.9 She earned a bachelor’s degree in
electrical engineering from Princeton, followed by a law degree and an
MBA from Harvard. Pao claimed that at KPCB she heard conversations
about pornography, was excluded from an all-male ski trip, and experi-
enced sexual harassment from a partner and retaliation after she ended
a relationship with a married co-worker.10 The partner, Ajit Nazre, later
left the firm when another investor at KPCB accused him of sexual
harassment.11 Pao reported overhearing male co-workers discounting
a talented woman CEO by saying that she was a board member only
because she was ‘hot.’12 Some of the testimony described situations and
interactions all too familiar to women in a highly competitive, cutthroat
sector: a senior male colleague calling a female co-worker ‘a bit too
opinionated,’ and high-ranking women being asked to do administra-
tive tasks, such as note-taking during meetings, or being asked to sit in
the back row. ‘The trial sheds light on the double standards women con-
sistently face at work, including assertions that Pao “raised her voice”
yet “could not own a room.”’13
5 Cool, Creative, But Not so Equal
171
Pao lost the first case in March 2015 and was ordered to pay
USD276,000. She lodged an appeal, but announced in September
2015 that she would not continue with the appeal, claiming that ‘my
experience shows how difficult it is to address discrimination through
the court system.’14 In Californian courts, discrimination has to be
proved to be intentional, and harassment and discrimination claims
have to be filed within one year of the alleged incident. KPCB had
ample resources at their disposal to delay the court date, which would
add to the costs and stress for Pao. She also claimed that the firm hired
a public relations team to pursue trolling tactics against her and her
family. The firm countered that she was fired for poor performance and
that her personality ‘was simply not right for the firm.’15 The media also
reported how her husband, Buddy Fletcher, brought a lawsuit against
the apartment building where they lived, and the hedge fund he ran
filed for bankruptcy, raising questions over the motives and timing of
Pao’s suit.16
The all-male, oppressive environment described by Pao recalls the
existence of the ‘boys’ clubs’ found elsewhere, including the media
industry (Leung et al. 2015; Randle et al. 2007). The sitcom series
Silicon Valley (HBO, 2014–) satirises the power of global corporations
and the dynamics between them and startups, detailing the kind of geek
culture dominated by young alpha males. The startup team in the series
is made up entirely of young male geeks. Women in technology have
been advised to learn golf and hangout at bars, drinking or pretending
to like sports in order to advance their careers.17 According to Browne
and Misra, ‘individuals not only generalise from ideas regarding social
groups to individuals, but they tend to perceive those like themselves
more favorably’ (2013, p. 501). As I have demonstrated in the previous
chapters, sociality can include or exclude, depending on one’s social and
cultural capital, and this dynamic especially affects minorities includ-
ing women and ethnic groups. For women in the tech sector, it can be
difficult to join the networks that are occupied predominately by men
(Leung 2016). Pao’s case, though disapproved by the court, suggests
that all these longstanding discriminatory practices exist among top
Valley firms. Pao was extremely vocal during and after the case, and her
analysis provides supporting evidence for the unwillingness of the sector
172
L. Wing-Fai
tech workers are able to climb the company hierarchy in these tech cor-
porations demonstrates the intersectional working of these tech workers’
identities: gender and ethnicity are factors in the organisational practices
which give rise to and maintain discrimination against Asian female
workers, such as calling their family commitments into question and
individualising their oppression while shielding the effects of the gen-
dered organisation. Asian American masculinity conforms to the long-
standing tech geek or nerd stereotype, and so Asian American men often
‘land a job at a high-tech company or they start their own’ (Wu 2002, p.
44). The nerd is a gatekeeper for technoscience, tasked with maintaining
its elitism and exclusivity (Eglash 2002, p. 50). It is telling that all three
court cases were initiated by Asian women who were portrayed by their
former employers as non-conforming and aggressive. These companies
also asserted that these female workers were not good team players and
did not fit in with the majority male-dominated social network.
The masculine culture formed a barrier for these women, who fought
back through legal challenges. The lawsuits were about institutional
biases, such as informal promotion procedures, but the counter-attacks
from the tech industry were targeted at individual traits. Powerful insti-
tutions, including the defendant KPCB in Pao’s case, launched media
campaigns against the women. In this way, the claims of discrimination
were dismissed, and the organisations rendered the women’s experiences
a result of their personalities rather than discrimination on the basis of
gender and race which the companies needed to collectively acknowl-
edge and tackle. It can be argued that both men and women are simi-
larly affected in terms of life course. Nonetheless, the combination of
all these factors—gender, ethnicity, age and life course—does not pro-
vide conclusive evidence for why women continue to be discriminated
against in the tech sector. Instead, they show how an intersectional
approach is appropriate to an understanding of the multiple dimensions
that influence the careers of workers in this sector. In the following,
I turn to two Taiwanese female entrepreneurs who have founded global
tech companies. Comparing the treatment of Asian American women
in Silicon Valley corporations and the careers of these two women will
allow a rethinking of the experiences of tech workers and entrepreneurs
who negotiate the global technoscape.
178
L. Wing-Fai
mobile phones.38 The PDAs did not sell but Wang invested millions of
dollars of her family’s wealth to improve the design and technology of
the company’s products. HTC began to make personal computers for
Compaq and Hewlett-Packard in 2000, and later focused on mobile
telephones, although most were sold under other brand names, such as
Palm and Verizon in the USA. Later, Wang secured the rights to make
the first Android phones for T-Mobile, and she has established a good
relationship with Microsoft, adopting its operating system into HTC
products.39
The most popular inter-family business partnership in Taiwan
has traditionally been between brothers (Lee and Chang 2014, p. 9),
although this is rarer now, especially among the tech startups (Leung
2016). Patrilineality, marriage alliances, and equity between rela-
tives usually play a role within family businesses, all of which charac-
terise Wang’s entrepreneurial history. Cher Wang’s sister Charlene
founded motherboard manufacturer First International Computer in
1980. In fact, upon graduating from university Cher worked for First
International. Cher is also chairwoman of silicon chip developer VIA
Technologies, whose Chief Executive since 1992 has been Chen Wen
Chi, a US-trained electronics engineer whom Cher married in 2003.
In my research of Internet startup companies in Taiwan, I found that
women are most likely to establish companies with their husbands or
boyfriends in what I call husband and wife teams (Leung 2016; see also
Chapter 3). Wang and Chen are a well-known couple in the tech sec-
tor in Taiwan and one of the richest couples in the country. Even at
the level of a global tech company, women entrepreneurs’ participation
remains traditional in its reliance on family resources and partnerships
with close relatives, especially husbands.
Wang is reported to have been influenced by her mother’s philoso-
phy that she should ‘treat workers like family’ and ‘protect the workers
for life.’40 She recalls that her mother used to cook for her father’s col-
leagues,41 acting as ‘the boss’s wife,’ a typical role for women since the
postwar period in Taiwan when family firms started to spring up (see
Lu 1998, 2001; Simon, 2003). The history of the Wang family’s entre-
preneurship parallels the industrial development of Taiwan, especially
during the country’s rapid economic growth in the 1970s and 1980s.
180
L. Wing-Fai
Wang has invoked the ethic of baishou qijia (starting from nothing;
building a life from scratch) to characterise her family’s entrepreneur-
ial history and her own career path. Successful female entrepreneurs in
Greater China often talk about philanthropy and giving back to society,
and Wang has perpetuated this discourse in the media.42 In 2011, Wang
and her husband donated USD28.1 million to found a charitable col-
lege in Guizhou in southwest China for pupils from low-income fam-
ilies and where one third of the students receive a full scholarship.43 In
2012, Wang donated 6000 HTC tablet computers to 60 high schools
in Taiwan.44 Wang has also asserted a public persona that is modest and
pious. Her Christian faith has been well reported.45 She told the New
York Times, ‘I don’t need to be the center of attention.’ She does not
want to be defined by her family’s wealth but instead has always main-
tained that she had a strict upbringing which trained her to work hard
and be modest.46 However, her husband Chen characterises her also as
a strong leader: ‘She is very demanding in one sense … If she wants
something changed, she’ll speak up about it.’47 Similarly, she has been
reported to be relentless in business negotiation.
Wang’s career, tied to HTC, mirrors the recent industrial history of
Taiwan. The industrial transformation of the country was closely related
to its transition to an economy of high-tech industrialisation, with
hardware exports as the mainstay (Hsieh 2014). However, since the
1990s Taiwan’s original equipment manufacturing industry has found
itself competing with industrialising countries in Asia, most notably
the People’s Republic of China. HTC was one of the first successful
Taiwanese brands and is therefore a source of national pride. However,
even such high-profile enterprises have encountered competition from
other, more dominant global corporations. In the fourth quarter of
2009, 95% of HTC’s revenue came from phones under its own brand,
and it had 4.6% of the global share of the smartphone market.48 It was
also the fourth most valuable Taiwanese brand after Acer, the anti-vi-
rus company Trend Micro, and Asus. In 2011, however, HTC suffered
financially from a series of patent disputes with Apple, which appeared
to be an attempt by the American firm to slow down the success of its
competitors, especially in relation to the Android devices that HTC
excels in.49 HTC was caught in the competition between Apple’s and
5 Cool, Creative, But Not so Equal
181
of failure.’60 She rose to those challenges. Eva expanded the firm and
boosted Trend Micro’s brand in the retail market, especially in the USA.
Within four years of becoming CEO of Trend Micro, the company
profits had increased more than three fold.61 Like Cher Wang, Chen
is modest and has said that she is intimidated by the role of CEO.62
She much preferred dealing with technology and patents.63 Although
Chen found the leadership role challenging, she was ‘brought in’ when
the company needed change. Even though Chen had been CTO, her
biggest contribution to Trend Micro is presented, paradoxically, as her
lack of training as a software engineer: ‘I am not that kind of CEO,
who puts up a poker face and pretends to know everything,’ she says.
‘I keep asking why … Maybe it’s because I am a girl or I am not a hard-
core electronic engineer; I am just never afraid of raising stupid ques-
tions.’64 Here, she downplays her knowledge and power, meeting the
expectations of the role of a woman working in tech: as the ‘non-tech-
nical girl.’ In an interview by CNN, she explained her business acumen
as a change agent by saying, ‘I have this philosophy to create an envi-
ronment for employees to freely innovate and have fun—to learn and
allowed to fail.’65 Chen has also stated her belief that engineers should
interact with consumers in order to understand their needs first hand,
in other words, they should perform a hybrid role.66 The Chinese
media have used the term ‘soft power’ to describe both Wang and
Chen.67 In interviews, Chen appears modest, saying, ‘When I retire,
I want to live by the sea and sell paintings.’ She also intends to carry out
charity work, which she feels will make her happy.68
While both HTC and Trend Micro are influential companies that
have been at the forefront of technical innovation, the way that the
two female entrepreneurs have founded them is not dissimilar to how
other family businesses are typically started in Taiwan. At the heart of
the business foundation is the family, especially the support of the male
partners. Instead of the financial institutions, the family effectively acts
as security against high risks. Wang and Chen have been supported by
their husbands and siblings and have utilised the financial resources of
their well-to-do families. The famous four Fs of starting an enterprise
(reliance on family, friends, founders and fools for investment) remains
largely true, with family members playing a key role within these two
184
L. Wing-Fai
Concluding Remarks
This chapter contributes to the research examining female workers in
the high-tech industries, who are under-represented even after decades
of awareness of the issue. After reviewing existing research approaches
5 Cool, Creative, But Not so Equal
185
that tend to explain the barriers facing women in the sector by way
of the masculinised culture and structural and organisational factors,
I assert that there are overlapping systems of subordination (Crenshaw
1991; Brah and Phoenix 2004) at work in the tech sector, a view which
offers a contingent yet more complex and subtle interpretation of the
experiences of female workers. The discussion begins by referring to the
sexual harassment scandals in relation to male venture capital inves-
tors in Silicon Valley and analyses the cases of three Asian women who
were forced to exit global corporations in Silicon Valley due to discrim-
ination. It then considers the careers of two successful, high-profile
Taiwanese women entrepreneurs who run global tech companies. The
consideration of the three court cases in Silicon Valley makes it appar-
ent that although gender is a prominent factor in creating barriers to
women’s careers advancement, other characteristics overlap with gen-
der, including class, age and life course, work experience and ethnic-
ity. Despite the fact that the corporations in question create innovative
social media and mobile technology, the workforce and entrepreneurs in
the sector continue to reflect offline inequalities and social hierarchies.
The lawsuits brought by the three female workers against their for-
mer employers are a direct indication of women’s agency in the face of
barriers. These high-achieving women worked for some of the world’s
most well-known tech and tech-related corporations. The cases demon-
strate that within these corporations, traditional social structures con-
tinue to repress women and minority ethnic groups. On the other hand,
the counter-attacks from the corporations individualised the women,
blaming them for how they as individuals failed to progress and fit in.
Asian American women in the workforce are expected to perform gen-
der and race by conforming to the idea that they cannot lead but are
more suited to ‘take orders.’ While Asian males share the technical nerd
or geek stereotype that helps them to progress in the Silicon Valley hier-
archy, their female counterparts are the Other to the white alpha males
who dominate the executive positions and social networks. Apart from
gender, related personal circumstances, including age, family responsi-
bilities and ethnicity, must be taken into account, and thus an exclu-
sive theoretical frame around gender can only present a partial view. The
combination of all these dynamics does not conclusively explain why
women continue to be discriminated against in the tech sector, but
186
L. Wing-Fai
The careers barriers that Asian women face in the global technos-
capes, to use Appadurai’s term (1990), are a reflection of a ‘matrix of
gendered, racialized, sexualized and international relations of power,
as well as … the experiences and perspectives of women of colour in
the context of new global capitalism’ (Holvino 2010, p. 260). They are
the Other in the technoscapes of global tech companies dominated by
white male founders and workers, so despite their knowledge and expe-
rience, women of colour are assumed to be technically inferior regard-
less of their educational capital. The examples of Cher Wang and Eva
Chen need to be understood within the national and Asian context.
Their careers reflect Taiwan’s economic development while at the same
time revealing the constraints of the traditional gender hierarchy and
gender roles. I have evinced in this analysis that while gender plays a
vital part in explaining the career experiences of many women, other
factors, such as ethnicity, class, personal life history and national con-
texts also clearly need to be taken into account. The Silicon Valley cases
and the examples of the two Taiwanese women entrepreneurs offer
a contrasting yet an interrelated framework to research Asian wom-
en’s positions in the global tech economy. Using my empirical exper-
tise of the East Asian context, I am able to compare and contrast these
women’s experiences and draw insight from a research approach that
has hitherto rarely been attempted. An intersectional approach should
inform social scientists concerned with the sociology of work, gender
issues and the application of information and communication technol-
ogy in human society.
Notes
1. http://uk.businessinsider.com/sexual-harassment-scandals-tech-in-
dustry-2017-7/#earlier-in-july-a-hrefhttpwwwbusinessinsidercomsili-
con-valleys-old-boy-power-structure-is-getting-toppled-and-the-reper-
cussions-will-be-huge-2017-7targetblanka-number-of-high-profile-vcs-
resigneda-after-women-came-forward-with-complaints-of-sexual-har-
assment-3. Accessed 24 November 2017.
188
L. Wing-Fai
2. http://money.cnn.com/video/technology/business/2017/07/07/sexu-
al-assault-silicon-valley-investor-cheryl-yeoh.cnnmoney. Accessed 24
November 2017.
3. http://money.cnn.com/technology/sexual-harassment-tech/?iid=EL.
Accessed 24 November 2017.
4. http://money.cnn.com/technology/sexual-harassment-tech/?iid=EL.
Accessed 5 March 2018.
5. https://www.elephantinthevalley.com. Accessed 24 November 2017.
6. http://www.forbes.com/profile/cher-wang-wenchi-chen/. Accessed 10
February 2016.
7. http://www.computerworld.com/s/article/319212/Why_Women_
Quit_Technology. Accessed 19 February 2016.
8. https://www.wired.com/2016/03/year-ellen-pao-verdict-tech-still-gets-
diversity-wrong/. Accessed 6 December 2016.
9. http://www.lennyletter.com/work/a151/ellen-pao-silicon-valley-sexism-
is-getting-better/. Accessed 1 February 2016.
10. http://recode.net/2015/09/10/ellen-pao-i-have-decided-to-end-my-
lawsuit-against-kleiner-perkins/; http://news.yahoo.com/ellen-pao-
talks-to-katie-couric-in-exclusive-interview-040627016.html. Accessed
1 February 2016.
11. http://uk.businessinsider.com/sexual-harassment-scandals-tech-indus-
try-2017-7/#in-2012-vc-ellen-pao-famously-sued-kleiner-perkins-alle-
ging-sexual-discrimination-not-harassment-but-in-the-trial-she-alleged-
that-one-of-her-coworkers-tried-to-retaliate-a-hrefhttpwwwbusinessin-
sidercomellen-pao-on-ajit-nazre-2015-3targetblankafter-she-ended-an-
affair-with-hima-she-ultimately-lost-the-case-that-partner-ajit-nazre-
left-the-job-and-was-accused-of-sexual-harassment-by-another-female-
vc-at-the-firm-12. Accessed 24 November 2017.
12. http://www.lennyletter.com/work/a151/ellen-pao-silicon-valley-sexism-
is-getting-better/. Accessed 1 February 2016.
13. https://www.wired.com/2016/03/year-ellen-pao-verdict-tech-still-gets-
diversity-wrong/. Accessed 6 December 2016.
14. http://recode.net/2015/09/10/ellen-pao-speaks-i-am-now-moving-on/.
Accessed 1 February 2016.
15. http://recode.net/2015/09/10/ellen-pao-i-have-decided-to-end-my-
lawsuit-against-kleiner-perkins/. Accessed 1 February 2016.
16. http://news.yahoo.com/ellen-pao-talks-to-katie-couric-in-exclusive-in-
terview-040627016.html. Accessed 1 February 2016.
5 Cool, Creative, But Not so Equal
189
17. http://www.networkworld.com/article/2337222/infrastructure-man-
agement/female-it-professionals-cope-in-a-male-dominated-industry.
html. Accessed 19 February 2016.
18. http://money.cnn.com/2015/11/10/technology/lenny-ellen-pao-diver-
sity/. Accessed 22 February 2016.
19. https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2015/dec/22/reddit-el-
len-pao-trolling-revenge-porn-ceo-internet-misogyny; https://www.
theguardian.com/technology/2015/jul/12/ellen-pao-reddit-trolls-femi-
nist-silicon-valley. Accessed 6 December 2016.
20. https://www.wired.com/2016/03/year-ellen-pao-verdict-tech-still-gets-
diversity-wrong/. Accessed 6 December 2016.
21. http://mashable.com/2015/03/19/facebook-discrimination-law-
suit/#0mSElrfAFgq8. Accessed 2 February 2016.
22. Adapted from https://newsroom.fb.com/news/2014/06/building-a-
more-diverse-facebook/. Accessed 8 June 2018. Detail not given for the
types of senior level positions.
23. http://uk.businessinsider.com/ex-twitter-employee-tina-huang-
sues-over-gender-discrimination-in-promotions-2015-3. Accessed 1
February 2016.
24. http://www.law360.com/articles/712826/ex-facebook-employee-drops-
suit-alleging-gender-race-bias. Accessed 6 December 2016.
25. http://uk.businessinsider.com/a-former-facebook-employee-is-su-
ing-her-former-employer-for-discrimination-2015-3. Accessed 1 February
2016.
26. http://venturebeat.com/2015/03/18/highlights-from-the-sex-discrim-
inationharassment-lawsuit-just-filed-against-facebook/. Accessed 1
February 2016.
27. http://money.cnn.com/2015/03/18/technology/facebook-discrimina-
tion-suit/. Accessed 1 February 2016.
28. http://money.cnn.com/2015/03/18/technology/facebook-discrimina-
tion-suit/. Accessed 1 February 2016.
29. http://www.law360.com/articles/712826/ex-facebook-employee-drops-
suit-alleging-gender-race-bias. Accessed 6 December 2016.
30. http://uk.businessinsider.com/ex-twitter-employee-tina-huang-
sues-over-gender-discrimination-in-promotions-2015-3. Accessed 1
February 2016.
31. http://uk.businessinsider.com/ex-twitter-employee-tina-huang-
sues-over-gender-discrimination-in-promotions-2015-3. Accessed 1
February 2016.
190
L. Wing-Fai
32. h t t p : / / u k . b u s i n e s s i n s i d e r. c o m / e x - t w i t t e r - e m p l o y e e - t i -
na-huang-sues-over-gender-discrimination-in-promotions-2015-3.
Accessed 1 February 2016.
33. http://mashable.com/2015/03/20/twitter-sex-discrimination-law-
suit/#Z3U_neWuC8qU. Accessed 1 Feb 2016. https://www.
bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-10-23/ex-twitter-engineer-seeks-to-
show-women-can-climb-only-so-high. Accessed 30 November 2017. At
the time of writing (November 2017), Huang planned to represent 133
female engineers at Twitter.
34. http://www.cbsnews.com/news/does-twitters-reset-on-race-and-gender-
go-far-enough/. Accessed 1 February 2016.
35. http://www.fastcompany.com/3017000/women-in-tech-2011/the-
most-influential-women-in-technology-2011-cher-wang. Accessed 16
February 2016.
36. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/27/technology/companies/27wang.
html?pagewanted=print#h. Accessed 15 February 2016.
37. http://news518.org/article.php?ano=21&no=130. Accessed 17 February
2016. In Chinese.
38. http://www.businessweek.com/stories/2005-07-10/taiwans-priestess-of-
the-pda. Accessed 15 February 2016.
39. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/27/technology/companies/27wang.
html?pagewanted=print#h. Accessed 15 February 2016.
40. http://news518.org/article.php?ano=21&no=130. Accessed 17 February
2016. In Chinese.
41. h t t p s : / / w w w. f a c e b o o k . c o m / s m a r t p h o n e q u e e n / p o s t s /
139553739513569. Accessed 17 February 2016. In Chinese.
42. See http://news518.org/article.php?ano=21&no=130. Accessed 17
February 2016. In Chinese. Wang recalled her mother saying, ‘Money
should be used to help others, for matters that benefit the public.’
43. http://www.wantchinatimes.com/news-subclass-cnt.aspx?id=20110924
000084&cid=1104. Accessed 14 August 2013.
44. http://www.wantchinatimes.com/news-subclass-cnt.aspx?id=20110924
000084&cid=1104. Accessed 14 August 2013.
45. http://www.wantchinatimes.com/news-subclass-cnt.aspx?id=20120824
000077&cid=1103. Accessed 2 June 2013.
46. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/27/technology/companies/27wang.
html?pagewanted=print#h. Accessed 15 February 2016
5 Cool, Creative, But Not so Equal
191
47. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/27/technology/companies/27wang.
html?pagewanted=print#h. Accessed 15 February 2016.
48. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/27/technology/companies/27wang.
html?pagewanted=print#h. Accessed 15 February 2016.
49. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/04/technology/04htc.html?hpw&_
r=0. Accessed 15 February 2016.
50. http://www.wantchinatimes.com/news-subclass-cnt.aspx?id=20120824
000077&cid=1103. Accessed 2 June 2013.
51. http://www.forbes.com/profile/cher-wang-wenchi-chen/. Accessed 10
February 2016.
52. http://www.entrepreneur.com/article/229534. Accessed 16 February
2016.
53. http://www.fiercewireless.com/story/htcs-wang-takes-over-some-ceo-chous-
duties-he-focuses-products/2013-10-21. Accessed 16 February 2016.
http://technews.tw/2016/01/09/htc-vr-save-smart-phone/. Accessed 10
February 2016. In Chinese.
54. http://www.nownews.com/n/2013/12/04/1040997. Accessed 16
February 2016. In Chinese.
55. http://www.cnbc.com/2014/04/29/25-cher-wang.html. Accessed 10
February 2016; http://www.forbes.com/profile/cher-wang/. Accessed
10 Feb 2016.
56. http://www.forbes.com/sites/forbesasia/2013/02/27/asias-women-in-the-
mix-eva-chen-battles-the-hackers/#41d3a85c34f3. Accessed 17 February
2016.
57. http://www.forbes.com/2009/10/29/trend-micro-security-intelli-
gent-technology-chen.html. Accessed 17 February 2016.
58. http://www.forbes.com/global/2007/1210/040.html. Accessed 17 February
2016.
59. http://www.gvm.com.tw/Boardcontent_14401.html Accessed 18
February 2016. In Chinese; http://www.networkworld.com/article/
2337222/infrastr ucture-management/female-it-profession-
als-cope-in-a-male-dominated-industry.html. Accessed 19 February
2016.
60. http://www.forbes.com/sites/forbesasia/2013/02/27/asias-women-in-the-
mix-eva-chen-battles-the-hackers/#41d3a85c34f3. Accessed 17 February
2016.
61. http://tech.sina.com.cn/i/2009-04-13/00262994697.shtml. Accessed
18 February 2016. In Chinese.
192
L. Wing-Fai
62. http://www.forbes.com/sites/forbesasia/2013/02/27/asias-women-in-
the-mix-eva-chen-battles-the-hackers/#41d3a85c34f3. Accessed 17
February 2016.
63. http://www.forbes.com/sites/forbesasia/2013/02/27/asias-women-in-
the-mix-eva-chen-battles-the-hackers/#41d3a85c34f3. Accessed 18
August 2018.
64. http://www.forbes.com/sites/forbesasia/2013/02/27/asias-women-in-
the-mix-eva-chen-battles-the-hackers/#41d3a85c34f3. Accessed 17
February 2016.
65. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MXB-R_lO7uw. Accessed 18 July
2013. In Chinese.
66. http://tech.hexun.com.tw/2011-09-15/133379043.html. Accessed 18
July 2013. In Chinese.
67. See for example, http://tech.hexun.com.tw/2012-09-10/145675798.
html. Accessed 18 February 2016. In Chinese.
68. http://tech.sina.com.cn/i/2009-04-13/00262994697.shtml. Accessed
18 February 2016. In Chinese.
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dependent on the local markets. Through the 1980s, the Taiwanese gov-
ernment welcomed international high-tech corporations and supported
domestic companies, especially computer hardware manufacturers. This
strategy resulted in the domination of electronics and computer man-
ufacturing firms, along with the small and medium-sized enterprises
(SMEs) that supplied them. The 1990s was a transitional period when
many major electronics corporations began to suffer from fierce inter-
national competition. The country’s electronics and mobile phone man-
ufacturing industries have been under threat from rising South Korean
and mainland Chinese brands and the continuous domination by
American tech giants. As a result of its export orientation, the Taiwanese
economy remains vulnerable to the world market. With the decreasing
competitiveness of computer hardware and mobile phone manufactur-
ing businesses, the national economy requires new products, new mar-
kets and new distribution methods. Digital startups are one possible
response to the quest for economic renewal and competitiveness. Given
the mobility of many digital entrepreneurs and the flows of capital and
technical know-how, the multiple dimensions of global circulations of
the digital economy resemble Arjun Appadurai’s concept of the medi-
ascape, ethnoscape, finanscape, ideoscape and technoscape (1990; see
Chapter 5).
Around the time of my periods of fieldwork, economic difficulties
contributed to political change, and the dissatisfaction of the popula-
tion with state policy strategies, such as the signing of the Cross-Strait
Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA), had important political ramifica-
tions. The threat of the likely domination by Chinese identity politics
(Harrison 2014) prompted the Sunflower Movement of 2014, a protest
sparked by the passing of the CSSTA by the KMT without due pro-
cess. The KMT argued that the trade agreement between China and
Taiwan was important for the revitalisation of the Taiwanese economy.
Subsequent shifts in party politics built up to the election of Tsai Ing-
wen of the Democratic Progressive Party in 2016, after eight years of
KMT rule. Taiwan’s high-tech industry is particularly dependent on the
global trade, and the financial downturn in North America and Europe
of 2008–2009 adversely affected its economy. This, coupled with a
domestic economy which continued to suppress wages, meant that at
200
L. Wing-Fai
The Generations
Among the 62 interviewees in my study, start-uppers in their twen-
ties and thirties dominated (see Fig. 6.1 and also Chapter 2). Given
the industrial and social history of Taiwan, I would propose to analyse
these digital entrepreneurs as three different generations. The interview-
ees in their forties were born in the 1970s and come mostly from the
traditional electronics and manufacturing corporations. Some are serial
entrepreneurs or have had several years of business experience. A princi-
pal of a business accelerator told me that they were more realistic than
first-time entrepreneurs because they had already experienced the chal-
lenges, and sometimes failures, of business. Even with the downturn of
the electronics and manufacturing sector, these entrepreneurs were not
pushed to leave the large companies, where they worked; rather, they
chose to leave stable jobs to start their own companies. The continued
low salaries in Taiwan (even experienced technical staff may receive
only NTD30,000–40,000 per month) makes entrepreneurship more
202
L. Wing-Fai
confident that even if their startups fail they can return to work part or
full time for the corporations. Several interviewees were supported by
their partners’ stable jobs, which helped mitigate the risk of starting a
business venture. For instance, one founder suggested that most of his
generation had two incomes within the family unit. His wife was able
to support his business because of her stable job, and therefore there was
little pressure on him to succeed. Even without much income from his
business, the family would be able to survive for a while. While family is
an important support source, the other three Fs—founders, friends and
fools—have also become central, especially among those with shared
educational and cultural capital (homophily). Although the entrepre-
neurs in their forties may have substantive work experience, they some-
times lack a wider network (or weak ties, for example, access to venture
capitalists) within the startup sectors. In this sense, they experience
challenges similar to those of other start-uppers. Entrepreneurial teams
are usually made up of close friends, typically former classmates or work
colleagues, and entrepreneurs often use the metaphor of marriage or
family to refer to the close relationship they have within the team.
Many of the digital entrepreneurs in their thirties are electronic engi-
neering or computer science graduates. Team members often come from
the same universities and degree programmes and introduction through
classmates is a regular recruitment practice among nascent firms. Although
this is similar to the nepotism and ‘old boys’ networks’ seen in Western
countries, I argue that in the East Asian contexts, the senpai/kohai networks
(Chapters 2 and 3) explain the strong ties to others from the same schools
and universities. This also describes why many digital startup teams are
made up of members of the same gender, since electrical engineering and
computer science programmes are likely to be dominated by male students.
These networks of trusted colleagues help to ameliorate the risks of starting
a business through provision of assistance and support (Leung 2016).
The entrepreneurs in their thirties are members of the first genera-
tion to have grown up with the Internet. They share some characteristics
with the business owners in their forties. Many have had several years of
work experience with large corporations. Some are serial entrepreneurs
who have previously started businesses. They were first attracted to the
digital sector during the dot-com boom, but they had also witnessed the
204
L. Wing-Fai
crash of the 1990s. Some aspire to the ‘Silicon Valley dream.’ They also
see themselves as part of the creative class and have a strong interest in
the way that the Internet and digital media work in today’s world. This
generation best represents the shift in focus in Taiwan from hardware
to software and a newer kind of digital culture where active participa-
tion is welcomed. Some have family responsibilities. For many, entre-
preneurship is a deliberate decision to leave corporate company culture,
to transform one’s lifestyle and change society. There are also some who
see entrepreneurship as a way to achieve personal freedom and empow-
erment. In other words, these entrepreneurs opt for the riskier path
as opposed to choosing the stability of a job with a tech corporation,
which are becoming more untenable. This is one way that this group
differs from their parents’ generation:
Mums and dads will say, ‘Try to find stability.’ They want to protect you.
But we are the 22k generation because there has been no innovation [in
Taiwan]. If this generation of young people are willing to think of new
ways of doing things, new products, Taiwanese investors shouldn’t be
worried about investing. We feel that we can change society gradually. If
we are going to blame the government, we may as well go and do some-
thing ourselves. (Female entrepreneur, games)
For the young people who are under 30, they meet friends, play games,
listen to music and watch movies online. This is their lifestyle. The two
generations are very distinct, with two completely different world views.
(Principal of a startup accelerator)
from direct political action and view the informal networked digital
economy as an appropriate individual solution to political, social and
economic difficulties.
The last group of digital entrepreneurs in my study were still in
their twenties and had grown up with the Internet and mobile tech-
nology. Many had been programming and producing Internet content
from an early age. They had also grown up participating in chatrooms
and later social media networks. Like their older counterparts, entre-
preneurship presents an opportunity for this group of younger people
to do something they like as a career. Most of their families do not
expect them to be financially independent or to care for parents or
siblings, unlike individuals from more impoverished postwar work-
ing-class families. The start-uppers often described a liberal environ-
ment, where children were allowed to make their own decisions, and
this social change allowed them to engage in the startup sector. This
generation of entrepreneurs looks to their startup businesses as mean-
ingful work and as an opportunity to experience control over their
lives and their time. My interviewees were aware of their counterparts
in the USA and Europe, and some mentioned well-known tech entre-
preneurs, such as Steve Jobs, as their role models. These entrepreneurs
understood the risks of their career choice. However, because they had
limited personal responsibilities, they felt there was little to lose:
If I spend all the money and haven’t succeeded, I’m still doing things that
I like to do. I’ll have learned a lot during this time, experienced things
and met people I wouldn’t otherwise if I had a job with a company.
(Female founder, music website)
The founder went on to explain that the venture was about doing
what she wanted to do instead of working for a company. Not every-
one can afford this kind of risky career choice. Many start-uppers
stated that they were attracted to entrepreneurship because it enabled
them to meet new people and to experience things that they would
not otherwise encounter. Some interviewees mentioned that entrepre-
neurship required courage not to be afraid of failing. One female entre-
preneur concluded that she ‘dares to dream and want [while others do
6 Conclusions
207
Those in their thirties have creativity and certain thought processes, and
resources … They may be more mature and can think out of the box,
so their success rates may be quite high … But to be really successful, I
think the chance of the younger generation is higher. Those under the
age of 30 can think out of the box. Look at the most successful American
corporations: Facebook, Google and Apple. Their founders were under 25
when they started.
On the other hand, women who start companies with their part-
ners have to deal with the demands of both work and domestic
labour arrangements. As a result, women with children are less likely
to become or remain entrepreneurs. These insights about the experi-
ences of female start-uppers are further confirmed by the cases of two
high-profile Taiwanese tech entrepreneurs detailed in Chapter 5. Even
within the upper echelons of global corporations, women continue to
negotiate the traditional gender role attitudes about home and work
life. Instead of demanding structural changes in the sector, individuals
are expected to put their work and careers first. Women are advised by
other women in the sector to seek individual solutions, to modify their
own behaviour and appearance, rather than to collectively challenge
gender discrimination, so that barriers encountered become ‘unspeaka-
ble inequalities’ (Gill 2014).
To fully understand entrepreneurs’ experiences, however, I have aug-
mented the analysis by examining the combination of subject position-
alities as a result of personal characters, which in turn enables a study
that recognises the agency, power and resistance in the global capital-
ist system. The digital platform is assumed to give everyone an equal
chance to succeed, but gender, ethnicity and class continue to play an
important part in the access to and the power dynamics within the tech
sector. My discussion of generational differences, for instance, demon-
strates that age intersects with gender in the day-to-day experiences of
entrepreneurs. Younger women keenly feel the difficulties of asserting
themselves in a male-dominated sector, especially with older and more
experienced male colleagues.
While in postwar Taiwan, working-class and rural families had to
send their children out to work in the newly developed manufactur-
ing industries in order to support the family, younger Taiwanese from
middle-class families have no such pressure to earn money to support
their siblings and parents. This change frees these young people to
make riskier career choices. Most digital entrepreneurs are from fam-
ily backgrounds that afford them economic, social and cultural capital.
In the case of tech startups, the majority of the entrepreneurs are well
educated, usually with higher education qualifications, and many have
international study and work experiences. This background gives them
6 Conclusions
211
the knowledge and skills to set up tech companies, and their cultural
and educational networks also play an important part in their choices of
co-founders and co-workers. The middle-class background explains how
many entrepreneurs are able to manage risks, as they have the family’s
support to fall back on. As most new digital companies do not provide
a living wage for their founders—in fact, many fail within the first few
years—entrepreneurship offers a romanticised version of the neoliberal
self, which is more readily available to the middle and upper classes, for
whom subsistence is not a daily concern.
The significance of class can be further seen through my analysis of
spatial practices (Chapter 4). Within the tech startup sector, co-crea-
tion and co-working are championed as a new kind of work practice,
particularly prominent among nascent companies and freelancers in the
cultural and creative industries. At first glance this seems to demonstrate
Richard Florida’s idea of the creative class, whose membership is char-
acterised by cultural and social diversity, which in turn attracts other
creative talents to specific urban clusters (2002a, b). Florida’s idea of
the creative class, however, rarely refers to the industrial development
or societal structure more widely, and the creative workers in his con-
ceptualisation do not face barriers to social and geographical mobility.
The global adoption of Florida’s framework often neglects the negative
impact of the influx of creative workers into urban areas on the sustain-
ability of economic structure (Kratke 2010, pp. 835–53), such as gen-
trification and the fact that many creative workers live in precarious and
insecure conditions (Pratt 2011).
The places of work for these nascent digital entrepreneurs and
co-workers are often articulated to social and cultural capital. In
my interviews with those involved in these spaces, they attempted to
mark boundaries around an imagined community of young, creative
and middle-class aspirants. The social aspects of co-working spaces are
actively encouraged, especially by those attached to accelerators because
the social network is seen as an important feature of the programmes.
Sociality is an important aspect of digital entrepreneurship in general,
and those who share social and cultural capital occupy virtual and phys-
ical spaces together. Digital entrepreneurship is a lifestyle choice, one
which is affordable only by particular groups in society, resulting in the
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L. Wing-Fai
Notes
1. http://www.blink.com.tw/?gclid=CjwKEAjwr6ipBRCM7oqr-
j6O30jUSJACff2WHbqb1QpqXA3xzXKw37b9ffJMayQg9lu-
WzR-v0A8o1nxoCp3Hw_wcB. Accessed May 2015.
2. In my co-authored article with Alberto Cossu (forthcoming), we use
Agamben’s (1998) concept of the bare-life: the contemporary political
order which gives priority to the biological fact of life (zoē) over the way
in which a life is lived (bios). We propose that this concept describes
how workers and entrepreneurs, who often can barely survive through
their labour, are excluded from political life.
218
L. Wing-Fai
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Index
A B
Acer 11, 16, 17, 19, 22 benshengren 56, 57
Acker, Joan 27, 28, 31, 50, 87, 102, Bourdieu, Pierre 6, 49, 116, 143
118, 164 business case 106, 209
Act of Gender Equality in Butler, Judith 28
Employment, the 92
age 68, 70, 76, 114, 118, 176, 210
agency 90 C
AirBnB 68 capital 2, 10, 14, 15, 18, 19, 26
Appadurai, Arjun 169, 187, 200 economic 47, 116, 210
AppWorks 24, 115, 132, 134, 138, educational 7, 66, 213, 216
139, 143, 145, 147 human 7, 11, 21, 25, 54, 126,
Asian American 3, 4, 28, 162, 163, 127, 135, 137, 141, 143, 167
169–177, 181, 185, 212 social 6–7, 26, 49–51, 53–55,
Asian financial crisis (1997) 16 63, 78, 85, 88, 116, 139, 145,
Asian tigers 2, 7, 10, 198 147, 155, 200, 210–212, 216
autonomy 70, 73–74, 78, 79, 214 Castells, Manuel 48
change the world 77–78, 205, 216
Chen, Eva 163, 182–184, 187, 209
childcare 57, 59, 62, 74, 88, 90, 92, discrimination 4, 29, 32, 95, 96,
93, 97, 100, 102, 107, 111, 110, 171, 212
116, 166, 173, 176 race 3, 29, 163, 173, 176, 213
China 1, 9, 93, 148, 169, 180. See sex 28, 29, 111, 116, 163, 173,
also PRC 174, 213
class 6, 13, 29, 31, 49, 61– 62, 76, distinction 143, 154, 155. See also
79, 88, 90, 91, 111, 115, 116, Bourdieu, Pierre
118, 139, 143, 150, 155, 167, diversity 96, 127
169, 178, 181, 185–187, 206, DPP 3, 9, 16, 18, 199
210, 214, 216
CLBC 132, 139, 140, 142, 145,
146, 152 E
co-creation 126, 146, 148, 150, 153, ECFA. See Economic Cooperation
154, 212 Framework Agreement
co-creation movement 139 Economic Cooperation Framework
Confucianism 9, 13, 47, 93 Agreement 18
conspicuous consumption 143, 146. electronics industry 2, 5, 10, 17, 19,
See also Veblen, Thorstein 69, 70, 132, 134, 199, 201
co-working 139, 211 Entrepreneurship 5–7, 20, 55, 60,
co-working space 2, 22, 24, 61, 103, 109, 111, 113, 167, 186,
126–155, 211, 212 206, 214
creative class 126–128, 135, 137, women and entrepreneurship
138, 150, 155, 204, 211 13–14, 86
creative cluster 126, 138 ethnicity 29–31, 90, 92, 164, 167–
creative labour 48, 198 169, 173, 175–177, 185–187,
creative work 88, 198 213. See also race
creative worker 128, 140, 211 ethnoscape 169
critical realism 30–31
Cross-Strait Service Trade
Agreement, the (CSSTA) 1, F
199 Facebook 45, 70, 99, 113, 163, 172,
crowdsourcing 149 173, 207
family 13, 54, 58, 61–62, 85, 88,
90, 91, 93, 97–101, 103, 107,
D 111, 203
de Certeau, Michel 130–131, 148, family responsibility 58, 59, 76,
153 114, 117, 118, 166, 200, 202,
Democratic Progressive Party, the. 204, 209
See DPP metaphor 64
Index
223
family business 13, 25, 47, 50, 53, Hong Kong 3–5, 7, 10, 15, 16, 22,
55, 60, 62, 79, 92, 97, 103, 45, 51, 52, 91, 126, 131, 140,
168, 178 141, 143, 148, 154, 198, 212
femininity 107–109, 113, 165, 184 Hon Hai 17, 21, 133, 134, 152
feminism 13, 28–30, 32, 33, 89, Hsinchu 11, 22, 25, 133, 134, 138,
111, 197 152
feminist movement 93 Hsinchu Science-Based Industrial
fertility rate 97 Park 11, 133
Foxconn. See Hon Hai HTC 16, 21, 133, 163, 178,
freelance 46, 51, 98 180–184, 186, 209
husband and wife team 55, 64, 85,
96–98, 102–105, 117, 137,
G 147, 168, 179, 181, 208
geek. See nerd hybrid role 165, 183
gender discourse 91, 101, 105–114
gendered organisation 27–28, 87,
102, 106, 110, 118, 164. See I
also Acker, Joan imagined community 148, 155
gender role 28, 50, 89, 92–94, 98, Industrial Technology Research
107, 109, 110, 112, 164–166, Institute, the. See ITRI
173 informal economy 214–217
gender role attitude 93, 94, 99, 100, intersectionality 26–32, 90, 114,
102, 117, 209, 210 118, 167, 168, 186, 208
Gill, Rosalind. See postfeminist sensi- ITRI 20, 22, 23
bility; unspeakable inequalities
Girls in Tech 45, 91, 107
GIT 91, 111, 112, 114. See also Girls J
in Tech Japan 12, 52, 93, 94, 98, 110, 111,
Google 23, 170, 181 182
Granovetter, Mark 48, 53, 65 Japanese colonisation 8, 10
guanxi 47, 50, 51, 64, 115 Jobs, Steve 77, 140, 206, 216
H K
Hakka 12, 93, 109 Keelung Road 134–136, 138, 143
Hokkien 12 KMT 1, 3, 8, 9, 12, 17, 18, 56, 57,
homophily 48, 49, 64, 66, 78, 94, 199
145, 147, 203 Kuomintang, the. See KMT
224
Index
L nepotism 52
late capitalism 26 nerd 27, 67–68, 78, 177, 207
Lefebvre, Henri 129–130, 143, 153 network 8, 18, 19, 23, 26, 28, 33,
34, 48–53, 62, 88, 95, 128,
134, 144, 154, 208, 211
M business network 50
maker movement 126, 148–150, informal 86, 214, 215
153, 155, 200. See also co-crea- networking 8, 11, 95, 117, 145
tion movement network sociality 48, 129, 145,
maker space 22, 131, 139, 140, 211
148–150, 152–154 network society 48
marriage 47, 58, 64, 92, 98, 101, social 48, 51, 53, 62, 63, 85, 94,
103 115, 207, 213
martial law 1, 9, 15, 17
masculinity 27, 28, 50, 68, 87, 108,
164, 166, 168, 176, 177 O
McClure, Dave 162 OBM 17
mediascape 169 ODM 18, 24
mianzi 115 OEM 2, 5, 10, 16, 17, 21, 22, 24
military service 62, 68–69, 207 old boy networks 53
Ministry of Economic Affairs 11, 20, original design manufacturing. See
146, 152 ODM
model minority 168, 170 original equipment manufacturing,
MOEA. See Ministry of Economic the. See OEM
Affairs
P
N Pao, Ellen 163, 170–172
National Chiao Tung University performativity 106
22–24, 133, 152 PMQ creative and design hub 141
National Development Council, the positionality 30
20 postfeminism 99
National Taiwan University 24, 67, postfeminist sensibility 88, 99, 111,
133, 138 114, 117
NDC. See National Development PRC 1–5, 8, 9, 16, 17, 22, 23, 25,
Council, the 26, 94, 126. See also China
neoliberalism 51, 77–79, 99, 111, precarity 8, 51, 72, 78, 109, 112,
114, 211, 214, 216 142, 204, 211, 213–215
Index
225
production of space 129 South Korea 10, 12, 19, 24, 91, 93,
mental 129, 147 94, 98, 199
physical 129, 140–143 Spatial practice 139–140
social 130, 143 startup 6, 18, 19, 21–24, 26, 27, 34,
54, 95, 96, 106, 113, 133–
136, 144, 146, 166, 181
R accelerator 21, 23, 35, 63, 115,
race 29, 90, 167–169, 176, 177, 134, 136, 137, 139, 141–145,
181, 185. See also ethnicity 147, 152
Republic of China, the 9 cluster 138
ecosystem 2, 5, 8, 22, 28, 33,
34, 47, 51, 53, 62, 63, 69,
S 105, 128, 132, 138, 140, 143,
Saxenian, AnnaLee 18, 25, 26, 126, 154–156, 212
169 ecosystem in Hong Kong 141
science and technology education 25, fintech 142
67, 68, 91, 203 hardware 141
Second World War, the 8, 10, 56, structural hole 49–50
57, 62, 72, 208 Sunflower Movement, the 1–3, 77
self employment 92
senpai/kohai network 64, 104, 203
sexism 101 T
sexual harassment 161, 162, 170 Taichung 22, 125, 132, 134, 139,
Silicon Alley 7, 128, 129 142, 144, 145
Silicon Valley 3, 4, 7, 11, 18, 24–28, Taipei 3, 9, 10, 21, 22, 25
50, 51, 69, 77, 86, 126, 138, Taiwan Relations Act, the (1979) 9
161–163, 166, 169–177, Taiwan Semiconductor
185–187, 204, 205, 212, 216 Manufacturing Corporation,
Silicon Valley (TV series) 171 the. See TSMC
Singapore 5, 7, 10, 15, 21, 22, 24, Taiwan Startup Stadium 21, 98, 110
51, 198 technology 163, 164, 169, 171, 175,
small and medium enterprises. See 176, 179, 181, 183, 201, 209
SME technoscape 169
SME 9, 12, 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 50, Trend Micro 21, 23, 133, 163, 180,
55, 56, 112, 133, 199, 208 182–184, 209
social production of space 131, 154, TSMC 11, 18, 21–23
155 Twitter 163, 174, 175
social stratification 30, 31
226
Index