Harmelink PHD FROM 2004 PDF

EXPLORING THE SYNTACTIC, SEMANTIC,
AND PRAGMATIC USES
OF*’n‘n IN BIBLICAL HEBREW
by
Bryan L. Harmelink
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of
WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
in Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
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UMI Number: 3128833
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ABSTRACT
This dissertation seeks to identify the uses and functions of in biblical
Hebrew. After an introduction to the topic and a review of the treatment of in the
grammars of biblical Hebrew, the theoretical framework of the Functional, Discourse-
Pragmatic model of linguistic analysis implemented here is presented. This model
focuses on the interaction of linguistic forms and their functions, exploring the choices
made by language users and the effects of these choices on their communication.
Before proceeding with the display of the occurrences of fundamental
aspects o f the biblical Hebrew verbal system are discussed in order to establish the
context within which ’'n']! is analyzed. After presenting an overview of the distribution of
the occurrences are displayed according to the major division between its Verbal
and Temporal uses. This detailed classification and analysis lays the foundation for
consideration of the discourse-pragmatic functions of ■’H')!, which are discussed in the
final chapter.
This research was motivated by questions that arose from examples o f ’’n 'l
encountered in the biblical Hebrew text and from the discussion of its uses and functions
in the literature. The analysis of the verbal occurrences, which represent 53% of the total
instances, demonstrates the syntactic cormection that ‘’n 'l has in these cases. This
analysis shows that ‘'1711 has deictic features that indicate its involvement in the systems
o f direct personal, spatial, and temporal reference in text. The identification of these
11
DEICTIC fe a tu r e s o f th e v erb a l u s e s p r o v id e s a s ig n ific a n t se m a n tic an d c o g n itiv e lin k to
its u s e s a n d fu n c tio n s in te m p o r a l e x p r e ssio n s.
The analysis of ’’n 'l in temporal expressions further informs our understanding of
the syntactic and narrative context. In these cases, ’’n 'l occurs in dependent clauses which
requires attention to the subsequent clauses, resulting in additional categories of use.
This categorization and analysis of clauses which occur following the temporal
expressions lays the foimdation for the discussion of the discourse-pragmatic functions of
TI']! in the final chapter.
The DEICTIC functions identified for ’’n ' l in its occurrences in temporal
expressions are an extension of the features that emerged from the analysis of the verbal
occurrences. The identification of these functions provides important evidence for the
role ’’11*11plays in the temporal organization o f biblical Hebrew narrative and the need to
carefully consider how it is translated.
ill
CONTENTS
Abstract...............................................................................................................................ii
List of Illustrations..........................................................................................................xiv
List of Tables....................................................................................................................xv
List of Abbreviations.................................................................................................... xvii
Chapter 1 Introduction....................................................................................... 1
PART I: Theoretical Background....................................................................7
Chapter 2 Historical Overview.........................................................................8
2.1 Introduction........................................................................................................ 8
2.2 Historical Overview of Descriptive Linguistics............................................... 9
2.3 Historical Overview of the Study of Biblical Hebrew....................................14
Chapter 3 Survey o f Scholarship on ’’H ll......................................................19
3.1 Introduetion.......................................................................................................19
3.2 The Analysis of ‘'n'Jl in the Traditional Approach....................................... 20
3.2.1 Gesenius, Hebrew Grammar, 1813...............................................................20
3.2.2 Muller, Outlines o f Hebrew Syntax, 1883..................................................... 21
3.2.3 Harper, Elements o f Hebrew Syntax, 1892................................................... 21
3.2.4 Weingreen, A Practical Grammar fo r Classical Hebrew, 1939..................22
3.2.5 Joiion-Muraoka, A Grammar o f Biblical Hebrew, 1991.............................. 22
3.2.6 Analytical Summary of the Traditional Approach........................................23
3.3 The Analysis of ’’n']! in the Deseriptive Approach....................................... 24
3.3.1 Lambdin, Introduction to Biblical Hebrew, 1971.........................................24
3.3.2 Andersen, The Sentence in Biblical Hebrew, 1974.......................................25
3.3.3 Waltke and O’Connor, An Introduction to
Biblical Hebrew Syntax, 1990.......................................................................26
3.3.4 Kelley, Biblical Hebrew: An Introductory Grammar, 1992........................26
3.3.5 Seow, A Grammar fo r Biblical Hebrew, 1995 ............................................. 27
3.3.6 Chisholm, From Exegesis to Exposition, 1998............................................. 28
3.3.7 Schertz and Yoder, Seeing the Text: Exegesis fo r Students o f Greek
and Hebrew, 2001..........................................................................................29
3.3.8 Ross, Introducing Biblical Hebrew, 2001..................................................... 30
3.3.9 Pratico and Van Pelt, Basics o f Biblical Hebrew, 2001............................... 31
3.3.10 Analytical Summary o f the Descriptive Approach.......................................33
iv
3.4 The Analysis of ’'H')! in the Textlinguistie Approach................................... 33
3.4.1 Preliminary Comments...................................................................................33
3.4.2 Schneider, Grammatikdes biblischen Hebraisch, 1974.............................. 34
3.4.3 Richter, Grundlagen einer althebrdischen Grammatik, 1980.................... 36
3.4.4 Bartelmus, HYH. Bedeutung undFunktion eines hebrdischen
»Allerweltswortes«, 1982............................................................................. 37
3.4.5 Longacre, Joseph: A Story o f Divine Providence: A Text Theoretical
and Textlinguistie Analysis o f Genesis 37 and 39-48, 1989...................... 37
3.4.6 Nieeaeei, The Syntax o f the Verb in Classical Hebrew Prose, 1990..........40
3.4.7 Eskhult, Studies in Verbal Aspect and Narrative Technique
in Biblical Hebrew Prose, 1990....................................................................42
3.4.8 Talstra, “A Hierarchy of Clauses in Biblical Hebrew Narrative”............... 43
3.4.9 Winther-Nielsen, A Functional Discourse Grammar o f Joshua.
A Computer-assisted Rhetorical Structure Analysis, 1995.........................44
3.4.10 Exter Blokland, In Search o f Text Syntax, 1995.......................................... 45
3.4.11 Endo, The Verbal System o f Classical Hebrew in the Joseph Story:
An Approach from Discourse Analysis, 1996..............................................47
3.4.12 Hatav, The Semantics o f Aspect and Modality, 1997................................... 48
3.4.13 Van der Merwe et al, A Biblical Hebrew Reference Grammar, 1999........50
3.4.14 Rocine, Learning Biblical Hebrew: A New Approach
Using Discourse Analysis, 2000...................................................................52
3.4.15 Analytical Summary of the Textlinguistie Approach.................................. 53
Chapter 4 The Need for Further Study of '*1111............................................56
4.1 Questions Raised by ’’n il................................................................................ 57

4.1.1 Questions Raised by the Books that Start v^th ’’n ' l .................................... 57
4.1.2 Questions Raised by How ’’n il is Used in Jonah..........................................59
4.1.3 Questions Raised by the Distribution of ’’n il in Genesis............................60
4.1.4 Questions Raised by van der Merwe’s Study of ’’n il in 1 Samuel 61
4.1.5 Questions Raised by the Claims in the Literature Review ..........................63
4.1.6 Summary.......................................................................................................... 64
4.2 The Scope of this Study.................................................................................. 64
4.3 The Contribution of this Study...................................................................... 67
Chapter 5 General Theoretical Framework................................................ 70
5.1 Introduction......................................................................................................70
5.1.1 The Nature of Biblical Hebrew as a Language............................................ 70
5.1.2 The Nature of Linguistic Description...........................................................71
5.2 A Functional, Discourse-Pragmatic View of Language................................72
5.2.1 A Descriptive Orientation.............................................................................. 73
5.2.1.1 Identification............................................................................................... 75
5.2.1.2 Variation..................................................................................................... 75
5.2.1.3 Distribution................................................................................................. 76
5.2.1.4 Summary......................................................................................................79
5.2.2 An Interactive Morpbo-Syntactic Orientation.............................................79
5.2.2.1 A Unit-in-Context Approach.....................................................................79
5.2.2.2 Syntactic Constraints..................................................................................84
5.2.3 A Functional-Typological Orientation.......................................................... 88
5.2.4 A Discourse-Pragmatic Orientation.............................................................. 91
5.2.4.1 Text-Types and Genre................................................................................ 92
5.2.4.2 Cohesion and Coherence............................................................................ 94
5.2.4.3 Context-Sensitivity.....................................................................................97
5.2.4.4 Choice..........................................................................................................98
5.2.4.5 Defeult..........................................................................................................99
5.2.4.6 Markedness................................................................................................. 99
5.2.5 A Cognitive Orientation............................................................................... 101
5.2.5.1 The Representational Nature of Language............................................. 102
5.2.5.2 Information Structure................................................................................105
5.3 Summary..........................................................................................................106
PART II: Analytical Preliminaries.............................................................. 107
Chapter 6 Analytical Preliminaries............................................................. 108
6.1 Introduction.....................................................................................................108
6.2 The Verb in BibUcal Hebrew........................................................................108
6.2.1 Approaches to the Verbal System of Biblical Hebrew............................ 109
6.2.2 The Multi-Dimensional Verb Analysis Implemented in this Study 116
6.2.3 Description of the Hebrew Verb Forms...................................................... 119
6.3 Clause Syntax in Biblical Hebrew................................................................121
6.3.1 The Role of Waw in Clause Syntax............................................................ 123
6.3.1.1 Introduction............................................................................................... 123
6.3.1.2 Nominal Conjoining..................................................................................125
6.3.1.3 Verbal Conjoining..................................................................................... 125
6.3.1.4 Other Functions of T..................................................................................128
VI
6.4 N arrative Time and the Hebrew Verbal System............................................129
6.4.1 Time and wayyiqtol Sequences...............................................................130
6.4.1.1 PROGRESSION............................................................................................ 130
6.4.1.2 EXPANSION................................................................................................. 131
6.4.1.3 COMPRESSION.......................................................................................... 132
6.4.1.4 RAPID SUCCESSION................................................................................... 132
6.4.1.5 INCLUSION................................................................................................. 133
6.4.1.6 REGRESSION............................................................................................... 134
6.4.1.7 CONCLUSION.............................................................................................. 134
6.4.2 Summary....................................................................................................... 135
PART III: Syntactic, Semantic, And Discourse-Pragmatic Analysis
........................................................................................... 136
Chapter 7 Distributional Analysis of ’’n*!!.................................................. 137
7.1 Introduction..........................................................................................................137
7.2 The Distribution of ''n 'l ......................................................................................138
7.2.1 Charting the Distribution............................................................................. 138
7.2.2 The Relationship of Distribution and Genre.............................................. 144
7.3 Sum m ary............................................................................................................... 146
Chapter 8 The Verbal Uses o f ''i } ] ') .............................................................. 147
8.1 Overview............................................................................................................... 147

8.2 Uses of ■’n 'l as the M ain Verb in Independent Clauses................................ 149
8.2.1 The EQUATIVE Use of ’’ri'll........................................................................... 150
8.2.1.1 To b e .......................... !............................................................................. 151
8.2.1.2 “And it was so...” 153
8.2.1.3 “And that’s the way it happened...” ’'H*!...............................................155
8.2.1.4 Territorial Expressions............................................................................. 156
8.2.1.5 The Formulaic Expression H in p iS l 'n ' l .............................................158
8.2.1.5.1 Oeeurrenees of n p p '157 'TI'l in Genesis, Samuel-Kings,
and Chronicles...................................................................................158
8.2.1.5.2 Occurrences of n p p i 5 7 TI']! in Isaiah.......................................160
8.2.1.5.3 Occurrences of n in ' 157 ’’Hll in Jeremiah .............................162
8.2.1.5.4 Occurrences of n p '“”157 ■’il'l in Ezekiel...................................... 166
8.2.1.5.5 Occurrences of niiT) 137■'H']! in Jonah.........................................169
8.2.1.5.6 Occurrences of niH' 157 ’’n 'l in Haggai...................................... 170
8.2.1.5.7 Occurrences of n in i“557 ‘'n'Jl in Zechariah.................................. 171
8.2.1.5.8 Variations ofthe standard Occurrences of nirr;“557 ’’n i l ........... 173
8.2.1.5.9 Analytical Summary of the formulaic Use of ■'Il'l......................174
vii
8.2.1.6 Expressions of A ge.................................................................................. 175
8.2.1.6.1 Age; + S + - ] 3 ...........................................................................175
8.2.1.6.2 “The days of... were”: ■’H']! + +NUM....................................175
8.2.1.6.3 Other References to Age, but without .....................................176
8.2.1.7 Quantity.................................................... 178
8.2.1.7.1 Quantity Statements..........................................................................179
8.2.1.7.2 Reference to a Number with 190Q ..................................................181
8.2.1.7.3 Reference to Weight with .................................................... 182
8.2.1.8 With Prepositions......................................................................................183
8.2.1.8.1 W ithnK ..............................................................................................183
8.2.1.8.2 With*?K..............................................................................................184
8.2.1.8.3 W ith ? !...............................................................................................186
8.2.1.8.4 With-j^3.............................................................................................190
8.2.1.8.5 With ? Indicating Comparison.........................................................191
8.2.1.8.6 With Indicating Possession........................................................... 194
8.2.1.8.7 With ^ Meaning “became” .............................................................. 197
8.2.1.8.8 With ^ Meaning “became” and b Indicating Possession................200
8.2.1.8.9 With Indicating Distribution.........................................................202
8.2.1.8.10 With b Followed by Infinitive Construct.......................................202
8.2.1.8.11 With •'3D*?......................................................................................... 203
8.2.1.8.12 WithPKQ.......................................................................................... 204
8.2.1.8.13 With*?J7a.......................................................................................... 204
8.2.1.8.14 With 137.............................................................................................204
8.2.1.8.15 With*???.............................................................................................205
8.2.1.8.16 WithD??.............................................................................................208
8.2.1.9 Analytical Summary of the equative Use of ’’n')'!............................... 209
8.2.2 The EXISTENTIAL Use of TI';!.......................................................................209
8.2.2.1 EXISTENTIAL Occurrences of •'H')!...........................................................210
8.2.2.2 Analytical Summary o f the existential Use of ’'H';'!........................... 213
8.2.3 The DEICTIC Use of ............................................................................... 214
8.2.3.1 DEICTIC Oeeurrenees of ................................................................... 214
8.2.3.2 Analytical Summary o f the deictic Use of "'n';!...................................215
8.2.4 The descriptive Use of ''H'',!.......................................................................215
8.2.4.1 DESCRIPTIVE Occurrences of ..........................................................216
8.2.4.2 Analytical Summary o f the descriptive Use of Tl'll........................... 219
8.3 Uses of •'nil as an Auxiliary V e rb ....................................................................219
8.3.1 Occurrences as an Auxiliary........................................................................ 220
8.3.2 Analytical Summary of the Uses of ■’H';! as an Auxiliary Verb................ 223
8.4 Summary of the Verbal Uses of ’’n il................................................................224
vm
8.5 U sesofV n*!..........................................................................................................225
8.5.1 V e r b d U s e s o f r n n .....................................................................................227
8.5.1.1 EQUATIVE Uses of v n * l.......................................................................... 227
8.5.1.1.1 As Auxiliary Verb with Participle...................................................230
8.5.1.1.2 Quantity.............................................................................................. 233
8.5.1.1.2.1 Basic Quantity Statements with Vn*l...................................... 234
8.5.1.1.2.2 “All the days o f...” ....................... !...........................................237
8.5.1.1.2.3 Period of time.............................................................................. 239
8.5.1.1.3 With Prepositions.............................................................................. 239
8.5.1.1.3.1 WithHK........................................................................................239
8.5.1.1.3.2 W ith ? ..........................................................................................240
8.5.1.1.3.3 With 3 Indicating Comparison.................................................240
8.5.1.1.3.4 With b Indicating Possession................................................... 241
8.5.1.1.3.5 With b Meaning “became” ...................................................... 243
8.5.1.1.3.6 With *? Meaning “became” and*? Indicating Possession 244
8.5.1.1.3.7 With *? Meaning “for” .............. .’...............................................246
8.5.1.1.3.8 With''??*?................................................................................... 246
8.5.1.1.3.9 W ithD ?........................................................................................247
8.5.1.2 DEICTIC Uses of Vn*l............................................................................... 247
8.5.1.3 DESCRIPTIVE Uses of V nU .......................................................................249
8.5.1.3.1 DESCRIPTIVE with ADJECTIVE COMPLEMENT.................................... 249
8.5.1.3.2 DESCRIPTIVE with qal passive ........................................................ 251
8.5.1.4 Summary of the Uses of Vn*l..................................................................252
Chapter 9 The Temporal Uses of **nil.........................................................253
9.1 Overview............................................................................................................... 253

9.2 Introduction to Temporal Expressions in Biblical H ebrew ........................255
9.2.1 The Syntax of Temporal Expressions in Hebrew Grammars.................. 255
9.2.1.1 Introduction............................................................................................... 255
9.2.1.2 GKC, Gesenius ’ Hebrew Grammar........................................................ 257
9.2.1.3 Davidson, Introductory Hebrew Grammar ~ Syntax.............................258
9.2.1.4 Williams, Hebrew Syntax: An Outline....................................................259
9.2.1.5 Jouon-Muraoka, A Grammar o f Biblical Hebrew..................................260
9.2.1.6 Lambdin, Introduction to Biblical Hebrew............................................ 261
9.2.1.7 Waltke and O’Connor, Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax 262
9.2.1.8 Pratico and Van Pelt, The Basics o f Biblical Hebrew............................263
9.2.1.9 van der Merwe et al. Biblical Hebrew Reference Grammar................ 265
9.2.1.10 Summary................................................................................................... 266
9.2.2 Theoretical Background for the Analysis of Temporal Expressions 268
9.2.2.1 Speaker Deixis..........................................................................................268
9.2.2.2 Word Order and Narrative Strategies.....................................................271
9.2.2.3 Summary................................................................................................... 272
ix
9.3 Temporal Expressions with 'n 'll...................................................................... 272
9.3.1 W i t h ™ / n n K .............................................................................................277
9.3.1.1 “After these things”.................................................................................. 278
9.3.1.1.1 Followed by wayyiqtol ................................................................. 278
9.3.1.1.2 Followed by QATAL.......................................................................... 280
9.3.1.1.3 Followed by we-x -qatal ................................................................281
9.3.1.1.4 Analytical Summary of the “After these things” Use o f 'H 'l 283
9.3.1.2 After: 10K 286
9.3.1.2.1 After: n n K +NOUN................................................................287
9.3.1.2.2 After: n n K 'n*;i Followed by a verb ........................................... 288
9.3.1.2.2.1 Infinitive Construct...................................................................288
9.3.1.2.2.2 Qa ta l ........................................................................................290
9.3.1.3 W i t h p - n n K ...........................................................................................291
9.3.1.3.1 Followed by wayyiqtol ................................................................. 291
9.3.1.3.2 Followed by QATAL...........................................................................294
9.3.1.4 Summary o f the Uses of ■'inK ‘'H ll......................................................... 296
9.3.2 With Prepositions..........................................................................................296
9.3.2.1 W ith ? ........................................................................................................298
9.3.2.1.1 Occurrences o f ‘'n 'l with ? + Infinitive Construct......................... 298
9.3.2.1.1.1 Infinitive Construct Followed by wayyiqtol........................299
9.3.2.1.1.2 Infinitive Construct Followed by wayyiqtol
with Intervening Clauses........................................................... 307
9.3.2.1.1.3 Infinitive Construct Followed by qatal ................................. 316
9.3.2.1.1.4 Summary of Infinitive Constructs Used with -3 ’’n ' l ............317
9.3.2.1.2 Occurrences of 3 ''n 'l with Specific Temporal Reference............317
9.3.2.1.2.1 Specific Temporal Reference Followed by wayyiqtol 318
9.3.2.1.2.1.1 With 1^33 / 31.^3............................................................... 319
9.3.2.1.2.1.2 W ithRinn n i? 3 /R 'n n n?73............................................. 321
9.3.2.1.2.1.3 Infinitive Construct + D173’’011.......................................... 323
9.3.2.1.2.1.4 W ith R W .................................................................. 325
9.3.2.1.2.1.5 WithR3nn n V V s............................................................... 327
9.3.2.1.2.1.6 With Onn D 'Q p .................................................................328
9.3.2.1.2.1.7 With onn D''3"in 329
9.3.2.1.2.1.8 WithNUMBER-n Dl*3......................................................... 329
9.3.2.1.2.1.9 With 3 + -ft + number ..................................................334
9.3.2.1.2.1.10 W ith O lp + iNFC............................................................. 335
9.3.2.1.2.1.11 WithnW31^3....................................................................335
9.3.2.1.2.1.12 At a Specific Tim e.......................................................... 336
9.3.2.1.2.1.13 WithlZîn? .......... 337
9.3.2.1.2.1.14 W ith 'a '3 .......................................................................... 338
9.3.2.1.2.2 Specific Temporal Reference Followed by qatal .................339
9.3.2.1.2.2.1 W ithK'nn .................................................................340
9.3.2.1.2.2.2 W i t h i n 01*5DX??3........................................................... 341
9.3.2.1.2.2.3 With ni73+ in fc .................................................................341
9.3.2.1.2.2.4 With D1*3 + -0 + NUMBER ..................................................341
9.3.2.1.2.2.5 With lZ?in3 + -n +NUMBER................................................342
9.3.2.1.2.2.6 With Year Formulas Involving a Number........................343
9.3.2.1.2.2.7 With D3733 + -0 + number ................................................349
9.3.2.1.2.2.8 With •'3^3.............................................................................. 349
9.3.2.2 With 3 ....................................................................................................... 350
9.3.2.2.1 With Infinitive Constructs................................................................. 351
9.3.2.2.1.1 Infinitive Construct Followed by wayyiqtol.........................352
with Intervening Clauses............................................................370
9.3.2.2.1.3 Infinitive Construct Followed by qatal ................................. 377
9.3.2.2.1.4 Infinitive Construct Followed by YIQTOL................................379
9.3.2.2.1.5 Summary of Infinitive Constructs Used with 3 "'n'l.............. 380
9.3.2.2.2 Occurrences of 3 TI';! with Specific Temporal Reference........... 383
9.3.2.3 With*?....................................................................................................... 384
9.3.2.3.1 With + Infinitive Construct............................................................385
9.3.2.3.2 With + Temporal Phrase................................................................ 386
9.3.2.3.2.1 Followed by wayyiqtol .......................................................... 386
9.3.2.3.2.2 Followed by qatal ....................................................................388
9.3.2.3.2.3 Followed by we-x -qatal ......................................................... 390
9.3.2.4 With ...................................................................................................... 390
9.3.2.4.1 W ithfj?n.............................................................................................391
9.3.2.4.1.1 With Followed by wayyiqtol ......................................... 391
9.3.2.4.1.2 With j'pD Followed by qatal .......................................393
9.3.2.4.1.3 With I'jpD Followed by (we)-x -qatal.......................... 394
9.3.2.4.1.4 With Followed by we-x -p t c ............................................. 395
9.3.2.4.2 W ithnnnQD....................................................................................... 396
9.3.2.4.3 Some time later "U]']............................................................. 399
9.3.2.4.4 “From that day...”............ ’.................................................................400
9.3.2.4.5 Event-Referenced Use of I P .............................................................401
9.3.2.5 Analytical Summary o f the Use of with Prepositions.................. 402
9.3.3 W ith l^ R D ....................................................................................................403
9.3.3.1 With as Temporal..........................................................................403
9.3.3.2 With as Manner.............................................................................411
9.3.4 With *'3.......................................................................................................... 412
9.3.4.1 Occurrences with ’’3 ................................................................................. 412
9.3.4.2 AnaljdicalSummary of the Occurrences with ''3 ................................... 415
9.3.5 With Specific Temporal Reference............................................................. 417
xi
9.3.5.1 Followed by w a y y i q t o l ....................................................................... 417
9.3.5.2 Followed by w e - x - q a t a l ...................................................................... 419
9.3.6 Occurrences of with Adverbs............................................................... 419
9.3.6.1 “While”: 1 ? + QATAL .............................................................................420
9.3.6.2 “Meanwhile”: nD"!??.............................................................. 421
9.3.6.3 “As often as, whenever”: INFC + ''ID .................................................... 421
9.3.6.4 “Only, just”: 422
9.4 Summary of the Temporal Uses of ’’n'Jl....................................................... 423
Chapter 10 Exploring The Discourse-Pragmatic Uses of ‘‘n’)!...............424
10.1 Introduction.................................................................................................... 424

10.2 Pertinent Theoretical Concepts.................................................................... 427
10.2.1 Macrosyntactic.............................................................................................. 427
10.2.2 Discourse Markers........................................................................................ 429
10.2.3 Discourse-Pragmatic Functions...................................................................430
10.3 Evaluating the Verbal Uses of '’11'',1............................................................... 431
10.4 Evaluating the Temporal Uses of ''1111.......................................................... 435
10.5 Evaluating the Discourse-Pragmatic Functions of ‘'illl.............................. 439
10.5.1 The Cognitive Dimension.............................................................................440
10.5.1.1 Creating Temporal Frames of Reference.............................................. 440
10.5.1.2 Episode Initiator?.................................................................................... 442
10.5.1.3 Focus and Foreground............................................................................. 447
10.6 Pointers for Encounters With ''II';! in the Text............................................ 448
10.6.1 Is it Verbal or Temporal?..............................................................................448
10.6.2 What is its Category of U se?....................................................................... 449
10.6.3 What is the Possible Discourse-Pragmatic Function?............................... 449
10.6.4 Summary........................................................................................................ 450
10.7 Areas for Future Research.............................................................................450
10.7.1 Sentence Syntax.............................................................................................450
10.7.2 Role of 1 in Narrative.................................................................................... 451
10.7.3 U s e s o fn ;n i...................................................................................................451
10.7.4 Temporal Organization of Narrative............................................................ 452
10.8 Implications and Final Remarks...................................................................452
Xll
PART IV: References and Appendices.................................................... 455
Works C ited......................................................................................................456
A ppendices.......................................................................................................464
Westminster Grammatical Tags.................................................................. 465
Residue .......................................................................................................468
Bibliography.....................................................................................................472
Curriculum V ita.............................................................................................. 489
Xlll
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission.
ILLUSTRATIONS
Illustration Page
1. Don Quixote figure, riding a horse........................................................................... 96
2. Picture of a dalmatian dog sniffing the ground, approaching a tree in a park 96
XIV
TABLES
Table Page
1. Eras of Hebrew Study.................................................................................................17
2. Identification of "'ri')!...................................................................................................75
3. Variations of ■'n'l........................................................................................................75
4. Frequency o f Occurrence of ’'H';! and ’'HFJl............................................................... 77
5. Occurrences of BDD by book.....................................................................................78
6. Basic Text-Types........................................................................................................93
7. TAMP Profile............................................................................................................ 113
8. Narrative Time.......................................................................................................... 114
9. Three-Vowel System ................................................................................................117
10. Five-Vowel System...................................................................................................117
11. Function to Function.................................................................................................121
12. Form to Form ............................................................................................................ 122
13. in the Hebrew B ible......................................................................................... 130
14. Temporal Progression...............................................................................................130
15. Depiction of Events in Narrative.............................................................................132
16. WAYYIQTOL Sequences.............................................................................................133
17. Format of Data Display............................................................................................ 148
18. TDK H3 in Isaiah..................................................................................................... 161
19. Adjective Phrase Complement................................................................................. 179
20. EQUATIVE and d e s c r ip t iv e uses of .................................................................215

XV
21. Views of 3 and 3 .......................................................................................................267
22. Temporal Progression.............................................................................................. 269
23. Pattern o f H I l with i n K .......................................................................................... 278
24. Coordinate Temporal Expressions.......................................................................... 289
25. Temporal Referenee Following - 3 ’’n 'l .................................................................318
26. Parallel Structure of 3^ ... 3 '1711.........................................................................352
27. Object of Transitive V erb........................................................................................353
28. Intervening Clauses...................................................................................................375
29. Infinitive Constructs Used with 3 '1111 and 3 '’n ' l ...............................................380
30. Temporal Expressions with .................................................................................391
31. Clause Nucleus and M argins...................................................................................436
32. Verbal or Temporal?................................................................................................ 449
33. Category o f Use?.......................................................................................................449
XVI
ABBREVIATIONS
B D B ....................................... Brown, F., S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs. 1996. The

Brown-Driver-Biiggs Hebrew and English Lexicon: With
an Appendix Containing the Biblical Aramaic. Peabody,
MA: Hendrickson.
BH RG.................................... van der Merwe, C. H. J., J. A. Naude, and J. H. Kroeze.
1999. A Biblical Hebrew Reference Grammar. Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press.
GKC....................................... Gesenius, W. and E. Kautsch. 1910. Gesenius’Hebrew
Grammar. Trans, and rev. by A. E. Cowley. 2d ed. Oxford:
Clarendon Press.
HALOT..................................Koehler, L. and Baumgartner, W. 1995. The Hebrew and
Aramaic Lexicon o f the Old Testament. Leiden: Brill.
JPS.......................................... JPS Hebrew-English TANAKH. 2000. Philadelphia: The
Jewish Publication Society.
NASB..................................... New American Standard Bible. 1995. Updated ed.
Anaheim, CA: Lockman Foundation.
N IV ........................................ New International Version. 1984. International Bible
Society. Grand Rapids: Zondervan.
NRSV..................................... New Revised Standard Version. 1989. Division of
Christian Education of the National Council of the
Churches o f Christ in the U.S.A.
xvii
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
This is a study of ■'H'^l-one of the elements involved in the well-crafted ways in
which the biblical Hebrew text depicts the temporal dimensions of narrative. In The Art
o f Biblical Narrative, Alter asks the following insightful questions:
Why at a particular juncture does the narrator break the time-frame of his
story to insert a piece o f expository information in the pluperfect tense, or
to jump forward to the time o f his contemporary audience and explain that
in those days it was the custom in Israel to perform such and such a
practice? Why does he pause to make a summarizing statement about the
condition of a character, as, for example, in the observation about Joseph’s
already established viceregal status just as the ten brothers arrive in
Egypt? Why at certain points is the regular rapid tempo of narration
slowed down to take in details of a kind for which in general no time is
allowed? (Alter 1981,184-85)
Understanding how time is depicted is an important part o f reading narrative, as
Fokkelman comments, “The narrator is not obliged to provide indications of narrated
time, but he is quite capable o f it. Whenever we hear this kind of information it is always
important” (Fokkelman 1999, 36). It is possible to know that indications of narrated time
are important, but not really know what significance they have in the flow of the text.
For example, what is the function o f a shift ahead in time or a referenee to a previous
time? Many of the same questions raised by literary or narrative studies are of interest
here. The difference is that this study uses textlinguistie methods to analyze ’’n il in the
2
pursuit o f answers to these questions. The goal of this inductive, text-based study is not
to merely derive syntactic formulas or structural representations of the text, but rather to
use linguistic methods to explore the junctures and pauses—such as those referred to by
Alter—^to better understand the temporal shape of the text. So, in one sense this study is
about because it is the element in focus, but in another sense is only a small part
o f what motivated this research into the temporal organization of text in biblical Hebrew.
The opening chapter o f 1 Samuel provides many good examples of the types of
questions explored in this research. One of the first questions that emerges from reading
1 Sam 1:1-3 has to do with the fact that the book starts vdth ''n 'l. Does this have any
significance for the whole book or is its function restricted to the first clause? Notice also
that ‘T in occurs again in 1:2. What, if any, significance should be associated with two
occurrences in such close proximity?
DnDK "inn o'nQ-jn-ia inK 'n ';i'

t'niDK i n n - p K3n''*?K"'j3"oni';"p
n |B nan noK ^
: o 'i y I’K naoVa n|3DV ’n*;!
n o B ; Q B p n w n xann ^
nbnS3 nlK3x nafVi nariFn^nS
D'ans onaDa "3Dn '*?V'32 ■'3iz? Dizâ
The next questions have to do with the four occurrences of 1 with a non-verbal
item. What is the function of iQlâ, a*?a, nanVa, and Dlâ? How do these items interact
with the temporal organization of the opening o f 1 Samuel? Where does the “action” of
1 Samuel begin? For example, what is the proper way to interpret the verb in 1:3?
3
What is the relationship between this w eqatal and the previous two occurrences of
:nl3Q n'nl33^ niDDV ’jnji nari ol*n 'nil '*

mnni mg nin'i 3n« n|n-nx "3 □'§« nnK nag -iri' nanV^ ^
In 1 Sam 1:4 another 'n i l occurs, but this time with Dl'n. To what day or time
does the expression Dl*n 'n i l refer? Immediately following this is the first w a y y iq t o l
n a i 'l (other than the three 'n il), but this is quickly followed by ‘iri3'l, raising questions
about how the preceding WAYYIQTOL should be read. The questions continue in 1:5, first
o f all with in'! nan’pi, which is in some way connected to ]Oai; secondly, the temporal
reference of the clause 3niJ nan~nK '3 must be determined; and, finally in 1:5, the w e-
x -q a ta l l a g n a n 'l requires interpretation o f the temporal nature of the QATAL as well as
the function o f the I.
The questions could continue clause by clause, but it should be clear from just the
first five verses that there are many issues of temporal organization, the interpretation of
the verbal forms, and the fimction of Tthat need a principled basis by which to read these
elements in the text.
Advances in textlinguistie studies of biblical Hebrew have led to increased
understanding of the uses and functions of a variety of linguistic elements in the text of
the Hebrew Bible. 'H ll is one of these elements in biblical Hebrew that has been
considered from a textlinguistie perspective, resulting in the identification of several
possible functions that it performs in the depiction of time in the biblical Hebrew text.
Some recent treatments o f'H ll, however, remain uninformed by the advances in
4
textlinguistie understanding of its funetions, recommending that T I'l be left
untranslated.* Other descriptions o f 'f t'! discuss its role in the text, but are limited in
scope. The most significant recent study speeifically o f 'r i'l is van der Merwe’s “The
Elusive Biblical Hebrew Term ■‘H ';!: A Perspective in Terms of its Syntax, Semantics, and
Pragmatics in 1 Samuel,” but, as its title indieates, the study is limited to 1 Samuel.
The impetus for this study initially came from an even more limited corpus: the
book of Jonah. During a graduate eourse which focused on the translation of the Hebrew
text of Jonah, the five oeeurrenees o f ’’n 'l found therein were discussed. It quickly
became apparent that the different oeeurrenees o f 'n 'l could not be merely dismissed and
left untranslated and it was clear that the syntactic environment and the pragmatic factors
o f each occurrence required careful consideration. Increased curiosity led to looking into
the use of ■'n'l in Genesis, which then motivated the formulation o f further questions.
The occurrences of ‘'n 'l in the Hebrew Bible can easily be found by computer
programs which allow this type of search; in a matter of seconds all the oeeurrenees can
be displayed. In the attempt, however, to diseem the parameters which motivate the use
of TI’l in the biblical text, this type of data-display is essentially useless since the
occurrences are extracted from the context in which they occur. For the type of analysis
carried out here, it was important that each occurrence o f ‘'H*'! be encountered in its
' For example, Ross (2001, 139-40) in Introducing Biblical Hebrew states: “In older
Bible versions, the form '•n'l was translated ‘and it came to pass.’ Although the form can
sometimes be the main verb in a clause, it usually indicates simply that the narrated events
occurred in the past, and so the form need not be translated.”
5
context, rather than merely listed in concordance-fashion. Repeated readings of extensive
sections of the Hebrew Bible, carefully taking note of its temporal organization, has
formed the basis o f the observations and analysis summarized here.
If the main Hebrew grammars are consulted, two basic approaches to ’'17'1 are
found which can be broadly characterized as follows: 1) ''n 'l means “and it came to pass”
and should be left untranslated because it is urmatural and clumsy in English; 2) ’’n 'l is a
macrosyntactic marker which “indicates simply that the narrated events occurred in the
past” (Ross 2001,139-40).
One of the questions that immediately arises is whether these approaches are
adequate or not. Regarding the first approach, there are numerous unnatural and clumsy
peculiarities in biblical Hebrew, as in any language, but this is certainly not sufficient
reason to leave them untranslated. Regarding the second approach, which appears to have
a degree of textlinguistie sensitivity, the question is whether markers that simply indieate
a past tense frame of reference even exist. If they do exist, would this adequately describe
how ■'n'll functions? Also, how can the uneven distribution of ‘'n 'l be explained? How
can the absence of T I'l be explained in contexts which are unambiguously past? If the
function of ''H']! is to indicate past tense and certain past-tense narratives do not have any
occurrences of ■'il'l, how is its absence explained?
Within both approaches, an important question is whether every occurrence of
■’n ’ll should receive the same treatment. Should certain occurrences be ignored as if they
were mysteriously in the eonsonantal text for no reason? The recommendation here is
6
not to resort to a mechanical rendering of every as “and it came to pass”
characteristic of a version like the NASB, but rather to carefully analyze the syntactic and
pragmatic parameters o f the use of in the text in order to develop sensitivity to its
varied uses. To merely label ’’ri'l as a discourse marker and then merely acknowledge its
presence as an indicator of past tense is to greatly underestimate the benefit that can come
from a thoroughgoing linguistic approach to the text. After the next chapter, which
outlines the current state o f research on ‘'Hll, the conceptual foundation for this linguistic
approach will be presented.
And finally, in these introductory remarks, it needs to be made clear that this is
not a mere academic exercise. To some, the way 'r i 'l is handled in grammars of biblical
Hebrew—or even how it is rendered in translation—^may seem inconsequential at best.
As a linguist and translator, however, this is intolerable! When this study was in the early
stages as a mere idea, the implications of how "‘n 'l is dealt with in translation seemed
significant; after processing and pondering all the data, awareness of the significance of
how ■’n 'l is handled in translation has only increased.
PART I: THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
CHAPTER 2
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
2.1 Introduction
Good scholarship requires that any potentially useful procedure, approach, or
technique be used in the attempt to understand the complexities of the Hebrew text as
well as possible. If certain linguistic models are proving themselves to be benefieial in
the research of other languages, full eonsideration should be given to the implementation
o f these models with their accompanying insights in ongoing research in biblical Hebrew.
Previous eras of scholarship should also be eonsidered, even if the same type of
analytieal tools of eurrent researeh were not employed.
Notice that this is a textual study, which is the reason for the extensive text-in-
context examples. It is recommended that all the examples be read and proeessed in each
section. This is the best way for the textual examples to make their own ease. It is also
recommended that eonstant referenee be made to the biblieal Hebrew text from whieh the
examples are taken. However, if the reader’s time does not permit systematic study of all
the examples, eaeh seetion ineludes a summary o f the most pertinent examples.
9
2.2 Historical Overview of Descriptive Linguistics

Since the end o f the nineteenth century, there have been many significant
developments in the history o f Linguistics. These developments have shaped the
conceptual basis for the way language is studied in what is commonly referred to as
Descriptive Linguistics. Since certain aspects of this conceptual basis underlie the present
study, they’ll be briefly discussed here. The study of language obviously did not begin in
the nineteenth century, but this is an adequate time-ffame for tracing the most relevant
concepts for this study.
Every era of scientific inquiry is shaped by general intellectual trends and
movements. Eighteenth and early nineteenth century linguistic studies were greatly
influenced by Romanticism: “the history-centred outlook of nineteenth-century linguistic
scientists was related to the general state of science at the time” (Sampson 1980, 14).
This diachronic outlook gave rise to the emphasis on historical reconstruction and a very
developmental, law-governed view of language. This view was also deeply influenced by
Darwinian principles o f evolution and natural selection, to the extent that some linguists
“saw the Indo-European language-family as having reached a dominant position
linguistically, as Man has become dominant zoologically” (Sampson 1980, 19). In the
study of language in general, this led to a perception of the superiority of European
languages and the linguistic structures they employ.
With increased exposure to the diversity of the world’s languages, serious
questions arose concerning the validity o f the diachronic model. Impetus for this shift
came from greater awareness of linguistic and cultural diversity. Ferdinand de
10
Saussure’s Cours de linguistique generale is representative of the shift from this
diachronic perspective to a focus on synchronic studies. Saussure, commenting on the
priority o f synchronic over diachronic analyses, stated that “[t]he first thing that strikes us
when we study the facts o f language is that their succession in time does not exist insofar
as the speaker is eoneemed” (Saussure 1916, 81). Saussure’s interest was in how
language is actually used by speakers at a given period in time.
Linguistics was also heavily impacted by ethnography in the early twentieth
century. In American Linguistics, in partieiilar, the work of researchers such as Edward
Sapir (1921) and Franz Boas (1911) was foundational. In contrast to the diachronic
model whieh had assumed that all languages were developing toward some ideal
structure, the “characteristic o f the school founded by Boas was its relativism. There was
no ideal type of language, to which actual languages approximated more or less closely”
(Sampson 1980, 59). As a result, one of the hallmarks of American Linguistics is the
principle that every language is to be studied and described in its own right.
Another fundamental characteristic of Descriptive Linguistics as it developed
during the twentieth century is its focus on working from the data. As Leonard
Bloomfield stated, “[t]he only useful generalizations about language are inductive
generalizations” (Bloomfield 1933, 20). Within this perspective, linguistic terms are
defined in relation to each other in order to derive the linguistic system from the language
being studied. As Lyons comments:
each language is regarded as a system of relations (more precisely, a set of

interrelated systems), the elements of whieh—sounds, words, etc.—^have
no validity independently o f the relations of equivalence and contrast
whieh hold between them. (Lyons 1969, 50)
11
In the middle o f the twentieth century, a theoretical revolution took place that has
had an immense impact on the field of Linguistics. As Robins comments:
What is probably the most radical and important change in direction in

descriptive linguistics and in linguistic theory that has taken place in
recent years may be located in 1957, when Chomsky’s Syntactic
Structures was published, inaugurating the transformational-generative
phase o f linguistics.... (Robins 1968,226)
Under the influence o f Chomsky’s publications and teaching, the
transformational-generative school developed in directions not shared by others in the
field of descriptive linguistics. One of the basic conceptual distinctions in Chomsky’s
view is between competence and performance. In essence, this distinction represents the
two main schools that developed. Chomsky’s transformational-generative school focused
on competence, i.e., the more abstract, mental conception of language, whereas those not
involved in transformational-generative approaches typically focused more on
performance, i.e., actual speech.
Additionally, it was characteristic of Chomsky’s school to emphasize grammar at
the level of the sentence, seen in the phrase structure rules and transformations. The
sentence is certainly a valid level of linguistic analysis, but it has typically been out of the
approaches whose focus has been on actual speech and data that the more functional,
language-in-use models o f discourse analysis have developed. In fact. Brown and Yule’s
brief definition o f discourse analysis is simply that it is the study of “language in use”
(Brown and Yule 1983, 1), highlighting the communicative functions o f language.
In contrast to what was happening in the Chomskyan school, the field research of
Pike, Grimes, and Longacre constrained them to develop models of linguistic analysis
12
that were descriptive in the sense of being inductive and focused on data obtained in
actual language-use situations (Pike 1967; Grimes 1974; Longacre 1996). Their models
and theoretical concepts were also developed with a fundamental awareness of the
context-sensitive nature o f language. Pike’s Language in Relation to a Unified Theory o f
the Structure o f Human Behavior in particular emphasizes the interrelated nature of
language and human behavior in general in the model known as Tagmemics.
In the shadow o f Chomsky’s influence, there was significant conceptual
development in other schools of Linguistics that was laying an important theoretical
foundation for later models o f language use. The work o f Pike, Grimes, and Longacre
may not be the primary theoretical predecessor to later models, but their work is
representative of certain conceptual trends that would later converge Avith broader
currents of discourse analysis carried out within a functional approach to language.
One of the common denominators in the work of Pike, Grimes, and Longacre is
that their theoretical approaches were developed as they themselves were directly
involved in the study and analysis of a wide variety of non-lndoeuropean languages.
Their models were developed with a vivid awareness of language use in context. Also,
during the mid- to late-twentieth century, there was an increasing awareness in general
Linguistics of the social dimension o f Language. Labov’s Sociolinguistic Patterns (1972)
and Hymes’ Foundations in Sociolinguistics: An Ethnographic Approach (1974) are two
of the seminal publications in the field of Sociolinguistics, which is now one of the main
sub-fields within general Linguistics, with its particular concerns, methods and
objectives. The impact of Sociolinguistic studies has been such that many areas of
13
linguistic study have developed a greater sensitivity to the many dimensions of language
use.
Schools o f Linguistics which are functional in approach £ire also the result of
increased attention to how language is used. Halliday (1973), Foley and Van Valin
(1984), and Givon (2001) are some of the main theoreticians in Functional Linguistics.
There are, o f course, many nuances in the individual approaches, but the
theme unifying the various functional approaches is the belief that

language must he studied in relation to its role in human commimication.
Language is thus viewed as a system of hmnan communication, rather
than as an infinite set of structural descriptions of sentences. (Foley and
Van Valin 1984, 7)
Not only has the field of Linguisties been impacted by fimctional, language-use
models, hut there has also been significant development of cognitive approaches. As
mentioned above, the important distinction between performanee and competence gave
rise to approaches and sehools which focused respectively on language use and the
mental aspects of language. It is not surprising, then, that in addition to the development
of functional approaches which tend to foeus on performance and language use, a variety
of cognitive approaches have developed which are more directly concerned with matters
of competence defined as the human capacity to use and interpret language. Sperber and
Wilson (1995), Lambrecht (1994), Fauconnier (1985), Lakoff and Johnson (1980), and
Jackendoff (1994) are principal scholars promoting cognitive models of linguistic study.
In summary, the attempt to adequately account for the human linguistic capacity
drives linguistic theoreticians and analysts to keep refining their models and methods.
14
This brief sketch has iiighlightecl only the most ruciimentaiy concepts which underlie the
analysis implefncnted. in the present study;
1) Descriptive, with a conceptiial basis shaped by Tagmemics
2) Functional in its commitment to the study of langimge use in context; and
3) Cognitive in its attention to the interpretive processes involved in
imderstandkg communication.
2.3 Historical Overview of the Study of Biblical Hebrew

The approach one has to the study of language in general will directly impact
analysis o f a language like biblical Hebrew and, consequeirtiy, the basic framework
employed for the analysis o f biblical Hebrew will directly impact tlie description of'il'^1.
This may seem patently obvious, but it is crucial to recognize two guiding principles tliat
are derived from the preceding statement: 1) the basic 'tiieoretical linguistic mindset of an
era o f scholarship shapes the analysis and description of language carried out during that
era, and 2 ) the analysis from a particuiar era o f scholarship cannot be expected to reflect
the theoretical linguistic .mindset of a later era of scholarship. This does not mean that
the mere publication of a new aDalytlcal concept immediately shapes all research in the
.field, but characteristic contours and transition points are recognizable as one reviews the
development o f linguistic methodology. Certain, “paradigm shifts” in the Kuhnian sense
(Kuhn 1996) are also seen; :for example, the rise of the Descriptive Linguistic approach in.
American Linguistics and the more recent shift toward models of language use i.ii
response to the theoretical restrictions imposed by Chomskyan sentence gram.mar. The
study of biblical .Hebrew has ty pically been son[i,ewhat removed from the main currents of
15
modem Linguistics, but the analytical trends and approaches eventually find their way
into the methodologies employed by biblical Hebrew scholars. Also, it is common for
vestiges of previous eras to be foimd in the researeh of a later era, especially in the period
o f time prior to the more complete “paradigm shift.”
It is important to recognize that the early publications on biblical Hebrew
represent an early formative period o f grammatical studies. This does not invalidate the
insights found in these publications, but rather is a reminder that the awareness of explicit
grammatical elements o f biblical Hebrew has a long history. Khan, in his contribution to
the volume Hebrew Study from Ezra to Ben-Yehuda, makes the following pertinent
comment:
It can be said ... that grammatical elements are found in the early
masoretic tmdition, which may go back as far as the Talmudie period. It is
important to notice, however, that the existence of these elements of
grammatical thought should not lead us to define the general activity of
the Masoretes o f this period as ‘grammar’. The main purpose of their work
was still to preserve the text of Scripture rather than investigate the rules
of the language o f Scripture. The use of grammatical categories was
aneillary to this purpose. (Khan 1999, 193)
Just as one can trace linguistic concepts like word classes back to the writings of
Aristotle, there is a long history of reflection on Hebrew. What one finds in later periods,
however, is a more conscious implementation of specific methods of analysis and
inquiry. Waltke and O’Connor’s helpful chapter on the History of the Study of Hebrew
Grammar, discusses two periods of Hebrew study during which there was an ever-
increasing development o f the grammatical analysis of Hebrew:
1) Medieval Jewish Studies (11***to 16* centuries)
16
2) Christian Hebrew Studies (16*’’ to mid-18^*' centuries) (Waltke and O’Connor
1990,31-43)
The period of Medieval Jewish Studies has been referred to as “the creative
period” during which many issues of Hebrew morphology and grammar were debated
and refined. Scholars from this period typically drew upon knowledge of Arabic to help
describe areas o f Hebrew grammar (Tene 1971,1358).
The ad fontes drive of the Enlightenment gave rise to a new interest in the
classical languages, resulting in increased interest among humanists in the study of
Hebrew. Reuchlin is representative of this era, whose 1506 publication. Rudimenta
linguae hebraicae (1506), is representative of the shift, not only from Jewish to Christian
scholars, hut also from Arabic to Latin as the language by which Hebrew was evaluated.
Reuchlin’s work, as well as the work of subsequent scholars, sets the stage for the
publication of the traditional grammars of biblical Hebrew, of which reprinted and re-
edited versions are still in use today. It is no accident that the study o f biblical Hebrew in
the 18* and 19* centuries is characterized by the same kind of diachronic, developmental
conceptions that were typical of the study of language in general. As intellectual trends
shifted, so also did the conceptual basis for the study o f Hebrew.
Subsequent to the periods discussed by Waltke and O’Connor, the more recent
study of biblical Hebrew could be divided into three broad eras:
17
Traditional Descriptive Textlinguistic ‘
Blau Andersen Buth
Davidson Garrett Long
GKC Kelley Longacre
Joiion-Mtiraoka Lambdin Putnam
Kimhi Pratico and Van Pelt Richter
Weingreen Ross Schneider
Seow Talstra
Waltke and O’Connor van der Merwe
Figure 1: Eras of Hebrew Study
The basic characteristics of these three models are as follows:^
1. Traditional: this approach is characterized by a diachronic model of
description and classification that evaluates the language under consideration
on the basis of some other language such as Latin.
2. Descriptive: this is a model in which the primary concern is the synchronic
description of the language under consideration on the basis of its own
grammatical system, without the typical evaluative framework common in the
Traditional approach.
3. Textlinguistic: the primary concept in this model is the focus on how
language is used in its various communicative contexts.
' These refer to the authors o f published grammars and monographs, which are
representative of the field in general. Other important monographs are not included in this list
because they do not deal with areas o f analysis pertinent to the current study o f 'n')'!.
^ One approach to Hebrew studies that is not explicitly mentioned here is the
Comparative-Historical method which focuses on the reconstruction of earlier stages o f the
Semitic languages. The main period of use o f Comparative-Historical methods in biblical Hebrew
coincides with the Traditional and Descriptive eras described here, and definite influences and
perspectives are currently operative. A Textlinguistic approach does not necessarily conflict with
the principles or findings o f comparative Semitics, but the synchronic focus characteristic of
Textlinguistic approaches would see Comparative-Historical considerations as part o f the process
by which the language used in the text came into being. Once the text has been produced, the
diachronic processes are no longer in the purview o f the analyst whose focus is on the final form
o f the text.
18
The boundaries between these models are fuzzy in the sense that there is a
continuity and overlap of research that links them to each other. The shift from the
Traditional model to the Descriptive did not discard all previous research and start over;
in similar fashion, the Textlinguistic model does not ignore previous analysis, but rather
grows out of it. But the very nature of scientific revolutions is such that a shift in
paradigm implies that certain elements and perspectives from previous eras will not
necessarily be carried over. One of the motivations for paradigm shifts is an increasing
dissatisfaction with the prevailing model of research, which eventually leads to a major
shift.
The current state of affairs in the study o f biblical Hebrew finds most scholars
employing the Descriptive approach, with strong conceptual connections to the
Traditional era. There are a number o f scholars who employ textlinguistic insights or
terminology, but the core conceptual framework o f their research is still vdthin the
Descriptive model. An increasing number of scholars work within the Textlinguistic
approach, but a complete paradigm shift has not yet happened for the field of biblical
Hebrew studies in general.
It is time, however, to declare an end to the period of “infancy” referred to by
Waltke and O’Connor (1990, 55). The flood of recent publications is indicative of the
maturing status o f Textlinguistic or discourse studies of biblical Hebrew.
CHAPTER 3
SURVEY OF SCHOLARSHIP ON "nn
3.1 Introduction
’’n il has certainly not gone unnoticed in the history of research on biblical
Hebrew. The purpose of the following sections is to review and provide a summary of
the various descriptions o f T I'l in these grammars and monographs. These grammars
and monographs are not studies of ‘'H']'!, but their descriptions of ’’n')'! are representative of
the main ways in which has been analyzed. The three categories: Traditional,
Descriptive, and Textlinguistic discussed in the previous chapter are the main divisions
here. The approach one takes to Hebrew in general—ând to the verbal system in
particular—^will affect how ’'n 'l is described. The focus of the discussion here is the way
■'n'l is presented in the publications considered, with some critical analysis when it is
relevant.
To review an assortment of introductory grammars, scrutinizing how they deal
with could be perceived as somewhat unfair. Some might correctly argue that an
introductory grammar cannot be expected to thoroughly describe every aspect of the
language being presented. Writing a grammar for instructional purposes involves an
19
20
agonizing process o f selection, as the author seeks to explain the most pertinent
information in an efficient and pedagogically intuitive way. If the discussion of
something like ''n 'l does not receive extensive attention in an introductory grammar, that
is to be understood. It is not, however, the presence or absence or even the length or
brevity o f comments regarding ■’H';! that are of interest here; the intention here is to
review the comments to discern the analytical perspective employed by the author(s). All
of this is done with the singular intent o f working toward a better understanding o f ’'n 'l.
Any omissions and/or misrepresentations are the responsibility of the author of this study.
3.2 The Analysis of ’nil in the Traditional Approach

3.2.1 Gesenius, H e b r e w G ram m ar, 1813
The traditional understanding of ''n*’.'! is well represented by Gesenius ’ Hebrew
Grammar, in which he states that the
.. .introduction o f independent narratives, or of a new section of the

narrative, by means o f an imperfect consecutive, likewise aims at a
connexion, though again loose and external, with that which has been
narrated previously. Such a connexion is especially often established by
means o f ”'n'|l(Kal ky4.v^xo) and it came to pass.... (GKC 1910, 327)
While this analysis recognizes the temporal and narrative function o f ‘’H';! and its
connection to the surrounding context, the descriptive parameters are not well defined.
This is exemplified in the following statement: “This loose connexion by means of TI’;'! is
especially common, when the narrative or a new section of it begins with any expression
of time ...” (GKC 1910, 327). Unfortunately, “loose connections” by means o f ’’n 'l and
21
narratives beginning with “any expression of time” are not specific enough to provide a
clear picture o f what ■'H']! is doing.
3.2.2 Muller, O u tlin e s o f H e b r e w S y n ta x , 1883
In Outlines o f Hebrew Syntax, Miiller describes ‘'n ’’.'! as follows:
But very often, especially when a phrase specifying time occurs in the
narrative, in order to preserve the favourite form of diction, there is
prefixed to the phrase in question a ■’H'! “And it came to pass”, and the
rest is then added on to this according as the connection requires. (Muller
1883, 17)
Muller’s description of T l'l is characteristic of the traditional era, with its
reference to ’’n il as a “favourite form of diction.” This is tjqtical of what Barr refers to in
The Semantics o f Biblical Language as the “impression of Hebrew being quite
extraordinarily unique in its structure” (Barr 1983, 291). Muller’s analysis of being
merely prefixed to the phrase in question is very similar to GKC’s “loose connection.”
3.2.3 Harper, E l e m e n t s o f H e b re w S y n ta x , 1892
Harper’s Elements o f Hebrew Syntax is also characteristic of the description of
in this period:
Notice is to be taken of the frequent occurrence of the preparatory formula

and it happened, and it was, to introduce adverbial and especially
temporal clauses. This usage, while not universal, prevails largely in the
earlier books. The following verb may be either Imperfect with Waw
Consecutive, a Perfect, or, when the context demands, an Imperfect.
(Harper 1892, 73)
Three things in particular are noteworthy: 1) the reference to ‘’H';! as a
“preparatory formula” appears to indicate an understanding o f ’’n 'l as somewhat
discormected from the adjacent elements with which it occurs; 2) the reference to the
22
usage o f ■'H'! in the earlier books indicates an awareness of possible diacbronic factors in
its pattern of usage; and 3) the remarks about the form o f the following verb mention the
context around "'n'l, but there is no further delineation of the parameters of usage for
these verb forms. The syntactic connection o f ’’ri'l, certain diachronic considerations,
and verb form patterns with ''n 'l are all issues that are discussed in greater detail in
subsequent chapters.
3.2.4 Weingreen, A P r a c tic a l G r a m m a r f o r C la s s ic a l H e b re w ^ 1939
Weingreen, in apparent disagreement with GKC, reduces the force of ■’n 'l to little
more than an unusual connection. GKC stated that established a connection “with
that which has been narrated previously,” but Weingreen describes ’’n 'l as follows:
Often a verse or even a chapter opens with a verb which has the Waw
Consecutive, as ’’n'T ‘and it came to pass’; this, rather than implying a
continuation with what has preceded, has little more force than ‘now it
happened’. In the same way n'lT'] = ‘and it shall come to pass’.
(Weingreen 1939, 92)
It is certainly the case that ’’r i'l is found, as Weingreen states, opening “a verse or
even a chapter,” but it is unclear why Weingreen dismisses the connection with what has
preceded. This matter o f 'n 'l ’s connection to what precedes it or to what follows it is a
recurring theme throughout the history o f its study.
3.2.5 Jouon-Muraoka, A G r a m m a r o f B ib lic a l H e b re w ^ 1991
The 1991 publication date of Muraoka’s translation and revision o f lotion’s 1923
Grammaire de I ’Hebreu biblique is somewhat misleading if it is assumed that a late
twentieth-century grammar o f biblical Hebrew would employ methods and perspectives
23
contemporary with that time period. Close reading of Joiion-Muraoka reveals many
characteristics that place it within the Traditional approach. The retention o f Latin
translations in the following discussion o f i s telling:
Stative verbs present no particular difficulty; thus Till, used in the stative
sense, is equivalent to n'H and means et erat (“it was”), et fu it (“it has
been”). Used in the active sense, it is equivalent to H'n of action and
usually means et evenit (“it happened”), et factum est (“it came to pass”);
sometimes, by misuse, both eveniebat (“it would happen”) and fiebat (“it
would come to pass”). (Jouon-Muraoka 1991, 390)
The clearest indication of the perspective employed by Jotion and retained by
Muraoka is the evaluative term “misuse,” which betrays a more prescriptive view typical
of the Traditional era rather than a fully descriptive view of Hebrew as a language on its
own terms.
In the discussion o f the uses of the w a y y iq t o l form, Joiion-Muraoka states that it
is sometimes used “with the force of the French imparfait, i.e. frequentative action in the
past,” but this “use is irregular and improper” (Joiion-Muraoka 1991, 393). With specific
reference to TIT, Joiion-Muraoka states that this “improper use is mainly found with
'’•IT” (Jouon-Muraoka 1991, 394). The correct form according to Jouon-Muraoka, for
example in Num 10:35 and 2 Sam 15:2, would be n 'n i These examples will be
discussed later; the point here is that Joiion-Muraoka’s description of TIT as an
introductory formula is within a traditional evaluative framework.
3.2.6 Analytical Summary of the Traditional Approach
One of the main concepts typical of the publications reviewed here is the
understanding of TIT as an introductory or preparatory formula. Essential elements of
24
more recent approaches are already found in these publications, but consistent with the
general approach to language in that time period, the main concern is with presenting
representative cases or examples of the grammatical categories in use. Also typical of
these publications is the evaluation of ''ri'l as sometimes improper or as an example of
misuse.
3.3 The Analysis of ’’H']! in the Descriptive Approach

3.3.1 Lambdin, I n t r o d u c t i o n to B ib lic a l H e b re w ^ 1971
In his Introduction to Biblical Hebrew, Lambdin discusses stating that
.. .within a narrative sequence temporal modifiers are very frequently

placed before the clause they modify and are introduced by waw-
conversive + a form of the verb H^n. In the past tense narrative this is
uniformly ''\\''^_wayht... (Lambdin 1971, 123)
Lambdin’s analysis shares much in common with Gesenius, but reflects a more
Descriptive approach. Lambdin lists a variety o f syntactic environments in whieh
occurs, but the description pays minimal attention to the functions associated with the
various constructions.
In Lambdin’s seetion entitled “Concluding Remarks on Clause Sequences,” there
is another comment regarding whieh indicates an awareness of the need to explore
how ■'H';! is connected with the adjacent clauses. Lambdin states: “If a narrative sequence
begins with a clause containing the verb (or ‘’H';!), the real nature of the sequence is
not clear until we reach a continuing verb” (Lambdin 1971,279). Awareness of clause
sequences is necessary, but unfortunately, Lambdin’s examples are hypothetical. Both
25
examples start with n'H, which is not attested anywhere in biblieal Hebrew. Lambdin’s
concern in these examples, however, is not in explicating the function o f ’H'l; his
concern is with the form of the verb that follows. For Lamhdin, the mere presence of the
verb n^n seems to be of more consequence, stating that “the verb n'H in a leading clause
requires special consideration” (Lambdin 1971,279). Unfortunately, even though
Lambdin demonstrates an awareness of certain syntactic parameters, understanding of
’’n 'l as a temporal modifier is not significantly advanced by Lambdin’s analysis.
3.3.2 Andersen, T h e S e n te n c e in B ib lic a l H e b re w ^ 1974
Andersen’s seminal work. The Sentence in Biblical Hebrew, is one of the first
studies to employ analytical techniques that are xmquestionably motivated by the
principles and concerns o f Descriptive Linguistics. The title of Andersen’s study is
somewhat misleading since his analysis is not at all limited to the sentence as a self-
contained unit. The frequent references to clause sequences, paragraphs, rhetorical
effects, episode transitions, as well as the seetion (3.4.2) entitled Discourse Function of
Epic Apposition, show the range of issues of concern to Andersen. These concerns are
detected in the following statement about ’’r i'l:
In Hebrew, transition to a new episode in a story is characteristically

marked by wayehi, and it came to pass, followed frequently by an
episode-marginal time reference that secures a time connection between
successive episodes. (Andersen 1974, 63)
The use of the word episode indicates that Andersen is looking beyond individual
sequences of clauses or sentences to the broader context. Unfortunately, beyond
26
mentioning that there are other options for initiating story-level episodes, nothing more is
discussed to more precisely define the use and function o f ’tl'l.
3.3.3 Waltke and O’Connor, A n I n t r o d u c t i o n to B i b l ic a l H e b r e w
S y n ta x ^ 1990
In Waltke and O’Cormor’s An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax, the
treatment of T I'l is, for all practical purposes, swallowed up by the discussion of the
chapter on Waw + Prefix Conjugation. Very little separate analysis is given to 'illl itself,
beyond quoting the above-cited material from Lambdin and mentioning that
“introduces the books of Joshua, Judges, 1 Samuel, 2 Samuel, Ezekiel, Ruth, Esther, and
Nehemiah” (Waltke and O’Connor 1990, 554). No further explanation is given.
In the introduction, the authors mention the studies of Schneider, Richter, and
Talstra which identify ‘'n'T as a “macro-syntactic sign” (Waltke and O’Cormor 1990, 54),
but they state that all “these signs are treated in the present grammar in a more traditional
framework” (Waltke and O’Coimor 1990, 55). Their decision to keep the analysis within
a Descriptive framework, did not allow their description of biblical Hebrew to benefit
from the work of other scholars analyzing from a macro-syntactic or Textlinguistic
perspective.
3.3.4 Kelley, B i b l i c a l H e b r e w : A n In tr o d u c to r y G ra m m a r, 1992
Kelley’s Biblical Hebrew: An Introductory Grammar contains very limited
reference to ’'n 'l. The following comment comes in the section which discusses
“Coordinate Relationships Involving a Perfect as the Goveming Verb”:
27
The narrative use o f imperfects vdth vav consecutive became so

commonplace that they were often used in this sense even without a
preceding goveming perfect, especially with the imperfect forms of the
verb n:n, “he was.” (Kelley 1992,210-11)
This comment reveals a perspective which is much more far-reaching than the
analysis o f '’n 'l. The implications of this comment are that the occurrence of a linguistic
entity such as ■'n'l has little or no functional motivation. By some type of developmental
process, the frequency of the w a y y iq t o l form is apparently so overpowering that certain
verbs begin to be used in new ways. This analysis is based on the assumption that the
proper pattem is that the WAYYIQTOL follows a “preceding goveming perfect” and
indicates either consequence or sequence. This is eharaeteristic of the waw consecutive
view which must explain why a w a y y iq t o l , which by definition is sequential, is found
without a goveming perfect. The use o f 'r i 'l is only marginally in focus here, since
Kelley’s concems are more related to issues of goveming sequences. Understanding of
■’H'','! is advanced very little by Kelley’s grammar.
3.3.5 Seow, A G r a m m a r f o r B ib lic a l H e b r e w , 1995
Scow’s comment about in A Grammar fo r Biblical Hebrew uses terms like
“discourse” and “context,” but the use of such terms does not make Scow’s analysis
textlinguistic; it remains essentially descriptive despite the use of this terminology. Seow
states:
In a discourse, context may be provided in a number of ways. A past event

is typically introduced by literally, “and it was/eame to pass.” Future
events are introduced by n'H), literally, “and it shall be.” Further
indication of the context usually follows: a prepositional or adverbial
expression giving a specific time (e.g., after these things), a reference to
28
some event introduced by 1^X 3 (even as) or *’3 (when) or the like. (Seow
1995,231)
One of the ways that this comment differs from the other Descriptive analyses
presented up to this point is its statement that “'n';! typically introduces a past event. This
may reflect awareness of some of the early textlinguistic studies, such as the 1982 study
o f n'H by Bartelmus (see 3.4.4 below) in which he discusses the function o f ‘'Il'l as an
indication o f past tense narrative. The specific ways in which ‘'n 'l is used, however, are
not addressed in any more detail beyond the citation above.
3.3.6 Chisholm, F r o m E x e g e s is to E x p o s itio n , 1998
From Exegesis to Exposition is the title of Chisholm’s guide to using biblical
Hebrew. This is technically not a grammar, but since its goal is practical instruction in
using Hebrew in exegesis, its comments regarding ‘’Pl'l are important to take into
consideration. Chisholm states that “[t]he wayyiqtol form ‘’17*11, ‘and it so happened,’
often followed by a temporal clause, is frequently used to begin a new narrative or scene”
(Chisholm 1998,120). Andersen’s Sentence discusses the use o f ‘’n')! at the beginning of
an episode; Chisholm here refers to *’1711 being used to begin a new narrative or scene.
These are very similar claims and, at first glance, seem to help better define what T ill is
doing. The problem, though, is that episodes, new narratives, and scenes can be found
that do not begin with *’I7*]1. This indicates the need for greater precision in claims
regarding the function(s) of *’I7']1. These claims also show the way in which terms like
episode and scene are used without clear definitions. What exactly is an episode? What
constitutes the beginning of a new narrative or scene?
29
Chisholm makes one further comment about the use o f ’’n 'l to introduce a
parenthetical note:
Occasionally a wayyiqtol form, especially ’’n 'l, introduces a parenthetical

note in the narrative. For example, 1 Kings 18:3 states that Ahab
summoned his palace administrator Obadiah. Verse 5 then records Ahab’s
orders to Obadiah. But in between the narrator places a parenthetical note
about Obadiah’s loyalty to the Lord (v. 4). This parenthesis is introduced
by ’’n 'l. For another example see 1 Chronicles 11:6, which inserts
parenthetical information about Joab’s role in the conquest of Jerusalem.
(Chisholm 1998,122-23)
This comment is indicative of the broad range of functions that are attributed to
Till in the literature. This is not the place for detailed discussion of this comment, but it
seems confusing to claim that ■’H'! can have what appear to be quite contradictory
functions. How can both begin a new narrative as well as introduce a parenthetical
note? These functions are discussed in Chapter 10, The Discourse-Pragmatic Uses of
3.3.7 Schertz and Yoder, S e e i n g th e T e x t: E x e g e s is f o r S tu d e n ts o f
G reek a n d H eb rew , 2001
Schertz and Yoder’s Seeing the Text: Exegesis fo r Students o f Greek and Hebrew
is similar to Chisholm’s volume in both its purpose and perspective. The authors remark
regarding ■'H'’,!, that the “pattem of ’'npi followed by a subordinate clause is a very
frequent boundary marker in Hebrew narrative” (Schertz and Yoder 2001, 77). The
question that immediately arises is what type of bovmdary is marked in this way?
Schertz and Yoder also describe ‘'n 'l as an “example of a transition constmction that
signals the end o f one region and the beginning of another” (Schertz and Yoder 2001,
30
76). What is unclear from this description—as well as from the preceding discussion—is
whether ‘'H'’,! is signaling the end of what precedes it, signaling the transition to what
follows, or both. Once again, without more precisely defining the textual regions in
which ■'nil operates, the function of ■’H'^l will continue to elude readers and analysts.
3.3.8 Ross, I n t r o d u c i n g B ib lic a l H e b r e w , 2001
Introducing Biblical Hebrew by Ross is another in the series of recently published
introductory grammars. Regarding ■’n'^l, Ross states that
[tjemporal clauses are frequently introduced by a form of the verb to be

(nin) + waw consecutive. Other temporal indicators like prepositions
often accompany this construction, and in the final analysis riin need not
be translated. (Ross 2001,139)
Two noteworthy aspects of Ross’s statement require comment here. First of all, it
is true that other temporal indicators often accompany Till, but the specific reference to
prepositions is curious. The example Ross uses in this section has "1^33 T ill in the
morning, so presumably this is a reference to prepositions used with temporal
expressions. Secondly, Ross states that nin need not be translated. This
recommendation is apparently in the interest of good English style, but needs closer
examination. There may indeed be contexts in which it is best to not retain close lexical
equivalence for ’’ri'^l, but this type of statement needs to be qualified. The implications
and ramifications o f a statement like this need to be carefully evaluated. This will be
discussed later in Chapter 10.
Ross also discusses the occurrence o f ‘'1111 with infinitive constructs. As seen in
previous analyses, ''1111 is assigned the function o f indicating past time:
31
Infinitive construct docs not express time by itself. The time must be
determined jfrom context. One way that the time of the clause is expressed
is with forms o f n'H + waw consecutive: ‘'n 'l indicating past time, and
n^rjl future time. (Ross 2001,163)
In contrast to some previous grammars, Ross makes no mention in these
comments about ’n'V s connection to the preceding or following narrative. O f primary
eoneem to Ross, it appears, is the function as temporal indicator. This actually goes hand
in hand with the recommendation to leave these forms of untranslated. I f ’'H''! and
n^n) are doing nothing more than indicating past and future time respectively, why
should they be translated? It is interesting to notice that in the current analytical milieu
which tends to favor analysis of the Hebrew verbal system in terms of aspectual
distinctions rather than tense, that the mere ‘'H''.! and n 'n i forms of n 'n are so
unambiguously assigned the function of indicating tense. It is true that infinitive
constructs do not indicate tense on their own, but is indicating tense really the function
that and n^ni perform when they occur with infinitive constructs? Further
discussion o f this question is found in Chapter 10.
3.3.9 Pratico and Van Pelt, B a s i c s o f B ib lic a l H e b re w ^ 2001
Pratico and Van Pelt’s Basics o f Biblical Hebrew is the last grammar to be
considered in this section on descriptive approaches. The authors discuss ’'n 'l as follows:
Instead o f a Perfect verbal form, the past tense narrative sequence may
also begin with the temporal modifier ‘'IT]! followed by Imperfect verbs
with Waw Conversive. The form ’’n*;! is the Qal Imperfect 3ms form of
n^n (to be) with Waw Conversive. It is called a “temporal modifier”
because it marks the beginning of a past tense narrative sequence. This
temporal modifier frequently stands at the beginning o f the sequence.
(Pratico and Van Pelt 2001,196)
32
The specific fimetion attributed to is again that of temporal modifier,
indicating past tense. It is evident in this comment that Pratico and Van Pelt are also
concerned with what follows ''n 'l as seen in their remarks regarding narrative sequence.
The Ifequent use o f w i t h temporal clauses is also discussed in this grammar:
The form may also appear at the beginning of a temporal clause

within the sequence. When beginning a temporal clause, ‘'ri'l is fi’cquently
followed by a preposition or conjunction like 3 or and the whole
construction may be translated as “and when.” Words that designate time
are commonly a part of this type of construction. (Pratico and Van Pelt
2001, 196)
As temporal modifiers, in Pratico and Van P elfs view, "'n'l and n'rfl are best left
imtranslated, as seen in the following comment:
Because of their frequency in certain contexts, the temporal modifiers "'n'l

and n^nT are best not translated in most occurrences, though you can still
translate the conjunction as “and.” Some will suggest, however, that 'n 'l
be translated “and it came to pass that” and that n'n*! be translated “and it
will be that.” Given the frequency with which these temporal modifiers
will sometimes appear in a narrative sequence, however, it is often best to
avoid these translations in the interest of good English style. (Pratico and
Van Pelt 2001,202)
In the interest o f good English style, few would argue for always retaining the
“and it came to pass that” and the “and it will be that” renderings mentioned here. *
However, should good English style be the determining factor in translation decisions
like this? According to Pratico and Van Pelt, ''ri'l and n'HI are best not translated
because o f their “Ifequency in certain contexts.” Should the frequency of an item like this
play a decisive role in translation practice? The intention here is not to argue for the “and
' The NASB is a notable exception to this statement.
33
it came to pass that” translation value, but rather to critically evaluate the implieations
and ramifications of such a recommendation. As stated previously, this will be discussed
in more detail in Chapter 10.
3.3.10 Analytical Summary o f the Descriptive Approach
In the descriptive grammars and publications reviewed here, there is evidence of
greater attention being paid to the syntactic environments in whieh oeeurs. There is
also an inevitable shift in terminology used to describe ''ri'l—^the term episode is an
example. Additionally, there is an increasing awareness of the role ’’n 'l seems to play not
only in past-tense narrative, but also the role "'n'l appears to have in the interelausal
temporal organization of the text. There are indications of broadening eontextual
awareness, which is in line with trends oecurring in linguistic analysis in general, but
many helpful eoneepts from discourse analysis or Textlinguistics are not incorporated in
these publieations.
3.4 The Analysis of ’’H'’,! in the Textlinguistic Approach

3.4.1 Preliminary Comments
This section reviews grammars and publications that employ analytical principles
and methods that are textlinguistic in nature. There may be considerable coneeptual
overlap between certain descriptive grammars reviewed in the previous section and some
publications in this section; the dates of publication show that there is definite
ehronological overlap. The categorization of these grammars has been done on the basis
o f what are pereeived to be the guiding prineiples that imderlie the authors’ deseription of
34
biblical Hebrew. Certain essentially descriptive grammars may employ terminology used
in textlinguistic studies, just as a grammar that is fundamentally textlinguistic may have
terms and descriptions that are, for all practical purposes, identical to those found in
descriptive texts. The difference—and this is one of the most crucial issues at stake in
the present study o f TI'll—lies at the level of presuppositions and basic perceptions of
language itself. This point will be argued in greater detail in Chapter 5, General
Theoretical Framework.
3.4.2 Schneider, G r a m m a tik d e s b ib lis c h e n H e b r d is c h ^ 1974
Schneider’s Grammatik des biblischen Hebraisch advanced the analysis o f ’’n 'l
by implementing a textlinguistic perspective in the consideration of the variety of
syntactic environments in which it occurs. Referring to Schneider’s work, Talstra claims
that
[t]his grammar is completely new indeed in its syntax because it aims at a

description o f biblical Hebrew not on the basis of sentences, but on the
basis of texts. (Talstra 1978, 169)
The consideration of the broader context is one of the hallmarks of a textlinguistic
approach. The focus on text and context involves more than a description of occurrences;
it explores both form and function. Talstra insightfully comments on Schneider’s
perspective, stating that the concern is not merely the grammatical description of a
particular linguistic item, but “the effect of its use in a particular text” (Talstra 1978,
169).
35
Schneider discusses the close connection in narrative of “introductory” ’’n 'l with
temporal indicators (Schneider 1974, 252)^ and discusses the function of "Tl'l as a macro
syntactic sign: “Macro-syntactic signs are words, particles, and expressions, in spoken
language, which function to indicate the large divisions of texts” (Schneider 1974, 261)
[my translation].^ As a “transition signal” (Schneider 1974,265) [my translation]'* ■’H';!
occurs, according to Schneider, at the “points of transition from the introduction to the
main part or before main events, which are partieularly highlighted as such” (Schneider
1974, 265-66) [my translation].^
As an indicator o f tense, Schneider states that “occurs at the begirming of
narrative sections. It is not linked to what preeedes it, but rather it marks the following
text as narrative.” (Sehneider 1974, 265) [my translation].^ Many o f the issues diseussed
in later research are already found here in Schneider’s seminal contribution to the study
of biblical Hebrew. His grammar makes claims regarding the function(s) of ■'H';! that will
^“In erzahlendem Kontext steht fast immer nach einleitendem ”71,''1 eine Zeitbestimmung”
(Schneider 1974, 252).
^“Makrosyntaktische Zeichen sind Worter, Partikeln und Wendungen, die in der

gesprochenen Sprache dazu dienen, die GroBgliederung von Texten zu markieren” (Schneider
1974,261).
'*“Ubergangssignal” (Schneider 1974, 265).
^“Als Ubergangssignal steht TI'l an Gelenkstellen der Erzahlung: beim Ubergang der
Einleitung zum Hauptteil oder vor H auptereignissen, die dadurch als seich e besonders
herausgehoben werden” (Schneider 1974, 265-66).
®“Als Tempuszeichen steht TI'l am Anfang von Erzahlungen oder Erzahl-Abschnitten.

Es verknupft nicht nach riickwarts, sondem signalisiert den folgenden Text als Erzahlung”
(Schneider 1974,265).
36
be evaluated in subsequent sections of the present study. However, as will be seen in the
continuing review of other publications, some of the claims made by other authors seem
to state the exact opposite o f what Schneider claimed.
3.4.3 Richter, G r u n d la g e n e in e r a lth e b r a is c h e n G r a m m a tik ^ 1980
In 1980 in Grundlagen einer althebraischen Grammatik, Richter analyzed ’’ri'l as
a “Text-Deiktikon” along with niin'l, nnj?1, and n'HT (Richter 1980,205). The
identification of the “text-deictic” function o f ’’n 'l was a step in the direction of later
studies that would further explore the functions of this enigmatic word at the level of the
text. Unfortunately, Richter does not develop his analysis much beyond this definition.
It is also important to notice the explicit distinction stated by Richter: “The connector
words wa=y^hi(y) and w^=haya have a ‘text-deictic’ function when they are not
functioning as verbs” (Richter 1980, 206) [my translation].^ The basic distinction made
here between the “text-deictic” function and the function as verb is significant. This
raises the following question, however: Can ''n 'l as verb also have a textual function?
Discussion o f this question will come in Chapter 10.
’ “Text-deiktische Funktion haben femer die Worterverbindungen, wa=y^hi(y) and

w'*=haya, wenn sie nicht als Verb fiingieren” (Richter 1980, 206).
37
3.4.4 Bartelmus, H Y H . B e d e u tu n g u n d F u n k tio n e in e s h e b r iils c h e n
» A lle r w e lts w o r te s « ^ 1982
In HYH. Bedeutung und Funktion eines hebrdischen »Allerweltswortes«, the
study o f Bartelmus, the function of'ri'l is identified as “Tempussignal”* (Bartelmus
1982, 211-12). In this analysis, ''ri'l is essentially reduced to performing nothing more
than indicating past tense in the narrative. It may, in fact, be the influence of a study like
this one by Bartelmus that brought the “past tense indicator” function o f '’r i'l into some of
the descriptive grammars reviewed in the previous section.
3.4.5 Longacre, J o s e p h : A S to r y o f D iv in e P r o v id e n c e : A T e x t
T h e o r e tic a l a n d T e x tlin g u is tic A n a ly s is o f G e n e s is 3 7 a n d 3 9 -4 8 ^
1989
In Joseph: A Story o f Divine Providence: A Text Theoretical and Textlinguistic
Analysis o f Genesis 37 and 39-48, Longacre proposes, as he says in his own words, “the
author’s own textlinguistic methodology and the theory that underlies it” (Longacre 1989,
x). Longacre’s Joseph is the most explicitly theoretical implementation o f textlinguistic
analysis reviewed up to this point. Longacre’s analysis is based on perspectives and
procedures that he has developed during decades of textlinguistic analysis of countless
non-lndo-European languages in the world.
* “Das TI'l in diesem Zusammenhang stets nur als Tempussignal verwendet ist”
(Bartelmus 1982, 211-12).
38
Concerning ''H';!, Longacre states that, “[i]n general, wayht + a temporal phrase
marks an episode break in Hebrew narrative prose” (Longacre 1989, 26). In the
hierarchical structure posited by Longacre, the episode is a major division larger than a
paragraph and part o f the structure of the whole discourse or narrative. Longacre is here
elaiming that one of the primary functions of ‘’17'’,1 with a temporal phrase is to indieate
the break between major parts of a biblical Hebrew narrative. Regarding this funetion
with temporal phrases, Longacre also comments that
[vjery frequently this construction functions as a backreference to

previous material. In fact, such a reference is often found even in the rare
instances where a temporal expression is not preceded by wayht
(Longacre 1989, 70)
For Longacre, the connection o f 'I l 'l + temporal expression is apparently with
what precedes as well as with what follows. The exact meaning of “very frequently” is
not clear, but one gets the impression that this is a basie function of this construction.
The reference to the “rare instances where a temporal expression is not preceded by
wayhf ’ begs for further examination. Presumably, the backreferencing function is still
perceived with the temporal expression itself, but not the function of signaling an episode
break.
One o f the concerns o f Longacre’s approach to the study of narrative is the
detection of the profile o f a discourse (Longacre, 1996, 2). Another “erucial consideration
is the fact that most discourses formally mark (often by a variety of devices) a discourse
peaK' (Longacre, 1996,2). Longacre defines peak as “a zone of turbulence in regard to
the flow o f the discourse in its preceding and following parts” (Longacre, 1996, 38),
39
which reflects heightened action in the narrative, often marked by eertain features or
elusters o f features. This, in extremely brief form, is the theoretical concept that is behind
the identification of Gen 41 as a peak episode:
This peak episode (ehap. 41) begins with an episode marker that indicates
a eonsiderable lapse o f time: wayht miqqes sendtayim ydmim, ‘and it eame
to pass at the end o f two full years’. There follows an unusual use of the
wflw-eonjunetive with the noun Pharaoh: ‘and Pharaoh was dreaming’.
... Thus, the new embedded narrative establishes its new time horizon and
its new eentral participant. (Longacre 1989, 27)
Thus, it is clear that Longacre attributes a significant function to —at least
with temporal expressions—^but it is also evident from the reference to the “woh'-
conjunetive with the noun Pharaoh” that + temporal expression is not the only device
that indicates peak in Longacre’s analysis. There is, however, no further detail regarding
the possible variations or nuanees \vith different temporal expressions.
One of the other characteristics of Longacre’s approach is the discussion of verb
rank (Longacre 1989, 64-82) and the elosely related diseussion of the backbone or
mainline of a discourse. Longaere states that “the storyline or the baekbone of a
discourse in Biblieal Hebrew is eonveyed by use o f clauses that begin with a waw-
consecutive verb” (Longacre 1989, 65). fFow-consecutive verbs, or preterites, oecupy the
primary rank—^they are the “verbal clauses par excellence” (Longacre 1989, 80).
Curiously, though—and this will figure into subsequent discussion regarding the
functions o f ’’n 'l —is the following statement by Longacre that “[t]he verb haya, ‘be’,
even in its preterite form wayht, ‘and it happened’, does not function on the storyline of a
narrative” (Longaere 1989, 80). As will be seen in the continuing review of other
40
publications, certain scholars claim, in contrast to Longacre, that “'n 'l does indeed have
the same “mainlining” function of other preterites or w a y y iq t o l s .
3.4.6 Niccacci, T h e S y n ta x o f th e V e rb in C la s s ic a l H e b r e w P r o s e , 1990
Niceaeei’s 1990 study. The Syntax o f the Verb in Classical Hebrew Prose, also
identifies text-level functions of discussing its macrosyntactic function as
“connecting circumstances and events with the main narrative thread” (Niccaeci 1990,
159). This study eonsiders several macro-syntactic signs:
Besides these typical verb forms, in narrative and discourse there are
certain textual pointers, called ‘macro-syntactie signs’. These are elements
which mark the relationships among segments of the text. The main
indicator o f narrative is wayehi; wehinneh chiefly marks discourse hut also
functions in narrative, while we ‘atta is exclusive to discourse. Mention
should also be made here of wehaya, an important macrosyntactic marker
in discourse which also occurs in the comment-sections of narrative.
(Nieeacci 1990, 33)
According to Niccacci, then, the main indicator of narrative is ’’ri’;!. As he states
elsewhere in Syntax o f the Verb in Classical Hebrew Prose, ‘‘'wayehi is the supreme
‘macro-syntactic sign’ o f narrative. This means that its presenee is enough to mark the
passage as narrative” (Niccacci 1990, 48). The implications of this claim need to be
carefully evaluated. In one sense, it seems more like a hyperbolic remark than a serious
claim that ■'n’l identifies the surrounding text in which it occurs as narrative. What about
other texts that seemingly exhibit the normal charaeteristies of narrative, but where ’'n ’]'!
does not occur? Is this function as “macro-syntactic sign” meant as a type of genre signal
like “once upon a time”? Niccaeci’s discussion o f this function o f ‘’ri’;! cites Judg 11:1-5
as an example text; ’’n 'l occurs in both 11:4 and 11:5 and Niccacci comments that “the
41
two wayehVs mark off the passage as narrative and at the same time indicate the two
basic components o f the account: the war and Jephthah’s role in it” (Niccacci 1990,49).
The second part of this statement reflects Niccacci’s claim that “[t]he textual function of
wayehi is to introduce a new element into the main narrative thread so that that element
becomes an integral and important part o f the account” (Niccacci 1990,48). These are
significant claims that require further exploration.
With a slightly different slant on the function(s) of Niccacci comments in
Lettura Sintattica della Prosa Ebraico-Biblica, that ’’n il’s function is to “create
continuity throughout a text, so that the narration moves ahead at a regular pace”^
(Niccacci 1991, 252) [my translation]. Similarly in Lettura Sintattica, Niccacci comments
that ’’n il’s “function is to ensure cohesion throughout the various parts of a text, to
promote the ‘textuality’ of the text”^*’ (Niccacci 1991,17) [my translation]. These
functions are related to those found in his Syntax, but the discussion o f cohesion and
“textuality” moves beyond a mere label like “macro-syntactic sign” and identifies
possible “effect[s] o f its use in a particular text” (Talstra 1978, 169). These claims will be
brought back into the discussion at a later point.
’ “II fatto che ’’n il sia un mezzo sintattico che crea continuita all’interne di un teste,
cemperta che la narraziene censerva un ritme censtante” (Niccacci 1991, 252).
“Di censeguenza, la sua funziene a livelle linguistice e assicurare la cennessiene tra le

varie parti del teste, premuevere la “testualita” del teste” (Niccacci 1991, 17).
R ep red u ced with p erm issien e f th e cepyright ow ner. Further repreductien prohibited w ithout perm ission.
42
3.4.7 Eskhult, S t u d i e s in V e r b a l A s p e c t a n d N a r r a tiv e T e c h n iq u e in
B ib lic a l H e b r e w P ro se^ 1990
Eskhult’s study o f narrative explores textlinguistic functions, implementing £in
aspectual model of the Hebrew verb. This is exemplified in the following statement
regarding ‘'nil:
In the prefixed form hyh may assmne an ingressive-punctual sense, as for

instance in Gn 39:2.... In the first clause, thus, wayhi'\& ingressive-
punctual: ‘became’; but in the second clause wâjK/fy'merely corresponds to
fva + Aaya ‘and was’. See Joiion, Grammaire, § 111 i. (Eskhult 1990, 27)
This statement may reflect a heightened awareness of context and its effect on
linguistic elements like ’’n 'l, but is aspect inherent in the verb form or is it the effect of
context? More precise criteria are needed to work toward an answer to this crucial
question.
Eskhult also discusses the use o f ‘'H*;! and its impact on clause syntax:
The use o f introductory wayAVand it came about’ is an often employed

device in classical Hebrew narration to prevent another clause constituent
than the verb from occupying initial position. In this way a two-clause
sentence arises: wayAf+ adverbial element, followed by a connective
clause introduced by wayyiqtol. (Eskhult 1990, 30)
This comment reflects awareness of the clause-initial position having a special
role in biblical Hebrew. The function attributed to '’ri'l—^that of preventing some non
verbal constituent from occupying the initial position—is peculiar. This statement makes
it sound like the only reason ''n';'! is used is to keep a non-verbal element out. This
comment clearly vmderscores the need for more clearly defining the syntactic role of 'r i'l
in the clause.
43
3.4.8 Talstra, “A Hierarchy of Clauses in Biblical Hebrew Narrative”
Talstra’s textlinguistic perspective is elearly seen in the following comment that
“[o]nly patterns o f clause type sequences in actual texts determine their full grammatical
function” (Talstra 1997a, 127). Also, in Talstra’s workshop article in Narrative Syntax,
he makes the following statement with specific reference to ''H']!:
Verse 16 starts with ’n 'l + time reference, marking a new paragraph, but
before the narrative continues with acts and dialogues, another '’11'’,1
introduces a subparagraph, marked at the begirming and at the end by a
■’H';! + nominal clause or participle clause. This indicates that a pieture is
being introduced rather than a narrative. (Talstra 1997b, 129)
In Part 1 o f Talstra’s review of Schneider’s grammar, other comments regarding
the funetion o f a r e made: “wyhy characterizes the following text as a story, or
emphasizes the main points of a story.” Also, "‘'wyhy is not only used to mark the main
segments of a narrative (Schneider, p. 265), but also to distinguish the main story from
the embedded stories” (Talstra 1978,173).
It is evident that '’H';! is assigned a special role in narrative: the introduction of
paragraphs and sub-paragraphs. Talstra also claims that '’H';! plays a significant role in
indicating the relative importance or salienee of certain parts of the narrative. These
elaims need further verification, which is one of the goals of the analysis presented in
subsequent chapters of the present study.
44
3.4.9 Winther-Nielsen, A F u n c tio n a l D is c o u r s e G r a m m a r o f J o s h u a . A
C o m p u te r - a s s is te d R h e to r ic a l S tr u c tu r e A n a ly s is ^ 1995
Winther-Nielsen’s study of Joshua implements a combination of concepts and
principles from Longacre and Talstra, as well as from Rhetorical Structure Analysis
(Mann and Thompson 1987). Winther-Nielsen states that
[pjarticles like wayht ‘and-it was’ (N), wdâtta [sic] ‘and-now’ (D), and
W9hayd ‘and-it-will be’ and wahinnek ‘and-look’ (N/D) are treated as
“macro-syntactic signs” (Niccacci 1990: § 12 (33)), or discourse markers.
(Winther-Nielsen 1995, 71)
This comment shows the influence of Richter and Schneider on Winther-Nielsen
in identifying as a discourse marker.
Later on, Winther-Nielsen summarizes the different roles ’’ri'Jl can play:
Often the discourse marker wayM opens this wayyiqtol-(wa-...) qatal

sequence. Part of the problem with wayhi is to distinguish its pragmatic
use from predicate functions like wayhilamas-dbed'snA it became a slave
laborer’ (16:10c) (Eskhult 1990:30). The wayhicdin^ both open a new
major unit in the story and link otherwise unrelated minor subdivisions as
either episode or sub-episode marker. The discourse marker is often
followed by a temporal adverbial adjunct as in wayhi
miyyamim rabbim âhare âser-hemah yahweh ... ‘and it happened after
many days after that Yahweh had given peace... ’ (23: la). The wayhi can
be followed by a one-member adverbial clause like baboâh ‘when-come-
she’ (15:18a), is sometimes followed by two infinitives (cf. 3:14) and may
cluster at peaks (6:15-16) The wayhicwx occur in narrative embedded
within direct speech (2:5a). (Winther-Nielsen 1995,286)
Winther-Nielsen’s statement that part of the problem is to distinguish its
pragmatic use from its predicate functions highlights the complexities o f T l'l’s
occurrences and uses. The statement that “'ri'l “can both open a new major imit in the
story and link otherwise unrelated minor subdivisions as either episode or sub-episode
45
marker” is more helpful than merely using the term “discourse marker,” but at the same
time, it does not help the reader know when ‘'n 'l has which function. The additional
eomments about adverbial elauses being followed by infinitives, ete. help further specify
how and where ■'H')'! is used, but the funetion in these environments is still unclear. To
clearly understand the uses and funetions of 'n 'l , greater preeision is needed.
3.4.10 Exter Blokland, I n S e a r c h o f T e x t S y n ta x ^ 1995
In Exter Blokland’s In Search o f Text Syntax, most of the remarks referring to
are foimd in the author’s review of Longaere’s model. Exter Blokland, eiting
Longacre (1996, 30), eomments that
■’n 'l, with or without temporal expression, seems at times to play a role in
marking peak. About Gen 37:23 where with temporal expression
marks a discourse level break, Longacre says: ‘Such an introduction o f an
episode in this more explicit fashion may serve here to prepare the reader
for a crescendo of aetivity’. (Exter Blokland 1995, 49)
Exter Blokland’s comment is yet another acknowledgement of the perceived role
o f ■’n 'l in signaling a transition point in biblical Hebrew narrative. The citation from
Longacre raises certain questions, however: 1) Does the expression “more explicit
fashion” indicate that there are less explicit ways to introduce an episode? 2) What type
of episodes are introduced by ■'Il'l + temporal expression? 3) If the “crescendo of
activity” mentioned here is a feature of peak, what type of peak is this and what are the
implications for the overall flow and organization of the narrative?
Exter Blokland further eomments on the assoeiation of ■’n 'l with peak:
In other instanees, in whieh TT’T is in some way assoeiated with peak ...
the expression lends a certain elaborateness to the passage in question, and
46
elaborateness, in any case, is a general eharacteristic that describes most

features of peak. But since ‘'iT'T occurs so often in environments that are
not associated with peak or climax, one need only look at those instances
where ‘’rT’T stands at the beginning of main episodes in the Joseph story -
additional data are needed to identify the cases in which the expression
functions as a peak feature. (Exter Blokland 1995, 49)
Two comments are in order here. First o f all, it is questionable whether ’’n 'l gives
the “elaborateness” to the passage described here by Exter Blokland. This is not to deny
that ■'ri'l may have certain unique functions, but a term like “elaborateness” needs to be
more precisely defined. Often the perception o f elaborateness is the result of the
outsider’s perspective on what is very commonplace to the language user. At the same
time, however, it is certainly true that the speaker or writer is usually unaware of the
structural or functional complexity of seemingly mundane expressions. The issue here is
that “elaborateness” is too vaguely defined.
The second part of this comment also calls for further scrutiny. The function
attributed to ■'H';! of marking peak is not necessarily contradicted by its occurrences “so
often in environments that are not associated with peak or climax,” but the non-peak
occurrences definitely need to shape the way ''n'Vs function is defined. What exactly is
■
’n 'l ’s role if it does indeed occur in both peak and non-peak? Exter Blokland’s solution
is found in the following citation:
We have seen ... that episode boundaries can be marked by, e.g.,
C)irTK ■'rT’T But not all episodes are marked by such a “grammatical” or
text-syntactical marker, and even if they were, one would still be faced
with the question, whether an episode is embedded or not. The main
divisions o f our text will have to be determined on the basis of subject
matter. (Exter Blokland 1995, 65)
47
For Exter Blokland, the faet that some episodes are not introdueed by a text-
syntactical marker like ‘’H']! + temporal expression, leads to the conclusion that subject
matter or content determines the episode boundaries. This seriously argues against
being assigned any unique function in marking episode boundaries. If content is really the
final arbiter o f episode boundaries, the occurrence o f ’H';! becomes quite inconsequential
in terms of marking that boundary. The issue that faces the textlinguist at this point is to
investigate what has motivated "'n'l in some episode boundaries and not in others. This
requires further analysis and will be commented on in Chapter 10.
3.4.11 Endo, T h e V e r b a l S y s te m o f C la s s ic a l H e b r e w in th e J o s e p h S to r y :
A n A p p r o a c h f r o m D is c o u r s e A n a ly s is , 1996
Endo’s study also deals vdth the function o f i n marking episodes or segments
of a text. The influence o f Talstra, Schneider, and Niccacci is clear in the following
comment by Endo:
Talstra notes that ’’n 'l (also IT’m ) is used to mark the main segments of a
narrative, but also to distinguish the main story from the “embedded
stories.” Or, as Schneider and Niccacci explain, this verbal form may
function as a “macro-syntactic sign” (i.e. a marker of the relationships
among segments of the text.). (Endo 1996,175-76) "
In 3.4.8 Talstra was cited as having commented that ’’ri'l distinguishes the main
story from the embedded stories. In similar fashion, Endo comments as follows:
Thus, the difference between the ordinary unmarked eonditional/temporal

sentence and the ■’IT’T or IT'm construction may involve the following two
Endo cites Talstra (1978, 173); Schneider (1974, 265-66); and Niccacci (1990, 33, 48-
60).
48
points: Firstly, in the latter case, because of this cleft construction, both
thematic and focal prominence are given to the temporal circumstance. In
this sense the function o f this construction differs also from that of the
simple temporal clause with the temporal particle where the temporal
clause simply functions as a subordinate clause. (Endo 1996, 178)
Endo’s use of the terms thematic and focal prominence is evidence of influence
from certain conceptual trends within Linguistics, but the terms are used without clearly
defining what thematic or focal prominence means. The term emphasis (Muraoka 1983)
resonates at an intuitive level—it is easy to sense or recognize that a text consists of
information that varies in its relative prominence—^but it is very difficult to precisely
define how emphasis or prominence actually functions in communication. Notice the
following comment by Endo:
Secondly, when the impersonal verb iT’n as a sequential form with the
inherent meaning such as “happen” or “become” is combined with a
temporal circumstance especially with the particle, it emphasizes the
temporal setting o f the incident with various senses depending on the
following particle. (Endo 1996, 179)
The function of emphasizing the temporal setting is identified by Endo as a
function of 'n 'l, but this raises the question of what this emphasis means or indicates to
the listener or reader. Also, what are the implications for the temporal elauses that do not
include ''n 'l? These issues will be dealt with in Chapter 10.
3.4.12 Hatav, T h e S e m a n tic s o f A s p e c t a n d M o d a lity ^ 1997
Hatav’s The Semantics o f Aspect and Modality also considers the function of
stating that
[t]he word wayhi: and its modal parallel wha.ya: function in the Bible in
two different ways: 1) as a wayyiqtol and wqatal verb respectively of ‘be’
49
in person masculine singular; 2) As a segmentational particle, marking

mainly temporal segmentation. (Hatav 1997, 70)
The description of ''n 'l as a segmentational particle continues the trend of
considering its role in the temporal organization of narrative. The explicit statement of
■’n'lTs function as verb or segmentational particle raises the question whether it is
possible to fit all occurrences into only two distinct functional categories. Whether all
“non-verbal” occurrences o f ■’H']! are indeed temporal segmentation particles requires
further investigation.
Hatav also uses the concept of reference-time (R-time) to elucidate the function of
■'n'l. Statements like the following are representative of Hatav’s analysis:
In BH, R-time updating phrases are always prefixed by a wayhi: (or

wha.ya:) particle when they are sentence initial. When the R-time “jumps”
forward, away from the current R-time, it is marked by wayhi:, and the
adverbial phrase is preposed (except for a very small number of
counterexamples...). (Hatav 1997, 78)
The question again, however, is whether "’n'V s uses are this easily categorized. Is
the concept of R-time really that powerful that it can sort out the elusive functions of
■’n 'l? The function of Tl'T in the temporal organization of text requires further scrutiny.
Notice even in the following comment, the important role Hatav assigns to the concept of
R-time to explain ''n'Vs use in adverbial clauses:
The wayhi: phrase cannnot be interpreted as reporting an event, but as an

obligatory particle for the preposed adverbials, signaling a new updated R-
time. The claim that wayhi: is a marker of updated R-time can be
supported by the fact that it may appear with no adverbial at all, as in
example (72b) above, still moving the story line to a “distant” R-time. For
this reason it can also be attached to a qatal clause. (Hatav 1997, 78-79)
50
Hatav’s thought-provoking analysis is significant in its implementation of
theoretical concepts used in general Linguistics. Further discussion of these claims
regarding ’n'T. is postponed, however, until Chapter 10.
3.4.13 Van der Merwe et al, A B ib lic a l H e b r e w R e fe r e n c e G r a m m a r ,
1999
Van der Merwe’s study entitled “The Elusive Biblical Hebrew Term ’’n 'l: A
Perspective in Terms of Its Syntax, Semantics, and Pragmatics in 1 Samuel” (van der
Merwe 1999). is considered in greater detail in the next chapter. This section reviews the
comments concerning the use of ’n il in A Biblical Hebrew Reference Grammar (van der
Merwe, Naude, Kroeze 1999). This grammar has several comments about T ill that
indicate further development in research. The authors comment that
’n il anchors an event, state of affairs, scene, episode or narrative to the

time line, ’n il namely signals that the event, state of affairs, scene,
episode or narrative follows in time on a particular preceding event, state
of affairs, scene, episode or narrative, (van der Merwe, Naude, Kroeze
1999,331)
This reflects the function that others have identified for ’m i of signaling a
connection with the preceding narrative. Other comments refer more to the effect of ’m i
on the narrative that follows. For example, they observe, concerning the use of ’1111 +
temporal constructions, that
[i]n cases where the temporal frame of a new scene or episode is specified,
’n il signals that a new scene or episode is subsequent to a previously
mentioned scene, and that this scene is part o f the mainstream of a larger
episode or narrative, (van der Merwe, Naude, Kroeze 1999, 332)
51
Many o f these comments will be considered in the analysis in Chapter 10. The
syntactic distinctions made in this grammar are a significant contribution to the ongoing
study of ■'Il'l, and the function assigned to ”'11'’,1 of keeping things in the mainstream of the
narration will be considered in greater detail.
As examples o f the categories used in BHRG, consider the following:
a. ■’ri'^1 introduces the setting of a new scene or episode. ■’H';! signals that
the new scene or episode needs to be link [sic] to a preceding one on
which this new scene or episode follows in time, (van der Merwe, Naude,
Kroeze 1999, 332)
b. ■’n'Jl occurs in the setting of a new episode (seldom), ’’n';! precedes

reference to a state o f affairs that (apparently) plays a pivotal role in the
subsequent episode.
c. occurs in the course o f a scene, ’’ri’’,! signals that a state of affairs

needs to be treated on a par with the mainstream events of the narration,
and that is not mere background information.
d. ■’H';! occurs at the conclusion o f a scene, ’’ri';! signals that a state of

affairs is the outcome of a preceding series of events, (van der Merwe,
Naude, Kroeze 1999, 333)
The attention to context is an important part of this grammar’s analysis. Similar to
previous remarks, ■’H';! is assigned a role in distinguishing the mainstream from the
background. The role o f i n setting is of particular relevance to the claim that ’’n']!
marks “a state o f affairs that may play a pivotal role in the subsequent episode.” These
claims will be dealt with in greater detail in Chapter 10.
52
3.4.14 ^ o c in e ^ L e a r n in g B i b lic a l H e b r e w : A N e w A p p r o a c h U s in g
D is c o u r s e A n a ly s is ^ 2000
Rocine’s Learning Biblical Hebrew: A New Approach Using Discourse Analysis
is “written to teach the exegetical power of discourse analysis right from the start”
(Rocine 2000, 51). Rocine acknowledges the work of Niccacci and Longacre as being
fundamental to his project. The influence of Longacre is especially clear in Rocine’s use
of discourse profiles and verb rankings. To Niccacci, Rocine owes his distinction
between the Historical Narrative genre and Direct Speech, which he calls “the ‘other h alf
o f biblical prose” (Rocine 2000, 62).
Rocine calls ’’n 'l the “Historical Narrative transition marker” (Rocine 2000, 51),
stating that
[t]he wayyiqtol form of nTl is simultaneously a divider and joiner of text.

It is a divider in the sense that it marks the onset of a new scene or a new
episode or the entrance o f a new participant in the story. At the same time
it does indeed join the scene or episode it marks to a larger discourse.
(Rocine 2000, 51)
How exactly ''n’l “joins” the scene or episode to a larger discourse is unclear, but
for Rocine the primary function of ‘’n'T is that o f indicating a transition within a
discourse. For example, in one of the readings in his book, Rocine discusses Gen 17:1:
Abram was ninety-nine years old, 11312? D’’371^ri“]3 0 1 ^ ‘’I!'’! Gen 17:1
Pc-vqw3msXa np ncmsc-amp ncfs Pc-afs
nclp
stating that this verse is an example of a discourse “bounded by ’’n^l plus a specification
o f time” (Rocine 2000, 299). In this case, Rocine goes on to explain that the
“specification of time is the verbless clause which follows” ■’il'l (2000,299). This
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comment reflects an analysis that sees ’’n 'l as essentially detached from the temporal
expression. This raises questions about the syntactic connection o f n ' l to the clause
which follows it, which is one of the main issues discussed throughout Chapter 9, The
Temporal Uses o f ‘’n 'l.
3.4.15 Analytical Summary of the Textlinguistic Approach
The publications reviewed in this section are representative of a shift in
perspective within Linguistics that has influenced the study of biblical Hebrew. One of
the main common denominators is an awareness of the need to analyze not only the
syntaetie eomponents with which an element like ‘'n 'l oeeurs, but also to consider the
possible functions o f in the textual environments in which it occurs.
The taxonomic nature of linguistic descriptions is seen in both the traditional and
descriptive approaches discussed here and the need to consider all the data continues into
the textlinguistic approach. The goal of all three approaehes is description, but the
descriptive approach, in contrast to the traditional approach, has less of a prescriptive
tone. In other words, in a descriptive grammar, grammatical components are deseribed as
they are in one language without comparison with some idealized linguistie structure.
Description is still a fundamental element o f a textlinguistic approach, but the
goal is to accomplish more than merely describing the linguistic objects at hand. The goal
is to go beyond mere description and move toward prediction. In other words, a
textlinguistic approach should produce an analysis which is descriptive, without being
prescriptive and not merely descriptive, but also predictive. To be predictive means that
the deseription o f grammar, syntax, and textual organization goes beyond merely
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observing what something like T I'l does; rather, the description is the foundation for
being able to anticipate or predict why or imder what circumstances a certain element is
used. As Dik comments:
.. .a theory o f grammar should not be content to display the rules of

language for their own sake, but should try, wherever possible, to explain
these rules in terms of their functionality with respect to the ways they are
used and to the ultimate purposes of these uses. (Dik 1978, 2)
From this perspective, there are certain ways in which statements about linguistic
patterns or occurrences should be made. Statements that element x often occurs or that
element y can occur in a particular environment may describe representative cases of
those linguistic elements, but more precise parameters are needed. This is not meant to
imply that every problematic case disappears and that all exceptions magically vanish,
but by broadening the contexts which textlinguistic approaches consider, a much greater
degree of predictability is made possible. These statements may be hypotheses, but the
objective is to clearly state the hypothesis so that it can be verified or refuted. As van der
Merwe insightfixlly comments, “even if some hypotheses are refuted, our knowledge is
furthered by knowing what a construction does not mean” (van der Merwe 1994, 39). The
problem with statements like “often occurs” and “can occur” is that they are not easily
verified or refuted.
Another facet of a predictive analysis is the necessary consideration o f non
occurrences. For example, an analysis may state that ■'n'l occurs with temporal clauses
that signal a new episode in the text. In order to account for all the dimensions of this use
of ■'n'l, however, the following questions must also be asked:
55
1) Are all new episodes initiated by ’'n 'l + temporal clause? If not, then
the function of ’’n 'l + temporal clause is not fully known until new
episodes without + temporal clause are brought into the analysis.
2) Is the only function o f ’’n 'l + temporal clause the introduction o f new
episodes? If not, then the other uses of ’'H';! + temporal clause must be
considered to more fully discern under what conditions ’’n il does in fact
occur with a temporal clause to initiate a new episode.
In Narrative Syntax, van Wolde comments that
.. .most linguistic studies of Biblical Hebrew mainly focus on the analysis

of how the forms are organized. Only a few deal with the question of
motivation and ask why a specific form is used in a certain text, (van
Wolde 1997, 21)
The goal o f textlinguistic studies, then, should be to move beyond how to why.
The goal o f the present study is to contribute to this process.
CHAPTER 4
THE NEED FOR FURTHER STUDY OF • I
It might seem from the preceding review of studies which deal with ’'n 'l that there
is little more that could be said about this enigmatic little word. One of the goals here,
however, is to deal exhaustively with ■'Il'l and in the process, further refine current
understanding o f its uses and functions as well as extend the analysis into areas not yet
adequately explored.
There are many aspects of where and when ‘'n')'! is used that are not well-defined.
Part of the problem with previous studies is the untestability o f what they claim
concerning ■'H'^Ts functions. To merely label it a macro-syntactic marker or “Text-
deiktikon” does not answer many of the questions that come from seeing the diverse
ways in which ’'ri'T is used. If the function o f ''n 'l is “Tempusmarker,” another set of
questions arises. There are many past tense narratives that don’t have any occurrences of
and certain texts seem to have many more than would be needed to simply mark past
tense. Questions like these and those discussed in the next three sections indicate that
there is much more to be understood about the uses and fimctions o f ’’n 'l. These sections
are followed by a detailed discussion of van der Merwe’s analysis o f ’’n 'l in 1 Samuel.
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57
4.1 Questions Raised by ‘’Hll

4.1.1 Questions Raised by the Books that Start with ’’Hll
Eight books in the Hebrew Bible start with Joshua, Judges, 1 Samuel,
2 Samuel, Ezekiel, Jonah, Ruth, and Esther.
Josh 1:1
nii^Q nini "igR*i nin-; ig r niô nln nnK "nn
n^b
NASB; N ow it came about after the death o f Moses the servant o f the LORD, that the LORD spoke to
Joshua the son o f Nun, Moses' servant, saying,
N iv: After the death o f Moses the servant o f the LORD, the LORD said to Joshua son o f Nun, Moses'
aide:
NRSV: After the death o f Moses the servant o f the LORD, the LORD spoke to Joshua son o f Nun, Moses'
assistant, saying,
Judg 1:1
'b ibR*? ■'3.? nlQ nnK
:i3 onVn^ n^nna
NASB: Now it came about after the death o f Joshua that the sons o f Israel inquired o f the LORD, saying,
“Who shall go up first for us against the Canaanites, to fight against them?”
NIV: After the death o f Joshua, the Israelites asked the LORD, “Who will be the first to go up and fight
for us against the Canaanites?”
NRSV: After the death o f Joshua, the Israelites inquired o f the LORD, “Who shall go up first for us against
the Canaanites, to fight against them?”
1 Sam 1:1
onn'-p np*?K onDK ma n'nmn-ig lua
NASB: N ow there was a certain man Irom Ramathaim-zophim Irom the hill coimtry o f Ephraim, and his
name was Elkanah the son o f Jeroham, the son o f Elihu, the son o f Tohu, the son o f Zuph, an
Ephraimite.
NIV: There was a certain man fl'om Ramathaim, a Zuphite from the hill country o f Ephraim, whose name
was Elkanah son o f Jeroham, the son o f Elihu, the son o f Tohu, the son o f Zuph, an Ephraimite.
NRSV: There was a certain man o f Ramathaim, a Zuphite from the hill country o f Ephraim, whose name
was Elkanah son o f Jeroham son o f Elihu son o f Tohu son o f Zuph, an Ephraimite.
58
2 Sam 1:1
:D'3tz? D'Q''
•T » • T
1 ^ 3
▼ I I • I
m • T V •*—
p*?QS7n-nti n lsn o
I •• T “ » ▼ V — ■■
3^
T
i m ’?ik\z;‘ n 1n n n « ■'n'T
• T I ▼ • • —» — • » —
NASB: N ow it came about after the death o f Saul, when David had retumed from the slaughter o f the
Amalekites, that David remained two days in Ziklag.
N iv: After the death o f Saul, David retumed from defeating the Amalekites and stayed in Ziklag two
days.
NRSV; After the death o f Saul, when David had retumed from defeating the Amalekites, David remained
two days in Ziklag.
Ezek 1:1
n^l3in-i|ln3 •'3«i niâns 'i?"3"j3
nlK"iD n><"jKT inriDi
NASB: N ow it came about in the thirtieth year, on the fifth day o f the fourth month, while I was by the river
Chebar among the exiles, the heavens were opened and I saw visions o f God.
NIV: In the thirtieth year, in the fourth month on the fifth day, while I was among the exiles by the Kebar
River, the heavens were opened and I saw visions o f God.
NRSV: In the thirtieth year, in the fourth month, on the fifth day o f the month, as I was among the exiles by
the river Chebar, the heavens were opened, and I saw visions o f God.
Jonah 1:1
nbK*? "HOK-p n3V"*?x
NASB: The word o f the LORD came to Jonah the son o f Amittai saying,
NIV: The word o f the LORD came to Jonah son o f Amittai:
NRSV: N ow the word o f the LORD came to Jonah son o f Amittai, saying,
Ruth 1:1
Dn^-n'3n fiK S 3i?"i 'ri‘;i 0 ^091^0 obis’ ''Q'3 'n n
trn iniSNT Kin 3K1d ' 1 ^ 3
NASB: N ow it came about in the days when the judges govemed, that there was a famine in the land. And a
certain man o f Bethlehem in Judah went to sojoum in the land o f Moab with his wife and his two
sons.
n i v : In the days when the judges mled, there was a famine in the land, and a man from Bethlehem in
Judah, together with his wife and two sons, went to live for a while in the country o f Moab.
NRSV: In the days when the judges mled, there was a famine in the land, and a certain man o f Bethlehem in
Judah went to live in the country o f Moab, he and his wife and two sons.
Esth 1:1
:n3'lQ HKbl DntSJJT J73IS lSl3-1171 1100 l*?Qn iSHllSnK K10 iSHllSnK '0^3 'n 'l
T ‘ t *r " • I V * — V — t .. I ^ • I —
NASB: Now it took place in the days o f Ahasuems, the Ahasuems who reigned from India to Ethiopia over
127 provinces,
NIV: This is what happened during the time o f Xerxes, the Xerxes who mled over 127 provinces
stretching from India to Cush:
NRSv: This happened in the days o f Ahasuems, the same Ahasuems who mled over one hundred twenty-
seven provinces from India to Ethiopia
The NASB consistently preserves at least now if not now it came about wherever
■•nil occurs at the beginning o f these books, with the exception o f Jonah. Other English
59
versions, such at the N iv and NRSV, leave no trace of the occurrence of except
Esth 1 : l i n N iv : This is what happened... What does ■'H';! signal in this book-initial
position? Is it an indicator o f narrative? I f ’TI'Jl marks text as narrative, why does ’'n 'l
initiate certain books and not others which appear to have the same narrative character?
Obviously there is more than one way to start a book, but the analysis of 'n i l needs to
take facts like these into account and avoid general statements about 'n i l frequently
starting a book.
4.1.2 Questions Raised by How ‘'n il is Used in Jonah
There are five occurrences o f'H 'l in the brief text of Jonah.
The word o f the LORD came to 'nnK-13 ninriDi. 'nn Jonah 1:1
Jonah the son o f Amittai saying.
The LORD hurled a great wind on ’^'Dii hin'i Jonah 1:4

the sea and there was a great storm
on the sea D'j VnriiyD 'nil
Jonah was in the stomach o f the fish D'a; inn '?7Q3 n3l' 'mi Jonah 2:1
three days and three nights.
The word o f the LORD came to laKb n'Di;# n3T“*?K ninmini 'nn Jonah 3:1
Jonah the second time, saying.
When the sun came up, God nil? 'mi Jonah 4:8
appointed a scorching east wind.
n'li^'in D'l^ mi D'n’?K inn
The occurrences at 1:1 and 3:1 are identical in structure, other than the use o f
in 1:1 to introduce Jonah and o f n'3^ in 3:1 to make it explicit that it is the
second time. Four o f the five occurrences are followed by noun phrases, but the fifth is
followed by the preposition 3 and an infinitive construct. To what extent do these details
o f the S5mtactic environment affect the function o f '1111? Do these occurrences have any
60
structural significance within the book? For example, it eould be argued that the
occurrences at 1:1 and 3:1 initiate two major divisions of the book. However, is this a
function o f ■’PI';! or would the same division be there because of the parallel structure even
if ■’n 'l were not present? Do the other three oceurrenees o f ’’n 'l have any other function
in the book? Is there some significanee in marking the storm, Jonah being in the fish’s
belly, and the sunrise with ’'n 'l? Are these pivotal events within the book that merit a
diseourse marking? These are the kinds of questions that motivated further research.
4.1.3 Questions Raised by the Distribution of ’’n')! in Genesis
Plotting the distribution o f'’n 'l in Genesis revealed other facets of its use that
needed explanation. One of the first observations was that the many verbal uses of
required separate analysis. The frequent oceurrence o f i n Gen 1 did not appear to be
the result of any maero-syntactic function of the word, but rather a product o f its use eis a
verb. This raised the question o f how many other oceurrenees of 'n 'l might actually be
“nothing more” than the w a y y iq t o l form of
The most puzzling aspect of the distribution of ’’n 'l in Genesis is the high
frequeney of oecurrence in chapters 38 and 39 after only one oecurrence in all of chapters
36 and 37. What faetors would give rise to this sudden inerease in frequency? Is this
produced by a differenee in genre or text-type? Is there some macro-strueture that is
marked by these occurrences o f ’’n 'l? This enigmatie behavior o f ’’n'T. requires further
exploration.
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4.1.4 Questions Raised by van der Merwe’s Study of ^^']l in 1 Samuel
Van der Merwe’s study o f ''n 'l in 1 Samuel is the first published analysis of the
discourse functions o f this “elusive term” in an extended corpus. This study employs the
notion of reference time as a parameter for analyzing ’’n 'l, similar to Hatav’s The
Semantics o f Aspect and Modality. Since this is the most extensive, focused analysis of
■'il'l to date, its main conclusions will be reviewed in detail here.
Van der Merwe reviews the work of various scholars and concludes that more
clearly defined syntactic parameters need to be used in the analysis o f ’’n 'l. One of the
most basic distinctions in his study is between the verbal and the temporal uses of Till, a
distinction also commented on by Richter and others (Richter 1980, 206).* Based on
1 Samuel, vein der Merwe concludes that
a) “'n il signals that the reference time of a state of affairs is that of the
current reference time of a preceding temporally anchored event or events,
and
b) ‘'HT allows the updating or specification of the reference time of an

event by confirming that the current reference time o f the construction
with TIT is a preceding temporally anchored event or state of affairs, (van
der Merwe 1999,113-14)
Van der Merwe explains that “each temporally anchored event provides the
current reference time for the subsequent event” (van der Merwe 1999, 113-14), but
before proceeding, it is important to define what is meant by a “temporally anchored
event.” If a narrative begins with a specific temporal reference, this establishes the
' “Text-deiktische Funktion haben femer die Worterverbingdungen wa=y*hi(y) und

w ’= haya, wenn sie nicht als Verb fungieren” (Richter 1980, 206).
62
“current reference time” o f the narrative until it is updated or specified by another
temporal reference. Van der Merwe’s claim, then, is that ’’n 'l signals and confirms that
the reference time o f the construction with ■’n 'l is the already established reference time.
According to this analysis in 1 Samuel, then, ’’n 'l does not establish a new reference
time.
Van der Merwe’s conclusions are then divided into ''n 'l followed by a nominal
clause and 'n 'l preceding a temporal clause. He states that ‘'n^l introduces a nominal
clause
.. .that initiates the setting of a new episode in a narrative. In such cases it

normally points to the connection between major units in the Tanach.
Hence, it may be regarded as a device for establishing continuity at a
macro level; or
■’n']! may also
.. .introduce a nominal clause that concludes a scene or episode. In such

cases the fact that a state of affairs is the outcome of preceding events is
signaled. To put it differently, ■'n'l anchors a state of affairs to the time
line (i.e., story-line) o f a narrative and establishes a continuity at an intra
scene level between events and the state of affairs of a scene, (van der
Merwe 1999, 113)
In some respects, the claim that ’'H';! both initiates and concludes a scene or
episode may seem to be contradictory. What determines whether a particular occurrence
o f ■'n'l is initiating or concluding a scene or episode? This will be discussed in detail in
subsequent sections.
63
4.1.5 Questions Raised by the Claims in the Literature Review
The survey of seholarship in the sections on Traditional, Descriptive, and
Textlinguistic approaches stimulated other questions ahout the function o f ’’n 'l. The
purpose here is to summarize and highlight the questions that are crucial for further
understanding o f a n d its various uses and functions.
1) What is the direction o f ''17'Vs connection in the text? Is the connection

to what precedes it, follows it, or both?
2) What is the role of ''n 'l in marking or signaling divisions in a text?
3) Do only certain types of occurrences of ‘'n 'l qualify for a role in the
broader narrative organization or is there something ahout n'H as a verb
that gives every occurrence a peculiar role?
4) Is the presence or absence of 'n 'l with particular clause elements

involved in the information structure of a biblical Hebrew text? In other
words, does it indicate different levels of prominence or salience?
5) If ■'n'Vs primary role is in the temporal organization of a text, does a

concept like Reference Time clarify its function?
6) To what extent is the function o f ’’n il govemed by the form of the

verbal element which immediately follows it?
7) Does aspect play a role in determining the function o f ’’ri'l?
8) What are the implications of labeling ’’n 'l as a “macro-syntactic

marker”? If this is ‘’n 'l ’s function, what is being marked?
These questions and others like them have motivated the research presented in
this study. The particular object o f study is '’n''.!, but in a broader sense, this study is
prohing fundamental issues o f how one understands the interconnected nature of
narrative and all the varied linguistic elements which make it work, ‘’n^ljust happens to
be the specific item under the microscope.
64
4.1.6 Summary
Van der Merwe’s analysis of 1 Samuel highlights the complexity o f T I'l’s usage
in the Hebrew Bible. Even though the corpus provided by 1 Samuel seems quite
extensive, there are many questions about the use of ’'n'T. that remain unanswered.
There are also several Eispects to van der Merwe’s analysis that need clarification.
He states that ‘“’n 'l signals that the reference time of a state of affairs is that of the
current reference time o f a preceding temporally anchored event or events” and that ’’n il
also “allows the updating or specification of the reference time o f an event by confirming
that the current reference time of the construction with is a preceding temporally
anchored event or state o f affairs” (van der Merwe 1999, 113). These claims need to be
evaluated after careful examination of the data.
4.2 The Scope of this Study

The primary focus o f this study is on ‘’n 'l —^perhaps the most readily recognized
form o f the verb n'H— , but the other forms of n'H cannot be ignored. For example, the
less frequent feminine singular ’’Hril needs to also be considered in terms of its syntactic
and pragmatic functions. Equally necessary is the analysis of n 'n ) with its feminine
counterpart n n 'n i. In a certain sense, and n 'n ] are mirror-image forms, performing
similar fiinctions but along different temporal axes.
As the discussion o f ’’Hll proceeds, it will become clear that ’'n 'l is merely one
element in the complex web o f verbal or temporal strands that run through a text. Even
65
though the present analysis focuses on it cannot be adequately analyzed when
isolated from the web o f which it is an integral part. This analysis also involves close
consideration o f the syntactic components most integrally connected to ’’n ' l in the text.
For example, the analysis o f ’’n'T must take into account the syntactic shape of the clause
in which it occurs. One o f the most unfortunate consequences of too quickly assuming
the textlinguistic function of an entity like "'n'l is that its syntactic role or connection in
the immediate context can all too easily be overlooked.
At a broader level, 'n 'l must be analyzed in terms of how it relates to the various
features of narrative texture and temporal organization in biblical Hebrew. Whenever the
narrative functions o f ‘'n 'l are discussed, '1711 must be analyzed as one o f several
interrelated components o f the text which work together to move it through its turns and
transitions. In this regard, ’'H ll must be analyzed along with the many WAYYIQTOL verb
forms in biblical Hebrew. As a member o f the total set o f w a y y i q t o l verbs, '*n';i should
be expected to share similar functions with other members of the set, but without denying
that the grammaticalization o f certain unique functions can occur. The fact that ‘'H';! is a
WAYYIQTOL makes it necessary to discuss certain general features of the biblical Hebrew
verbal system (See 6.2).
Comprehensive analysis of the various syntactic environments vvithin which Tl';!
occurs provides the necessary data for the subsequent consideration o f its role and
ftinction within the broader textual context, giving special attention to discourse and
pragmatic factors.
66
This study is very data-oriented, based on the belief that working through
example after example is the best way for the general pattems o f usage to become most
apparent. If only a few selective examples are given, it is more difficult to gain an
appreciation for and familiarity with the full spectrum of ■’n'V s uses. One o f the other
benefits o f displaying all the data is that it gives an objective starting point from which to
discuss the pattems and distribution o f the linguistic items in question. It is easy to
assume that certain phrases are quite frequent unless the actual number of occurrences is
taken into consideration. For example, the specific phrase D 'lD in 'r i 'l
after these things (discussed in more detail in 9.3.1.1) occurs only eight times in the
entire Hebrew Bible—and five of these occurrences are in Genesis.^ While reading
Genesis, it is certainly reasonable to notice the relatively frequent occurrence o f this
phrase, but this type o f impression cannot be anything more than a preliminary
hypothesis until the rest o f the biblical Hebrew corpus is considered. On the basis of
Genesis, this phrase may have appeared to be a significant temporal stmcturing device,
but this analysis is no longer possible when the other occurrences are taken into account.
An additional benefit o f displaying all the examples is that it gives the reader
immediate access to the data, thus facilitating evaluation of the analysis and claims in this
study. In the study o f something like TI';!, it is very easy to make general statements
based on limited data. Some of these statements may indeed be valid, but they need to be
verified in light of all the relevant data.
Gen 22:1, 20; 39:7; 40:1; 48:1; Josh 24:29; 1 Kgs 17:17; 21:1.
67
In certain sections, however, where the exact phrase is repeated numerous times,
just the references are given. This is the case, for example with the possessive phrases,
he had, especially since there is nothing in the broader context that affects these
verbal uses of ’’ri'l.
4.3 The Contribution of this Study

What difference would it make if ■'ilf'l were left untranslated? If it is seen as an
idiosyncratic “Once upon a time” structure for Hebrew, what implications does that have
for modern imderstanding o f the Hebrew text? If ‘'n 'l were just left untranslated in most
o f its “and it came to pass” occurrences, what would be the net loss?
One o f the main goals here is to move beyond previous studies by considering the
syntax and pragmatics o f all the occurrences o f i n BHS. This involves testing the
claims and proposals o f previous studies in the wider corpus o f BHS. Van der Merwe’s
study is the most significant and focused textlinguistic study o f ■’n 'l to date, but it is
limited in its scope, dealing only with 1 Samuel. For example, van der Merwe’s analysis
of 'n 'l as a marker allowing the “updating or specification of the reference time of an
event” (van der Merwe 1999, 113) is novel and helpful, but in biblical Hebrew narrative
there are transition points or specifications of time that appear to be updating the
reference time without These examples—and other sjmtactic and pragmatic
features o f ■'H';! invite further analysis and description, which will be carried out within
the multidimensional, functional and typological model of discourse analysis presented in
the chapter on Theoretical Considerations.
68
The discourse-pragmatic analysis implemented here requires that Tl';i not be
considered on the basis o f the individual clauses in which it occurs, isolated from the
surrounding context. In this framework, ‘'n 'l will be considered within the whole “textual
web” of biblical Hebrew. Attention will also be paid to the narrative flow and the
function o f other textlinguistic indicators in the global context in which ’'n'1 occurs,
considering the WAYYIQTOL and WEQATAL forms in particular. The diseourse distribution
and occasional clustering o f oceurrenees of ‘'n 'l is another aspect that will require
analysis.
One o f the other goals of this study is methodological in nature. The primary goal
is, of course, to analyze 'n 'l , but a secondary objective is that the analysis of ’'n'T. be seen
as a case study to demonstrate the benefits of the multidimensional discourse-pragmatic
analysis implemented here (See section 5.2). This analytical model can be applied to any
aspect of biblical Hebrew. In fact, one o f the greatest needs in current discourse studies of
biblical Hebrew is a comprehensive model capable of dealing with the multifaceted
features o f the biblical Hebrew text. This may seem like an unattainable goal, but one of
the faetors that has hindered wider acceptance of discourse studies is the perceived
fragmentary character o f many individual studies of specific features. O f course, it is
possible to err in the opposite extreme if the model presented here is perceived as the
onlv model to answer all questions about biblical Hebrew discourse. The goal here is not
that ambitious, but at the same time what is implemented here is presented with the firm
conviction that satisfying answers to questions related to biblical Hebrew diseourse
69
features ean only be obtained by some type of multi-perspectival communicative model
o f language in use.
Some may react to the eclectic nature o f this model, but having a variety of
analytical tools at one’s disposal is the best way to deal with the variety o f features in the
biblical Hebrew text. Another potential criticism is that the analytical model appears to
be much more complex than even the Hebrew text itself. Complexity, in and of itself, is
not what validates a model o f linguistic analysis, but all too often the inherent complexity
of language is minimized because of the automatic, subconscious way in which we as
speakers use language. Care needs to be exercised to avoid rejecting an analytical model
merely because o f its apparent complexity. This, however, does not justify unnecessary
complexity in linguistic description; any analysis should always strive for simplicity
whenever possible.
It is also possible that some may dispute the emphasis on linguistic analysis
employed in this study, but the linguistic nature o f the problem calls for the use of
appropriate linguistic tools. The reader is free to judge whether there is any benefit to be
derived from the use o f these analytical perspectives and tools, but even if this study does
no more than further define the questions that remain about a contribution will be
made. It is the goal and expectation o f the author, however, that at the very minimum,
certain parameters for the study o f an entity like T I'l will be at least clearly explicated.
In linguistic description, as in many scientific endeavors, “fuzzy” analysis is extremely
difficult to either refute or verify; the most verifiable analysis, then, is one which clearly
states its hypotheses and conclusions. This, then, is the goal here.
CHAPTER 5
GENERAL THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
5.1 Introduction
The general theoretical framework discussed here lays an important foundation
for the analysis presented in the subsequent chapters. Two introductory matters require
attention, however, before getting into the main theoretical concepts: 1) The nature of
biblical Hebrew as a language and 2) the nature of linguistic description.
5.1.1 The Nature of Biblical Hebrew as a Language
Biblical Hebrew is often conceived of as a dead ancient language—which, of
course, in a sense it is— , but it is important to keep in mind that the people who spoke
and heard, wrote and read biblical Hebrew were members of a living speech community.
There are obviously no existing samples of spoken Hebrew from the biblical period—^the
text is all we have—^but one of the basic tenets of this study is that the biblical Hebrew
text reflects the language as it was used in actual communication. In other words, the
biblical Hebrew text was produeed by and intended for people who used and understood
the language in which it was written. Even if most people only heard the text as it was
read out loud in ceremonial settings, this still presupposes language that was understood
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by reader and listener alike. Consequently, the study o f biblieal Hebrew requires a model
of linguistie analysis that foeuses on language use.
The study o f a linguistic item like 'TI'l assumes that the text reflects acceptable
pattems o f usage and not misuse or improper usage. It is assumed that editing the text
did not violate its eommxmieative integrity. By implication, then, all occurrences o f ’’n il
are assumed to be in the text because they reflect how the writers and/or editors
understood and used ’’n 'l. This hypothesis may seem extreme, but it is the best way to
proceed with an analysis o f ■'n'T If the assumption were made that certain occurrences of
’’H')! did not coincide with acceptable pattems of usage, the analysis would not only have
to explain why these unacceptable oceurrenees of are in the text, but the integrity o f
the entire text becomes suspect. On the other hand, if the integrity of the text including
all the occurrences of ■'H']! is assumed, the analysis is constrained to seek explanations for
those occurrences through careful implementation o f whatever method of linguistie
analysis might be necessary. In the final analysis, if some oceurrenees are not adequately
explained, it will be the fault o f the model and its implementation rather than the fault of
the text.
5.1.2 The Nature of Linguistic Description
One o f the typical reactions to linguistie description is that the explanation of
apparently very simple things is made hopelessly complex. This is a challenge for any
kind of scientific description which attempts to analyze the intemal complexity o f what
appears to be a simple organism or system. Some formal descriptions of language can
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indeed be very complex, but one of the main problems is that the speaker of a language is
unaware o f the complexity of the linguistic systems he or she uses without conscious
effort. This is not a license for uncontrolled abstraction—complexity merely for the sake
o f complexity is to be avoided at all costs—^but a certain level of complexity has to be
expected. A conscious attempt has been made, however, to keep technical, theory-
specific jargon to a minimum.
5.2 A Functional, Discourse-Pragmatic View of Language

The functional, discourse-pragmatic view of language implemented here is much
more than just a methodology for analyzing the discourse structure o f a text; it is a
fundamental perception o f language as communication in context. As a functional model
o f analysis, the focus is on the interconnection o f linguistic forms and the functions they
perform in communication. The term discourse-pragmatic refers to the fundamental
concern with the choices made by speakers as they use language and the effects these
choices have on their communication. The following five orientations are integral
components of this perspective:
5.2.1 A Descriptive Orientation
5.2.2 An Interactive Morpho-Syntactic Orientation
5.2.3 A Fimctional-Typological Orientation
5.2.4 A Discourse-Pragmatic Orientation
5.2.5 A Cognitive Orientation
These orientations are discussed in the following sections.
12>
5.2.1 A Descriptive Orientation
As a descriptive model, the goal is to analyze and describe, as exhaustively as
possible, every aspect o f the language being studied. Based on all available data, the
analysis seeks to reflect the structure and features of that data on its own terms, without
imposing any expectations based on the structure of some other language. Consequently,
statements like the following should be avoided, since no one language is the standard by
which others should be measured:
Thus, the verb forms and the constructions listed above are common to
both historical narrative and direet speech, however their value varies
from one genre to the other. This fact does not jeopardize the difference
between the two genres of the prose, or the existence o f a verb system in
Biblieal Hebrew. It simply attests to the poverty o f the language. The
Biblieal Hebrew situation is comparable to that of a modem language like
English, which does not have complete sets of verb forms as eompared to
Latin languages. (Niecaeci, 1997, 191) [italics mine]
From a deseriptive perspective, there is no language whieh is impoverished or
incomplete. The inventory or system o f linguistic items may vary greatly from language
to language, but all human languages are effective means of eommunication for their
speech commimities. The perceived impoverishment or inadequacy o f a language such as
Hebrew is typieally the result o f the assumption that a certain grammatical feature in one
language must also exist in another language. If an equivalent grammatical feature is not
found, it is assumed to be “missing” and this is perceived as a deficieney. Language
svstems need to be compared, not just isolated features extracted from them. When one
specific feature or item is analyzed, the whole system within whieh it functions should be
kept in focus. When a speaker uses language, a whole complex of systems is brought into
aetive use as commimication takes plaee. Analysis of elements or features from these
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systems requires awareness o f the integral role those elements or features play in the
whole communication event.
Some may object to the expression, “the whole communication event,” with
reference to the written biblical Hebrew text. The intention is not to imply that the text is
the same as the whole communication event, but neither should the text be
underestimated for its ability to faithfully represent the commimication event. Certain
aspects of the communication event are not accessible, but the fallacy o f assuming we
have nothing because we don’t have anything should be avoided at all costs.
The goal, then, is the best descriptive reflection o f biblical Hebrew as a language
that was used in real communicative situations. Together with the other orientations that
follow, the goal of this description is to arrive at a principled description o f Hebrew based
on an awareness of and interaction with categories used in general Linguistics for the
descriptive part o f the analysis. In this descriptive orientation, the terms identification
(5.2.1.1), variation (5.2.1.2), and distribution (5.2.1.3) are evidence o f the underlying
influence of Tagmemics, especially as discussed by Pike in Linguistic Concepts (Pike
1982). Longacre states in The Grammar o f Discourse that “[tjagmemics can offer itself to
the student o f linguistics as an underlying, minimal theory” (Longacre 1996, 269).
Indeed, one o f the strengths o f Tagmemics is the set of foundational concepts that were
conceived specifically for the task o f linguistic description. These concepts are
implemented here, but the overall analytical approach is not limited to the Tagmemic
model.
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5.2.1.1 Identification
Proper identification is essential to the description of any linguistic entity. In
traditional grammatical terms, this is the fimction of parsing a particular form in the
language. All the grammatical details are a necessary part of the full identification o f a
linguistic entity. Identification involves cataloguing the contrastive features of the
various grammatical forms o f biblical Hebrew,

id e n tific a tio n :
such as the verb stems or binyanim. The
identification of forms provides a taxonomy of all

Pc-vqw3msXa
the forms used in the Hebrew Bible and is an
ofn^n
important foundation for other types of analysis.
Figure 2: Identification o f ’fi'!!
5.2.1.2 Variation
This aspect o f analysis considers the possible ways in which a given linguistic
entity may vary slightly from case to case without ceasing to be itself. For example, the
influence o f the âtnah will bring about slight changes in certain forms—^typically called
pausal forms—^but these minor variations do not make the linguistie entity in question
become something else. For example, ’'n 'l and

v a r ia tio n :
normal: ■
’nni ■’n*! are not separate verbs, but a variation of one
form caused by the environment of the accent.

pausal: 'nm
■'IT'1 is foimd twice in Psa 33:9 and Ezek 16:19
Figure 3: Variations o f'’n’l
and ■'nm once in Lam 3:37.
The constant change which all languages undergo is one o f the main factors
involved in the three main types of variation observed in the world’s languages:
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historical, geographical, and sociological. In the analysis of biblical Hebrew, it is always
advisable to evaluate whether variations encountered in the text might be the resuit of
these influences, hut the nature of the transmission of the biblical text makes it very
difficult to make conclusive statements.
5.2.1.3 Distribution
Also fundamental to the full analysis of any linguistic entity is an awareness of its
distribution throughout the text. An item may have a very limited distribution—perhaps
occurring in only certain clausal or textual environments—or there may appear to be a
very wide distribution; all o f these factors are significant in the full analysis of a
linguistic item.
In the study o f biblical Hebrew, the distribution o f linguistic items has typically
been overlooked with the focus rather on the item’s frequency o f occurrence. For
example, knowing only that TK occurs 141 times (Mitchel 1984, 10) is not nearly as
significant as also knowing its distribution in different contexts. An important aspect of
the distribution o f an item like TN is how it pattems with other components in the systems
of temporal reference in the text. In the study of '’n il, distribution involves not merely
where it occurs in the text, but which type of occurrence of occurs in a given
location, whether there is any discemible pattem o f occurrence, or whether there is any
departure from the typical pattem of occurrence, etc.
Identifying the number o f occurrences is only the first step in describing the
distribution o f an item like ‘'H';!. As a first glance at the pattem of ‘’11'’,Vs usage, it is
instractive to consider the difference in frequency by book. If it is assumed that
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typically occurs in narrative, this assumption appears to be eonfinned by, for example,
the extremes o f 130 oeeurrences in Genesis compared with 0 oceurrenees in Proverbs.
The relatively high frequency in Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel might seem a little more
surprising, requiring further examination o f the occurrences in these books since the
preliminary chart above does not distinguish between the various types of uses of
■
’h’l ’nm total '’H'T ’h m total
Genesis 123 7 130 Nahum 0 0 0
Exodus 41 3 44 Habakkuk 1 0 1
Leviticus 1 0 1 Zephaniah 0 0 0
Numbers 16 5 21 Haggai 2 0 2
Deuteronomy 7 0 7 Zechariah 9 0 9
Joshua 62 0 62 Malachi 0 0 0
Judges 48 5 53 Psalms 5 1 6
1 Samuel 55 12 67 Job 10 1 11
2 Samuel 39 17 56 Proverbs 0 0 0
1 Kings 77 4 81 Ruth 5 2 7
2 Kings 55 2 57 Song o f Songs 0 0 0
Isaiah 11 6 17 Ecclesiastes 0 0 0
Jeremiah 43 3 46 Lamentations 0 1 1
Ezekiel 64 7 71 Esther 6 1 7
Hosea 1 0 1 Daniel 5 0 5
Joel 0 0 0 Ezra 1 0 1
Amos 0 0 0 Nehemiah 14 2 16
Obadiah 0 0 0 1 Chronicles 27 5 32
Jonah 5 0 5 2 Chronicles 46 1 47
Micah 0 0 0 totals 779 85 864
Figure 4: Frequency o f Occurrence of'n'!! and ''nril.
Analyzing the distribution of linguistic items has implications for the process of
learning a language like biblical Hebrew. One of the typical methods for learning
vocabulary is according to frequency of occurrence. The advantage o f this approach is
that it allows the beginning student to learn the words which he or she will likely
encounter in a wide variety of biblieal passages. The student soon comes to a point,
however, where a eontextual approach would be more beneficial. For example, the verb
KQD to become unclean occurs 162 times in the Hebrew Bible and will be learned by
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most students in standard Hebrew courses (Van Pelt and Pratico 2003, 105). The use of
this verb, however, is very contextual. The following chart shows the occurrences by
book:
Occurrences of Genesis, 3; Leviticus, 71; Numbers, 21; Deuteronomy, 2; 2 Kings, 4;

KDp by book: Psalms, 2; Isaiah, 1; Jeremiah, 4; Ezekiel, 28; Hosea, 3; Micah, 1;
______________ Haggai, 1; 2 Chronicles, 1_____________________________________
Figure 5: Occurrences o f NDQ by book
When the student reads the Hebrew Bible, most o f Genesis and all of Exodus will
be read without any occurrences o f this word, whereas in Leviticus it is imderstandably
frequent. A contextual approach to vocabulary learning would at least alert the student to
these parameters o f usage.
One of the unfortunate side-effects of learning biblical Hebrew vocabulary only
by frequency o f occurrence is that it tends to foster the perception that frequency equals
importance. This “Frequency Fallacy” operates on the assumption that mere repetition is
significant. The recommendation to “note any words that are repeated or that emerge as
motifs in a section or paragraph” (Fee 2002, 80) reinforces the notion that repetition is
important. Repetition should not be ignored, but should be analyzed with a more
nuanced, contextual approach. Schertz and Yoder comment that “even if a phrase or
clause is repeated exactly, it may have a different nuance in a different context” (Schertz
and Yoder 2001,49). This requires careful analysis o f each occurrence of a word or
phrase before making exegetical decisions and conclusions.
Another aspect of the Frequency Fallacy is that significance is sometimes found
in the very infrequent, but strategically used word or concept or even in what is not
overtly stated. Giving a New Testament example, Stuart states that
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[a]n excellent reminder o f this is Jesus’ parable of the Good Samaritan in

Luke 10. He tells the parable in order to demonstrate what it means to love
neighbor as self, yet the parable does not contain the word ‘love’ or
‘neighbor’ or ‘se lf— even though it contains powerfiilly the concept of
loving neighbor as self. (Stuart 2001, 21)
By implication, then, the repetition o f words and phrases is only one feature to
consider in the whole analysis o f the text. Full distributional analysis considers this
figure and ground nature o f the use of linguistic items.
5.2.1.4 Summary
In terms o f the present study of ‘’n 'l, these three analytical perspectives require an
exhaustive taxonomy o f ’’n 'l for its proper identification, taking any possible variants into
consideration. The factors which potentially affect the distribution of 'n i l throughout the
text must also be explored. The analysis of a linguistic entity is incomplete unless all
aspects are taken into consideration.
5.2.2 An Interactive Morpho-Syntactic Orientation
5.2.2.1 A Unit-in-Context Approach^
The traditional distinction between morphology and syntax validly recognizes the
word as a basic linguistic unit at its level of the hierarchy.^ Starting with basic word-
formation pattems, it is only logical to conceive of lower to higher levels of analysis
' After this section had been written, while rereading Pike’s Linguistic Concepts (1982),
it was discovered that Pike uses the term “unit-in-context.” In 5.2.1, my indebtedness to Pike is
acknowledged, but when I decided to use the expression “a unit-in-context approach,” I was not
consciously aware o f the use o f this term in Linguistic Concepts.
^ See Kenneth L. Pike and Evelyn G. Pike, Grammatical Analysis (1991, 98-99) for a
discussion o f fundamental principles o f word division which include the: 1) Isolatability o f
words; 2) Relative mobility of words versus rigidity in the order o f parts o f words; and,
3) Noninterruptibility o f a word by words.
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based on the relative size of linguistic units. In some models of linguistic analysis, it has
been a matter of principle that these levels be analyzed separately and in order.
Newmeyer states that Hockett’s principle of avoiding circularity in phonological analysis
“became known as the prohibition against ‘mixing levels’ in grammatical description”
(Newmeyer 1980, 6). Certain analytical procedures do require clear separation o f levels,
but this needs to be understood as an analytical abstraction. This type of abstraction is
like a solution o f salt water which the chemist knows can be separated into its component
chemicals, but for the non-analyst it is just salt water. Language use is like the various
linguistic items in solution; the separation of these items into different levels is merely an
abstraction for analytical purposes.
The usefulness o f these analytical abstractions is not denied, but this is not the
same as actual language in use. Language as it is being used is not confined to discrete
hierarchical levels, but is more properly conceived o f as an intersecting network of
eommimicative functions. Diseourse analysis is often referred to as an approach which
goes “beyond the sentence,” distinguishing it from other models which focus on
sentence-level grammar. It is unquestionable that describing the structure or grammar of
the hierarchical levels o f language beyond the sentence is one of the typical concerns of
discourse analysis, but this characterization can give the impression that discourse is
merely another level of study that comes after the lower levels of the hierarchy have been
fully analyzed. In the view o f language implemented here, however, discourse doesn’t
refer to a discrete hierarchical level, but rather refers to the pervasive communicative
nature and functions o f language which intersect with all the other eomponents in the
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network. Analysis needs to be carried out at each level, but full analysis will always be
provisional until the analysis o f all the parts has been informed by the whole. The terms
“bottom-up” and “top-down” are sometimes used to describe how analysis proceeds from
lower to higher or from higher to lower levels, but the model presented here is better
described as a “imit-in-context” approach. As such, it cannot be characterized as either
“bottom-up” or “top-down,” but rather involves constant attention to part-whole
relationships within the text.
For example, in biblical Hebrew, the pronominal suffixes are typically analyzed at
the morphological level. This level of analysis is obviously necessary, but this is only
part of the total analysis since their narrative function is not restricted to the
morphological level. This is the motivation for the term “unit-in-context,” since the full
analysis o f the imit which is realized at the morphological level requires examination of
its connection to the broader narrative context.
Then he gave them into the hands o f D'DPmn T3 D].n*l 2 Sam 21:9
the Gibeonites, and they hanged them
in the mountain before the LORD, so n in “; 'b V i n a 097*1
that the seven o f them fell together;
and they were put to death in the first
days o f harvest at the beginning o f 1*?^ *0*3 "inon oni
barley harvest.
Pc-vqw3msX3mp Pp-ncfsc Pa-np Pc- :D*ii7to i*3j? nVnn d*36?ki3
vhw3mpX3mp Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-ncbpc np
Pc-vqw3mp amd amscX3mp Pd Pc-
pi3mp Pc-pi3mp vHp3cp Pp-ncmpc ncms
Pp+Pa-amp ncfsc Pp-ncfsc ncmsc ncfp
For example in 2 Sam 21:9, the use of the pronominal suffix on D3F1*1 and 097*1
is not merely the result o f the arbitrary application o f an optional rule for encoding the
object. The morphological analysis o f these verbs as Pc-vqw3msX3mp and Pc-
vhw3mpX3mp respectively, identifies the forms that occur in the text, but explaining
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their use requires going beyond the surfaee forms to explore the contextual dimensions
whieh may influence the use o f the pronominal suffix. Lambdin states, for example, that
[a] pronominal direct object may be suffixed directly to a verb rather than
to the object marker ('’nK etc.);
1HK I saw him.
nnK n n — Ptnn He killed her.
There is no difference in meaning between the two constructions, though
there do appear to be stylistic preferences. (Lambdin 1971, 260)
In 2 Sam 21:9, the realization o f the direet object as a suffix on these verbs is part
o f the intricate scheme o f participant reference and the relative levels of focus assigned in
the narrative. Preliminary research indicates that there are notable differences between
the following three, possibly four, ways of expressing the direct object:
Josh 10:40 explicit noun with DK f “iK n - ’? 3 " n K n 3 * .i
Josh 10:41 pronominal suffix 3 > n 3 -iz? i^ Q d3*i
Gen 18:7 explicit noun 3 lD i
Num 21:35 explicit pronoun ‘iia s ? -'? 3 -n N i r 3 3 “ n K i ip k i 3*.i
It is beyond the scope of the present study to discuss these pronominal suffixes at
length, but the unit-in-context approach implemented here would seek to explain their use
on the basis o f contextual factors rather than as stylistic preferences.
One o f the other fundamental components of the Morpho-Syntactic Orientation is
an emphasis on syntax at all levels. In 1995, Lowery commented that
.. .there remains much o f syntax, and Biblical Hebrew syntax in particular,

which is not well understood. Could it be that this is because syntactic
usage is conditioned by yet another level of language, that o f text, which
has yet to be taken into consideration? (Lowery 1995, 107)
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This perceptive comment refleets the necessity of the analysis of the interaction
between morpho-syntax and textual phenomena. In many of the traditional and
descriptive grammars o f biblical Hebrew, attention to syntax is minimal or limited to the
consideration o f eertain clause-level issues. One o f the unfortunate consequences of
certain textlinguistic approaehes is the tendeney to move direetly from the morphological
base o f the traditional and deseriptive approach to the analysis of textual features—
circumventing important areas of phrase-, clause-, and sentence-level syntax that interact
with and are sensitive to textual phenomena. This is not a new idea; in fact, in Meek’s
Presidential Address at the 1944 meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature, he
remarked:
We may be able to parse correctly every form in a passage and may know
the exaet meaning o f eaeh word, but if we err at any point in the syntax,
even though slightly, our translation and interpretation cannot be correct.
For the correct understanding of the text nothing is so important as the
correct understanding o f the syntax. (Meek 1945, 1)
The model implemented here emphasizes the need for thorough syntactic research
at all levels, investigating the pervasive interaetion between linguistie items and their
context(s) o f use. Foley and Van Valin comment as follows on the role that grammatical
or syntactic constructions can have in the broader textual context:
.. .many o f the morphosyntactic phenomena which have traditionally been

at the center o f linguistic investigation, e.g., case marking, grammatieal
relations, and elause linkage, are crueially involved in reference and
predieation and therefore play fundamental roles in diseourse tracking.
(Foley and Van Valin 1984, 2)
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This interactive morpho-syntactic orientation is consistent with and builds on the
descriptive orientation described in the previous section. The goal is the full description
o f the morpho-syntactic phenomena o f biblical Hebrew in their contexts o f use.
S.2.2.2 Syntactic Constraints
An important concept in this morpho-syntactic orientation is that certain
constructions in language are framed in particular ways that constrain syntactic patterns,
such as the use o f verb forms. The proper interpretation o f the verb forms of biblical
Hebrew presents a variety o f challenges and requires careful evaluation o f the syntactic
context in which a given form occurs. This includes not only text type or genre, but
information type as well. Consider the following example:
God called the light day, and the darkness K"Tp*T Gen 1:5
He called night. '' • •••■ -Hi •-
In some approaches, the q a t a l and w a y y iq t o l in Gen 1:5 would be discussed in
terms o f the assumed temporal contrast between these forms. However, there is very
little that can legitimately be said about the use of Qa t a l in the second half o f this verse
unless the syntactic pattern is considered. Minimal significance can be attributed to the
contrast between w a y y iq t o l and q a t a l in this verse if there is some sense in which the
occurrence of these forms is governed by the syntactic shape of the sentence in which
both o f these forms occur. Very little is accomplished by merely giving a sentence like
this a label such as chiastic without, first o f all, addressing why it has this syntactic shape
and secondly, investigating its distribution. It is also important to consider what other
way(s) this sentence could have been framed and then analyze how this would affect the
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information status of the sentence. For example, if Gen 1:5 had been written with two
WAYYiQTOLs, it would Still report the same events, i.e., the naming of light and darkness
as day and night respectively, but the narrative framing would be different. The
WAYYIQTOL-QATAL sequence in Gen 1:5 depicts narratively the s i m u l t a n e it y or p a r it y
o f the two events, whereas two w a y y iq t o l s would give a s e q u e n t ia l depiction o f the
events.
Some analyses identify one of the main features o f QATAL as ANTERIORITY. This
may apply in many cases and may clarify some otherwise perplexing occurrences of
QATAL, but full analysis must take the narrative and syntactic context into consideration.
In the Gen 1:5 example above, the WE-x -QATAL in the second half cannot be analyzed
independently o f the first half with the w a y y i q t o l . In this construction, the temporal
feature o f a n t e r io r it y that q a t a l often has does not appear to be operative; rather, this
construction syntactically frames the two “namings” as co-temporal. Analysis of an entity
like the w e - x - q a t a l always needs to reflect sensitivity to the context in which it occurs.
The WAYYIQTOL - WE-X-QATAL frame discussed here is one of the reasons why
the sentence is an important area of analysis beyond the clause. The w e - x - q a t a l here is
not the same as the sentence-initial w e - x -QATAL which has its own peculiar discourse-
pragmatic fimction. Both need to be analyzed in their broader context, but this is beyond
the scope o f the present discussion.
Another example o f the w a y y iq to l —w e - x - q a ta l frame is 2 Sam 2:12-13
displayed below:
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Now Abner the son o f Ner, went out 2 Sam
from Mahanaim to Gibeon with the , . .. . n
servants o f Ish-bosheth the son o f :n3li7;ia o'lnsQ TW3~Wî<
Saul. And Joab the son ofZeruiah
m i ■’l a m
and the servants o f David went out
and met them by the pool o f Gibeon; 7! 1137331 nDia"*???
n D i a ” *?!? DÛ?3lD*l
and they sat down, one on the one
side o f the pool and the other on the n tn n3n3n-*?37 i3iz?»i
other side o f the pool. n 3 1 3 n ~ ^ 3 7 hVkT
Pc-vqw3ms np ncmsc-np Pc-ncmpc np ■ -r •• ■
ncmsc-np Pp-np npXd Pc-np ncmsc-np
Pc-ncmpc np vqpScp Pc-vqw3mpX3mp
Pp-ncfsc np Pd Pc-vqw3mp acp Pp-Pa-
ncfs Pp-ams Pc-acp Pp-Pa-ncfe Pp-ams
The WAYYIQTOL - WE-X-QATAL frame spans verses 2:12 and 13. The n a s b ,
shown in the left column, renders 12 and 13 as if they were both w a y y iq t o l , but the
beginning of 2:13 in BHS is a w e - x - q a t a l which highlights the temporal p a r it y of the
actions of Abner and Joab. The PARITY o f their actions is also indicated in 2:13 by 1111'
and ni.D ... hVk and ri3Q ... hVkI. The narrative depiction of the tension of the
impending war is heightened by the parallel framing of Abner and Joab’s meeting. This
type o f analysis not only takes into consideration the syntactic shape of the clause at
hand, but also considers the narrative purpose or pragmatics of why the particular clause
is found where it occurs.
Subordination is another example of a category of sjmtactic patterns that requires
special attention. For example, clauses with or ‘'3 are typically followed by certain
verb forms. Familiarity with these patterns eventually develops into a degree of
anticipation o f what will come next. For example, clauses with may be followed by
a QATAL as in 2 Sam 11:16 17T or by a participle as in 1 Kgs 5:13 K3f’’ "l^K.
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When Joab guarded the city, he put 'n*;! 2Sam
Uriah at the place where he knew
there were valiant men. olpan“*?x n n ix “nx “in*!
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Pp-Pa-ncfs Pc-
vqw3ms Po-np Pp-Pa-ncms Pr vqp3ins
Pp ncmpc-ncms Pd
He spoke o f trees, from the cedar D ''^vn-bv " I 3 t t iKgs5:i3

that is in Lebanon even to the hyssop
that grows on the wall; he spoke also 3lTxn i 3?i 1I33V3 i ^ x
o f animals and birds and creeping
I 'p g XX' "it^x
things andfish.
Pc-vpw3msPp-Pa-ncmp Pp-Pa-ncms Pr nlrn"*???! nDnSn"*?!? 1 3 T 1
Pp-np Pc-Pp Pa-ncms Pr vqPms Pp+Pa- ' ' '
ncms Pc-vpw3ms Pp-Pa-ncfs Pc-Pp-Pa- tD '3lin ~ 7l71
ncms Pc-Pp-Pa-ncms Pc-Pp-Pa-ncmp
These examples provide a good contrast between the function of the qatal and
the participle that can be explained in terms of temporal reference. The q a t a l in 2 Sam
11:16 reflects the fact that Joab’s knowledge is prior to giving the order to Uriah and the
participle in 1 Kgs 5:13 gives present temporal reference. It is not difficult, however, to
conceive o f the same clause in 1 Kgs 5:13 with a q a t a l XX' "I^X if the intended
temporal reference is past: which grew. These examples demonstrate the need for not
only recognizing the function o f “JIZ^X as a relative pronoun, but also for developing an
awareness of the syntactic patterns of the relative clauses it forms.
Awareness o f these patterns is crucial for determining whether certain
occuirences are significant, since significance is typically the result o f occurrences which
depart in some way from the standard patterns. If the clause being analyzed matches a
regular syntactic pattern, there is minimal exegetical significance. For example in 1 Kgs
5:13 above, the use o f the participle for present temporal reference conforms to the
regular pattern. As such, it would not be legitimate to emphasize the aspectual features
o f the participle in this type o f occurrence. All of this underscores the need for an
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interactive, unit-in-context morpho-syntactic analysis that huilds on a full and thorough
description o f biblical Hebrew.
5.2.3 A Functional-Typological Orientation
The analysis and description o f a language are not only concerned with explaining
grammatical features or syntactic structures, but also with exploring the possible
functions these features or structures perform in speech and/or in text. Functional
approaches share the basic assumption that “language has cognitive and social functions
which play a central role in determining the structures and systems that linguists think of
as the grammar o f a language” (Thompson 1992, 37). Both form and function are central
to this analysis since “one cannot understand form independent o f function” (Foley and
Van Valin 1984,9). A good example of this interaction o f form and function is the use of
active versus passive constructions in many o f the world’s languages. One type of
passive is known as the “backgrounding passive” which functions “to demote the actor”
(Foley and Van Valin 1984, 155), as in the following example from 1 Kings 21:15:
When Jezebel heard that Naboth had n l3 3 1/01^3 ‘’I!'’! 1

been stoned and was dead, Jezebel IDKBT DD*"! 21:15
saidtoAhab, ^ ■ •• ■ '
Pc-vqw3tnsXa Pp-vqc np Pp-vPp3ms np
Pc-vqw3msXa Pc-vqw3fs np Pp-np
The actors o f the passive Pual in this verse are the men who followed
Jezebel’s orders to kill Naboth so that Ahab could take possession of his vineyard. From
a functional perspective, analysis of the passive in 21; 15 is not merely a matter of
identifying the form as Pual, but rather it involves considering the possible “interaction of
linguistic forms and commimicative functions” (Foley and Van Valin 1984, 21) that may
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have motivated the use of the Pual form in this verse. From this perspective, one possible
explanation for the use o f the passive (Pual) rather than active (Qal) is that the passive
allows explicit reference to the action done to Naboth, but without giving further
prominence to the thugs themselves at this point in the narrative.
An analysis that merely parses verbal forms as Pual or Qal without consideration
of the contextual factors that shaped the author or speaker’s choice of one form or
another, is incomplete. As Dik comments:
...a theory of grammar should not be content to display the rules of

language for their own sake, but should try, wherever possible, to explain
these rules in terms o f their functionality with respect to the ways they are
used.... (Dik 1978, 2)
Many functional models have shown themselves to be effective in the analysis of
the world’s languages; responsible study and interpretation of the biblical text calls for
the use of every means at our disposal to understand it.
The typological approach analyzes languages as representative members of the
whole set o f human languages, comparing and contrasting structural similarities. The
typological orientation to language complements the descriptive approach discussed
above as seen in the following statement by Shopen in Language Typology and Syntactic
Description:
One must welcome the particular characteristics o f a language that make it

a unique cultural artifact, and different from any other, but at the same
time, one will understand the workings of the language better, even in its
most distinctive traits, the more one knows what languages tend to he like.
(Shopen 1985, 1)
It is important to notice that the comparison of language features within a
functional-typological perspective differs greatly from the type of comparative approach
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which assumes that one language is superior to another. The purpose o f comparison in a
functional-typological approach is to see how the function of a particular item in one
language can improve our understanding o f the function of a comparable item in another
language.
Another important aspect of the typological approach, as expressed by Miller, is
that “cross-linguistic evidence demonstrates the plausibility of our analysis” (Miller
1996, 200). Arguments for a particular analysis in one language find support in the
analysis o f comparable linguistic features in other languages. As van der Merwe
comments:
.. .to be successful in studying Biblical Hebrew from a discourse

perspective, the researcher must also allow imaginative hypotheses to be
formulated on the basis of observations of discourse phenomena in other
languages, (van der Merwe 1994, 39)
Even before the recent development o f typological approaches, James Barr in his
Semantics o f Biblical Language, argued similarly that a “semantic method which is used
for Greek or Hebrew must be integrated with general linguistics as a whole, and must
therefore be open to relevant data for semantics o f any language” (Barr 1983, 25). In the
functional-typological orientation implemented here, biblical Hebrew is perceived and
studied as one member o f the whole set of the world’s languages. As such, it may have
certain unique features, but it will also share features with other languages. Barr stated
that “the isolation o f Hebrew from general linguistics tends to heighten the impression of
Hebrew being quite extraordinarily unique in its structure” (Barr 1983,291). Awareness
o f how other languages function can not only help understand the functions of linguistic
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items in biblical Hebrew, but it can also help dispel the image of Hebrew as a strange
language.
5.2.4 A Discourse-Pragmatic Orientation
Language is a complex network of components with intersecting functions that
the written linear representation of speech does not fully portray. The immediate textual
context is only one aspect of a text’s overall context, since every utterance in any
language simultaneously brings together features of phonology, grammar, syntax, lexical
choice, as well as other dimensions of culture and worldview, rhetorical purpose,
pragmatics, literary style, etc. The analysis of speech or text involves
.. .a highly complex and intricate process of ‘understanding’ based not so

much upon the words themselves but upon all of the factors which
contribute to the communication event. (Louw 1986, 105)
All o f these dimensions intersect with the linear realization o f an utterance or text,
exerting their influence on that utterance or text in a variety of ways. The notion of
context, therefore, as used here is both textual and extra-textual. Textual context includes
not only the immediately adjacent linguistic items but also the entire text in which the
linguistic items are found. Extra-textual context includes all of the situational, social, and
communicative factors of the speech- or text-producing setting. Obviously, with the
biblical Hebrew text there are many aspects o f the text-producing situation which are not
accessible, but this dimension must be factored into the full analysis of the text.
For example, in Exodus or rather nlDl^, names play a significant discourse-
pragmatic function. All the sons o f Israel are named (1:1), and the midwives are named
(1:15), but the new king, lZ?in~’sj^n, is never named. When this is compared with Gen
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14:1-2, where the kings Amraphel, Arioeh, Kedorlaomer, Tedal, Bera, Birsha, Shinab,
Shemeber, and Zoar are all named, it seems elear that the “im-naming” of Pharaoh in
Exodus 1 is a pragmatically motivated choice, which results in diminished prominence of
the otherwise powerful Pharaoh.
5.2.4.1 Text-Types and Genre
The Discourse-Pragmatic Orientation also includes awareness of basic genre
distinctions or text-types that need to be taken into account when reading or analyzing
any text. For the reader, awareness of the genre of the text is one o f the most important
starting points, since the genre of the text affects reading strategy. When readers “start to
read a text, they make a conscious or unconscious genre identification, which involves
further expectations concerning what is to come” (Longman 1996, 141). Genre, in
Longman’s Literary Approaches and other literary analyses, typically refers to the
synchronic identification o f “the type of literature” to which a text belongs (Longman
1996, 141). The approach implemented here recognizes the need to identify the genre of
the whole text, but greater attention to discourse-pragmatic considerations is needed. For
example, within a text classified as narrative which “emphasizes that there is a succession
o f events” (Longman 1996,141), there will typically be other text-types which
accompany the events. From a discourse-pragmatic perspective, genre is an integral part
o f the communication process. The speaker or writer employs the characteristic features
o f genre as a mechanism for accomplishing his or her communicative goals.
The model implemented here is indebted to Longacre’s description in The
Grammar o f Discourse (Longacre 1996), which seeks to identify the types of textual
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components which make up the whole narrative. Longacre’s approach posits Narrative,
Procedural, Behavioral, and Expository as the basic text-types in text (Longacre 1996,
10):
+Agent Orientation -Agent Orientation

NARRATIVE PROCEDURAL
Prophecy How-to-do-it + Projection

+ Contingent
Succession
Story How-it-was-done - Projection
BEHAVIORAL EXPOSITORY
Hortatory Proposal + Projection

- Contingent
Succession
Eulogy Scientific paper - Projection
Figure 6: Basic Text-Types (Longacre 1996, 10)

Longacre states that
... we can classify all possible discourses in all languages according to two
basic etic parameters: contingent temporal succession and agent
orientation. Contingent temporal succession (henceforth contingent
succession) refers to a framework of temporal succession in which some
(often most) of the events or doings are contingent on previous events or
doings. Agent orientation refers to orientation towards agents with at least
a partial identity o f agent reference running through the discourse.
(Longacre 1996, 9)
These text-types or genre provide basic parameters for discerning the essential
character o f the text being studied. In the approach implemented here, these text-types
are not rigidly imposed on the text, but rather are fluid, allowing for overlap and fuzzy
borders between the basic types. Longman discusses the “fluid concept of genre,” in
contrast to the rigid “one text, one genre” approach o f Gunkel and other nineteenth
century genre theorists. Longman states that one of the benefits of a fluid approach “is
94
that it demands that the exegete attend as elosely to the peculiarities o f the text as to its
similarities” (Longman 1996,143).
The text-types posited by Longacre allow for greater precision than the two-way
distinction that Niccacci makes between narrative and discourse. For Niccacci, basic
division in biblical Hebrew is between the narrative framework and reported speech using
the terms narrative and discourse for these two text-types (Niccacci 1994, 119). This is
an important distinction, but within these two major types, fiuther classification is
necessary. The concept o f fluidity allows for the shifts from one type to another—
sometimes subtle and other times more obvious—^that are used as rhetorical strategies in
the communicative development o f the text. The model implemented here takes a
position between Niccacci and Longacre. The narrative-discourse distinction of Niccacci
is significant, but needs greater sensitivity to text types. Longacre’s model also has its
merits, but needs to be applied fluidly.
In the present analysis, an awareness o f text-type is fundamental. There is
undoubtedly a crucial distinction between the two types which Niccacci refers to as
narrative and discourse, but the terms preferred here are narrative and reported speech.
More important than the actual terms, however, is sensitivity to the text’s transitions and
movements which can affect the grammatical and syntactic realization of the text.
S.2.4.2 Cohesion and Coherence
A fundamental principle in all discourse-pragmatie analysis is that both cohesion
and coherence are features o f all spoken or written communication. Cohesion refers to
the way in which the communication itself reflects syntactic and semantic
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“connectedness.” This may vary in degree from one text to another, but the assumption
is that all communication seeks cohesion. Languages have a variety o f mechanisms at
their disposal for building cohesion into the text and this needs to be carefully evaluated
for each language being studied. Halliday and Hasan’s Cohesion in English was the first
monograph to deal with the cohesive mechanisms of English, exploring the “semantic
resources which are drawn upon for the purpose of creating text” (Halliday and Hasan
1976, 10). Cohesion is assumed to be operative in every language even though the
language-particular mechanisms may vary. Berlin’s article “Lexical Cohesion and
Biblical Interpretation” explores some o f the mechanisms employed in the biblical
Hebrew text (Berlin 1989, 29-39).
The notion of cohesion is crucial to the analysis of ■’H']!. Anaphora (backward
reference) and cataphora (forward reference) are cohesive devices. One of the issues in
the analysis o f is whether the connection is to what precedes or what follows (see
question 1 in 4.1.5). Further discussion specifically regarding ’’I l'l is suspended,
however, until Chapter 10.
Coherence, on the other hand, is the coimection o f the text or communication with
the world in which language is used. A text is coherent to the degree that it appropriately
reflects the world in which the text is produced. Perceptions of coherence may vary
depending on the worldview underlying the text. In other words, awareness of the role
worldview can play in shaping a text is foundational. Even though there may be
incongruences with the analyst’s own worldview, coherence is assumed. This is not a
mere assumption o f textual integrity because it is the biblical text; coherence is a
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characteristic of human communication. The assumption of
coherence in communication is cognitively parallel to the
mental process used to interpret the “fuzzy” images reprinted
here (Churchland 1996, 110-12). When normal

4
communication takes place between members of the same
speech community, coherence is based on the speakers’
Illustration 1: Don Quixote shared rules. When communication involves another

figure, riding a horse.
language, there is great potential for mismatch of rules. The
communication is produced through one set of rules and interpreted through another. The
attempt to interpret is the mind ’s seareh for coherence in spite o f the fuzzy edges
resulting from the mismatch of rules.
One of the reasons why the study of a
language’s cohesive devices is so
important is that they are one of the
primary means by which proper
interpretation of the text takes place. In
cross-linguistic communication, the Illustration 2: Picture o f a dalmatian

dog sniffing the ground, approaching a
fuzzy edges will be filled in by the tree in a park.
interpreter’s own linguistic system. In the illustrations above, the gaps or fuzzy edges are
filled in by the mind based on perceptions of the real world. Similarly, in fuzzy
eommunication the mind fills in the gaps vrith the knowledge the interpreter brings to the
text.
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S.2.4.3 Context-Sensitivity
One o f the foundational eoncepts of the analysis presented here is that language is
not only used in eontext but language is also context sensitive. As Schiffrin states in the
introduction to Discourse Markers:
1. Language always occurs in a context.

2. Language is always context sensitive.
3. Language is always eommunieative.
4. Language is designed for eommunication. (Schiffrin 1988, 3)
Context-free language use does not exist. Linguistic utterances may be extracted
from their original eontext, or language instructors may create what they think are
representative, context-free utterances, but the classroom or the pedagogical setting in
which they are created are contexts which shape the utterances. The automatic search by
language users for a plausible eontext for apparently anomalous linguistic items—or the
search for coherence—îs an increasingly accepted principle of linguistic analysis. As
Schiffrin states:
.. .the role o f context is so pervasive that it figures even in grammatical

analyses whose data consist o f individual intuitions about isolated
sentences. Not only is the introspection which accompanies intuition
actually a special kind o f cognitive context in and of itself, but (as teachers
o f introductory syntax can no doubt attest) individuals are very adept at
imagining diseourse contexts in which imgrammatical sentences find a
natural home. (Schiffrin 1988, 3)
The particular context within which language is used will affect its form and
shape. In the study o f any language, including biblical Hebrew, all linguistic items must
be discussed in their various contexts of usage. Context includes not just awareness of
the content of the surroimding clauses, but it incorporates syntactic contexts as well as
narrative contexts. Syntactic contexts would be, for example, clauses with “l^K, clauses
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with ”'3, as well as other dependent and independent clauses. Narrative contexts include
not only different text-types, but also the stage of development within a text. Different
stages of development— such as aperture, nucleus, closure—may have certain
characteristic features. Episode boundaries, commented on so frequently in the review of
scholarship, are an example of a particular narrative context that are expected to have
certain characteristic features.
5.2.4.4 Choice
One o f the results of the context-sensitive nature of language is that
communication involves a constant process of selection which potentially impacts every
aspect of an utterance or text. This assumes, as Longacre points out,
that there is no randomness or free variation in the surface structure. Any

morphosyntactic form in a text represents the author’s choice whether
conscious or automatic; we may not know the whys o f all such choices,
but we may speculate on them as implementations of differing discourse
strategies. (Longacre 1994, 337)
The choice o f discourse strategy in turn shapes the speaker’s or author’s selection
o f other aspects of the commxmication.
Choice is operative at all levels and can affect everything from morphosyntactic
form, to lexical items, to text types. For example, consider 1 Sam 1:9:
Then Hannah rose after eating and n*?3K ‘’"inK 13311 D^FIl '
drinking in Shiloh. Now Eli the priest
was sitting on the seat by the H h^
doorpost o f the temple o f the LORD.
Pc-vqw3fs np Pd vqc Pp-np Pc-Pd vqa ~ - I - ■■ '
Pc-np Pa-ncms vqPms Pp-Pa-ncms Pp- tm iT ’ n ilT D ~ b l7
ncfsc ncmsc np ^ t - - - ■ -
Choice in narrative strategy is operative here. The use of is not the only way
the information about Eli being in the temple could have been conveyed. So far in
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1 Sam 1, Eli has only been indirectly introduced as the father of Hophni and Phinehas
(1:3) and 3 ^ ' irfDn '’*???”! keeps Eli in a secondary participant role. This is further
reinforced by in t? in 1:12 and then in 1:13. Eli comes into more
active participant status in the final part of 1:13 with ‘'V?? The way the text
presents the participants is a product o f choice.
5.2.4.5 Default
The notion of “default” is one of the most useful concepts for determining the
possible significance of the occurrence of a linguistic item. At the most basic level, to say
something is default is to say that it is the automatic or typically expected structure. In
the context-sensitive linguistic network of language, the concept o f default must always
take into accoimt the varying situational dimensions of language use. The concept of
default is not meant to posit a context-free basic structure in a prescriptive sense. Default
structures will vary depending on genre, register, dialect, and other contextual factors that
may impinge upon language use. Once these factors have been taken into consideration,
frequency of occurrence can help discern what is a default pattern or item. In any case,
judgment concerning whether or not a certain structure is default must only be made after
extensive familiarity with the biblical Hebrew text.
5.2.4.6 Markedness
A further concept that is fundamental to the discourse-pragmatic orientation is
markedness. The communicative competence of a native speaker includes knowing when
to use his or her own language’s unmarked (default) patterns and when to employ marked
patterns to accomplish a specific commimicative purpose. The notion of markedness is a
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crucial part of the interpretive process. Since the Old Testament was written by speakers
of biblical Hebrew who knew when to used Hebrew’s unmarked and marked patterns,
competence in imderstanding their communication in Hebrew, therefore, necessarily
involves developing an awareness of what was characteristic and what was not
characteristic in their use of Hebrew under certain contextual conditions. This has far-
reaching implications for exegesis. When the notion of markedness is implemented in
exegesis, the more unexpected or marked patterns in the text £ire given greater
significance than the characteristic or unmarked patterns. For example, what is the
characteristic way o f referring to someone who is already one of the main participants in
a narrative? A full answer to this question would involve extensive discussion, but
assume for now that the following example from Gen 11:30 reflects a characteristic
pattem:
Sarai was barren; she had no child. H*? T K Gen 11:30

Pc-vqw3fsXa np afs Pd PpX3fs ncms tt t
In this verse, Sarai is referred to by name like the reference to Abram in Gen 12:1:
the LORD said to Abram, m iT ' Gen 12:1

Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-np
Both o f these examples appear in the narrative after Abram and Sarai have
already been introduced as main participants. This seems to be a typical pattem, but in
Gen 16:1 Sarai is referred to differently:
N ow Sarai, Abram 's wife h a d borne rnV ' KV D IS K 'H tP I Gen 16:1
him no children,
Pc-np ncfsc np Pn vqp3fs PpX3ms
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Why does this more complete identification of Sarai as Abram’s wife oceur here
in the text? One possible explanation for the uncharaeteristically fiill reference to Sarai
as Abram’s wife, in this context, is to establish greater contrast between Sarai and Hagar
to make sure that the reader never loses sight of her crucial role as Abram’s wife. Further
evidence o f this distinction between Sarai and Hagar is seen in the explicit reference to
Ishmael in Gen 16:15 as the son which Hagar bore, rather than merely as Abram’s son.
Sensitivity to markedness gives an added awareness of the purposeful use of
certain linguistic items that might otherwise seem to be nothing more than peculiar
variants in the text. The notions of ehoice, default, and markedness work together in such
a way that presence and absence are like two sides of the same pragmatic coin. Further
discussion of this important principle is found in Chapter 10.
5.2.5 A Cognitive Orientation
The analysis implemented here does not merely eonsider the text as an artifact or
object to be studied, but also takes into account the mental or cognitive processes that go
into both the produetion and interpretation of the text. A text is the result of
communication in a particular context, and consideration must be given to the cognitive
aspects of both producing and interpreting the text in that context. This cognitive
orientation does not involve analysis of brain waves and synapses, but it does mean that
linguistic analysis includes consideration of the eognitive processes involved in
communieation and interpretation. One of the main reasons why textual analysis should
consider cognitive dimensions of the eormmmication process is that the textual
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representation of that eommunication is shaped by the cognitive processes which were
operative during the text’s production.
One o f the most fundamental cognitive notions that affects the analyst’s basic
perception o f how language is used is the pervasive representational nature of all
language.
5.2.5.1 The Representational Nature of Language
At its most fundamental level, all language is representational. The classes of
words such as nouns and verbs that refer respectively to things (objects and concepts) and
actions are not themselves the things and actions. They are linguistic representations of
those things and actions. This representational or metaphorical nature of language is one
of the most powerful, efficient characteristics of language. This does not bring into
question the reality of the “real world” or the referential nature of certain linguistic items,
but rather emphasizes the fact that the linguistic elements of language are not themselves
the entities they refer to.
Certain linguistie entities such as prepositions and connectors are seen in a new
light when analyzed from a metaphorical or representational perspective. For example, a
preposition like “under” not only represents the physical position of one object in relation
to another, but is also used metaphorically to represent the situation of being under the
control of something or someone. It is very common for prepositions to have this
representational function, which indicates the interconnectedness o f the network o f
spatial, temporal, and relational terms. In biblical Hebrew, then, it is no surprise that
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prepositions are used spatially, temporally, and relationally. For example, 3 is used both
spatially and temporally in Gen 6:4:
The Nephilim were on the earth in Qnn

those days,
Pa-ncmp vqp3cp Pp+Pa-ncbs Pp+Pa-
ncmp Pa-pi3mp
As Anderson and Keenan comment, typically in most languages “spatial
expressions are imported direetly into the temporal domain by means of the metaphorical
representation of time as a spatial dimension” (Anderson and Keenan 1985, 297).
One o f the consequences of viewing language as essentially metaphorical is an
inevitable shift in perspective regarding the traditional study o f metaphor or figurative
language. If language is perceived as essentially representational or metaphorical, it
logically follows that metaphor and figurative language will be seen as a normal rather
than a special use o f language.
Another consequence of the metaphorical view of language is the realization that
not only do words represent entities, but a text is a representation or depiction o f the
events which occurred in the real world. The text is not the same as the events which it
narrates. As Berlin states, “representations of reality do not always correspond in every
detail to reality” (Berlin 1994,14). This does not mean, however, that the representation
is inconsistent with the reality it represents, but the representation should never be
confused with the reality itself. Also, certain features of the textual representation of
reality are not inherent to that reality. For example, aspect is not an inherent component
of the actions in a text, but rather are a part of the narrative depiction. As Bybee states:
104
.. .the function of aspect is to allow the temporal dimensions of a situation

to be described from different points of view depending on how the
situation is intended to fit into the discourse. (Bybee 1985,142)
So in Gen 1:5 referred to above, there is nothing inherently “WAYYiQTOLish”
about the first action, nor is the second action inherently “QATALish.” The use of
WAYYIQTOL and QATAL is part of the narrative depiction of the text.
Another important feature of textual representation involves the temporal
structuring of events. As a representation of reality, the temporal structuring of the
representation does not correspond exactly to the temporal structure of the reality being
represented. There is, first of all, the obvious mismatch between the real-time duration of
events and narrative-time. Typically, narrative-time is shorter in duration than the time it
took for the events to vmfold in real-time, but this is not always the case. Under eertain
circumstances, events which happened in rapid succession may be described in such
detail that the narrative-time actually exceeds the real-time duration of the events
themselves. Additionally, events can occur simultaneously in real-time, but they cannot
be narrated simultaneously. There are textual mechanisms for depicting the simultaneity
or concurrent nature o f events, but the linear nature of text requires that simultaneous
events be narrated one after the other according to the choice of the narrator.
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S.2.5.2 Information Structure
Another aspect of the cognitive dimension is the relationship between the
information structure of a text and the mental processes involved in its interpretation.^
The study o f information structure
.. .is not primarily concerned with the interpretation of words or sentences

in given conversational contexts, but rather with the discourse
circumstances imder which given pieces of propositional information are
expressed via one rather than another possible morphosyntactic or
prosodic form. (Lambrecht 1994, 5)
In the information structure of a text, the various linguistic items which are used
to compose the text have different propositional or referential functions. Nominal items,
for example, refer to physical or conceptual entities in the world, while verbal items refer
to actions and states, and other linguistic items encode relationships and connections.
Still other items in the text are signals which aid the listener or reader in his or her
interpretation of the communication. These signals are not referential in the same way as
concepts and actions, but are essential for the proper interpretation o f the text.
In the temporal organization of text, many time references are not referential in
the same way as other linguistic items, but are in the text to assist the reader/listener in
tracking properly with the temporal flow of the narrative depiction. With reference to
■’ri'l, it is important to know how it functions in the text’s temporal organization—does it
maintain the same time frame of what precedes it or does it establish a new time frame?
Questions like this will be dealt with in Chapter 10.
^ The concepts implemented here are based on the model developed in Lambrecht (1994),
Information Structure and Sentence Form: Topic, Focus and the Mental Representations of
Discourse Referents.
106
The cognitive orientation implemented here has been particularly influenced by
Lakoff and Johnson’s Metaphors We Live By (1980), JackendofTs Patterns in the Mind:
Language and Human Nature (1994), Sperber and Wilson’s Relevance: Communication
and Cognition (1995), Lambrecht’s Information Structure and Sentence Form: Topic,
Focus and the Mental Representations o f Discourse Referents (1994), and Fauconnier’s
Mental Spaces: Aspects o f Meaning Construction in Natural Language (1985). Rather
than go into further detail here, the reader is referred to these publications for broader
conceptual background.
5.3 Summary
Within this functional, typological, contextual and discourse-pragmatic
framework, text analysis requires sensitivity to the various intersecting networks within
which linguistic entities from every level function in communicative situations. The goal
is not just analysis of the discourse structure of a text, but attention to the communicative
nature of language use.
PART II: ANALYTICAL PRELIMINARIES
CHAPTER 6
ANALYTICAL PRELIMINARIES
6.1 Introduction
There are specific analytical preliminaries that require comment before getting to
the actual analysis of “'n 'l. The main sections in this chapter are:
6.2 The Verb in Biblical Hebrew
6.3 Clause Syntax in Biblical Hebrew
6.4 Narrative Time and the Hebrew Verbal System
6.2 The Verb in Biblical Hebrew

The analysis o f ’’n']! raises a number of questions that make it necessary to step
back and get the big picture of the whole verbal system. Since is the w a y y iq t o l
form of n'H, the bare minimum is to understand how that form is used. Once that is
done, however, it becomes clear that the w a y y iq t o l form is only one element in the
whole verbal network o f biblical Hebrew. In order to understand bow '’n 'l functions, it is
necessary to see how it fits in the whole verbal system. The goal here is not to review the
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109
entire history o f the study of the Hebrew verb, but rather to give adequate background for
the present study of ■'n'l.
For greater detail on the history o f the study of the biblical Hebrew verb, see
McFall (1982), Waltke and O’Connor (1990), Hatav (1997), and Garr (1998).
6.2.1 Approaches to the Verbal System of Biblical Hebrew
The main goal o f the study of the biblical Hebrew verb has been to explain what
motivates the patterns of verbal forms observed in the text. The main category employed
to describe the Hebrew verb in early periods of its study was tense. As Waltke and
O’Coimor comment:
the medieval Jewish grammarians and Christian scholars of the Hebrew

Scriptures thought that qtl, qotel, yqtl signified past, present, and future
times respectively. (Waltke and O’Coimor 1990, 458)
Concerning this early period, McFall comments that
[i]t was probably assumed in Europe at that time that every language in
the world had a tense system; therefore, it was natural for them to look for
the Indo-European tense system in BH. (McFall 1982,16)
These tense-based approaches were predominant during the time leading up to
Ewald’s (1827) Kritische Grammatik der hebrdischen Sprache. The tense-based
description of the verbal system gave rise to the waw-conversive theory in the attempt to
account for the effect o f] on the qatal and y iq t o l forms, yielding the w eqatal and
WAYYIQTOL respectively. According to McFall, this theory “dominated the grammars,
writings and commentaries of Christian Hebraists until the grammars of Lee and Ewald
broke new groimd in 1827” (McFall 1982, 17).
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Ewald’s description of the verb employed not tense but aspectual categories such
as “completed” and “incompleted,” and subsequently the terms “perfect” and “imperfect”
came into use to refer to the QATAL and YIQTOL forms respectively. The growing sense
that tense was not providing the explanatory key to the Hebrew verbal system led to
broad acceptance o f the aspectual explanation. Rather than merely incorporate aspectual
insights into the tense model, however, aspect essentially replaced tense as the
explanatory category for the Hebrew verb. Just the fact, however, that aspect is a
significant grammatical category in some languages does not automatically mean that
aspect is grammaticalized in the same way in another language. This is exactly the same
kind of analytical fallacy into which the tense-based approaches had fallen by assuming
that only one such category could explain the full spectrum of the uses of the verbal
forms and how they relate to the Hebrew verbal system.
The paradigm shift has been so strong that Hebrew is sometimes referred to as a
“tenseless” language. Before proceeding, however, the term “tenseless” requires
explanation. This term should be understood as referring to a system in which the verbal
forms themselves are not morphologically marked with explicit tense indicators. As an
example o f explicit tense indicators, consider the following verbs from Mapudungun:
amun amu-a-n dungun dungu-a-n

1 went, go I will go I spoke, speak I will speak
The -a- in both examples is the explicit indicator of the future, contrasted with
non-future. In the Hebrew forms QATAL and YIQTOL, there are regular morphological
patterns, but the question is what the difference in form indicates. Those who use a term
like “tenseless” mean that the suffix-prefix contrast in form is not an indication of tense.
Ill
Indeed, as Waltke and O’Connor comment, “Biblical Hebrew has no such simple tense
forms” (Waltke and O’Cormor 1990, 458). Unfortunately though, the use of a term like
“tenseless” can lead to widespread misunderstanding and misrepresentation, giving the
impression that tense or temporal marking is not even a part of the biblical Hebrew
system. This results in Waltke and O’Connor’s observation that most translators “fly by
the seat of their pants in interpreting the Hebrew conjugations” and what others have
observed that the tenses are “used promiscuously” (Bayly 1782, 22). One of the most
intriguing comments regarding the perplexing verbal system of biblical Hebrew is by
Goldfajn:
Ever since 1 started looking into this subject 1 have been intrigued by the
evident discrepancy which one perceives between, on the one hand, the
relative ease with which most readers o f BH seem to understand the
temporal indications of the BH verbs and, on the other hand, how difficult
it has proved to come up with adequate accounts which would explain the
temporal ordering of BH. (Goldfajn 1998,2)
As mentioned above, aspect has essentially replaced tense as the descriptive
category for the biblical Hebrew verb, but this seems to be based on the assumption that a
verbal system exclusively marks only tense or only aspect. Tense and aspect, however,
are intercormected systems that have been artificially separated in linguistic descriptions
of verbal systems. As Payne states:
Tense, aspect, and mode are sometimes difficult to tease apart. In fact, it
may be that linguists have thought of these three categories as distinct only
because they are somewhat distinct in the classical languages and in Indo-
European generally. (Payne 1997, 234)
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In practice, tense theories admit degrees of aspectual nuance and aspectual
theories admit that the verbs have certain temporal features which are contextually
defined. The multidimensional analysis implemented in this study does not require that
there be any binary opposition between tense and aspect, since it is not expected that only
one category such as tense or aspect will be suffieient for full analysis of the Hebrew
verb. Tense and aspect are not mutually exelusive categories as if a “tense system” were
incapable of indicating aspectual notions or as if an aspectual system were incapable of
expressing temporal distinctions.
The attempts to deseribe the biblical Hebrew verbal system as if the verbs only
indicated tense or aspect have typically been made by imposing the expectations of some
linguistic system foreign to Hebrew. There is no theoretical reason why a verbal system
ean only mark either tense or aspeet; there is also no theoretical reason why the
distinetions o f tense and aspect must be encoded morphologieally in the verbal forms
themselves. More detail will come in the following sections, but in the model
implemented here tense and aspeet are potential dimensions of all verbal forms.
Mood is another category used to capture the nuances of verbal systems.
Descriptions of biblical Hebrew have started taking mood into accovmt. Indieative of the
overlap between the eategories of aspect and mood is the following eomment by
Chisholm: “it is difficult to reduce the essence of the imperfect to a single concept, for it
encompasses both aspect and mood” (Chisholm 1998, 89). Mood or modality is a
necessary dimension o f the verb since all verbal forms eharacteristically indicate some
type of modality.
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In general linguistics, the acronym TAM is

Aspect
used to represent the Tense-Aspect-Mood system of
a language. The use of this acronym is an
acknowledgement of the inseparability of these

Mood
systems. As Payne states:
T e n s e , a s p e c t , and m o d e (TAM for short)

Pragmatic role are operations that anchor or ground the
information expressed in a clause according
to its sequential, temporal, or
Figure 7: TAMP Profile epistemological orientation. (Payne 1997,
233)
Applied to Hebrew, the verbal system would not be analyzed in exclusive terms
of tense, aspect, or mood; each verb would be considered for its potential temporal,
aspectual, or modal features. To TAM, however, another dimension needs to be added,
namely that of Pragmatic Role in order to represent the context-sensitive way in which
verb forms indicate temporal, aspectual, modal, and pragmatic features. TAMP, then,
incorporates Pragmatic Role as an integral part of the description of the verb form helps
systematize the contextual dimensions of usage in text. The full description o f a verb,
therefore, is its TAMP profile, since no single dimension captures the whole description.
For example, within an aspectual system, the w a y y iq t o l is sometimes defined as
indicating s e q u e n t ia l it y . If this is seen as the essential character o f the WAYYIQTOL, all
non-sequential uses become exceptions. For example, certain WAYYiQTOLs have a
summarizing character that is not sequential, whereas other w a y y iq t o l s clearly do
indicate a chronological progression o f events, s e q u e n t ia l it y is an important feature of
the WAYYIQTOL, but not ^ defining characteristic. Likewise, if a n t e r io r it y is seen as
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the defining feature o f the QATAL, apparent exceptions will need to be explained. In a
dynamic, context-sensitive view, certain features will be highlighted in certain contexts
and will not be in focus in others. Under certain pragmatic or narrative conditions, the
SEQUENTIALITY o f th e WAYYIQTOL an d th e ANTERIORITY o f th e QATAL are su p p r e sse d in
favor of other features which come into play under those conditions. This does not mean,
h o w e v e r , th at SEQUENTIALITY an d a n t e r io r it y c a n n o t b e p rim ary o r p r e d o m in a n t
fea tu res o f th e w a y y iq t o l an d q a t a l , b u t th e y are n o t th e o n ly o n e s.
Consider 2 Sam 11:14-15 in this regard:
In the morning David wrote a letter HDD 1 1 1 3113*1 *1^33 ''ri''1 2 Sam
to Joab and sent it by the hand o f ^ . . j 1 .j 4 . j 5
Uriah. He had written in the letter, 11.3 H/W*!,
seeing, ‘Tlace Uriah in the front line n*"l1K -nX 13H 1D03 3113*1
oj the jiercest battle and withdraw ‘ •• ’’ "" ~ "
from him, so that he may be struck 0031^1 njpinn nQn*?an *B VlD“*?K
down and die. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms ‘flDI H331 TinKD
np ncms Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms Pp-ncfsc np
Pc-vqw3ms Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-vqc vqvmp
Po-np Pp-Pp ncbpc Pa-ncfs Pa-afs Pc-
vqp2mp{2} Pp-PdX3fs Pc-vnp3ms{2}
Pc-vqp3ms{2}
Notice that 3113*1 occurs in both 11:14 and 11:15. After the ’'1111, there are three
WAYYIQTOLS. If SEQUENTIALITY is assumed, each of these verbs should move the
“narrative clock” ahead in somewhat similar fashion. This, however, is not the case, as
plotted on the following graph:
T e x t: 3 il3 * 1 n*?12^*1 3ll3*1

- • --------------
Time: 3ll3*1 n*?12?*1
3 il3 * 1
Figure 8 : Narrative Time
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The 3nD*l in 11:14 and at the beginning of 11:15 refer to the same action and
cannot in any way be construed as indicating s e q u e n t ia l it y . Analysis of the
WAYYIQTOL necds to account for these occurrences as well as for those which are indeed
sequential in nature. One of the ways to work toward an answer to what is happening
with this WAYYIQTOL is to ask 1) what other narrative options were available? and 2) how
would the narrative depiction have been affected by the use of another form? If, for
example, it were a w e - x - q a t a l 111 3DD 1DD31, what would change?' The answer to
this question depends, of course, on what function is assigned to the w e - x -QATAL in the
overall verbal system in biblical Hebrew narrative. Niccacci states that when the w e-x -
qatal is used, “the narrative flow is broken to provide information required for the
communication of the actual narrative” (Niccacci 1990, 40). Based on this analysis by
Niccacci, 111 3DD 1DD31 in 2 Sam 11:15 would break the flow of the narrative,
providing important information about the letter. It is crucial to observe, however, that
the clause initiated by the w a y y iq t o l 3113*1 also provides information required for the
communication of the narrative, i.e., the message of the letter. In BHRG 346-50, the
authors comment on the “[sjemantie-pragmatic functions of fronting,” stating that
[t]he fronted complement or adjunct signals that an entity is introduced,

activated or reactivated to function as the topic of an utterance. The event
referred to by means o f the predicate of that utterance is not discourse
active, (van der Merwe, Naude, Kroeze 1999, 347)
* The sequence 111 3DD 1DD31 o f waw + noun (object) + qatal + noun (subject) is
attested, for example, in Josh 2:25 nini“in3 ^1331 and Judg 7:24 jly i? D'Dk Sd I.
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Based on van der Merwe’s discussion, the hypothetical w e - x - q a t a l in 2 Sam
11:15 would be an example of reactivating an entity. The effect of this reactivation is to
heighten the level of focus associated with the nominal item in the w e -x -q a t a l and this
appears to be precisely why the text does n o t have a w e - x - q a t a l here. Even though the
WAYYIQTOL in 2 Sam 11:15 seems anomalous, its use maintains the focus on David as
agent without shifting focus to the letter itself. This is a good example of a w a y y iq t o l
being used where s e q u e n t ia l it y is not the feature in focus.
6.2.2 The Multi-Dimensional Verb Analysis Implemented in this Study
For the analysis of the biblical Hebrew verbal system, the descriptive, functional-
typological, discourse-pragmatic model presented in this study provides many beneficial
perspectives. First of all, modem Linguistics, especially in the tradition of Saussure,
Boas, Sapir, etc., insists that each language system be analyzed in its own right. The
“precision” or “elegance” o f some other language is not the standard by which another
language is measured. The existence of a particular verb form or tense or aspeet in one
language does not imply that it will necessarily be present in another language. More
important than the presence or absence of some idealized grammatical or syntactic entity
is consideration of the whole system of the language. The difference between vowel
systems is a case in point. The phonetic description of a vowel system places all the
vowels on a matrix o f articulatory tongue positions from front to back and from high to
low. The following charts show the vowels in a typical three-vowel and five-vowel
system. The vowels of a natural language are not defined acoustically by precise
frequencies, but rather by their characteristic frequencies in systemic relationship to the
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other vowels of that language. The consequence of

front central back
this is that [i] in the three-vowel system # [i] in a
h ig h [i] [u]
mid five-vowel system, because [i] is defined in each
low [a] system by its

front central back
Figure 9: Three-vowel system relationship in the high [i] M
matrix with the other vowels. The three-vowel system mid [e] [0]
will likely permit a wider range of phonetic variation low [a]
Figure 10: Five-vowel system

than that permitted in the five-vowel system. If a
system has a greater number of vowels, less variation is possible because each vowel
operates within a more restricted part of the total matrix.
It is important to recognize, however, that there is no difference in eommunieative
efficiency between languages with different vowel systems. At an abstract level of
acoustic phonetics, a vowel in the five-vowel system may appear to be more precisely
defined in contrast to one from the three-vowel system, but this neither impairs the ability
o f the speaker o f the three-vowel system to speak precisely, nor does a five-vowel system
enhance the ability o f the speaker in any other language.
In parallel fashion, verbal systems may differ in terms of the number and type of
forms attested, but each language will be able to use its system to efficiently
communicate. When one language is compared to another, or when translation from one
language to another is attempted, the differences may seem insurmountable, but each
language within its own system is capable of efficient eommunieation.
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Just as a vowel from a three-vowel system cannot be equated with one from a
five-vowel system, there should be no expectation that the verbal forms of one language
will directly map onto the verbal forms of another. Each system needs to be understood in
its own right before comparisons are made. In terms of verbal systems, this means that
the study of forms and conjugations needs to be carried out within the whole system,
realizing that languages differ as to what is grammaticalized or encoded in the various
subsystems. For example, the verbal forms in Mapudungun, a language spoken in Chile
and Argentina encodes a two-way distinction between non-future and future. This does
not imply, however, that speakers of Mapudungun make no distinction between present
and past. The present-past distinction is not grammaticalized in the actual verb forms, but
other mechanisms are used to contextually indicate past or present temporal reference.
In the description of the verbal system of biblical Hebrew, the verb forms have
often been analyzed in isolation from the whole system within which they function. In
1990, in The Syntax o f the Verb in Classical Hebrew Prose, Niccacci recommended that
“a verb form needs to be studied in texts, not in isolation but in connection with all its
associated linguistic markers” (Niccacci 1990,10), but much remains to be done before
this type of (con)textual study is fully integrated into the study of biblical Hebrew.
What needs to be avoided at all costs is the insinuation that the use of the verb
forms is random or that the biblical Hebrew verbal system is impoverished, as seen in the
following quote from GKC:
While the Hebrew verb, owing to these derivative forms or conjugations,

possesses a certain richness and copiousness, it is, on the other hand, poor
in the matter of tenses and moods. The verb has only two tense-forms
{Perfect and Imperfect.. .), besides an Imperative (but only in the active).
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two Infinitives and a Participle. All relations of time, absolute and relative,
are expressed either by these forms (hence a certain diversity in their
meaning...) or by syntactical combinations. (GKC 1910,117)
Even though this standard grammar acknowledges a “certain richness” of the
Hebrew verb, the implication is that of inadequacy compared to some other linguistic
system.
The complexity of the verbal system is seen in that there is no single category
which adequately explains the choice of verb forms. The approach here is, in a sense, to
embrace the temporal, aspectual, and modal dimensions of the biblical Hebrew verb,
combining them all with discourse-pragmatic considerations of the narrative role of the
verb in context. Certain syntactic or discourse-pragmatic contexts will have their
preferred verb forms, certain optional verb forms if other factors come into play, and also
certain verb forms which are excluded from those contexts.
6.2.3 Description of the Hebrew Verb Forms
A variety o f terms are used in the literature to refer to the biblical Hebrew verb
forms. In this study the terms q a t a l , w e q a t a l , y iq t o l , w a y y iq t o l , and q o t e l are
preferred because the terms themselves make no reference to temporal, aspectual, or
modal categories. The following statements are brief and may appear to be somewhat
vague, but this is more appropriately seen as the provisional nature of forms which are
context-sensitive.
q a ta l: c o m m o n ly referred to a s th e s u ffix c o n ju g a tio n , q a t a l m o s t ty p ic a lly
o c c u r s in c o n te x ts w ith p a st te m p o r a l refer en ce
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w eqatal: th e fo rm referred to a s w e q a t a l o e c u r s m o st ty p ic a lly in c o n te x ts w ith
future temporal reference
y iq t o l : c o m m o n ly referred to as th e p r e fix co n ju g a tio n , y iq t o l m o s t ty p ic a lly
occurs in contexts with future temporal reference
w a y y iq t o l : th e fo r m referred to a s w a y y iq t o l o c c u r s m o st ty p ic a lly in c o n te x ts w ith
past temporal reference
qotel: th is term refers to th e p a rtic ip le, w h ic h is a n in teg ra l part o f th e v erb al
system even though it shares certain eharacteristics with the noun. The
te m p o r a l v a lu e m o s t ty p ic a lly a s s o c ia te d w ith QOTEL is th e p resen t.
Context-sensitivity does not, however, open the Hebrew verbal system up to the
kind o f apparent randomness of usage that is characteristic of certain analyses. For
example, Kelley states that
[t]ime (tense) is not inherent in the form o f a Hebrew verb, but is

determined by the context in which it stands. Therefore, the same verb
form may be translated as past in one context, as present in another, and as
future in still another. (Kelley 1992, 82-83)
The problem with this statement is not necessarily its truth value, but rather the
unqualified way in which it states the possible translation values for the Hebrew verb
forms. One of the unfortunate results of this type of statement is reflected in Waltke and
O’Connor’s eomment that “[mjost translators, we think it is fair to say, fly by the seat of
their pants in interpreting the Hebrew conjugations” (Waltke and O’Connor 1990, 55).
Talstra’s comment is also insightful:
The impression one gets fi"om this practice o f translation is that exegetes
tend to exploit the existing theories of ‘tense’ and ‘aspect’ according to the
needs o f an ad hoc textual interpretation. (Talstra 1997, 91)
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But context-sensitivity is not “flying by the seat of one’s pants” or “ad hoc
interpretation.” A context-sensitive approach to the biblical Hebrew verbal system
provides a principled basis for understanding the uses and functions of the verb forms.
In addition, the form w e-x -Q A T A L merits special comment. The X in this form
represents some other element, typically a noun, that occurs with 1, followed by a q a ta l
form of the verb. This is a more accurate description than saying it is a w e q a ta l
interrupted by a noun, because the W E-x-QATAL is more than just a w e q a ta l with an
interposed noun. In the narrative structure of the biblical Hebrew text, w e-x -Q A T A L
performs an important function. All of these forms will be discussed in more detail in the
following chapters.
6.3 Clause Syntax in Biblical Hebrew

Understanding clause syntax in biblical Hebrew is a fundamental part of reading
and interpreting the text. This not only involves the temporal organization of the text, but
<1 also the other kinds of logical, spatial, and

function function
^ ^ relational connections within the text. This is
especially important because the temporal, logical,

Li L2
spatial, and relational connections o f biblical
Figure 11: Function to Function
Hebrew will not necessarily have direct equivalents in other languages into which the
biblical text is translated. As shown in Figure 11, the challenge that faces the reader,
interpreter, or translator is, first of all, to understand the function of the connections and
transitions in the biblical text; then, secondly, to understand the function of the receptor
language’s connections and transitions before, finally, deciding on the appropriate form
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in the receptor language to most appropriately communicate the function of the original
text. This is, in fact, one o f the most basic principles of translation.
Specifically with regard to TI';!, this
principle may seem to be at the heart o f the
recommendation to avoid and it came to pass for form form

Li L2
every "’nil. The recommendation to leave ’'n^l
Figure 12: Form to Form
untranslated, however, short circuits the process in Figure 11. The move has been made
directly from Li form to L2 form without mapping Li fimction to L2 function, as in Figure
12. In English, the form and it came to pass is arguably clumsy, and as such may appear
to be superfluous in the text. It is sometimes argued that a more literal, direct translation
is not as susceptible to error as a more dynamic translation, but literal translations often
transfer forms into the receptor language that carry very little meaning. The repetition of
and it came to pass gives the Old Testament text a different feel, but does not help the
reader know why it is in the text. The opposite approach which would leave ‘'n 'l
xmtranslated does not fare much better, since some English versions don’t leave even a
trace o f its occurrence. In both approaches the end result is very similar, since whatever
function Tf)! may have is not represented in the text.
■'n'l is just one o f the many items that requires careful scrutiny at the level of
clause syntax. Full attention to clause syntax involves careful examination of the
differences between independent and dependent clauses, as well as the patterns of all
clause types such as relative clauses, temporal clauses, conditional clauses, concessional
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clauses, etc. Clause sequences and the forms of the verbs found within them are also
important areas o f the study of biblical Hebrew.
6.3.1 The Role of Waw in Clause Syntax
6.3.1.1 Introduction
Analysis carried out in a traditional/descriptive approach to the study of biblical
Hebrew will typically discuss a linguistic entity like T as a conjunction and then list
various meanings. For example, Pratieo and Van Pelt’s diseussion presents “the basic
form of the conjunction I (and, but, also, even)” (Pratieo and Van Pelt 2001, 43), listing
the various meanings that may he necessary to properly render I in its various contexts.
One of the difficulties with this type of definition is that it seems perplexing to the
beginning learner that a word like “and” can also mean “but.” Often, in the attempt to
keep the description simple and brief, there is no discussion of the parameters by which
the choice between “and” and “but” needs to be made. It is presumably not the intention
of authors like Pratieo and Van Pelt to make it appear that any meaning is possible
wherever 1 oceurs, but unfortunately this unintended result is too often the case. Even if
the learner has an intuitive sense of the contexts which might call for one or another
“meaning,” it would be better if the learner were alerted to the fact that the varied senses
are indeed context-sensitive. Miller’s “The Pragmaties of waw as a Discourse Marker in
Biblieal Hebrew Dialogue” is a good example of researeh which explores the functions of
] in text (Miller 1999). It is exactly this type of research in other areas of clause syntax
that will advance understanding of the syntax of the biblical Hebrew text.
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I is a functor, and is best identified by its function rather than its meaning. From
this perspective, then, 1 functions as a conjunction, syntactically conjoining either similar
or dissimilar items. This more general fimction of I as conjunction avoids the need to say
that 1 “means” and, but, or, etc. This is not mere semantics, but rather reflects an
analytical perspective that focuses on morphosyntactic function in order to simplify the
description of certain problematic linguistic items. It is not a different I with different
meanings, but the same linguistic item for whieh the syntactic function is context-
sensitive. This perspective is also beneficial for the analysis of I at the clause level. By
focusing more on the function of*] rather than a lexical meaning such as and, the
tendency will be to look for the clause level funetion rather than to default to translating
every *| with and.
Cognitively, the analysis o f] does not focus on its meaning, but rather on its
potential effect on the interpretation or processing of the text. From this perspective, the
occurrences of "] will be read in terms of the connection(s) they establish and maintain
throughout the text. As Halliday and Hasan state, the function of conjimction is “a
specification of the way in which what is to follow is systematically connected to what
has gone before” (Halliday and Hasan 1976, 227).
The description o f] as conjunctive or disjunctive states a fundamental distinction,
but there are many context-sensitive nuances that need further analysis. The following
three sections discuss some o f the basic functions of 1.
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6.3.1.2 Nominal Conjoining
One o f the most straightforward examples o f] in its function as nominal
conjoiner is the coordinate NP (N TN) which can be either S or O in a biblical Hebrew
sentence. In the following example, the coordinate NP is the Object.
In the beginning, God created the D'Dl^n HK D‘'n^K K H 3 rT’12?N“13 Gen 1:1
heavens and the earth
f")Kn m )
In examples like these, the function of I is always c o n ju n c tiv e (and), not
ALTERNATIVE (or), or DISJUNCTIVE (but). In this syntactic pattern, I will not mean God
created the heavens OR the earth. In nominal eonjoining, the a l t e r n a t i v e and
DISJUNCTIVE functions are realized by other syntactic mechanisms. For instance, the
ALTERNATIVE function is realized by as in the following example:
a man or a woman Exod 21:28
There are, o f course, variations on this basic pattern and numerous examples of
more complex structures. For more detail on the syntax o f] with nominal items see, for
example, BHRG §31.
6.3.1.3 Verbal Conjoining
When ■] conjoins verbal items (V *] V), it is erueial to take careful note of the verb
forms which are “linked” in this way. The conjunctive function o f] is operative when the
successive verb forms are identical in form—^the most typical example of this in narrative
are sequences of w a y y i q t o l . This is where Vs function of conjoining coordinate
syntactic items is fundamental—*] should not be read as “and” or “then” with every
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WAYYIQTOL, b ut rather sh o u ld b e s e e n a s th e sy n ta e tie in d ica to r w h ic h sig n a ls th e
c o n jo in in g o f th e s e sim ila r v e r b a l ite m s.
When coordinate verbal items are conjoined by ], caution needs to be exercised to
avoid superimposing the logico-temporal structure of another language. Consider Exod
4:31:
So the people believed; and when Dl?!! Exod 4:31

they heard that the LORD was ,
concerned about the sons o f Israel " x r m n p ': wqw*!
and that He had seen their affliction,
D:337~nK nK“J P I
then they bowed low and worshiped.
The four w a y y iq t o l s in Exod 4:31 are linked by the j. The question to ask is on
what basis did the translator’s decide to use “when” in English? The point is not that
every independent clause in Hebrew must be represented by an independent clause in
English (or any other language). However, since Hebrew does have a means of explieitly
stating when they heard: there needs to be a prineipled basis by which these
translation decisions are made. In English, “when they heard ... then they bowed low,”
implies a particular logical and temporal dependency that is not an inherent part o f the
syntaetie arrangement o f the Hebrew linkage of w a y y iq t o l forms.
It is appropriate to avoid a mechanical rendering of every ) with “and,” but it is
important to proeeed on the basis of awareness of clause syntax and the function o f). A
crucial difference in approach can be seen in the following two alternatives. The
translator might say:
127
1) At some abstract, literal level, '] seems to mean “and,” so the proper gloss for
every occurrence is “and.” The repetition of and, and, and does not sound like
good English, so some occurrences o f] can be translated “then” or “so” and
others ean be left out so that the English is not too clumsy.
2) The funetion o f] is to conjoin coordinate nominal or verbal items. “And” is
usually the appropriate translation in eompormd nominal and verbal phrases.
Some occurrences o f], however, indicate other types of syntactic relationships.
The ftmction of these syntactic relationships needs to be determined so that an
appropriate, equivalent relationship can be expressed in the translation of the
Hebrew clause.
In the model implemented here, the second approach is preferred, since the
ftmction of linguistic items is ftmdamental to their proper analysis. A good example
showing different uses o f] is Gen 24:30:
When he saw the ring and the D]3n~nK IlKID Gen 24:30
bracelets on his sister's wrists, and . . ’’ , ’ ' _
when he heard the words o f Rebekah inilK ’’I] 73? Hit]
his sister saying, 'Jhis is what the ii?QC?D3
man said to me, he went to the man; ■• "■ • ••• > •
and behold, he was standing by the 12?''Kn n31~n!D
camels at the spring. .
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Po-Pa-ncms Pc- lZ?'’Kri /K
Po-Pa-ncmp Pp-ncfdc ncfscX3ms Pc-Pp-
vqcX3 msPo-ncmpcnpncfscX3 msPp- VO ’ V D'?Qan ‘?3? IDS? nSri]
vqc Pd-vpp3ms PpXlcs Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp-Pa-ncms Pc-Pi vqPms Pp-
Pa-ncmp Pp-Pa-ncfs
The second ] in Gen 24:30 is an example of nominal conjoining, namely the
compoimd direct object o f the verb to see. The next ] joins two infinitive constructs,
eonjoining two coordinate verb forms. The first and fourth occurrences o f] are another
128
case of the conjoining o f two coordinate verb forms, i.e., two WAYYIQTOLS. The final
occurrence is not the standard nominal or verbal conjoining, but is rather an example of
one of the other functions performed by "j, discussed in the following section.
6.3.1.4 Other Functions of “j
The N 1 N and V T V examples in the above sections are only a part of the overall
function of T. In both cases, it is crucial to keep in focus th at} conjoins coordinate
nominal elements or coordinate verbal elements. When I is not used to syntactically link
coordinate elements, its function changes. This is not a different *], but rather is evidence
of the context-sensitivity of ] in a different syntactic environment. The typical use o f] in
th is sy n ta c tic e n v ir o n m e n t is th e WE-x - q a t a l a s s e e n in th e fo llo w in g e x a m p le :
All the persons who came from the Exod 1:5

loins o f Jacob were seventy in
number, but Joseph was already in ‘ '
Egypt n'n TDVi
In this example and others like it, the 1 does not link either coordinate nominal or
coordinate verbal elements. The use of the w e - x -QATAL primarily indicates that the
relationship between the verbal element of this clause (n'H) and the preceding verbal
element Cn]!) is not the same as the relationship between two verbs of the same form,
such as two WAYYIQTOLS Conjoined by ”1. What effect would there be on the narrative if
the second clause of Exod 1:5 were D'l‘i;SD3 ■’H']!? The NASH reflects the WE-x-
QATAL by using “but” and placing already in italics: “but Joseph was already in Egypt.”
Presumably, if this clause had ’’n]!, it would be translated “and Joseph was in Egypt.”
The use of more than one ’’n]! in close proximity is attested as in Gen 39:2, so the use of
129
■’n'^1 in this last clause of Exod 1:5 would be conceivable. The question, however, is what
the effect would be on the narrative depiction of the events referred to in these clauses.
Questions like this underscore the need for the present study. Further diseussion is
postponed, however, until later seetions of this study.
6.4 Narrative Time and the Hebrew Verbal System

The temporal organization o f a text involves much more than the tense of the
verbs found therein. Many other items contribute to the overall temporal organization
whieh the speaker or writer uses to depiet that which is narrated. Once the temporal
setting is established, certain items are employed to interact in various ways with the
temporal organization. Being aware of the temporal organization of the biblical Hebrew
text is crucial for understanding the temporal moves in the text. The verb forms and their
sequences are an integral part o f these temporal moves and understanding how they
interact with the temporal moves is fundamental. It is not enough for readers to assume
that the text is framed in the past and “fly by the seat of their pants in interpreting the
Hebrew conjugations”—the temporal moves of the Hebrew text itself need to be
determined and then the translation needs to reflect those moves in the most equivalent
way possible. This requires careful in-context examination of the verbal forms and the
typical sequences in whieh they occur.
Current referenee time is the text’s “clock ticking,” moving ahead event by event.
In narrative, w a y y iq t o l sequences typically move the text ahead with each successive
WAYYIQTOL establishing a new current reference time. The current reference time,
however, is not neeessarily synehronized with the events as they happened. The temporal
130
organization of a text is a representation of the event world, not an exact synchronized
match. The following sequences of w a y y iq t o l s are examples of this mismatch.
6.4.1 Time and WAYYIQTOL Sequences
One of the main problems with an aspect-based

in the Hebrew Bible
approaeh to the biblical Hebrew verbal system is that a
“inKh_ 108
"inx*? 4 certain aspectual tendency of a verb form becomes the
"I3T1 3
wn JT definitive feature of that form. This is one of the main
total 126
liabilities with the waw-conseeutive view since
Figure 13: li?’l in the Hebrew Bible
CONSECUTION or SEQUENTIALITY take over as the
charaeteristic aspectual feature of the w a y y i q t o l . The following functions of
WAYYIQTOL sequences demonstrate that s e q u e n t ia l it y is certainly not the only use of
the WAYYIQTOL.
6.4.1.1 PROGRESSION: “normal” narrative succession
the LORD called Samuel; n in -; lS am 3:4-

he said, “Here I am. ” 5
He ran to Eli and said, “Here I am, :'33n
fo r you called me. ”
He said, “I did not call, lie down
rin
again. ”
He went
and lay down. 3D1Z? “inKh
All the WAYYIQTOL verbs move the narrative along in temporal progression. The
events are depieted as if they were a series of points along the same line.
Figure 14: Temporal Progression
13 1
6.4.1.2 e x p a n s io n : essentially simultaneous events
Isaac replied to Esau ]I7*1 Gen 21:31
The speech event to which ]3?*1 and “IQK*! refer is one and the same, thereby
making the relationship between the two w a y y iq to ls non-SEQUENTiAL. One of the
questions that emerges from this example is whether this is merely a case of hendiadys
(lit., one through two) or whether there is some function that would not be realized with
just j3?!l or but not both verbs together. As a first step toward answering this
question, it is instructive to consider the jfrequency of occurrence of This is an
example of how frequency of occurrence is a point of entry into other areas of analysis
which are more qualitative and pragmatically oriented.
Out of 126 third person occurrences of only 11 occur without an
accompanying verb. In certain occurrences, for example 1 Chr 21:26, the verb is
used for a non-verbal response, in this case with fire. In other cases, the response is not
reported speech like the other 115 cases. This is just a preliminary glance at the data, but
these are examples o f the types of contextual factors that need to be considered. This
analysis indicates, however, that the majority of occurrences are indeed two w a y y iq t o l s
used non-sequentially to refer to one event.
132
6.4.1.3 COMPRESSION: events of long duration or events separated by a long period
of time
a man from the home o f Levi went ■'1*? n '3 Q Exod 2:1-2
he married a daughter o f Levi
the woman conceived
she bore a son
in n i
she saw that he was beautiful
she hid him for three months 15
3liD"'5 inK x n n i
Just the pregnancy and the three months of hiding would have taken a year,
without considering the amovmt of time leading up to their marriage and the possible
length of time prior to her conception. This is another example of how the narrative
depiction does not match the event world. In the text, the events are depicted as normal
progression, which does not reflect the temporal diversity of the event world.
6.4.1.4 RAPID s u c c e s s i o n : u n u s u a l, u n in te r r u p te d se q u e n c e s o f w a y y i q t o l s
r e p r e se n tin g a se r ie s o f ev e n ts
Jacob gave Esau bread and lentil T'T3^ 1D3 n p ? ! ! Gen 25:34
stew; and he ate and drank, and rose . ^ u ■
and went on his way. Esau despised J"?? 15*1 1 / 1 1 D p * l 111"11 7DK*1
his birthright.
This goes beyond the more common sequence of two w a y y iq t o l s considered
above as e x p a n s i o n . These sequences depict a series of actions, creating an effect of
rapid succession. Even

event world:
though narrative time
is typically less than textual depiction:
event time, these Figure 15: Depiction o f Events in Narrative
133
sequences are even more tightly compressed.
The following chart shows the types of sequences attested in the Hebrew Bible:
Sequence of 3 Sequence of 4 Sequence of 5
WAYYIQTOLS WAYYIQTOLS WAYYIQTOLS
Gen 25:17; Exod 1:7; 2:16; Gen 43:31; 1 Kgs 19:8; Gen 25:34
Josh 8:14; 9:4; Judg 6:29; 2 Kgs 6:23; Neh 9:25
9:27; 18:21; 19:4,10,14;
Ruth 2:14; 1 Sam 15:12;
18:25; 2 Sam 1:12; 17:23;
1 Kgs 19:21; 2 Kgs 7:8;
10:9; Jer 26:21; Ezek 16:7
Figure 16: WAYYIQTOL Sequences
These sequences have a distinct aural impact because of the repetition of the
prefix of the w a y y iq to l form.
6.4.1.5 in c l u s i o n : movement on the main timeline is suspended
INCLUSION is a n o th er in sta n c e o f non-SEQUENTiALiTY in se r ie s o f w a y y i q t o l s .
All flesh that moved on the earth Gen

perished, birds and cattle and 7:21-23
beasts and every swarming thing
that swarms upon the earth, and
all mankind; o f all that was on
the dry land, all in whose D'»n m ”i-nQC?3 *?3
nostrils was the breath o f the
spirit o f life, died. Thus He :1DQ n 3 in 3 *730
blotted out every living thing nniK n "3?“*75? ~\m oip';n~’73"ni« non.
that was upon the face o f the
land, from man to animals to D'Di^n toQ irii? nnn a-n y n im
creeping things and to birds o f
the sky, and they were blotted f i K n - p inQ 'i
outfrom the earth; and only :n 3 ra i ^ ki i k i ^î
Noah was left, together with
those that were with him in the
ark.
What is the relationship between the w a y y iq t o l s here? In 7:21-22 the first
WAYYIQTOL, P lP l, is the main verb. But when the next w a y y iq t o l , nn*l, at the
begirming of 7:23 is read, the expectation o f s e q u e n t ia l it y is not fulfilled. Upon closer
134
examination, it becomes evident that nD*! is included within the event frame set up by
6.4.1.6 r e g r e s s io n : going back in time
This example, discussed above in 6.2.1, differs from in c l u s io n since there is an
intermediate w a y y iq t o l , that moves the narrative along the timeline. The
second occurrence o f 3PJD*1, then, goes back in time.
Now in the morning David wrote a 1DD T il 3HD*! 'n‘'T 2 Sam

letter to Joab and sent it by the hand ’ ' ’ , j i ■i a i s
o f Uriah. He wrote in the letter:
•‘Place Uriah in thefront line o f the nniK -H K "IDK*? -|DD3
fiercest battle ana withdraw from ’ ’ *•* ’’ *•*"" ‘ "
him, so that he may be struck down HPT n il 11011^1311 'ID
and die. ” -r-. ^ ^ .
:nQi n33i vinK D oraipi
See the discussion of this example in 6.2.1.
6.4.1.7 CONCLUSION: summary of the preceding narrative
In certain w a y y iq t o l series, the final occurrence concludes and summarizes the
series. Consider the following example from 1 Sam 31;4h-6:
So Saul tookhis sword and fell V S 'l O in ilT IJ J VlKlZ? 11^*1 1 Sam 31:
on it. His armor bearer saw that y ^ ah ^
Saul was dead, and also fell on HQ ’’5 KtoD K“l*l
his sword and died with Inm. N in - D 3 ‘?9 » 1
Thus Saul died with his three '
sons, his armor bearer, and all VJS nO*!
his men on that day together. . , , ,
:Tin! Kinn D1*3 73 D3 V73 KtoJl
In 1 Sam 31:6, DQ*1 is non-sequential, concluding and summarizing the preceding
events. In 31:5 DD ‘'3 makes it clear that, in the narration, Saul was already dead
before nO®l occurs in 31:6. Rigid SEQUENTIALITY would not permit the use of DQ*1 in
31:6 after Saul’s death has already been narrated. In form, 00*1 is just another “simple”
135
WAYYIQTOL, b u t th e fu n c tio n is n o t to in d ic a te th e t3 ^ ic a l s e q u e n t ia l it y a s s o c ia te d w ith
th e WAYYIQTOL.
6.4.2 Summary
One of the main implications of the preceding discussion is that the assumption
that all WAYYIQTOLS are s e q u e n t ia l is not congruent with the data. If all w a y y iq t o l s
are not the same, then it follows that not every ■’H']! can he expected to he the same. Just
as the preceding categories o f w a y y iq t o l bring out the context-sensitive nature of this
form, so also the analysis o f ■’n 'l requires a context-sensitive approach: not every ‘'n'T
will he performing the same function in the text.
PART III: SYNTACTIC, SEMANTIC, AND
DISCOURSE-PRAGMATIC ANALYSIS OF
CHAPTER 7
DISTRIBUTIONAL ANALYSIS OF
7.1 Introduction
In analysis of the type presented here, it is extremely important to have a
principled basis on which to evaluate the different occurrences of a linguistic entity. At
one extreme is the approach which assigns one gloss to the item being studied wherever
that item occurs. In the more context-sensitive approach advocated here, it is expected
that a slightly different sense will often be assigned to a linguistic entity based on the
context in which it occurs. What is needed, however, is a set o f criteria for evaluating the
different occurrences while at the same time avoiding reading too much into each
different occurrence. There needs to be some control mechanism to prevent ad hoc
interpretation of each new occurrence.
Distributional analysis involves locating each occurrence, but this differs
significantly from the type of statistical analysis that would perhaps calculate the number
of occurrences per 1,000 words of text. The type of distributional analysis recommended
here proceeds on the basis o f quantitative data and moves to qualitative analysis of the
possible patterns which emerge from how the occurrences are distributed throughout the
text. This analysis requires constant sensitivity to all levels of linguistic context.
137
138
7.2 The Distribution of '’nil

The following charts display the occurrences of ’’n 'l chapter by chapter
throughout the Hebrew Bible. These charts display the oeeurrenees o f ’'ri'l and the
occurrences of '11131 with gray background. This gives an overview o f where ’’n 'l occurs,
allowing certain general observations to be made regarding certain patterns of its usage.
Discussion of the uses and functions of ’’n'^1 follows in subsequent chapters.
7.2.1 Charting the Distribution
Genesis (130)
19 31
18 31
17 30
16 24
15 23
14 23
13 19
12 19
11 15
10 13
09 13
08 11
07 09
06 08 22
05 08 34 67 34 18
04 07 17 3016 29 52 32 25 17
03 05 08 32 17 3003 14 26 2 2 3027 1430 23 16
02 05 03 31 1213 190211 17 17 13 20 20 22 2008 30 13 43 05
01 03 07 0223 01 1006 1001 100701 12 01 1412 2 0 0 1 15110101 1025 1006 2403
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 192021 2223 2425 262728293031 3233 3435
CHAPTERS
139
Genesis, continued
19
18
17
16
15 21
14 20
13 19
12 18
11 15
10 13
09 11
08 10
07 07
06 29 06
05 28 05
04 27 05 51
03 2402 13
02 07 02 2008 21 28
01 23 0102 0101 i02 24 20 01 15 09
# 3637 383940414243 4445 4647 48 4950
CHAPTERS
Exodus (44)
05 51
04 41 27
03 23 24 41 22 19
02 2 1 11 04 21 1424 30 1724 13 16 30 29
01 05 10 03 28 10 13 1022 29 152002 10 12 13 16 18 19 28
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 14151617181920212223 2425 2627 28293031 3233 34
CHAPTERS
Exodus, continued
05
04
03
02 27
01 13 24 17
# 35 3637 38 3940
CHAPTERS
Leviticus (1)
01 01
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 14 15 16 17 18 192021 22 23 2425 2627
CHAPTERS
140
Numbers (21)
06 52
05 43
04 37
03 36
02 12 35 25 23 32
01 43 01 061101__________ 3H)7__________41 02 19____________ 16__________ 12_
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1415 16 17 18 19 202122232425262728293031 3233343536
CHAPTERS
Deuteronomy (7)
01 03 16 23________n _______________________________________05__________24 05
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 1415 1617181920212223 2425 2627282930313233 34
CHAPTERS
Joshua (62)
08 13 41
07 11 33
06 10 33
05 27 27 30 09 25
04 20 24 29 07 40 18
03 18 13 16 25 20 25 18 1 0 0 2 10 20
02 141108 15 241611 23 02 05 01 0 2 10
01 0105 02010108 05 14010101 16 010501 1201 0417 0129
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 1415 161718192021222324
CHAPTERS
Judges (53)
07 12
06 39 11
05 40 39 07
04 28 38 35 20 25 05
03 19 27 2715 33 29 17 2104
02 14 18 250927 05 1420 15 17 16 01 02
01 03 0410 0706264204040902 11010401 014604
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 1415 161718192021
CHAPTERS
1 Samuel (67)
08 30
07 52 29
06 25 19
05 19 14
04 20 18 14 15 1023 42
03 04 10 13 15 092035 1738
02 023609 05 10 1002 262711 14 21 060927 2606 37 16 25
01 01 1 7 0 2 0 1 0 9 0 1 0 2 0 1 0 1 11 11 1001 1 0 0 6 01 07 24 02 06 02 02 07 01 01 08
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 1415 16171819202122 23 24 25 2627 28293031
CHAPTERS
141
2 Samuel (56)
07 20
06 20
05 15 27 38 32 19
04 23 14 16 36 12 18
03 021706 06 143030 07 0826 18
02 0 2 11 0 2 04 02 02 1823 02 27 07 10 15 19
01 01010104 13 0101 010103 01 01 16210603 01 191109
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 1415161718192021222324
CHAPTERS
I Kings (81)
09 29 45
08 27 40 34 44
07 26 29 31 36
06 24 25 24 29 28
05 21 24 23 1727 4027
04 12 203020 31 17 17 39 17
03 11 54 15 22 2028 1808 07 291633
02 39 06 11 17 102604 200625 29 11 0704 26 1532
0 1 0415 1801 0201 1001 14 03 02 04 06 210102 01 13 12 0102
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 141516171819202122
CHAPTERS
2 Kings (57)
07 40
06 25 30
05 18 26
04 27 11 25 2 1 28
03 112008 08242015 25 25 37 27
02 0915 08 0720 1805 09 11 12 070935 11 25
01 0105060205 1603 2207 03 07 2105 05 03 010104 03 0101
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 141516171819202122232425
CHAPTERS
Isaiah (17)
02 18 13
01__________ 25 01 05 02______________________0703____________ U__________
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 14151617181920212223 2425 2627282930313233
CHAPTERS
Isaiah, continued
02 38 19
01 01 01 04______________________ 18________________________ 15_______ 08________
# 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 6 6
CHAPTERS
142
Jeremiah (46)
05 27
04 13 23
03 11 08 23 16
02 04 06 17 12 19 120913
01 0301 03 1601 05 03 1004 08 01 30 2601 1 2 11 0106
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 12 13 1415 1617 18 19202122 23 24 2526272829303132 33 3435 36 37 38
CHAPTERS
Jeremiah, continued
05 13
04 07
03 06
02 040708 31
01 04 01070122 04
# 39404142 43444546474849505152
CHAPTERS
Ezekiel (71)
05 263411
04 22 21 3407 23 27
03 25 16 17 23 06 13 23 20 23 23
02 03 16 1408 12 1906 02 06 17 1015 11 20 1721
01 01 03 010101080613 010102 01010101 14010101010101010101 1701010101 0101
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 14151617181920212223 24252627282930313233 3435
CHAPTERS
Ezekiel, continued
05
04
03
02 15
01 160701
# 36373839... 48
CHAPTERS
Hosea (1)
01 11
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 12 13 14
CHAPTERS
Jonah (5)
02 04
0 1 01010108
# 12 3 4
CHAPTERS
Habakkuk (1)
01 03
# 12 3
CHAPTERS
143
Haggai (2)
01 0320
1 2
CHAPTERS
Zechariah (9)
05 13
04 12
03 08
02 0418
01 08 090101
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 121314
CHAPTERS
Psalms (6)
01 19 09 11 03 22 14
1...18...33 ... 69...76 ... 94 ... 118 ... 150
CHAPTERS
Job (11)
05 13
04 06
03 05
02 03
01 0301 16_____________________________________________________________________ 31_______________
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 1415 1617181920212223 24 25 2627282930313233 34 35
CHAPTERS
Job, continued
05
04
03 13
02 12
01 07
# 36373839404142
CHAPTERS
Ruth (7)
03 19
02 01 16
01 01 1 7 0 8 13
# 1 2 3 4
CHAPTERS
Lamentations (1)
01 37
# 1 2 3 4 5
CHAPTERS
144
Esther (7)
03 15
02 08 02
01 010704 01
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
CHAPTERS
Daniel (5)
03 21
02 16 (Aramaic) 15
0 1 06 02
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
CHAPTERS
Ezra (1)
01 04 (Aramaic)
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
CHAPTERS
Nehemiah (16)
04 10
03 09
02 04 38 06 16 19
01 0101 3301 0101 01 17 03
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213
CHAPTERS
1 Chronicles (32)
06 06
05 06
04 05
03 26 21 29 03 14 04
02 22 13 26 03 06 0 2 11 07
01 03 09 51 08 06 25 0 1 0 1 010105 08 03 01 24
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213 1415 161718 192021 22 23 24252627 2829
CHAPTERS
2 Chronicles (47)
04 12 23
03 13 26 11 1032 18 1621
02 11 25 12 02 0531 29 19 12 11 1411 32 27
01 14 0907 01 13 02 02 01 15 07 05 03 01 01 0908 0403 05 0826 25 19
# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 1920212223 2425 262728293031 3233 34 35 36
CHAPTERS
7.2.2 The Relationship of Distribution and Genre
First of all, based upon the presence and/or absence o f 'n 'l certain general
comments can be made. Caution needs to be exercised, however, to avoid reading too
145
much into these generalizations. For example, ‘'H';! should not be read as if its only
funetion is to indieate that the text in which it occurs is narrative. Even though genre is
one of the factors that needs to be taken into aeeount, the function o f ‘’n 'l cannot be
reduced to being ^ indieator of narrative. The chart of Leviticus is instructive in this
regard. The only oeeurrenee o f ’’n 'l in the book of Leviticus is in 9:1, in the only past
narrative seetion of the book. But it is important to not overstate the significance of this
occurrence o f ' T I ' l may be in Levitieus 9 beeause this chapter is narrative, but the
reverse is not necessarily true that Leviticus 9 is narrative because ‘'H';! oecurs there.
It is also important not to overstate the significanee of the absence o f ’’n 'l. For
example, there are no oeeurrenees o f ''n 'l in chapters 12,17,21,26, and 29 of 1 Samuel.
At the broadest level, there is no apparent difference in text-type that differentiates these
ehapters from the rest of the book. These chapters are not less narrative because ’'n']!
does not oeeur in them, ‘'n'll is only one strand woven into the complex narrative
tapestry.
One of the questions that emerges from this distributional analysis is whether
there is any signifieance to elusters of TI';!. For example, in 1 Sam 18, there are eight
oeeurrenees when most o f the surrounding chapters have only three or four. Clusters can
be seen in other books as well. The first step in answering this question would be to
separate the verbal oeeurrenees from the temporal ones and then determine whether any
significant pattern emerges. This, of course, as stated previously, needs to take all levels
o f linguistic structure and context into consideration.
146
These questions are attempts to explore whether any kind of profile of the text of
1 Samuel—or any other book—can be derived by looking at the pattern of occurrence of
’'nil- "'nil, however, is not the only motor which keeps the text moving ahead. Other
mechanisms that move the text along or indicate transitions in the text need to be
considered along with '’n'V
7.3 Summary
One of the most important observations made in this occurrence-hy-occurrence
study o f ■’n^l is that the syntax of each of its occurrences needs to be carefully examined.
One of the inherent dangers in saying that "'ri'l performs a textlinguistic or discourse
function is that it can lead to the improper assumption that it functions only at that level.
There are numerous instances of "TI'l functioning as a simple verb. The analyst must
determine when a particular occurrence is verbal or when a different function is being
performed. This is the goal of the following chapters.
CHAPTER 8
THE VERBAL USES OF
8.1 Overview
As the WAYYIQTOL form of the verb *'n'l often behaves like or carries out the
functions o f a typical w a y y iq t o l in the biblical Hebrew text (see Niccacci 1990, 60).
Out of the total number o f 864 occurrences of 458 or 53% function as verbs. The
following sections display the various uses of ''n 'l in its basic function as a verb. One of
the questions in the full analysis o f i s whether it is “just” a verb in these cases, or
whether it might also have some other function, such as signaling divisions within the
text. This question is fundamental to the ultimate objective of this analysis, but judgment
is momentarily suspended until the diverse occurrences o f ‘’n 'l as a verb can be
examined. Examining all the occurrences is the best way to work toward an answer to
this question.
A verbal use o f 'n 'l is defined as an occurrence of "Tl'l (or ”’nni) as the nuclear
verb o f the clause where the person, number, and gender match that of the subject of the
clause. The use o f ‘’H';! as a “full verb” has been recognized by many scholars and
147
148
grammarians. Difference of opinion does exist, however, eoneeming the status and
funetion of these oeeurrenees as a verb.
It is important to keep in mind that the following sections present a wide VEiriety
of uses and/or meanings associated with "'ri'l, but this rather taxonomic presentation
should not be construed as implying that there are different types of '’n'll. Every
occurrence is the same verb but English uses a variety of verbs to express the
contextual nuances of meaning. The kind of etie detail in the following sections may
seem tedious, but it is necessary for the full description of ■’II';!. Some of the categories
may appear subjective. In fact, some of the categories may not seem to reveal significant
distinctions that benefit the current analysis of ■’n'Jl. However, if future research is
facilitated by these categories, then an important objective has been met.
The early stages o f analysis for this study began by making the most basic
division possible between ’’ri'^rs occurrences as the main verbal element in independent
clauses and the occurrences in dependent temporal constructions. Each subsequent
review o f the oeeurrenees—^both as found in context in the Hebrew Bible and as data
being analyzed here—^resulted in increasingly finer distinctions based on both syntactic
and contextual considerations.
The examples throughout the next chapters all have the following format:
translation Hebrew text Reference

W estm inster G ram m atical T ags
Figure 17; Format o f Data Display

In almost all examples, at least one full verse is given in the second column from
the right. The left-most column displays both a translation and the morphological
149
information for the text example from the Westminster Grammatical Tags database. * The
translation is based on the n a s b , modified according to the analysis or point being made.
This information is included with each example to make them more accessible to readers
at different levels of proficiency in biblical Hebrew.
8.2 Uses of “‘nil as the Main Verb in Independent Clauses

The occurrence of 'n')! as the main verb in a clause is seen, for example, in Gen
39:2 where ‘’ri'l, as the w a y y iq t o l form of is followed by the noun n in ' which is
the grammatical s u b j e c t (S) of the clause:
The LORD was with Joseph, n in i Cen39:2

Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-np
The purpose o f this section is to analyze the various ways in which "’n 'l carries
out this funetion as a “normal” verb. As previously stated, the divisions found in this part
of Chapter eight are not intended to imply that these are “different types of ■’H'T’; the
intention rather is to display the semantic range of ■'H'Ts uses. This section is divided
into the following five categories:
8.2.1 The EQUATIVE Use of''n';!
8.2.2 The e x is t e n t ia l Use of
8.2.3 The d e ic t ic Use of''H';!
8.2.4 The d e s c r i p t i v e Use o f ''iT'T
‘ See Appendix A for full description of the tags.
150
8.2.1 The EQUATIVE Use of ‘•n'll
The noun that follows ■‘n'Jl in the EQUATIVE examples functions as the su b je c t
(S) of the verh, followed hy a NOMINAL c o m p l e m e n t . In some examples like Isa 23:3,
the SUBJECT is not explicit:
she was the market o f nations. :D'13I TOD ‘’HFll Isa 23:3
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncmsc ncmp
In this example, the su b je c t is known from the context and the noun phrase
which follows ■’n n i is the NOMINAL c o m p l e m e n t .
The occurrences o f a r e divided into different sections based on the
appropriate contextual meanings for the verb. In most of these occurrences, ’’n il has the
meaning to be or some other contextually appropriate verb, such as come or stay. In fact,
almost all o f these occurrences could possibly he “woodenly” or literally rendered with
“was,” but it is important to see the broad semantic range that n^H encompasses. The
sub-sections here are:
8.2.1.1 To be
8.2.1.2 “And it was so...”
8.2.1.3 “And that’s the way it happened...”
8.2.1.4 Territorial Expressions
8.2.1.5 The Formulaic Expression ’'H']!
8.2.1.6 Expressions o f Age
8.2.1.7 Quantity
8.2.1.8 With Prepositions
151
8.2.1.1 To be
The first set o f examples makes it clear that the verbal function is not limited to
■'n'l, the masculine form, but this funetion is also performed by ’’nn'l, the corresponding
third person feminine singular form, as shown in the first example?
The beginning o f his kingdom iro^ng 'nni Gen

was Babel and Erech and Accad 10:10
and Calneh, in the land o f
Shinar.
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfs ncfscX3ms
The whole earth was one :D'inK Dngii nnK nDto 'nn Gen 11:1
language and the same words.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-Pa-ncbs ncfs
afs
But his wife, from behind him, innKg ogni Gen
looked back, and she was a 19:26
pillar o f salt :n^n TX3 ^nrii
Pc-vhw3fsXa ncfscX3ms Pp-
PdX3fs Pc-vqw3fsXa ncmsc ncms
Esau was a skillful hunter 1'? 37T 'nil Gen
Pc-vqw3msXa np ncms vqPms 25:27
ncms
and it was boils breaking out ngnagi nns 'mi Exod
with sores on man and beast. 9:10
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms nclp vqPms
Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-Pp+Pa-ncfs
And He was king in Jeshurun, il^g 'nil Deut
When the heads o f the people 33:5
were gathered, The tribes o f t’pKito' 'P3C? in'_ '^Kn *iDKnn3
Israel together.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-np ncms Pp-vtc
ncmpc ncms Pd ncmpc np
he was a grinder in the prison. D 'l'o x n n"33 ]nlD Tf;i Judg
Pc-vqw3msXa vqPms Pp-nctnsc 16:21
Pa-ncmp
^ Even though this is the case, the term WAYYIQTOL and the form ''1111 will be used
consistently throughout to represent both the masculine and the feminine forms.
152
the name o f his firstborn was I Sam
Joel, and the name o f his 8:2
second, Abijah; they were
judging in Beersheba.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms-ncmscX3ms
Pa-ncms np Pc-ncmsc ncmscX3ms
np vqPmp Pp np
David hid in the field. It was the 1 Sam

new moon, and the king sat 20:24
down to eat.
Pc-vnw3ms np Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3msXa
Pa-ncms Pp Pp-Pa-ncms Pp-vqc
Samuel said, “Why then do you 1 Sam

ask me, since the LORD has 28:16
departedfrom you and is your
adversary?
Pc-vqw3ms np Pc-Pg vqi2msXlcs
Pc-np vqp3ms Pp-PpX2ms Pc-
vqw3msXa ncmscX2ms
Sons were born to David at li’i p n p iiiy iiy n 2 Sam
Hebron: his firstborn was 3:2
Amnon, o f Ahinoam the :nV K i7“i r n DurrrK^ ]1mn n i 3 3 'n ';i
Jezreelitess;
Pc-vQw3mp Pc-vnw3mp Pp-np
ncmp Pp-np Pc-vqw3msXa
ncmscX3ms np Pp-np Pa-np
King Solomon was king over all 1 Kgs 4:1
Israel.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms np ncms
Pp-ncmsc-np
He gathered men to himself and IKgs
was leader o f a marauding 11:24
band, after David slew them o f ptoQi id V’i
Zobah; and they went to
Damascus and stayed there, and
:ptoS13
reigned in Damascus.
Pc-vqw3ms PpX3ms ncmp Pc-
vqw3msXa ncms-ncms Pp-vqc np
PoX3mp Pc-vqw3mp np Pc-
vqw3mp PpX3fs Pc-vqw3mp Pp-np
she was the market o f nations. " in o ^ n m Isa 23:3
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncmsc ncmp
their reverence for Me is human 'm:xa oVik- i' 'n n i isa29:i3
tradition learned by rote
Pc-vqw3fsXa vqcX3mp PoXlcs
ncfsc ncmp vPPfs
153
there was a plot o f ground full o f nit&n n^*?n 'nni i chr
barley; 11:13
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfsc Pa-ncms afs
ncfp
8.2.1.2 “And it was so...” p “'ri':i
The exact sequence occurs eight times, six of which are in the first
chapter of Genesis; the other occurrences are in Judges and 2 Kings. This use with not
only summarizes what immediately precedes, but also, as the next w a y y iq t o l in the text,
it incorporates this summarization as an event in the narrative. Narratively, this
establishes, especially in Gen 1, a powerful pattern of confirming that what was spoken
was accomplished.
God made the expanse, and

separated the waters which were
below the expanse from the D'Qn nnna o'an
waters which were above the
expanse; and it was so.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmp Po-Pa-ncms
Pc-vhw3msXa Pp Pa-ncmp Pr Pp-
Pp Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-Pp Pa-ncmp Pr
Pp-Pp Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3msXa-
Pd
God said, “Let the waters below "□'ni^n'rinnQ""□‘lan d'hVk Gen l 9
the heavens be gathered into one
place, and let the dry land n>?"irii nnn Dlpn-*?K
appear”; and it was so.
Pc-vqw3ms ncmp vni3mp{ 1}Jm Pa-
ncmp Pp-Pp Pa-ncmp Pp-ncms ams
Pc-vni3fs{ 1} Jm Pa-ncfs Pc-
vqw3msXa-Pd
God said, “Let the earth sprout n^n kWi d " G®"
vegetation: plants yielding seed,
andfruit trees on the earth irnV ’1? nips7 n? yv i?it rnto atos?
bearing fruit after their kind
with seed in them and it was i n n y n t "ifK
so.
Pc-vqw3ms ncmp vhi3fsXa{ 1} Jt
Pa-ncbs ncms ncms vhPms ncms
ncmsc ncms vqPms ncms Pp-
ncmscX3ms Pr ncmscX3ms-
PpX3ms Pp-Pa-ncbs Pc-vqw3msXa-
Pd
154
let them be for lights in the DiQl^n l? 7 " j3 n ilK D *? v n ] Oen 1:15
expanse o f the heavens to give
light on the earth”; and it was "i‘’KnV
so.
Pc-vqp3cp{2} Pp-ncmp Pp-ncmsc
Pa-ncmp Pp-vhc Pp-Pa-ncbs Pc-
vqw3msXa-Pd
God said, “Let the earth bring
forth living creatures after their
kind: cattle and creeping things pnjj-lnpi toani nnna nrn*?
and beasts o f the earth after
n r 0*7
their kind"; and it was so.
Pc-vqw3ms ncmp vhi3fsXa{ 1} Jt
Pa-ncbs ncfs afs Pp-ncmscX3fs ncfs
Pc-ncms Pc-ncfsc-ncbs Pp-
ncmscX3fs Pc-vqw3msXa-Pd
and to every beast o f the earth
and to every bird o f the sky and
to every thing that moves on the
earth which has life, I have
t p - 'n i i p T “*?3"nK n^n
given every green plant for
food"; and it was so.
Pc-Pp-ncmsc-ncfsc Pa-ncbs Pc-Pp-
ncmsc-ncms Pa-ncmp Pc-Pp-ncms
vqPms Pp-Pa-ncbs Pr-PpX3ms ncfs
afs Po-ncmsc-ncms ncms Pp-ncfs
Pc-vqw3msXa-Pd
behold, I will put a fleece o f “la x n n i r n i < r m 'p d k n an Judg

wool on the threshingfloor. If 6:37-38
there is dew on the fleece only, nn3V nun-*?? n^n^ m
and it is dry on all the ground,
then I will know that You will
deliver Israel through me, as :n i3 n "i^>53 n :?
You have spoken." And it was
so. He arose early the next ntan"nK i r i ninQp
morning, squeezed the fleece, he :D'Q *?DDn k i Vq n n n -p
drained the dew from the fleece,
a bowlfull o f water.
Pi piles vhPms Po-ncfsc Pa-ncms
Pp+Pa-ncfs Pd ncms vqi3ms Pp-Pa-
ncfs Pp-ncmscX3fs Pc-Pp-ncmsc-
Pa-ncbs ncms Pc-vqplcs{2} Pp-
vhi2ms Pp-ncfscXlcs Po-np Pp-Pr
vpp2ms Pc-vqw3msXa-Pd Pc-
vhw3msXa Pp-ncfs Pc-vqw3msXa
Po-Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp-
P a-ncfs ncm s P a-n cm s ncm p
155
This is the word o f the LORD n in r iD I KIH 2 Kgs
which He spoke to Jehu, savins, , ^ ' ' is i7
“Your sons to the fourth K O r*?:^ D'37'3-1 ' ] 3
generation shall sit on the ,
throne o f Israel. ” And so it was. ' •• ' ■“
pi3ms ncmsc-np Pr vpp3ms Pp-np
Pp-vqc ncmpc amp vqi3mp PpX2ms
Pp-ncms np Pc-vqw3msXa-Pd
Notice the position of ']D“ '’n ‘;i in Judg 6:37-38. In all other instances, it occurs
immediately before a silluq, whereas in 6:38 it occurs as the first in a series of four
WAYYIQTOLS. Even though the “meaning” is the same, this does not have the same
concluding, summarizing effect of the other occurrences.
There is one additional occurrence—a variation on the basic pattern—
with an interposed to him. The same summarizing function is operative here. Notice
that this example also occurs in an initial position like Judg 6:38.
And so it happened to him, for 1371^3 DJ7n jDK p 2 Kgs

the people trampled on him at y. 2 0
the gate and he died. ‘H Q n
Pc-vqw3msXa-PpX3ms Pd Pc-
vqw3mp PoX3ms Pa-ncms Pp+Pa-
ncms Pc-vqw3msXa
8.2.1.3 “And that’s the way it happened...” ’’11*1
In two cases, the form ’’n il occurs, but inspection reveals that this form occurs in
the environment o f an âtnah, indicating a pause. This syllable-altering effect of the
pause is a common phenomenon. These examples are very similar to the preceding set,
but without ]3.
156
Also My bread which 1 gave you, H^D '’rin 3~ n ^ K ’’Pn*?']

fine flour, oil and honey with , , ’ ,
whichifedyou,youw ouidoffer nn> DnâD*? in''nn3T 19^1
before them for a soothing
aroma; so it happened, ' ' " ' ■■■— -
declares the Lord GOD.
Pc-ncmscXlcs Pr-vqplcs PpX2fs
ncfs Pc-ncms Pc-ncms vhplcsX2fs
Pc-vqp2fsX3ms{2} Pp-ncmpcX3mp
Pp-ncms ncms Pc-vqw3msXa
ncmsc np np
For He spoke, and it was done; TI*! IQ K KIH ' 3 Psa33;9

He commanded, and it stood
fast.
Pp pi3ms vqp3ms Pc-vqw3msXa
pi3ms-vpp3ms Pc-vqw3ms
A third example occurs in Lam 3:37 with ’'nnT,. There is no âtnah in BHS, but the
form is similarly affected by the pausal environment.
Who is there who speaks and it ’’nilT HQK ITt ''D Lam 3:37
comes to pass, unless the Lord has ', ’ .
commanded it? K / ‘'31^5
pii ams vqp3ms Pc-vqw3fsXa np Pn
vpp3ms
8.2.1.4 Territorial Expressions
■’n ' l is used twenty-one times in expressions referring to territories and borders, as
well as in descriptions of a certain territory extending from one location to another.
These occurrences are grouped together because of the semantic similarity of the
expression in which ’’n ' l is used, but they are definitely a subset of those in which a form
of the verb “to be” is the preferred verb in English.
The territory o f the Canaanite '333311 ^ 1 3 3 'I l ' l

extended... 10:19
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc Pa-np
Iheirsettlement extendedfrom 1 0 0130 0 DK 3 KIZJOO 031^10 'O 'l

Mesha as you go toward Sephar, 10 30
the hill country o f the east.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3mp Pp-np
vqcX2ms npXd ncms Pa-ncms
157
The border o f the sons o f ] 3 W ] '3 3 ‘? i3 a 'n*:! Josh
Reuben was the Jordan. 13:23
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc ncmpc np Pa-
np
Their territory was from O'DnQQ 0^3331 Josh
Mahanaim, 13:30
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc ncmpc
The lot for the tribe o f the sons ■'33 n o a V V i l a n 'n";! Josh 15:1
o f Judah ... reached
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-ncmsc
ncmpc np
This was the territory o f the sons Josh
o f Ephraim according to their 16:5a
families
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc ncmpc-np Pp-
nclpcX3mp
the border o f their inheritance " n N -n n p s 7 n n iT a □nVn3_ *?i33i 'n 'll Josh
eastward was Ataroth-ad-dar, as 16:5b
fa r as upper Beth-horon. q l'V a ? p l n n ' 3 ~ i j ?
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc ncfscX3mp
ncmscXd np Pp np ams
This was the lotfor the tribe o f 'n";! Josh 17:1
Manasseh,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-ncmsc
np
The border o f Manasseh ran nnpD ian n i |3 a “ ‘?i33i 'O';! Josh 17:7
from Asher to Michmethath
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np Pp-np Pa-
np
and it ended at the sea np*n v n K ^ h Josh 17:9
Pc-vqw3msXa ncfpcX3ms Pa-
ncmsXd
and the sea was their border P 3 3 3 l D*n ■'H';! Josh
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms 17:10
ncmscX3ms
and their inheritance was in the n i3n -;" '3.3 nVna p n p onV nj Josh 19:1
midst o f the inheritance o f the
sons o f Judah.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncfscX3mp Pp-
ncmsc ncfsc ncmpc-np
And the territory o f their DnVn3_ V 3 3 3 Josh
inheritance was as far as Sarid. 19:10
P c -vqw 3tnsX a ncm sc ncfscX 3m p
Pp-np
15 8
Their territory was to Jezreel Josh
and included Chesulloth and 19:18
Shunem...
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3mp npXd
Pc-Pa-np Pc-np
Their territory was Helkath and 1D31 •’? n i n j?7n d ? b :i ' n i l Josh
Halt and Beten and Achshaph, 19:25
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3mp np Pc-
np Pc-np Pc-np
Their border was .... 'HIT Josh
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3mp 19:33a
and it ended at the Jordan. rnK xn Josh
Pc-vqw3msXa nctpcX3ms Pa-np 19:33b
The territory o f their inheritance o n V n a V im 'n il Josh
was.... 19:41
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc ncfscX3mp
The cities from the tribe o f C3'""jDK niDHD Josh
'n il
Ephraim were.... 21:20
Pc-vqw3msXa ncipc ncmscX3mp
Pp-ncmsc np
their lot ivas twelve cities. n S to y Josh
'm i
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3mp ndp 21:40
afd afs
Now some o f the families o f the n nTp ‘ chr

h •• I I I • •
sons o f Kohath had cities o f
their territory from the tribe o f :DnDK nQHQ o*7B]i n u •’n'T
"'■■■ ■■ ” ■ " ‘ ( 6 : 66 )
Ephraim.
Pc-Pp-ncipc ncmpc np Pc-
vqw3msXa ncfpc nctnscX3mp Pp-
ncmsc np
8.2.1.5 The Formulaic Expression nin’|”*nT ’’n'l
The phrase nilT’”"!?! ‘’n')! is one of the typical, formulaic expressions for the
message coming to a prophet. This is a subset of the e q u a t iv e category of ’’n 'l with a
noun as grammatical su b je c t , in every case being the word of the Lord which came.
8.2.1.5.1 Occurrences of ’’n il in Genesis, Samuel-Kings, and Chronicles
The term f o r m u l a ic refers to the repetitive nature of this statement. Before
assuming, however, that it has narrative-structuring significance, it is important to
159
consider all the occurrences and their distribution. For example, in all of Samuel, there is
only one occurrence. The next seven occurrences are in 1 Kings, but there does not
appear to be any pattern that seems significant in the global organization o f the book.
The final occurrence in this set is in 2 Chronicles.
the word o f the LORD came to liDK*? 'il'l 1 Sam

Samuel, saying, 15:10
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np Pp-np Pp-
vqc
the word o f the LORD came to n p ';— in i p -;! IKgs

Solomon saying, 6:11
vqc
As they were sitting down at the on p -;i 1 Kgs
table, the word o f the LORD 13:20
came to the prophet who had
brought him back;
Pc-vqw3msXa pi3mp vqPmp Pp-
Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np
Pp-Pa-ncms Pr vhp3msX3ms
the word o f the LORD came to n p p io n pn_ 1 Kgs
Jehu the son o f Hanani against 16:1
Baasha, saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np Pp-np
ncmsc-np Pp-np Pp-vqc
The word o f the LORD came to n o N * ? t Vk m p p n o i p " ;! 1 Kgs

him, saying, 17:2
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np PpX3ms
Pp-vqc
the word o f the LORD came to n in ^ “ i n i p ”;! IKgs
him, saying, 17:8
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np PpX3ms
Pp-vqc
the word o f the LORD came to n p p n n i p fi 1 Kgs
Elijah the Tishbite, saying, 21:17
np Pp-vqc
the word o f the LORD came to p i^ n n n in p n o i p f l IKgs

Elijah the Tishbite, saying, 21:28
np Pp-vqc
160
the word o f the LORD came to m rT '~n3T ’'I l'l 2 Chr

Shemaiah the man o f God, , , . , 11.7
saying, H OK? □ 'n V K r t'K
ncms-Pa-ncmp Pp-vqc
There is another instance of this formulaic expression in Genesis that needs to be
mentioned, occurring after the temporal phrase n^Kn D’’“)3in “inX:
After these things the word o f D n iin

"ION Genl5:l
the LORD came to Abram in a , , ’ ,
vision, saying "Do not fear, D ™ nT nQ 3 013K -*?K
A bram ,Iam ashieldtoyou; ,3 3 ^
Your reward shall be very ' ' '" • ■ ■ 1 1
great. ”
Pd Pa-ncmp Pa-acp vqp3ms ncmsc-
np Pp-np Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-vqc Pd-
vqi2ms{ 1}Jm np piles ncms
PpX2fs ncmscX2ms vha Pd
In the following sections, the formulaic occurrences o f i n Isaiah, Jeremiah,
Ezekiel, Jonah, Haggai, and Zechariah are displayed. It is beyond the scope of the
present study to do a fixll analysis of the narrative structure o f each of these books. It is
important to realize that these formulaic expressions are only one aspect o f the narrative
shape.
8.2.1.5.2 Occurrences of nin'l“33'l ’’n*!! in Isaiah
In Isaiah, this formulaic expression occurs only once:
the word o f the LORD came to “IQK*? m H ''— 131 ■’n'T Isa 38:4
Isaiah, saying,
vqc
The limited employment of this formulaic expression is certainly not an indication
that Isaiah is not prophetic. Indeed, the occurrence of this expression only one time in
161
Isaiah shows that the prophetic genre does not automatically require its frequent
occurrence.
Further analysis of Isaiah would need to take into account, for example, the use of
the verb "13T in Isa 8:5; 16:13, 14; 20:2; 22:25; 24:3; 25:8; 37:22; 40:5 and 58:14. Isa 8:5
reads as follows:
Again the LORD spoke to me ♦"IQK*? 1 3 1 nirT*

further, saying,
Pc-vhw3msXa np vpc PpXlcs Pd
Pp-vqc
There are forty-nine occurrences of IDK 13 which would also need to be
considered. The occurrences are as follows:
IQK 13 Isa 7:7; 8:11; 10:24; 18:4; 21:6,16; 22:15; 28:16; 29:22; 30:12,15; 31:4;
in Isaiah: 36:4,14, 16; 37:3, 6,10,21, 33; 38:1, 5; 42:5; 43:1,14,16; 44:2, 6, 24;
45:1,11,14,18,17; 49:7, 8; 49:22,25; 50:1; 51:22; 52:3,4; 56:1,4;
57:15; 65:8,13; 66:1, 12
Figure 18: "liaN H3 in Isaiah
To study the occurrences of 131 and IQK n3 would obviously require more
extensive analysis o f the whole book of Isaiah, which is exactly the point. The
oecurrenee of the formulaic ’’n'Jl is only a small part of the whole network o f reference to
the word of the Lord in Isaiah. Any determination of whatever significance this one
occurrence might have cannot be made by merely comparing Isaiah’s one occurrence to
twenty-nine occurrences in Jeremiah (the next section). The whole web of the word of the
Lord expressions in Isaiah must be scrutinized; then the significance of n3rT)“331
in Isa 38:4 can be considered. Even within Isaiah, the function o f this formulaic
expression needs to be carefully examined. Regarding the significance of niIT]“13"| 'n'T
in Isa 38:4, Wildberger comments that
162
[s]uch an arrangement for introducing a message from Yahweh is found

nowhere else in Isaiah 1-39. But it makes perfect sense in this context. We
learn that Isaiah does not go to Hezekiah o f his own accord, but acts as a
result of a specific command from Yahweh. (Wildberger 1991, 447)
This comment acknowledges the unique occurrence o f this expression in Isaiah,
but does not seem to take into account the "1D"T and IQK HS expressions which also are
evidence o f the Lord communicating with Isaiah. As stated above, a more extensive
analysis—^which is not possible here—^would consider the whole web of expressions in
order to determine whether there is indeed some unique function that can be attributed to
n in rin i in Isa 38:4.
8.2.1.5.3 Occurrences of ’’n 'l in Jeremiah
In Jeremiah, in contrast, the formulaic use of is very frequent,
occurring twenty one times. Notice that in the first nine occurrences, the pronoun
occurs: the word o f the Lord came to me; subsequent to 28:12, the pronoun is replaced by
to Jeremiah. Other variations will be discussed after all the occurrences are
displayed.
the word o f the LORD came to iD i< b n p - ; - ! ? - ! 'n ';i Jer 1:4
me saying
the word o f the LORD came to ■'ri’ i Jer 1:11
me saying
The word o f the LORD came to Jer 1:13
me a second time saying,
the word o f the LORD came to Jer 2:1
me saying.
The word o f the LORD came to n-'5 tp' T ill Jer 13:3
me a second time saying.
the word o f the LORD came to n in r " i3 1 ■'nil Jer 13:8;
me saying,
18:5;
24:4
163
The word o f the LORD came to 'n i l Jer 28:12
Jeremiah after Hananiah the
prophet had broken the yoke ’?i7Q HDlian-nx ni]3n 'i h k
from off the neck o f the prophet
noK*?
Jeremiah, saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np Pp-np Pd
vqc np Pa-ncms Po-Pa-ncfs Pp-Pp
ncmsc np Pa-ncms Pp-vqc
The word o f the LORD came to "ibK*? i n i a i '- ’pK n in i " i3 i 'n i l Jer 29:30
Jeremiah saying.
The word o f the LORD came to nbR> n in r n n n 'n n Jer 32:26
Jeremiah saying.
The word o f the LORD came to n in r n n n 'n n Jer 33:1
Jeremiah a second time
nbK*? nnQQn nxriB la n lr Kini
The word o f the LORD came to "ibxV 3nia"!'-VR n in i“nnn 'n i l Jer 33:19
Jeremiah saying.
The word o f the LORD came to "idkV in'Q i'"V R n in i“n3n 'n i l Jer 33:23
Jeremiah saying.
the word o f the LORD came to nnK> nini m n ^ P r"> 5 1 'n i l Jer 34:12
Jeremiah from the LORD,
saying.
The word o f the LORD came to nbR*? in 'Q i'-V ij m n i-n n n 'm i Jer 35:12
Jeremiah saying.
Then the word o f the LORD an'Qi'-VK m n i " i3 l 'n i l Jer 36:27
came to Jeremiah after the king
had burned the scroll and the D'"!3nn-nKi nîian-nR
words which Baruch had written
noK*? in iQ i' '9Q p i s 3ri3
at the dictation o f Jeremiah,
saying.
the word o f the LORD came to nbK^ R'3an 3n'Q"T“’?K nini"n3n, 'n i l Jer 37:6
Jeremiah the prophet, saying.
Now at the end o f ten days the □'b1 nntor I'pn 'm i Jer 42:7
word o f the LORD came to
Jeremiah. nniD"i'“*?K n in r n 3 n 'm i
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms afsc ncmp
the word o f the LORD came to nbN> Dn39nn3 an'nn'-V x n in i-n 3 1 'm i Jer43:8
Jeremiah the prophet in
Tahpanhes, saying.
Regarding Jer 28:12, Keown, Scalise, and Smothers comment that Jeremiah
.. .spoke again only after having received a fresh revelation of the Lord’S
word. In V 12, then the word-event formula and the temporal clause do not
appear simply pro forma; they serve an important narrative fimction ...
showing that neither Hananiah’s oracles nor his sign-act (28:1-11) had
canceled or revoked the message given through Jeremiah in chap. 27.
(Keown, Scalise and Smothers 1995, 27)
164
This comment uses the term “important narrative function,” but it is clear, in the
view of these authors, that the context within which this function is performed is limited
to chapters 27 and 28. There is no mention at all of the switch from to
Based on this pattern with ’’nil, 28:12 appears to be a significant transition point in the
book. Carroll comments that “by himself Jeremiah cannot refute Hananiah, though he
may make some canny observations; he must receive the divine word in order to do that”
(Carroll 1986, 546), but there is no mention o f the switch from first to third person
reference. This would need to be explored in a more complete analysis of the formulaic
expression with ■'H'! in Jeremiah.
Also, within the overall reference to the word o f the Lord in Jeremiah, the
following occurrences o f n'H need to be taken into account:
The words o f Jeremiah the son o '3 n i)n -|n n n i J^r 1 :1-2
o f Hilkiah, o f the priests who
were in Anathoth in the land o f : 10^,33 n1n3I73 10^
Benjamin, to whom the word o f
the LORD came in the days o f
t Vk n jn 7 i3 T n:n
Josiah the son o f Amon, king o f n iw ; 'p''3
Judah, in the thirteenth year o f
his reign.
ncmpc np ncmsc-np Pp-Pa-ncmp Pr
Pp-np Pp-ncbs np Pr vqp3ms
ncmsc-np PpX3ms Pp-ncmpc np
ncmsc-np ncms np Pp-afsc-afs ncfs
Pp-vqcX3ms
That which came as the word o f m n r ’i n i jeii4:i
the LORD to Jeremiah in regard
to the drought: :n1"i2t3n n33-Vi7
Pr vqp3ms ncmsc-np Pp-np Pp-
ncmpc Pa-ncfp
165
For each time I speak, I cry
aloud;! proclaim violence and
destruction,because for me the
word o f the LORD has resulted
in reproach and derision all day
long.
Pp-Pp-ncmsc vpilcs vqilcs ncms
Pc-ncms vqilcs Pp-vqp3ms ncmsc-
np PpXlcs Pp-ncfs Pc-Pp-ncms
ncmsc-Pa-ncms
“From the thirteenth year o f Jer25i3
Josiah the son o f Amon, king o f
Judah, even to this day, these nt n\T\ Dl*n j
twenty-three years the word o f
the LORD has come to me, and I T •• ▼ I ~ » TT ▼ T • I V » T
have spoken to you again and JDnrOlZ? K’?! 1311 D'312?K DD'Vk 131K1
again, but you have not listened.
Pp-afsc afs ncfs Pp-np ncmsc-np
ncms np Pc-Pp Pa-ncms Pa-ams
ams afs Pc-amp ncfs vqp3ms
ncmsc-np PpX 1cs Pc-vpwl cs
PpX2mp vha Pc-vpa Pc-Pn vqp2mp
And Jeremiah said, “The word :ibKV 'Vk m n '“i 3 i n^n in^bT loS^^
o f the LORD came to me,
saying,
Pc-vqw3ms np vqp3ms ncmsc-np
PpXlcs Pp-vqc
The word o f the LORD came to m n ’- i s i n’:n i n ; a i '“’^ i 'Jer39:i5'
Jeremiah while he was confined
in the court o f the guardhouse, noK*? m e a n i:tn 3 i i s r in 'n 3
saying,
Pc-Pp-np vqp3ms ncmsc-np Pp-
vqcX3ms vqsms Pp-ncbsc Pa-ncfs
Pp-vqc
That which came as the word o f "in'âi^-VK 'n in -;-i3 i i ^ k ” •'erêri
the LORD to Jeremiah the
prophet concerning the nations. :D'lan-Vi7 K'3an
Pr vqp3ms ncmsc-np Pp-np Pa-
ncms Pp-Pa-ncmp
That which came as the word o f ¥ '3 3 1 i n ; a i '" ^ ¥ ^ ^ ^ n;n i i ^k Je>-47:i

prophet concerning the :n=ri7-nK ni7iD n s ' d id 3 a"ni2?*7a"*7K
Philistines, before Pharaoh
conquered Gaza.
ncms Pp-np Pp-Pd vhi3msXa np Po-
np
166
That which came as the word o f m n -;-!?! n^n Jer 49:34
prophet concerning Elam, at the
beginning o f the reign o f
hdkV
Zedekiah king o f Judah, saying:
ncms Pp-np Pp-ncfs ncfsc np ncms-
np Pp-vqc
8.2.1.5.4 Occurrences of niiT; 23^ 'n'l in Ezekiel
This formulaic expression is also very frequent in Ezekiel, occurring thirty-nine
times. Block (1997, 32) refers to this expression as the “word-event formula,” stating
that
.. .the reader of Ezekiel’s oracles is struck by the preponderance and

repetition of formulaic expressions in the book, some of which are
common among the prophets, others unique to Ezekiel. (Block 1997, 30)
One of the significant things to notice in Ezekiel is that there is much less
variation in the formulaic expressions with shown in the display by the quantity of
verses that have the same form of the expressions. In fact, the three groups starting with
6:1, 12:17, and 24:15 are all identical. The only variation in 3:16, 12:8, and 24:1 is the
inclusion of a time frame with the formulaic expression. This gives support to Block’s
observation about the “preponderance and repetition” of these expressions.
At the end o f seven days the D'Q’’ n sp n 'H 't Ezek

word o f the LORD came to me, 3:16
saying, nfciK*? 'n 'l
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc amsc
ncmp Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np
PpXlcs Pp-vqc
the word o f the LORD came to t i ';i Ezekah;
me saying. 7:1,
11:14;
12:1
167
In the morning the word o f the noK*? "ij?33 n i n r X T 'n*;! Ezek
LORD came to me, saying, 12:8
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np PpXlcs
Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-vqc
the word o f the LORD came to Ezek
naK ? 'n ';i
me saying, 12:17,
21,26;
13:1;
14:2, 12;
15:1;
16:1;
17:1,11;
18:1;
20:2;
21:1,6,
13, 23;
22:1, 17,
23; 23:1
the word o f the LORD came to 351^3 'V k Ezek
me in the ninth year, in the tenth 24:1
month, on the tenth o f the month, n&K*? 3 lt o V 3
saying.
the word o f the LORD came to ’■'H't Ezek

me saying, 24 15;
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np PpXlcs
Pp-vqc 25 1;
27 1;
28 1,11
20 30:1
33 1,23
34 1;
35 1;
36 16;
37 15;
38 1
In very similar fashion to Jeremiah, Ezekiel has several occurrences of the
expression n p ' “331 n'H which also need to be taken into consideration in a full
168
analysis of how they may contribute to the overall reference to the word of the Lord in
Ezekiel.
(On the fifth o f the month in the ni^nna Ezek 1 :2 -

fifth year o f King Jehoiachin's
exile, the word o f the LORD ^
came expressly to Ezekiel the
n;n n 'n
priest, son o f Buzi, in the land o f
the Chaldeans by the river "izp-inr*??? D 'ltos I'lK ? inDn
Chebar; and there the hand o f
the LORD came upon him.)
Pp+Pa-ams Pp+Pa-ncms pi3fs Pa-
ncfs Pa-afs Pp-ncfsc Pa-ncms np
vqa vqp3ms ncmsc-np Pp-np
ncmsc-np Pa-ncms Pp-ncbs np Pp-
ncmsc-np Pc-vqw3fsXa PpX3ms Pd
ncfsc-np
Now in the eleventh year, on the Ezek
first o f the month, the word o f 26:1
the LORD came to me saying, noK *? n i n r " ! ? ! n^n
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-afs-afs ncfs Pp-
ams Pp+Pa-nems vqp3ms ncmsc-np
PpXlcs Pp-vqc
In the tenth year, in the tenth n n > ¥ y n n ]¥ 3 Ezek
month, on the twelfth o f the 29:1
month, the word o f the LORD n ;n
came to me saying,
Pp+Pa-ncfs Pa-afs Pp+Pa-ams Pp-
amd ams Pp+Pa-ncms vqp3ms
ncmsc-np PpXlcs Pp-vqc
Now in the twenty-seventh year, ]li2 7 K i3 n3i^ v i W i n n t o y a ' n ' l Ezek
in the first month, on the first o f 29:17
the month, the word o f the naK > np * ; — np izJinV i n K 3
LORD came to me saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-amp Pc-afs ncfs
Pp+Pa-ams Pp-ams Pp+Pa-ncms
vqp3ms ncmsc-np PpXlcs Pp-vqc
In the eleventh year, in the first ]1127‘K"!3 n3i2? noK3 Ezek
month, on the seventh o f the
month, the word o f the LORD noK*? n^n izînV
came to me saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-afs afs ncfs
169
In the eleventh year, in the third nito?? noK3 'n";! E“ k
month, on the first o f the month,
the word o f the LORD came to nbK*? "Vk m n^-“i3T n^n
me saying,
In the twelfth year, in the twelfth
the word o f the LORD came to nbK*? ■
’Vk n^n iz^nn*? inK 3
me saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-afdc afs ncfs Pp-
amdc-ams ncms Pp-ams Pp+Pa-
ncms vqp3ms ncmsc-np PpXlcs Pp-
vqc
In the twelfth year, on the IzînY ixgv ni^bn? n3i^ nitoiy ■'nî Ezek
fifteenth o f the month, the word
o f the LORD came to me saying, nbK*? Y k m n '“"i3i n 'n
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-afdc afs ncfs
Pp+Pa-ams ams Pp+Pa-ncms
8.2.1.5.5 Occurrences of nin'“33T ’’n'l in Jonah
In Jonah, there are two occurrences of niiT] I3T ’’n 'l at 1:1 and 3:1. In the first
occurrence in 1:1, Jonah is introduced as '’rib^<“ 13 the son o f Amittai, which is not
repeated in 3:1 when the Lord speaks to Jonah the second time, made explicit by
The word o f the LORD came to 3bK*? 'n o K - p

- • -* | v ▼ V » t - I * 1 “
Jonah i:i
Jonah the son o f Amittai saying,
the word o f the LORD came to

Jonah the second time, saying.
It is easy for the reader of Jonah to be tempted to say that the occurrence of this
formulaic expression in 1:1 and 3:1 has definite structural significance in this book.
Stuart comments that
170
[i]f one has listened or read carefully, there can be no doubt that the story
is, as it were, starting over. Once again Jonah has heard the word of
Yahweh. Jonah is back where it all started. (Stuart 1987,482)
It is important to realize, however, that the division of Jonah into two parts from
1:1-2:11 and 3:1-4:11 involves more than just the nearly verbatim repetition of the
formulaic expression n in ' 131 ’’nil. It is not insignificant that the expression
occurs twice, but a similar division could be made by other expressions as well. Also
involved in the fresh start in chapter 3 is the repetition of the command to Jonah:
Dip and the contrast in Jonah’s response to the
command. The expression niH'; IDT ’’ri';! is only one component in the new start in
chapter 3.
8.2.1.5.6 Occurrences of niiT;“n3T Till in Haggai
There are two occurrences in Haggai. The nirT]“131 ■’HT is standard, but what
follows it, especially the TO”"!!? in 1:3, is unique to this book. 2:20 states explicitly
rr’llZ? a second time.
the word o f the LORD came by "h t Hag i:3

Haggai the prophet, saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np Pp-ncfsc-
np Pa-ncms Pp-vqc
the word o f the LORD came a ""'nT ' Hag 2:2o"
second time to Haggai on the
twenty-fourth day o f the month,
saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np afs Pp-np
Pp-am p P c-am s P p+ P a-ncm s Pp-vqc
171
Not surprisingly, in Haggai there are also occurrences of nilT] IDl
In the second year o f Darius the D'niy Hagi:i

king, on the first day o f the sixth
month, the word o f the LORD iiiK d1"3
came by the prophet Haggai to
Zerubbabel the son ofShealtiel,
*?33"irVK K'33n ■’3in-i:3
governor o f Judah, and to nn^n'; noD
Joshua the son ofJehozadak, the
high priest, saying, ni3K*? *?nan in sn p n ^ ln i-is
Pp-ncfsc afd Pp-np Pa-ncms Pp+Pa-
ncms Pa-ams Pp-ncms ams Pp+Pa-
ncms vqp3ms ncmsc-np Pp-ncfsc-
np Pa-ncms Pp-np ncmsc-np ncmsc
np Pc-Pp-np ncmsc-np Pa-ncms Pa-
ams Pp-vqc
On the twenty-first o f the seventh in K f ■Hag 2 T
month, the word o f the LORD
came by Haggai the prophet niax*? K‘’33n •'3in“i" 3 m n " - i3 i n^n
saying,
Pp+Pa-ams Pp-amp Pc-ams Pp+Pa-
ncms vqp3ms ncmsc-np Pp-ncfsc-
np Pa-ncms Pp-vqc
On the twenty-fourth o f the ninth

month, in the second year o f
Darius, the word o f the LORD ’3in“*?K nin';"n3'i nii^s
came to Haggai the prophet,
saying,
nbK*? K^33n
Pp-amp Pc-ams Pp+Pa-ams Pp-
ncfsc afd Pp-np vqp3ms ncmsc-np
Pp-np Pa-ncms Pp-vqc
In Haggai, there are also five occurrences oflD K H3, found at Hag 1:2, 5, 7; 2:6,
11, that would need to be considered in full analysis of these expressions.
8.2.1.5.7 Occurrences of nini T31. ’’n il in Zechariah
In Zechariah, four o f the six occurrences explicitly state that the word of the Lord
came to me, one occurrence states to Zechariah in the third person, and the remaining
occurrence in 8:1 is the most general, stating only that the word o f the Lord came.
the word o f the LORD came to nbN*? m n '" 3 3 i 'H ' t zech4:8
me saying,
172
the word o f the LORD came to nQK*? nin';“"i31 Zech 6:9
me saying,
the word o f the LORD o f hosts nnK*? n1X3^ n]n';"i3T Zech 7:4
came to me, saying,
the word o f the LORD came to Zech 7:8
Zechariah saying.
the word o f the LORD o f hosts Zech 8:1
came, saying,
the word o f the LORD o f hosts nlK3x n 3 n r i 3 i 'n";! Zech
came to me, saying. 8:18
In Zechariah, there are three occurrences of nilT] 131 n'H;
In the eighth month o f the D'Hc? zechpi

second year o f Darius, the word
o f the LORD came to Zechariah n'^D")3“]3 nnDr*?K nin';"i3l n;n
the prophet, the son o f
K''3|n
Berechiah, the son o f Iddo
saying,
Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pp-ncfsc afd
Pp-np vqp3ms ncmsc-np Pp-np
ncmsc-np ncmsc-np Pa-ncms Pp-
vqc
On the twenty-fourth day o f the Q i'? ze^hi:?
eleventh month, which is the
month Shebat, in the second 331^3 331^
year o f Darius, the word o f the
LORD came to Zechariah the 3 n :3 i3 -]3 ^ P r"> 3 1 ^ '0
prophet, the son o f Berechiah, ><'3|n K l i p - j s
the son o f Iddo, as follows:
Pp-ncms amp Pc-ams Pp-afs-ams
ncms pi3ms-ncms np Pp-ncfsc afd
Pp-np vqp3ms ncmsc-np Pp-np
ncmsc-np ncmsc-np Pa-ncms Pp-
vqc
In the fourth year o f King c?riT 7 S73l« n]_i^3 zech7:i
Darius, the word o f the LORD
came to Zechariah on the fourth nv3*ii<3 nn3r*?^J ^ '0
day o f the ninth month, which is
nVo33 î7i2?nn
Chislev.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfsc afs Pp-np
Pa-ncms vqp3ms ncmsc-np Pp-np
Pp-ams Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pp-np
173
8.2.1.5.8 Variations of the standard Occurreaces of ■'iT'T
Three occurrences depart enough from the pattern that they are considered
separately here. In 1 Kgs 12:22 and 1 Chr 17:3 occurs rather than nilT]. Notice
that the occurrence in 1 Chr 22:8 is the only one that inverts the order of n p i 13*3 and
the recipient, inserting after ■'H'’,!. Also included in this sectione is the only
occurrence of n p' I3T H p in Daniel, even though the FORMULAIC expression with ’’n ' l
does not occur in this hook.
But the word o f God came to

Shemaiah the man o f God,
saying, niaK*?
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc Pa-ncmp Pp-
np ncms-Pa-ncmp Pp-vqc
The same night, the word o f God X3nn ’n V p3 ’p ^ r 'T c h r

came to Nathan, saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-
pi3ms Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-ncmp
Pp-np Pp-vqc
me, saying, ‘You have shed
much blood and have waged n'top niV la nlan*po3
great wars; you shall not build a
n p npn-K V
house to My name, because you
have shed so much blood on the C3D*? nDblZ? D'3"l DPT p
earth before Me.
Pc-vqw3msXa PpXlcs ncmsc-np
Pp-vqc ncms Pp+Pa-ncms vqp2ms
Pc-ncfp afp vqp2ms Pn-vqi2ms
ncms Pp-ncmscXlcs Pp ncmp amp
vqp2ms ncfsXd Pp-ncmpcXlcs
174
The FORMULAIC use o f ’'n il does not occur in Daniel, but n in i““13"I nilj does.
in the first year o f his reign, I, iD*pQV n m O a n 9:2

Daniel, observed in the books
the number o f the years which iSDD 0 ^ 9 0 3
was revealed as the word o f the
K 'nm n in i—iin n:n
LORD to Jeremiah the prophet
fo r the completion o f the :nDi2? D'J7312? n l3 ’in*? niKVnV
desolations o f Jerusalem,
Pp-ncfsc afs Pp-vqcX3ms piles np
vqplcs Pp+Pa-ncmp ncmsc Pa-ndp
ncms Pp-vpc Pp-nc^c np amp ncfs
8 .2 . 1 . 5 .9 Analytical Summary of the f o r m u la ic Use of ’’n i l
In summary, the formulaic nature of these occurrences is a result o f the repetitive
way in which 'n i l patterns with most cases of this standard statement. As stated above, it
is obviously not the intention here to analyze the entire narrative structure of the books
within which the formulaic use of 'n il is found. This is beyond the scope of the current
study of 'm i, but it should be clear that these formulaic occurrences of 'm i need to be
considered in any such study. It should not be expected that a list o f 'm i ’s occurrences
will provide a structural outline of any book, but it may nevertheless be the case that
some or many of these occurrences will coincide with significant transition points. The
Jonah 1:1 and 3:1 examples demonstrate, however, that the coincidence of'H11 with a
structurally significant formulaic expression is not purely the result of'HIV s presence.
The examples o f n in i“13H Hin also demonstrate that this use o f'H ll is only part
of the whole picture. In a full analysis, all the occurrences, for example, of n|ni~Dl<3
would also need to be considered. Once the frequency o f occurrence is determined and
175
the location of occurrence of each expression is plotted, then the pattern of distribution
can be analyzed.
8.2.1.6 Expressions of Age
A further use of ''ni'l is in statements of age or the passing o f time. The two basic
patterns o f this reference to age are: + S+ and + N“*'Q1 + n u m . This use of
■'n'J'l is remarkable for its very low frequency in the Hebrew Bible.
8.2.1.6.1 Age: ’’n';! + S + “]3
The shape of these occurrences is TI’ll followed by the person’s name as su bjec t,
which is then followed by the expression of age formed by ]3 + the number of years. In
these instances, the person’s age is stated as circumstantial information forming the
context for the next event.
Noah was five hundred years n lR D ii? Q n -i3 n r ^ n ': ! Gen 5:32
old,
Pc-vqw3msXa-np ncmsc-afsc afp
ncfs
Abram was ninety-nine years D'3i^ m W D'S7i2?n“ i 3 d"13K Gen 17:1
old
Pc-vqw3msXa np ncmsc-amp ncfs
Pc-afs ncfp
Isaac was forty years old ... ri3U? D '3 7 3 1 R " ]3 p n x" ' n i l Gen
Pc-vqw3msXa np ncmsc-abp ncfs 25:20
Esau was forty years old n3i^ 'n il Gen
Pc-vqw3msXa np ncmsc-abp ncfs 26:34
8.2.1.6.2 “The days of... were”: ’’n'l + + num
Rather than refer to the age of a person when some other event happened, these
occurrences are backward-looking, summarizing statements of the length of a person’s
life.
176
the length o f Jacob's life was n p y r'Q ': "nii cen
one hundred and forty-seven
years.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmpc-np ncfpc
ncmpcXSms afs ncfp Pc-abp Pc-afsc
ncfs
all the days o f Enoch were three ^ 1]n " 0 7 ^ 3 ' n i l Gen 5:23
hundred and sixty-five years.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-ncmpc np afs n lK a t o
Pc-amp ncfs Pc-afsc afp ncfs
all the days o f Lantech were 1731^ '^ [ 0 5 ^ 3 7 ^ 3 Gen 5:31'
seven hundred and seventy-
seven years, and he died. :nb*T n1XQ I73C?^ HDC? D'173C?T
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-ncmpc-np afs
Pc-amp ncfs Pc-afsc afp ncfs Pc-
vqw3msXa
The occurrence of the singular form ■’H']! with the plural ''D'] days may raise
questions regarding agreement in number, but the collective character of the expression
■’bl, especially as ‘'b';“*?3 all the days, poses no problem for the singular verb. There are
some cases, however, o f'’b '“*?3 Vn*l as in Gen 5:4. See 8.5 for further discussion of
occurrences with VH*!
8.2.1.6.3 Other References to Age, but without ’’n'll
Other references to a person’s age occur with the sequence T + N + “ ]3 + NUM.
There are eleven occurrences with this sequence. These examples highlight the contrast
in narrative strategy between T and ■’n 'l.
Noah was six hundred years old njitf nlKb t o i 3 n il

when the flood o f water came
upon the earth. b"b *?i3bni
Pc-np ncmsc-afs afp ncfs Pc-Pa-
ncms vqp3ms ncmp Pp-Pa-ncbs
17 7
Abram went forth as the LORD 1 3 T “11^K3 D IB K Gen 12:4
had spoken to him; and Lot went
with him. Now Abram was 12?Qn"13 m 3 K T D 1 *? iHN
seventy-five years old when he
q in p d'3731Z?'i
departedfrom Haran.
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-Pr vpp3ms
PpX3ms np Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3ms
np Pc-np ncmsc-afs ncfp Pc-amp
ncfs Pp-vqcX3ms Pp-np
Abram was eighty-six years old □^519 d is k t Gen
when Hagar bore Ishmael to 16:16
him. :D"13kV H in -n iV s
Pc-np ncmsc-amp ncfs Pc-afs ncfp
Pp-vqc-np Po-np Pp-np
Abraham was ninety-nine years D 'v iz ^ n -]3 D n i^ K -i Gen
old when he was circumcised in 17:24
the flesh o f his foreskin. 1 ^ 3 i*?i3ri3
Pc-np ncmsc-amp Pc-afs ncfs Pp-
vncX3ms ncmsc ncfscX3ms
Abraham was one hundred years nKQ“ ] 3 D n i3 K l Gen 21:5

old when his son Isaac was born
to him. :133 p n x i m 1 *?
Pc-np ncmsc-afsc ncfs Pp-vnc

PpX3ms Po np ncmscX3ms
Afterward his brother came w v 3 p s7 3 HTnK r r iK P"'">.C|K 1 Gen
forth with his hand holding on to 25:26
Esau's heel, so his name was 3 P 5 : Inc?
called Jacob; and Isaac was
:D n x n i V s n3i^
sixty years old when she gave
birth to them.
Pc-Pd-Pd vqpSms ncmscX3ms Pc-
ncfscX3ms vqPfs Pp-ncmsc np Pc-
vqw3ms ncmscX3ms np Pc-np
ncmsc-amp ncfs Pp-vqc PoX3mp
Joseph was thirty years old n n p 3 HDc; d ' c?Vi^ " ]3 Gen
when he stood before Pharaoh, 41:46
king o f Egypt. And Joseph went '3DVn o n ^ n - ^ ^ n n i 7 i 9 ■'3?*?
outfrom the presence o f
t n n i s n r i> < ” ’? 3 3 " i 3 v n n sy iD
Pharaoh and went through all
the land o f Egypt.
Pc-np ncmsc-amp ncfs Pp-vqcX3ms
Pp-ncbpc np ncms-np Pc-vqw3ms
np Pp-Pp-ncbpc np Pc-vqw3ms Pp-
ncmsc-ncbs np
Moses was eighty years old and HDt;; Exod?-.?
Aaron eighty-three, when they
spoke to Pharaoh. llriK l
Pc-np ncmsc-amp ncfs Pc-np
ncmsc-afs Pc-amp ncfs Pp- :ni719-*?K Dn313
vpcX3mp Pp-np
178
Aaron was one hundred twenty-
▼ T' — t • * • . * » ▼ I V I —I — »
three years old when he died on
Mount Hor. nnn in a ino3
Pc-np ncmsc-afs Pc-amp Pc-afsc
ncfs Pp-vqcX3ms Pp-np Pa-ncms
Moses was one hundred and nntos?! nNQ-]3 oeut
twenty years old when he died,
his eye was not dim, nor his :nn*? orKVi Id'i? nnnD“N^ inaa
vigor abated.
Pc-np ncmsc-afs Pc-amp ncfs Pp-
ncmscX3ms Pn-vqp3fs ncfscX3ms
Pc-Pn-vqp3ms ncmscX3ms
Eli was ninety-eight years old, '"niu? ’i sain"

▼ T V I • I • I V • •• I
and his eyes were set so that he
could not see. :nlK“)V kVt
Pc-np ncmsc-amp Pc-afs ncfs Pc-
ncfdcX3ms vqp3fs Pc-Pn vqp3ms
Pp-vqc
However, in 2 Sam 2:10 which states that Ish-Bosheth’s age is forty, there is
neither T nor ■'H']!.
Ish-bosheth, Saul's son, was n^3"12?'K D'’y 3 " l« - '} 3 2 Sam

forty years old when he became
king over Israel, and he was id Vqs
kingfor two years. The house o f
Judah, however, followed David.
m i n n K v n m ^ n *' n ' 3
• ▼ t - ▼ T I ..
i Ik«
ncmsc-abp ncfs np ncmsc-np Pp-
vqcX3ms Pp-np Pc-afd ncfjj
vqp3ms Pd ncmsc np vqp3cp Pd np
There will be further discussion o f examples like these and other issues related to
narrative strategy in Chapter 10.
8.2.1.7 Quantity
The basic structure of these examples is: ''n 'l + NP + NUM. The NOUN p h r a s e (n p )
in these occurrences is sometimes realized by nothing more than a noun, such as IT ’IZ? in
1 Kgs 5:12. *?3 all is occasionally an additional element, as in Exod 1:5; Num 3:43; Judg
20:46; Josh 8:25; and 1 Chr 21:5. The NP may also be a participle used nominally as in
Judg 20:46 and Josh 8:25. The occurrence in Num 31:32 is an example of an expanded
179
NP: DJ7 i n s tSH "in' X\\p^tS] the booty that remained from the spoil
which the men o f war had plundered, in which the complex nominal structure TSn in^.
n lp ’pQn is further modified by the relative clause KSXn DJ7 IT13
The important point here is that 'I l 'l is the verb of the clause. For example, in
Exod 1:5 ■'H';'! is followed by a NOUN p h r a s e as su b je c t and then the statement of
quantity is realized as an a d j e c t iv e ph r a se co m plem ent.
IZfD] □•'J7312? 3 p lf'" n i' 'H'1

^ • ' ' ) - - '-••• •••••
~Y
ADJECTIVE PHRASE NOUN PHRASE aS SUBJECT VERB
COMPLEMENT
Figure 19: Adjective Phrase Complement
8.2.1.7.1 Q uantity Statements
All the persons who camefrom Exod 1:5

the loins o f Jacob were seventy
in number,
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-ncfs vqPmpc
ncfsc-np amp ncfs
All the gold that was usedfor the "133 nDiann n n t Exod
work ... was 29 talents and 730
shekels, nlKQ 1731^1
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc Pa-ncfs afs
Pc-amp ncfs Pc-afsc alp Pc-amp
ncms
all the firstborn males by the T 9T O ">?t "il33"V3^'n';i Num
number o f names from a month
old and upward, for their D'3i^ D n'ipsV n^37°l n1n^
numbered men were 22,273.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-ncms ncms
tD 'nxai D'j73t2?i D'lt&ri
Pp-ncmsc ncmp Pp-ncmsc-ncms Pc-
PdXd Pp-vqsmpcX3mp amd Pc-
amp ams ams Pc-amp Pc-afd
the booty that remainedfrom the
spoil which the men o f war had
plundered was 675,000 sheep, nlKp-12?^ K3Sn 017 1TT3
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms ncmsc Pa-
ncms Pr vqp3cp ncms Pa-ncbs nebs to'DVK-nizfam 0'i73i2fi
afs-afp ams Pc-amp ams Pc-amsc
amp
18 0
The half, the portion o f those K DS3 p ^ n n x n ^ n ^ iin i Num
who went out to war, was as 31:36
follows: the number o f sheep 'IV k iK irn n s o n
was 337,500...
:n lK Q iz^nni
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pa-ncfs ncms Pa-
vqPmp Pp+Pa-ncbs ncmsc Pa-ncbs
afsc-alp ams Pc-amp ams Pc-afsc
amp Pc-afsc afp
the congregation's half was r i i r n r ix n a Num
337,500 sheep... 31:43
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfsc Pa-ncfs Pp-Pa- n vn W
ncbs afsc-afp ams Pc-amp ams afsc
amp Pc-afsc alp :n lK D
All the gold o f the offering which n in 'l* " in n h nm nnn Num
they offered up to the LORD, 31:52
from the captains o f thousands n lK a " j7 3 i^
and the captains o f hundreds,
:n lK H n n t o n K cn n to hko
was 16,750 shekels.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-ncmsc Pa-
ncfs Pr vhp3cp Pp-np ams ams ams
afsc-alp Pc-abp ncms Pp-Pp ncmpc
Pa-amp Pc-Pp-Pp ncmpc Pa-afp
all o f Benjamin who fell that day n in n i Judg
were 25,000 men who draw the 20:46
sword;
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-Pa-vqPmp
Pp-np amp Pc-ams ams ncms
All who fell that day, both men K in n d l* d d 'y d iin -'d b ' n i ’i Josh 8:25
and women, were 12,000
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-Pa-vqPmp | V T ▼ ▼
D'312?
•• 1
ni^K-117T
T • - 1
Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-pl3ms Pp-ncms Pc-
Pp-ncls amd ams ams
and there were in Israel eight nlK Q "n'adid T K it o " ^nrii 2 Sam
hundred thousand valiant men 24:9
who drew the sword, 3"jn
Pc-vqw3fsXa np afs afp ams ncms-
ncms vqPms ncfs
his songs were 1,005. d i^ d n ■'nil IKgs
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3ms ams Pc-
5:12
ams
the forced laborers rmmbered ' i Vk oan 'm i IKgs
30,000 men. 5:27
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms amp ams
ncms
His possessions were 7,000
sheep ...
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3ms afsc
ampc-ncbs
181
Joab gave the number o f the Dvn"ip?Q "i30Q“ni$ in*! 1 Chr
census o f all the people to 21:5
David. And all Israel were
1,100,000 men who drew the
sword; and Judah was 470,000
n n in n n in nKoi
men who drew the sword. :3"in D'373ir?i nlxn i73")K
Pc-vqw3ms np Po-ncmsc ncmsc-Pa-
ncms Pp-np Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-
np ams amp Pc-afs ams ncms
vqPms ncfs Pc-np afs afp Pc-amp
ams ncms vqPms ncfs
8.2.1.7.2 Reference to a Number with “0013
The common structure in the following examples is ”1900 ‘'H';! the number was or
019013 ’’•711 their number was. In these examples, the noun “1900 or the noun phrase of
which it is a part is the su bjec t of "’n'T..
Now the number o f those who on0-*?R d t:? D'i?i?ôn 19013 'n'ji J“dg?:6
lapped, putting their hand to
their mouth, was 300 men; but 7S719 D»n in;;. Voi nlKo
all the rest o f the people kneeled
:D 0 n1ni2?’? D n013“’?17
to drink water.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc Pa-vpPmp
Pp-ncfscX3mp Pp-ncmscX3mp afsc
afp ncms Pc-ncms ncmsc Pa-ncms
vqp3cp Pp-ncfdcX3mp Pp-vqc
ncmp
The number o f days ... was ... 19013 1 Sam
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc Pa-ncmp
27:7
The time that David was king in 1 7 1 n ; n iiz^K O0 *n 1 9 0 0 'n";! 2 Sam
Hebron over the house o f Judah 2 :1 1
was seven years and six months. SJ3^ nian*: ili3 n 3 *^^0
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc Pa-ncmp Pr

vqp3ms np ncms Pp-np Pp-ncmsc
np afs ncfp Pc-ams ncmp
The Levites were numberedfrom

thirty years old and upward, and 23:3
their number by census o f men
was 38,000.
Pc-vnw3mp Pa-np Pp-ncmsc amp
ncfs Pc-PdXd Pc-vqw3msXa
ncmscX3mp Pp-ncfpcX3mp Pp-
ncmp amp Pc-ams ams
182
Moreover, David and the 1 Chr
commanders o f the army set 25:1
apartfor the service some o f the
sons o f Asaph and o f Heman and
D"V?33 nn3D3
o f Jeduthun, who were to
prophesy with lyres, harps and :Dm3l7*? n3K*?n •’12?3K Q190D ■’H'T
cymbals; and the number o f
those who performed their
service was:
Pc-vhw3msXa np Pc-ncmpc Pa-
ncbs Pp+Pa-ncfs Pp-ncmpc np Pc-
np Pc-np Pa-ncmp Pa-vnPmp Pp-
ncmp Pp-ncmp Pc-Pp-ncbd Pc-
vqw3msXa ncmscX3mp ncmpc ncfs
Pp-ncfscX3mp
Their number who were trained on'n’K"D37’ ‘

in singing to the LORD, with
their relatives, all who were :n3lQtâ D"3lnt^ D'DKD f3 0 n -V 3 n p 'V
skillful, was 288.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3mp Pp-
ncmpcX3mp vPPmpc-ncms Pp-np
ncmsc-Pa-vhPms afd amp Pc-ams
The number o f the burnt
offerings which the assembly
brought was 70 bulls, 100 rams, D'to33 nKQ D'V'K D'i73c? 3^3 *?n^n
and 200 lambs; all these were
:nVK"*?3 m n ’’*? D^nâ
for a burnt offering to the
LORD.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc Pa-ncfs Pr
vhp3cp Pa-ncms ncms amp ncmp
afs ncmp afd Pp-ncfs Pp-np ncmsc-
acp
8.2.1.7.3 Reference to Weight with
The common stracture in the following examples is 'n 'l the weight was.
In these examples, as in the previous section with 330D, the noun Vj?l^Q is the su b je c t .
183
The weight o f the gold earrings 3 n tn 'QT3 •'n*;! Judgs:26
that he requested was 1,700
shekels o f gold, besides the D '3 iritn " ]i3 13*? i n t
crescent ornaments and the
pendants and the purple robes
nlDoani
which were on the kings o f nlp3yn"in “jnQ ' dVq
Midian, and besides the neck
bands that were on their camels' :Dn'VQ3
necks.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc ncmpc Pa-
ncms Pr vqp3ms ams Pc-afsc-afp
ncms Pp-ncms Pp-Pa-ncmp Pc-Pa-
ncip Pc-ncmpc Pa-ncms Pr-Pp
ncmpc np Pc-Pp-ncms Pp-Pa-ncmp
Pr Pp-ncmpc ncmpcX3mp
Now the weight o f gold ... was ' ^gs"
10:14
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc Pa-ncms
Now the weight o f gold which
came to Solomon in one year 9:13
was 666 talents o f gold, n.33 mW), nlKQ WW nnK n3^3
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc Pa-ncms Pr-
vqp3ms Pp-np Pp-ncfs afs afs afp :3nT
Pc-amp Pc-afs ncfpc ncms
8.2.1.8 With Prepositions
An EQUATIVE verb like n'H is commonly used in the expression of spatial
relations, so the occurrence of TI')! with prepositions is to he expected. Again, it would
be possible to translate many o f the following occurrences of "'n'l as was, but the
appropriate rendering needs to be evaluated on the basis of the particular context(s) in
which TJIl occurs.
8.2.1.8.1 With m
All five occurrences in the following set are o f ‘’n 'l accompanied by the
preposition DK. The infrequent occurrence of this use of "'n'l is quite remarkable.
God was with the lad, ij?ari"n^ d ' hVk 'r i 'i oen
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmp Pp-Pa-ncms
21:20
184
The LORD was with Joseph, * p l'-n > < 0101 'O il Gen 39:2
the LORD was with Joseph ip i'" n > < 0101 'n il Gen
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-np 39:21
the LORD was with Joshua, 17I27l01“ n>< 0101 'O il Josh 6:27
the LORD was with Judah, o o io i" n > < 0101 'n il Judg 1:19
It might appear that the following occurrence o fn ";! could be categorized as a
case followed by a participle. The participle is used, however, as an a d j e c t iv e
COMPLEMENT. This example, therefore, could also be categorized as d e s c r ip t iv e . See
2 Kgs 11:3 in 8.2.4.1.
He was hidden with them in the ><301113 D''n^Kn n ' 3 3 Dn>< ‘'O']! ^Chr
house o f God six years while , , ' , . . . 7 9 - 19
Athaliah reigned over the land VSW
Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3mp Pp-ncmsc
Pa-ncmp vtPms afs ncfp Pc-np
vqPfs Pp-Pa-ncbs
In this example, ■’n 'l is followed by DK + the 3mp pronominal suffix: he was with
them in the house o f God hidden. The phrase X30ni3 □‘'0^X0 IT'D? D0>> is a complex
nominal phrase functioning as the a d j e c t iv e c o m p l e m e n t .
8.2.1.8.2 With *?«
There are only two instances with one with ‘'Oril and one with *'011.
God did so that night; dryness KlOO n*?*'V3 I ? to??!! -^“ ^ 8 6:40
came to only the fleece, and all » » » i .
the ground was covered with 0 < 3 0 VK 3 0 0 ‘’O il
P ^ ' 9 V ncmp PH
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd PPp+Pa-
+P ^ '0
ncms Pa-pi3ms Pc-vqw3msXa-ncms
Pp-Pa-ncfs Pp-ncmscX3fs Pc-PT>-
ncmsc-Pa-ncbs vqp3ms ncms
185
an evil spirit from the LORD 11^1 m n*’
came to Saul t . t -r -r
Pc-vqw3fsXa nebs np afs Pp-np
These occurrences are noteworthy since it is the preposition *??? which is used in
the majority of references to the Spirit of the Lord coming upon someone. So, why is the
preposition biji used? Is there some particular nuance that Vk communicates better than
some other option?
First of all, the use of in Judg 6:40 needs to be compared with 6:37:
I f there is dew on the fleece only, HI S ir 'll? n 'lT ’ b'Q DK ^“ ^ 8

and it is dry on all the ground, ’ ' ’ . ’' ,
then 1 will know that You will "'^^"1^1 ^
deliver Israel through me, as J7’’l2?1n"^3
You have spoken. -r ■■ .r . • - •
Pd ncms vqi3ms Pp-Pa-ncfs Pp-
ncmscX3fs Pc-Pp-ncmsc-Pa-ncbs
ncms Pc-vqplcs{2} Pp-vhi2ms Pp-
ncfscXlcs Po-np Pp-Pr vpp2ms
In both cases in Judg 6:37, ^1? is used, which seems to make it the expected
preposition in 6:40. The use of instead of however, adds an element of surprise by
stating it in a different way. Caution needs to be exercised to avoid reading too much
into the use of a different preposition, but the assumption is that some factor motivated
the author’s choice.
There are five instances of ’’n n i used to refer to the Spirit of God coming or
being upon someone (listed below under the preposition *?37), so the question naturally is
what the use o f indicates in 1 Sam 19:9. There may be no significant difference, but
1 Sam 19:9 could be translated an evil spirit from the Lord came to Saul to reflect the fact
that the text has rather than b v .
8.2.1.83 With 3
The pattern of these occurrences is ‘’H']! with optional explicit su b je c t , followed
by 3 + Noun, most frequently expressing location, such as in, on, among, and the
references to typically understood as against.
he was in the house o f his r a lK n " 3 3 'n*;! Gen 39:2

master, the Egyptian
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc
ncmpcX3ms Pa-np
he was at the lodging place on TIVh ’s f i i 3 Exod
the way and the LORD met him 4:24
and sought to put him to death. n n 'o n nin";
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncbs Pp+Pa-
ncms Pc-vqw3msX3ms np Pc-
vpw3ms vhcX3ms
the blood was through all the on sa n .K " V b 3 b in 'n il Exod

land o f Egypt. 7:21
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-ncmsc-
ncbs np
the gnats were on man and Exod
n a n ? 5 i D ll? ? D p n ' n n i
beast. 8:13(16)
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pa-ncms Pp+Pa-ncms
Pc-Pp+Pa-ncfs
the gnats were on man and beast n a n ? D i D iK ? D p n ’n n i Exod
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pa-ncms Pp+Pa-ncms 8:14(17)
Pc-Pp+Pa-ncfs
Moses was on the mountain forty D'S731K1 D i' 0 'V ? 1 K 1 H 3 'n il Exod
days andforty nights. 24:18
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp+Pa-ncms abp
ncms Pc-abp ncms
the plague was among the m n i m _ y 3 nDaian ' n n i Num
congregation o f the LORD. 31:16
Pc-vqw3fsXa PpX3ms nebs ncmp
his fame was in all the land. n ’K n -'^ b b 'n il Josh 6:27
a plague came on the n i n i m y s >iian ' n i l Josh
congregation o f the LORD, 22:17
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-ncfsc np
it was a custom in Israel, Judg
Pc-vqw3fsXa-ncms Pp-np 11:39
1 86
187
he returned the silver to his 10K n ^ n i iQK*p i7:4
mother, his mother took two
hundred pieces o f silver and *?09 inanni d ' dkq
gave them to the silversmith who
made them into a graven image
n^33 nDon^
and a molten image, and they
were in the house o f Micah.
Pc-vhw3msXa Po-Pa-ncms Pp-
ncfscX3ms Pc-vqw3fs ncfscX3ms
afd ncms Pc-vqw3fsX3ms Pp+Pa-
vqPms Pc-vqw3msX3ms ncms Pc-
ncfs Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc np
the hand o f the LORD was TV2 1 Sam
against the city 5:9
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfsc-np Pp+Pa-ncfs
the ark o f the LORD had been in n ito 3 'n il 1 Sam
the country o f the Philistines 6 :1
seven months.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncbsc-np Pp-ncmsc
np ams ncmp
the hand o f the LORD was b 'n i^ b b n in r m 'n n i 1 Sam
against the Philistines 7:13
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfsc-np Pp-np
the war broke out again with the 3 lb 3 n b ^ b n n lb " 'n n i 2 Sam
Philistines at Gob 21:18
Pc-vqw3fsXa-Pd Pa-ncfs Pp-np Pp-
np
the war broke out with the b ' n i ^ b - b b b u s n anV Q n i 1 i 7 - ' n n i 2 Sam
Philistines again at Gob 21:19
Pc-vqw3fsXa-Pd Pa-ncfs Pp-np Pp-
np
his fame was in all the 3 ' b 6 b ' l a n - y b b iau7'"‘'n-;i 1 Kgs

surrounding nations. 5:11
Pc-vqw3ms Pp-ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pp-
np Pa-np Pc-np Pc-np Pc-np ncmpc
np Pc-vqw3msXa-ncmscX3ms Pp-
ncmsc-Pa-ncmp Pd
Solomon sought therefore to put

Jeroboam to death; but 11:40
Jeroboam arose and fled to D n ? a n i3 * l Dp*l
Egypt to Shishak king o f Egypt,
nlQ“ii7 on:sQ3 ^n*;i
and he was in Egypt until the
death o f Solomon.
Pc-vpw3ms np Pp-vhc Po-np Pc-
vqw3ms np Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-np
ncms-np Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-np Pp-
ncmsc np
188
Obadiah was on the way, inKTjpV nani 'n-;i IKgs
behold, Elijah met him, and he 18:7
recognized him andfell on his "iQKn_
face and said, “Is this you,
HT nnKH
Elijah my master? ”
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp+Pa-ncbs Pc-Pi
np Pp-vqcX3ms Pc-
vhw3msXaX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pp-
ncbpcX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pa-pi2ms
ams ncmscXlcs np
the people went out and OIK nann hk a n n Dvn Kxn 2 Kgs
plundered the camp o f the
Arameans. Then a measure o f D'inKDi nVd"nKo 'rf;i
fine flour was sold for a shekel
:m n ' 1313
and two measures o f barley for a
shekel, according to the word o f
the LORD.
Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3mp
Po ncbsc np Pc-vqw3msXa ncfs-
ncfs Pp-ncms Pc-ncfd nc^ Pp-ncms
Pp-ncmsc np
He was at the Gate o f Benjamin, x a n -'iiii Jer 37:13

a captain o f the guard whose
name was Irijah, the son o f n'^Ki' initfa nij?9 V173
Shelemiah the son o f Hananiah
^•>331 an^D i'-nji todnn n'33n“ i3
I
was there; and he arrested • -r- ▼ I I • V I • - ▼ l — » V
Jeremiah the prophet, saying, :‘?D3 nnK D'ltZ73n-*?K IDK*?

“You are going over to the
Chaldeans! ”
Pc-vqw3msXa-pi3ms Pp-ncms np
Pc-Pd ncmsc ncfs Pc-ncmscX3ms
np ncmsc-np ncmsc-np Pc-vqw3ms
Po-np Pa-ncms Pp-vqc Pp-Pa-np
pi2ms vqPms
His tabernacle is in Salem; His :l1 ''? 3 i 3 0 D ^t^3 P®a76:3
dwelling place also is in Zion.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-np ncmscX3ms
Pc-ncfscX3ms Pp-np
and Jonah was in the stomach o f □■'q; 3 in 'S7 3 3 na 1 ' Jonah 2 : 1
the fish three days and three
nights.
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-ncmpc Pa-
ncms ams ncmp Pc-ams ncmp
Now among them from the sons
o f Judah were Daniel,
Hananiah, Mishael andAzariah. n-33n
Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3mp Pp-ncmpc
np np np np Pc-np
189
Three occurrences merit special comment:
♦Gen 39:2 The preceding context creates the conditions for 39:2 to not
have an explicit s u b j e c t . The possibility o f Subject elision is an
important contextual factor that needs to be taken into account for the
proper reading of ’’n 'l.
♦Exod 4:24 Based on the preceding comment regarding Subject elision,

Exod 4:24 is analyzed in the same way. The occurrence o f '^'133 ‘’n 'l is a
locational rather than a temporal use of ”'1111.
♦Psa 76:3 The order in most of the occurrences o f ‘'illl with 3 is that the
location marked by 3 follows the noun being modified. Psa 76:3 inverts
this order in the first part o f the chiastic structure of the complex clause.
This occurrence o f ‘'1111 follows normal rules for elision of the verb in the
second half of the complex clause, which confirms its status as a verb.
Additionally, in Exod 7:21; 8:13,14; Num 31:16; Josh 22:17; and 2 Sam 21:18,
19, the noun which follows ’’Hll has the definite article. The presence of the definite
article is the main reason that these occurrences are not categorized as e x i s t e n t i a l . In
the NASB, Exod 8:13 (16) reads: “and there were gnats on man and beast” and 8:14 (17)
reads: “so there were gnats on man and beast,” but rather than an e x i s t e n t i a l sense,
these occurrences should be rendered in a way that takes the definite article into account:
“the gnats were on man and beast.” Notice in the e x i s t e n t i a l occurrences in section
8.2.2, that the nouns following '’1711 are not prefixed with the definite article.
In one instance, the preposition 3 occurs with ”'1111, but with a different function
altogether. In this instance, nKT3 T ill because o f this, the preposition is analyzed as
ca u sa l a s c o m m e n te d o n b y Williams §247 (1976, 45).
190
Joab the son ofZeruiah had nV? nl3nV *?nn dkV 1 Chr
begun to count them, but did not 27:24
finish; and because o f this, idb'i nKT3 'n i l
wrath came upon Israel, and the
number was not included in the
D'Qin-’"i31 19 DD3 isoian n^v
account o f the chronicles o f n 'l n
King David.
np ncmsc-np vhp3ms Pp-vqc Pc-Pn
vpp3ms Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-afs ncms
Pp-np Pc-Pn vqp3ms Pa-ncms Pp-
ncmsc ncmpc-Pa-ncmp Pp+Pa-ncms
np
One additional case is 1 Kgs 11:20. This occurrence is anomalous, however, in
that only n'H occurs rather than the expected like in Gen 39:2. It is included here
following these occurrences, however, rather than creating a separate category for nyiD
■’113 11ri3 among Pharaoh’s sons.
Genubath was in Pharaoh’s ni7"lD 'J S l l D S ni7"jS H 'S n 3 ]]| ' n i l 1

house among the sons o f 11 - 2 0
Pharaoh.
Pc-vqw3msXa np ncmsc np Pp-
ncmsc ncmpc np
8.2.1.8.4 With y 3
The only occurrences of 'n i l with 1'3 are of either strife or peace coming between
two parties. These occurrences could also feasibly be translated existentially: there was
strife, there was peace, depending on contextual factors.
strife came between the D"13K“n]j7Q '3?i y 3 3 'T ’n il Gen 13:7

herdsmen o f Abram's livestock
and the herdsmen o f Lot's Dl’?"n3j70 '37i 1'33
livestock. Now the Canaanite
:]"")K3 3 ^ ' TK 'n s n i '3171301
and the Perizzite were dwelling
then in the land.
Pc-yqw3msXa-ncms Pp vqPmpc
ncmsc-np Pc-Pp vqPmpc ncmsc-np
Pc-Pa-np Pc-Pa-np Pd vqPms
Pp+Pa-ncbs
191
peace came between Israel and
the Amorites. 14
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp np Pc-Pp
Pa-np
peace came between Hiram and
Solomon 5:26
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp np Pc-Pp np
8.2.1.8.5 With 3 Indicating Comparison
In the following cases, the su bjec t o f l l ' l may be understood from the context as
in Gen 19:14 or explicit, as in Num 11:1. ‘'H')! ± S is then followed by 3 + the standard of
comparison, which may he realized as a noun, adjective, or participle. In two examples,
Isa 29:11 and Ezek 3:3, there is a prepositional phrase as an additional component in the
expression; in both cases the prepositional phrase immediately follows ’’nPll.
Lot went out and spoke to his vnin ■'nj?^ " la ri oen
sons-in-law, who were to marry
his daughters, and said, “Up, Dlpan-|n inip inKh.
get out o f this place, for the
LORD will destroy the city. ” But
nirr; n'nu?Q"'3 n^n
he was to his sons-in-law as one iv in n ’ri73 pnsnD 'n'.!
jesting.
Pc-vqw3ms np Pc-vpw3ms Pp-
ncmpcX3ms vqPmpc nclpcX3ms
Pc-vqw3ms vqvmp vqvmp Pp-Pa-
ncms Pa-ams Pp-vhPms np Po-Pa-
ncfs Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpPms Pp-
ncmdc ncmpcX3ms
the people were like those who 171 D iaK nas dvu "ni. Num
complain o f adversity in the
hearing o f the LORD; and when D3-i»;irn_ isK in * i nin"; S70i^*i nin*;
the LORD heard it. His anger
was kindled, and the fire o f the
inanan n sp a *?DKni np-;
LORD burned among them and
consumed some o f the outskirts
o f the camp.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-vvPmp
ams Pp-ncfdc np Pc-yqw3ms np Pc-
vqw3msXa ncmscX3ms Pc-vqw3fs-
PpX3mp nebs np Pc-vqw3fs Pp-
ncmsc Pa-ncbs
192
the young man was to him like V33Q 1DK3 iV 'n-;i Judg
one o f his sons. 17:11
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms PpX3ms
Pp-ams Pp-ncmpcX3ms
certain worthless men said, nx noK ■'531 1 Sam
“How can this one deliver us? ” 10:27
And they despised him and did nnm i*? iK'3n“KVi inTTi
not bring him any present. He
was as one who is silent.
Pc-ncmpc ncms vqp3cp pii-
vhi3msXlcp ams Pc-vqw3mpX3ms
Pc-Pn-vhp3cp PpX3ms ncfs Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp-vhPms
it was as in the beginning n]t^X"!n3 'nni 1 Kgs
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp-Pp+Pa-afs 13:6
their corpses were like refuse in nlsin nniD3 DnV33 'nni Isa 5:25
the middle o f the streets.
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfscX3mp Pp+Pa-
ncfs Pp-ncms ncmp
By the fury o f the Lord o f hosts Dnj75 nlK3X nin*; ni33?3 Isa 9:18
the land is burned up, And the (19)
people are like fuel for the fire; D3?n •’n';!
No man spares his brother.
Pp-ncfsc np ncbp vnp3ms nebs Pc-
vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-ncfsc nebs
ncms Pp-ncmscX3ms Pn vqi3mp
The whole vision will be to you Dinnn "iDon n .3 i3 m tn ddV 'nni Isa 29:11
like the words o f a sealed
book...
Pc-vqw3fsXa PpX2mp ncfs Pa-
ncms Pp-ncmpc Pa-ncms Pa-vqsms
it was sweet as honey in my plna*? 12^313 "93 'nni Ezek 3:3
mouth
Pc-vqw3ms PpXlcs ncmsc-ncms
ncfscX2ms
Ephraim was like a silly dove nnlD njl'D Hos 7:11
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-ncfs vqPfs
193
as one the trumpeters and the 2 Chr
— • » — I • —j • : — — T V * * 1 —
singers were to make themselves 5:13
heard with one voice to praise nnnbi inK"*?1p
and to glorify the LORD, and
when they lifted up their voice
accompanied by trumpets and 31D '5 nin'V
cymbals and instruments o f
music, and when they praised t n p i n"3 iJV non d^1j7V '5
the LORD saying, “ He indeed is
good for His lovingkindness is
everlasting, ” then the house, the
house o f the LORD, was filled
with a cloud,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ams Pp+Pa-
vpPmp Pp+Pa-vpPmp Pc-Pp+Pa-
vePmp Pp-vhc ncms-ams Pp-vpc
Pc-Pp-vhc Pp-np Pc-Pp-vhc ncms
Pp+Pa-ncfp Pc-Pp-ncbd Pc-Pp-
ncmpc Pa-ncms Pc-Pp-vpc Pp-np Pp
ams Pp Pp-ncms ncmscX3ms Pc-
Pa-ncms vqp3ms ncms ncmsc np
The following two occurrences arc listed separately because of the alternate order
of the components. In both of these examples, 3 + noun precedes rather than follows the
S of “'n 'l. This minor variation in order does not make a significant difference at this
level, but it reflects sensitivity to contextual factors.
If only you had paid attention to ra^pn Isa48:18

My commandmentsI Then your
well-being would have been like
a river. And your righteousness
:D*n •’>33
like the waves o f the sea.
Pp vhp2ms Pp-ncfpcXlcs Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms
ncmscX2ms Pc-ncfscX2ms Pp-
ncmpc Pa-ncms
Your descendants would have 48:19"

been like the sand. And your
offspring like its grains; Their
name would never be cut off or
destroyed from My presence. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms
ncmscX2ms Pc-ncmpc ncmpcX2ms
Pp-nclpcX3ms Pn-vni3ms Pc-Pn-
vni3ms ncmscX3ms Pp-Pp-
ncmpcXlcs
194
Another variation on the comparative use is D indicating an approximate quantity,
as seen in the following examples. This use of 3 is referred to as a p p r o x im a t io n by
Williams §257 (1976, 47).
Thatfirst slaughter which ri3Qn 'H m ^

Jonathan and his armor bearer . . ’ . i 4 -i 4
made was about twenty men 103^'
within about half a furrow in an ,> ^ ^ 3 3 Dnfe?173
acre o f land. ■ ■ ■ > ••• •
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pa-ncfs Pa-afs Pr
vhp3ms np Pc-vqPms ncmpcX3ms
Pp-amp ncms Pp-Pp+Pa-ncms ncfs
ncms ncms
So she gleaned in the field until nit273 Dp/ HT

evening. Then she beat out what . ’ \ 717
she had gleaned, and it was HN D 3 n m
about an ephah o f barley.
Pc-vpw3fs Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-Pa-ncms
Pc-vqw3fs Po Pr-vpp3fs Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp-ncfs ncfp
8.2.1.8.6 With ^ Indicating Possession
In the following instances, ’'n'Jl occurs as a verb in possessive constructions. The
typical order of the components is T l'l + N + N-*?, with the first N the possessed and the
second the possessor indicated by V When a pronoun occurs as the possessor, this
typically follows '’nil. The most frequent combination in these cases is i*?“''n';i. The full
list of examples is as follows:
he had 12:16; 26:14; 30:43; Judg 10:4; 12:9,14; 17:1, 12;

Pc-vqw3msXa-PpX3ms j jg_2 j. | jq.2 6 ; H;3; 2 Kgs 17:3; Job 42:12,
13; 1 Chr2:22;2Chrl:14; 11:12; 15:5.
was for them DH*? "’n m 1^®** 11

Pc-vqw3fsXa PpX3mp
7have ^2:6
Pc-vqw3msXa-PpX 1cs
195
the land was Pharaoh’s nj7"|5*p fiK n 'nrn. Gen
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pa-ncbs Pp-np 47:20
1 have Exod
Pc-vqw3msXa-PpX 1cs 15:2
the LORD'S levy o f the sheep DDQn 'n n Num
was 675; 31:37
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-np Pp- n lx n
Pa-ncbs afs aip afs Pc-amp
Their territory was .... on? 'n il Josh
Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3mp 13:16,25
Moses also gave an inheritance 03 ??
■'sn? n??n in*! Josh
to the half-tribe o f Manasseh; 13:29
and it was for the half-tribe o f :on1noii?Q^ nf3a-^33 niDO 'x r iV ^n*;!
the sons o f Manasseh according
to their families.
Pc-vqw3ms np Pp+Pa-ncms ncmsc
np Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms
ncmsc ncmpc-np Pp-ncfpcX3mp
Their territory was.... Josh 15:2
Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3mp
°n ? 'n il
So the lot was made for the rest o n n l3 n 'n il Josh 17:2
o f the sons o f Manasseh
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmpc np Pa-
vnPmp
Manasseh had ntâpV ' n i l Josh

Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-np 17:11
Their territory was.... nnV 'n il Josh
Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3mp 18:12
Their territory was.... onV 'n il Josh 19:2
Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3mp
and they were for the sons o f lin K ■’53'? 'n il Josh
Aaron, 21:4,10
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmpc np
Samson's wife was (the wife of) 'n n i Judg
his companion who had been his 14:20
friend.
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfsc np Pp-
ncmscX3ms Pr vpp3ms PpX3ms
and Peninnah had children, D-’i V ’: n33pV ' m i 1 Sam
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-np ncmp 1:2
and all the Edomites became 111*? D'13J7 o n K “Vp 'n il 2 Sam
servants to David. 8:14
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np ncmp Pp-
np
196
And was like a daughter to him. 2 Sam
Pc-vqw3fsXa-PpX3ms Pp-ncfs 12:3
Now when the Philistines were nnnV a 2 Sam
at war again with Israel, 21:15
Pc-vqw3fsXa-Pd ncfs Pp-np Pp-np
But the LORD was my support. ^ n in i 2 Sam
Pc-vqw3msXa np ncms PpXlcs 22:19
and was my brother's, ■'nxV ■’n m IKgs
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp-ncmscX 1cs 2:15
Solomon had... 'n il 1 Kgs
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-np 5:6, 29
he was Israel’s adversary all the 1 Kgs
'nr*?? 1?^ r i l
days o f Solomon, along with the 11:25
evil that Hadad did; and he nnn n r in -n K i
abhorred Israel and reigned
over Aram.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp-np ncmsc-
ncmpc np Pc-Pp-Pa-afs Pr np Pc-
vqw3ms Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms Pp-np
In his days Nebuchadnezzar king 2 Kgs
o f Babylon came up, and 24:1
Jehoiakim became his servant 'T T - ‘ I* T
n3S7 D*'i?‘’1n
V V r- ▼ ‘’* i ’? - ’n• '«-
i
fo r three years; then he turned
and rebelled against him.
: i 3 “ n"JQ 'l
Pp-ncmpcX3ms vqp3ms np ncms np
Pc-vqw3msXa-PpX3ms np ncms afs
ncfp Pc-vqw3ms Pc-vqw3ms-
PpX3ms
my mother is my grave 'I 3 j ? '3K ^ “ 'n n i Jer 20:17

Pc-vqw3fsXa-PpXlcs ncfscXlcs
ncmscXlcs
she was a byword among D'i2?3V D i|? " 'n n i Ezek
women, 23:10
Pc-vqw3fsXa-ncms Pp+Pa-ncfp'
So the helpless has hope (there npn 'n n i Job 5:16
is hope for the helpless)
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp+Pa-amsc ncfs
Segub became thefather ofJair, T K ' r h x I ' ^ l n 3 i]ito i 1 Chr

who had twenty-three cities in 2:22
the land o f Gilead. n ^ V a n f" )N 3 d ' i v D 'lto y i V ' n i i
Pc-np vhp3ms Po-np Pc-
vqw3msXa-PpX3ms amp Pc-afs
ncfp Pp-ncbs Pa-np
' There is no need for agreement between ■’nni and Dttf sinee the SUBJECT o f ‘’nni is the
woman referred to in the 3^“*person feminine ending.
197
Jerahmeel had another wife, V K ip n T V n i n K 'n n i 1 Chr
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfs afs Pp-np 2:26
Solomon had nbbu?*? ' n i l 2 Chr
Asa had xdkV 'm i 2 Chr
the LORD established the 7 i ' 3 n D V n a n 'H K n ] n i 1511 2 Chr
kingdom in his control, and all 17:5
Judah brought tribute to D3t^ ln 'V n n m n i 7n i -*?3 i^ n 'i
Jehoshaphat, and he had great
riches and honor.
;3i V n l 33r ‘ iiî7 i* ? " 'm i
Pc-vhw3msXa np Po-Pa-ncfs Pp-
ncfscXSms Pc-vqw3mp ncmsc-np
ncfs Pp-np Pc-vqw3msXa-PpX3ms
ncms-Pc-ncms Pp+Pa-ncms
Jehoshaphat had D D i^ ln 'V ' m i 2 Chr
Uzziah had 'm i 2 Chr
Hezekiah had immense riches
and honor; and he made for
himself treasuries for silver,
gold, precious stones, spices,
shields and all kinds o f valuable
articles, :m a n
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-np ncms Pc-ncms
vha Pd Pc-ncmp vqp3ms-PpX3ms
Pp-ncms Pc-Pp-ncms Pc-Pp-ncfs afs
Pc-Pp-ncmp Pc-Pp-ncbp Pc-Pp-
ncms ncmpc ncfs
8.2.1.8.7 With V Meaning “became”
The combination *p '’1711 is used to express the notion o f one thing being turned
into another, or becoming something other than what it was. The combination o f ’HIl
with V meaning become is not treated in most grammars. The grammars by Lambdin
(1971) and Putnam (2003) are, however, two notable exceptions.
man became a living being. ^*17 DHKH îT'T

Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-ncfs afs
198
for them the bricks became ■|3kV n n V n o n V ' n n i Gen 11:3
stone, and tar became mortar^
Pc-vqw3fsXa PpX3mp Pa-ncfs Pp- non^ on^ nm nonni
ncfs Pc-Pa-ncms vqp3ms PpX3mp
Pp-ncms
And became a slave at forced 1357-0^ mil Gen
labor. 49:15
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc-vqPms
it became a serpent; mil Exod 4:3

Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms
it became a staff mil Exod 4:4
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms
it became a serpent. r®*? mil Exod
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms 7:10
there he became a great, mighty '15*? Di^'^nii Deut
and populous nation. 26:5
Pc-vqw3msXa-Pd Pp-ncms ams
ams Pc-ams
it became water. b'o^ 'nil Josh 7:5
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmp
they became forced laborers. 1357-00*? 'mi Josh
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc-vqPms 16:10
it became a great trembling G'n*?K m_nn*? 'nni 1 Sam
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp-ncfsc ncmp 14:15
Everyone who was in distress,
and everyone who was in debt,
and everyone who was
discontented gathered to him;
and he became captain over
them. Now there were aboutfour
hundred men with him.
Pc-vtw3mp PpX3ms ncmsc-ncms
ncms Pc-ncmsc-ncms Pr-PpX3ms
vqPms Pc-ncmsc-ncms amsc-ncfs
Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3mp Pp-ncms
Pc-vqw3mp PpX3ms Pp-afs afp
ncms
' The meaning here is became in the sense o f replaced, or took the place of.
199
The victory that day was turned D Pn-W d1*3
nri^nn 'nni 2 Sam
to mourningfor all the people, 19:3
fo r the people heard it said that K^nn D1*3 oyn j7d^"'3
day, “The king is grievedfor his (19:2)
son. ”
:i33"V:y iVan nbK*?
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pa-ncfs Pp+Pa-ncms
Pa-pi3ms Pp-ncms Pp-ncmsc-Pa-
ncms Pp-vqp3ms Pa-ncms Pp+Pa-
ncms Pa-pi3ms Pp-vqc vnp3ms Pa-
ncms Pp-ncmscX3ms
she became the king's nurse riDd 'nni 1 Kgs 1:4
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp+Pa-ncms vqPfs
this thing became a sin, nfn 121 U 'nil 1 Kgs

Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pp- 12:30
ncfs
This event became sin to the □V3T n'3 nNDoV ni.n 1313 'nî 1 Kgs
house o f Jeroboam, 13:34
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-ams
Pp-ncfsc ncmsc np
your land became a ruin, an nia’ipi>i ninny o iiiK 'nni Jer 44:22
object o f horror and a curse,
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfscX2mp Pp-ncfs
Pc-Pp-ncfs Pc-Pp-ncfs
you became different.
Pc-vqw3msXa-PpX2fs ncms
^snV 'nni Ezek
16:34
and became a low, spreading nnnb 'nil Ezek
vine 17:6
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncbs vqPfs
it became a vine
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncmp
]Di.y 'nni Ezek
17:6
it has become a lamentation. nrpy 'nni Ezek
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp-ncfs 19:14
he became chief. iz?«iy 'm i 1 Chr
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms 11:6
the Arameans became David’s □ 'i3r I 'liy DiK 'm i 1 Chr
servants, 18:6
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-np ncmp
There is a degree o f semantic overlap between “be” and “become,” but part o f the
difference can be described as one of perspective at the time of speech. “Become”
encodes the speaker’s perspective on a certain state being initiated, whereas “be” encodes
the perspective on an already existing state. When the combination ’'H 'l is used, the
200
speaker’s perspective is unambiguously marked as referring to the initiation of a state. In
Gen 19:26, :n^n T S ] •'nm V inK n D3m, this perspective is significant,
indicating that when Lot’s wife looked back, she was a pillar of salt. It is obvious that at
one moment Lot’s wife was a living, breathing human being and that at another moment
she became a salt statue. What is being argued here on the basis of the absence of*? is
that the writer’s perspective seems to indicate that the transformation into salt was so
instantaneous that when she turned to look back she already was a pillar of salt. In
contrast to this example, in Gen 2:7, n*n becoming is in focus,
indicated by ^ in 12^33*?. English versions have many instances of TI'’,! without *?
translated as “become,” but this is questionable in several places. The context o f '’n 'l
without b may indicate that the meaning “become” is appropriate, but this needs to be
determined on a case by case basis.
8.2.1.8.8 With ^ Meaning “became” and ^ Indicating Possession
The occurrence of with both *? meaning “became” and indicating
possession is a perfect example of overlap in these uses. In these examples, neither
function appears to be primary, so they are listed together.
she became my wife

Pc-vqw3fsXa-PpXlcs Pp-ncfs '' ' ' 2012
she became his wife

Pc-vqw3fsXa-PpX3ms Pp-ncfs ' ' 24-67
he became her son.

Pc-vqw3msXa-PpX3fs Pp-ncms ’ 2-10
201
it became a snare to Gideon and Judg 8:27

to his family
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-np Pc-Pp-
ncmscX3ms Pp-ncms
he became his priest. Judg 17:5
Pc-vqw3msXa-PpX3ms Pp-ncms
she became his wife iV -’nni 1 Sam
Pc-vqw3fsXa-PpX3ms Pp-ncfs 25:42
the Moabites became David’s nnM "Ktoi 111*? 'nrn_ 2 Sam
servants, bringing tribute 8:2
Pc-vqw3fsXa np Pp-np Pp+Pa-
ncmp vqPmpc ncfs
the Arameans became David’s 111*? DIK 'nni 2 Sam
servants 8:6
Pc-vqw3fsXa np Pp-np Pp+Pa-
ncmp vqPmpc ncfs
she became his wife
Pc-vqw3fsXa-PpX3ms Pp-ncfs
i*?"'nni 2 Sam
11:27
he became their commander; -w b DnV 'n-;i 2 Sam
Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3mp Pp-ncms 23:19
He became my salvation Isa 12:2
Pc-vqw3msXa-PpXlcs Pp-ncfs
He became their Savior.
Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3mp Pp-vhPms
onV 'H";! Isa 63:8
Your words became for me a jo y

and the delight o f my heart;
^22b nnQl2?*?T 'V Jer 15:16
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmpcX2ms
ncmscX2ms PpXlcs Pp-ncms
They confronted me in the day o f Psa 18:19
my calamity, the LORD became
my stay.
vpi3mpXlcs Pp-ncms-ncmscXlcs
Pc-vqw3msXa-np Pp-ncms PpXlcs
It became my reproach
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp+Pa-ncfp PpXlcs
niDin^ 'nni Psa 69:11
the LORD became my nin"; 'nfi Psa 94:22

stronghold,
Pc-vqw3msXa np PpXlcs Pp-ncms
He became my salvation. Psa

Pc-vqw3msXa-PpXlcs Pp-ncfs 118:14
and she became his wife,
Pc-vqw3fs ncms
^ " 'n n i Ruth
4:13
and became his nurse
Pc-vqw3fsXa-PpX3ms Pp-vqPfs
nmKV l*?"'nni Ruth
4:16
202
and became their commander; 'n";! i chr

Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3mp Pp-ncms 11:21
8.2.1.8.9 With V Indicating Distribution
In two examples, the preposition is used with the sense of to, for. This is the
DISTRIBUTIVE use as discussed in Williams §281 (1976, 50).
Thus the word o f Samuel came

to all Israel. 4:1
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np Pp-ncmsc-
np
Solomon's provision for one day I'Kgs s;2
was
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np Pp-ncms
ams
8.2.1.8.10 With V Followed by Infinitive Construct
An additional use o f V is with an infinitive construct.
The hundred talents o f silver m >^D3n id 3 nKia Exod

were to cast the sockets o f the
sanctuary and the sockets o f the □'HK HKia HDiDn HK”! •'3‘iK
veil; one hundred sockets for the
"133 "133n HKoV
hundred talents, a talent for a
socket.
Pc-vqw3msXa afsc ncfsc Pa-ncms
Pp-vqc Po ncmpc Pa-ncms Pc-Po
ncmpc Pa-ncfs afsc ncmp Pp-afsc
Pa-ncfs ncfs Pp+Pa-ncms
So we built the wall and the n aln n “nx n333i Neh3:38
whole wall joined together
to half its height, for the heart o f nplnn-*??
the people was to work.
Pc-vqwlcp Po-Pa-ncfs Pc-vnw3fs
:n1t[7S7*? D37*? 3*? 'H 'l
ncmsc-Pa-ncfs Pp-ncmscX3fs Pc-
vqw3msXa ncms Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-
vqc
203
He was determined to seek God ^nnDi; 2Chr
in the days ofZechariah, who
had understanding through the D^nVnn n n i a I'^Qn
vision o f God; and as long as he
sought the LORD, God
;D'n^«n ln^*?:?n mn'~nx ^nhi 'Q'33
prospered him.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncmp Pp-
ncmpc np Pa-vhPms Pp-vqc Pa-
ncmp Pc-Pp-ncmpc vqcX3ms Po-np
vhp3msX3ms Pa-ncmp
The occurrence in 2 Chr 26:5 merits further comment. The literal sense is “he
was to seek”. GKC §114i comments on this occurrence, giving “he set himself to seek”
as the translation (GKC 1910, 348). The NASB has rendered this “he was determined to
seek God,” whereas the NLT states “Uzziah sought God.” There is insufficient data to
make a decisive statement, but it appears that a translation like the NASB better reflects
the fact that this clause does not begin with the simple WAYYIQTOL o f IZ^'1’1.
8.2.1.8.11 Wifh'a?V
There are two occurrences o f w i t h ■'3dV and they represent two different
senses o f In 1 Sam 19:7, the sense is essentially literal: in his presence and in
2 Kgs 5:2, is used figuratively to indicate a position of servitude, being literally she
was in the presence ofNaaman ’s wife.
Then Jonathan called David, iliV ]naln^ KTjpn i sam

and Jonathan told him all these
words. And Jonathan brought nVKn m
David to Saul, and he was in his
n v H K ]03ln';
presence as formerly.
Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-np Pc- v is b
vhw3msXa-PpX3ms np Po ncmsc-
Pa-ncmp Pa-acp Pc-vhw3msXa np
Po-np Pp-np Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-
ncbpcX3ms Pp-Pd Pd
204
and she waited on Naaman’s ■'asV ^nm 2 Kgs 5:2
wife.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms np ncms
Pp-ncmsc-np
8.2 . 1.8.12 WithnKO
The example in this seetion with flKQ and the next section with are, in
essence, occurrences with the preposition *]□, but these cases are complex prepositions.
The other occurrences of ''n 'l with "JQare found in the section on e x is t e n t ia l uses.
great wrath came from the nin': nKa 'n n z^ch

LORD o f hosts. 7:12
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms ams Pp-Pp np
ncbp
8.2.1.8.13 With^37Q
there came a voice from above

the expanse that was over their
heads; whenever they stood still,
they dropped their wings.
Pc-vqw3msXa-ncms Pp-Pp Pp+Pa-
ncms Pr Pp-ncmscX3mp Pp-
vqcX3mp vpi3fp nclpcX3^
8.2.1.8.14 Withny
The preposition IV occurs only once with ‘’n 'l. The sense of the clause implies
that Daniel was there until the first year of Cyrus, but there is no explicit marking with
or any other similar expression.
Daniel was there until the first noK 'n n E>ani:2i

year o f Cyrus the king.
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-ncfsc afs Pp-
np Pa-ncms
205
8.2.1.8.15 With*??
The preposition b v with ■'Il'l is most typieally translated on, upon, 'n i l eould
feasibly be translated was in these oceurrenees, but in most eases some other translation
is more eontextually appropriate.
the rain fell upon the earth for DT 'nil Gen7:12

forty days and forty nights
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-Pa-ncbs xr\b'b D'i73nKi
abp ncms Pc-abp ncms
the flood came upon the earth 'n il GenyTT
fo r forty days, and the water
increased and lifted up the ark, D im HDnn-nK w to 'i D'an ^ a i 'i
so that it rose above the earth.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms abp ncms
: f i x n *?yD
Pp-Pa-ncbs Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncmp
Pc-vqw3mp Po-Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3fs
Pp-Pp Pa-ncbs
a great terror came upon the
cities
Pc-vqw3msXa ncfsc ncmp
on the third day, when it was
W - «• • • »-
Dl'D~ ' n I'- r Exod i9f
morning, there were thunder and
lightningflashes and a thick “inn"*?? iDD ]3?i D 'pim n*?i? 'n il
cloud upon the mountain and a
very loud trumpet sound, so that
IKQ pin IDt? *?pT
all the people who were in the :n3na3 D?n-*?3 n n n 'i
camp trembled.
Pp-vqc Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3msXa
ncmp Pc-ncmp Pc-ncms ams Pp-Pa-
ncms Pc-ncms ncms ams Pd Pc-
vqw3ms ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pr Pp+Pa-
ncbs
the Spirit o f God came upon tD 'n ^ K m i v V F ' n n i
him. 24:2
Pc-vqw3fsXa PpX3ms nebs ncmp
and their inheritance remained "fn'3« nnaip'a’ n a a “^?? iWn^- 'n n i ûm
with the tribe o f the family o f 36:12
their father
P c-vq\v3fsX a ncfscX 3fp P p-ncm sc
ncfsc ncmscX3fp
the Spirit o f the LORD came mn'"nn r*?y 'nm ûdg3:io
upon him
Pc-vqw3fsXa PpX3ms ncbs-np
206
the Spirit o f the LORD came nini m i nnD'"*?i? ^nni Judg
upon Jephthah 11:29
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp-np nebs np
honey was on the ground. nit&n 'nn. 1 Sam
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp-ncbpc Pa- 14:25
ncms
the Spirit o f God came upon the mi ■'nni 1 Sam
messengers o f Saul 19:20
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp-ncmpc np nebs
ncmp
the Spirit o f God came upon him m i Kin“Da vb v ^nni 1 Sam
also 19:23
Pc-vqw3fsXa PpX3ms Pc-pi3ms
nebs ncmp
it was on David's head. ill 'n n i 2 Sam
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp-ncms np 12:30
the hand o f the LORD came m n i- ii vVv "nni 2 Kgs

upon him. 3:15
Pc-vqw3fsXa PpX3ms ncfsc-np
Then he took his oldest son who rm n ilD 3n i33"nK n^*i 2 Kgs
was to reign in his place, and 3:27
offered him as a burnt offering naiin-*?? in*?i7n
on the wall. And there came
great wrath against Israel, and * ? lirT O
they departed from him and :fiK ^ iJ7o*i
returned to their own land.
Pc-vqw3ms Po-ncmscX3ms Pa-
ncms Pr-vqi3ms PpX3ms Pc-
vhw3msX3ms ncfs Pp-Pa-ncfs Pc-
vqw3msXa ncms-ams Pp-np Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-PpX3ms Pc-vqw3mp
Pp+Pa-ncbs
the government will be on His nityQn 'n m Isa 9:5
shoulders
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pa-ncfs Pp-
ncmscX3ms
the hand o f the LORD came m n-;-!! otz? v b v •'nm Ezek 1:3
upon him there
Pc-vqw3fsXa PpX3ms Pd ncfsc-np
The hand o f the LORD was on n in !"!! •'V57 'n m Ezek
me there 3:22
Pc-vqw3fsXa PpXlcs Pd ncfsc-np
the punishment for their iniquity Dmaxy-*?? anils? 'n m Ezek
was on their bones, 32:27
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncmpcX3mp Pp-
ncfpcX3mp
it was placed on David's head I ' l l tz?Ki-*?s7 'n n i 1 Chr
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp-ncms np 20:2
rmission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

207
the dread o f the LORD was on *??? nin'; i n ? 'n*;i 2Chr
all the kingdoms o f the lands
which were around Judah, so niin*: n lT ? p
that they did not make war
:DDU?ln'-D37 lon*?] k Vt
against Jehoshaphat.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms np Pp ncmsc-
ncfpc Pa-nclp Pr Pd np Pc-Pn
vnp3cp Pp-np
the dread o f God was on all the ' □■’hVk T n F "'n'ii
kingdoms o f the lands when they
heard that the LORD had fought □37 n p '; Dn*?] ‘’3 Q3q ^ 3 nlxiK n
against the enemies o f Israel.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms ncmp Pp
ncmsc-ncfpc Pa-ncfp Pp-vqcX3mp
Pp vnp3ms np Pp vqPmpc np
They abandoned the house o f the □n'ninK m n'’’ n"3~nK 13T3?*t ' ’2Chr
LORD, the God o f their fathers, 24:18
and served the Asherim and the □'3537n-nKi o n ^ x n -n K n337»_i
idols; so wrath came upon
Judah and Jerusalem for this
their guilt.
Pc-vqw3mp Po-ncmsc np ncmpc
ncmpcX3mp Pc-vqw3mp Po-Pa-
ncfp Pc-Po-Pa-ncmp Pc-
vqw3msXa-ncms Pp-np Pc-np Pp-
ncfscX3mp afs
The wrath o f the LORD
against Judah and Jerusalem,
and He has made them an object 10^3 nQi^*p nviT.V Djn*l
o f terror, o f horror, and of
hissing, as you see with your
:D3‘'3‘'S73 D'K i OnK
own eyes.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms np Pp-np Pc-np
Pc-vqw3msX3mp Pp-ncfs Pp-ncfs
Pp-ncfs Pc-Pp-ncfs Pp-Pr pi2mp
vqPmp Pp-ncfdcX2mp
But Hezekiah gave no return for

ln"^?YnT "'3 W
the benefit he received, because
his heart was proud; therefore vVv 'n i l iaV n 3 i '3
wrath came on him and on
Judah and Jerusalem.
Pc-Pn-Pp-ncms PpX3ms vhp3ms np
Pp vqp3ms ncmscX3ms Pc-
vqw3msXa PpX3ms ncms Pc-Pp-np
Pc-np
208
8.2.1.8.16 WithDl?
In four cases, ’’n*;! occurs with DV with. There appears to be no significant
difference in sense between DIJ and DJ?. halot states that nÎJ with D37 is “a formula to
express the divine presence” (HALOT 1995, 839), but the occurrences of DJ7 '’ri'T are too
infrequent to lend much support to this position. To have the status of “formula,” a much
higher frequency of occurrence would be expected. Note also regarding frequency, that
1 Kgs 8:17 and 2 Chr 6:7 are parallel passages, so essentially count as one occurrence.
Also, riK ■’n 'l (8.2.1.8.1) is used to refer to the divine presence.
let us arise and go up to Bethel, n^l73) n m p ] ] Gen35:3

and I will make an altar there to
God, who answered me in the 'n i x DV3 'HN njifn n a ip
day o f my distress and has been
with me wherever I have gone. ”
■^113 '103? •'r?';!
Pc-vqilcp{ 1}Ct Pc-vqilcp{ 1}Cm
np Pc-vqilcs-Pd ncms Pp-ncms Pa-
vqPms PoXlcs Pp-ncms ncfscXlcs
Pc-vqw3msXa PpXlcs Pp+Pa-ncbs
Prvqplcs
It was in the heart o f my father '3 « m 33*?"DV IKgs
David to build a house for the 8:17
name o f the LORD, the God o f n*:3 n l3 3 >
Israel
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc np
ncmscXlcs Pp-vqc ncms Pp-ncmsc
np ncmpc np
It was in the heart o f my father '3 K 1 ^ 1 33*?"DV 2 Chr 6:7
David to build a house for the
name o f the LORD, the God o f tVKTtoi p ’t k n p ’ D^'*p n ' 3 n l3 3 V
Israel.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc np
ncmscXlcs Pp-vqc ncms Pp-ncmsc
np ncmpc np
The LORD was with
Jehoshaphat because he 17:3
followed the example o f his
father David's earlier days and
did not seek the Baals,
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-np Pp vqp3ms
Pp-ncbpc np ncmscX3ms Pa-amp
Pc-Pn vqp3ms Pp-np
209
8 .2 .1 .9 Analytical Sum m ary of the e q u a tiv e Use of ' n i l
The preceding 276 occurrences of 'n i l represent 60% of the verbal uses. These
occurrences give a good idea of the varied uses of 'm i and demonstrate the need for
careful examination o f the context and syntactic environment. The purpose of the
preceding categorization of these occurrences is to establish the syntactic connection of
'm i as a verb. This does not eliminate the possibility that many o f these occurrences also
have certain narrative functions. Discussion of these possible functions does not come,
however, imtil Chapter 10.
8.2.2 The EXISTENTIAL Use of *’1111
The EXISTENTIAL occurrences o f '1111 are closely related to the EQUATIVE use, but
the occurrences in this section are those for which an existential sense is about the only
option. For example, in Gen 1:3, “llK“ 'n i l occurs in response to “|1K '111: let there be
light and there was light. The remaining occurrences of 'H ll in the first chapter of
Genesis are also e x i s t e n t i a l uses. 'H ll is merely the form of the verb which would be
expected in the past narrative context. It could be argued that these occurrences be
translated as light came into existence, but in the final analysis, this is merely another
way to express the e x i s t e n t i a l sense.
Certain contextual differences play a role in deciding in favor of an e x i s t e n t i a l
translation. For example, in Ezek 37:7, ’?1p“'n i l there was a noise, there is essentially
no option other than an e x i s t e n t i a l translation. In 8.2.1.8.15, Gen 7:17 ^13Qn 'H ll the
210
flood came is not given an e x is t e n t ia l translation, There was the flood, because of the
definite article on Notice the other instances of the definite article as well (See
also the discussion at the end of 8.2.1.8.3.)
One of the typical uses of e x is t e n t ia l verbs is the introduction o f an entity in the
narrative and the nouns introduced in this way do not occur with the definite article
(compare This restriction would also apply to the definiteness inherent in
construct chains and names of people and places. There are also considerations regarding
the narrative structure that affect the decision to not translate certain occurrences as
existentials.
8.2.2.1 EXISTENTIAL Occurrences of ’’n’’*!
there was light Gen 1:3

Pc-vqw3msXa-ncbs
there was evening and there was Gen 1:5,
morning... 8, 13,19,
Pc-vqw3msXa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msXa-ncms 23,31
there was a famine in the land; f" )K 3 3 V 1 'H':! Gen

Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp+Pa-ncbs
12:10
there was a famine in the land, 'n -;i Gen 26:1
they traveledfrom Bethel; there Gen
was still some distance to go to 35:16
Ephrath, and Rachel gave birth n n iD K f3 K n - n " i:; p
and suffered severe labor.
Pc-vqw3mp Pp np Pc-vqw3msXa- tn r iiV ? iz^pni ’?n"i
Pd ncfsc-Pa-ncbs Pp-vqc np Pc-
vqw3fsXa np Pc-vpw3fsXa Pp-
vqcX3fs
there was famine in all the lands n ls" )K n " V D 3 3 V 1 'n";! Gen
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp-ncmsc-Pa-
41:54
ncfp
there was thick darkness in all Exod 10:
the land o f Egypt 22
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms-afs Pp-ncmsc-
nebs np
21 1
there was a great cry in Egypt □ n is a a n V li •’n n i Exod 12:
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfs afs Pp-np 30
there was the cloud and the " n il Exod 14:
darkness 20
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pc-Pa-ncms
there were some men who were O IK uJd j V o^Koi? r n Num 9:6
unclean because o f the dead
person,
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmp Pr vqp3cp amp
Pp-ncfs ncms
There was a man from Zorah, o f "310 nnouîao n v i ? o ook izJ’ k ’o n . Judg 13:2
the family o f the Danites,
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms ams Pp-np Pp-
ncfsc Pa-np
there was a man o f the hill Judg 17:1
o n ? H “ "ioa
country o f Ephraim
Pc-vqw3msXa-ncms Pp-ncms-np
there was a young man from n 'lin " “lya-'O";! Judg 17:7
Bethlehem in Judah,
Pc-vqw3msXa-ncms Pp np np
there was a man from o 'n a in -ia ook 1 Sam 1:
Ramathaim-zophim 1
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms ams Pp-Pa-np
np
there was a man o f Benjamin 1 Sam

whose name was Kish the son o f 9:1
Abiel, the son ofZeror, the son nO lD O -IO
o f Becorath, the son o f Aphiah,
;*?'n " lioa ' r o i n 'D K ~ i3
the son o f a Benjamite, a mighty
man o f valor.
Pc-vqw3msXa-ncms Pp-np Pp-np
Pc-ncmscX3ms np ncmsc-np
ncmsc-np ncmsc-np ncmsc-np
ncmsc-ncms np amsc ncms
there was trembling in the camp, n ite o n jn o o n u n ■'nni 1 Sam

in the field, and among all the 14:15
people.
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfs Pp+Pa-ncbs
Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-Pp-ncmsc-Pa-ncms
there was a famine in the days o f O'DIZ? n i l 'Q '3 3 V 1 "OH 2 Sam
David for three years, 21:1
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp-ncmpc np
afs ncfp
There was war at Gath again n i3 nonV o n lr - 'o n i 2 Sam

Pc-vqw3fsXa-Pd ncfs Pp-np 21:20
there was a huge man 2 Sam
IH D "0"!
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms ncms 21:20
212
there was a heavy shower 'n il 1 Kgs
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms ams 18:45
There was a greatfamine in ]natz^:p V n a 'n ii 2 Kgs
Samaria; and behold, they 6:25
besieged it, until a donkey's D'"!^ nim
head was sold for eighty shekels
D'3Q1^3 P l'n 13?
o f silver, and a fourth o f a kab o f
dove's dungfo r five shekels o f :>^ra“ni^nn3 D '3l"in 3^n 17311
silver.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms ams Pp-np Pc-
Pi vqPmp PpX3fs Pp vqc ncms-
ncms Pp-amp ncms Pc-ncms Pa-
ncms ncmpc-ncfp ncmp Pp+Pa-
ams-ncms
So I prophesied as I was 'HKBll Ezek
commanded; and as I 37:7
prophesied, there was a noise, i2?3?Tn3ni 'K 3|n3 *?lp"'nii
and behold, a rattling; and the
nD31?-*?K DX17 nlQ317 i3 ip n i
bones came together, bone to its
bone.
Pc-vnplcs{2} Pp-Pr vPplcs Pc-
vqw3msXa-ncms Pp-vncXlcs Pc-
Pi-ncms Pc-vqw3fjp ncfjp ncfs Pp-
ncfscX3ms
there was a great storm on the Jonah 1:4
D’3 *?iir">??° ■'nil
sea
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms-ams Pp+Pa-
ncms
there is strife and contention. lIlQ l 3 '1 'n il Hah 1:3
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pc-ncms
vqi3ms
in the days when the judges DD12? 'Q'3 'Hll Ruth 1:1
governed, there was a famine in
the land. And a certain man o f f i x a 3 » i 'n il
Bethlehem in Judah went to
sojourn in the land o f Moab with
n iin i DnVn'an l^ .l
his wife and his two sons. IPl^Kl i<in 3K1Q 'lto 3
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmpc vqc Pa-
vqPmp Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp+Pa- :vn ' 3^1
ncbs Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp np np
Pp-vqc Pp-ncmpc np pi3ms Pc-
ncfscX3ms Pc-amdc ncmpcX3ms
there was great rejoicing. 1N 3 n n n i?7 ' n m Neh 8:17
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfs afs Pd
there was war with the iii7~'nni 1 Chr
Philistines again, 20:5
Pc-vqw3fsXa-Pd ncfs Pp-np
there was war again at Gath ni3 nan*?3 iii7 "'n n i 1 Chr
Pc-vqw3fsXa-Pd ncfs Pp-np 20:6
213
S.2.2.2 Analytical Sum m ary of the e x is t e n t ia l Use of ’’n'l
The EXISTENTIAL usc of n'H typically occurs in the opening setting of a narrative.
Based on this pattern, certain questions about the e x is t e n t ia l use o f 'H 'l are inevitable.
For example, are the people, entities, and situations introduced in this way by ‘'ri'l of
significance at the broader textual level? This is an important question—^the very kind of
question this whole study is designed to explore—^but discussion is postponed until
Chapter 10.
One o f the examples above requires special comment. Notice the use of the
definite article in Exod 14:20:
there was the cloud with the ’’n'*!

darkness '
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pc-Pa-ncms
In 8.2.1.8.3 the discussion of the use of the definite article and e x i s t e n t i a l
occurrences of TI';! stated that occurrences with the definite article would not be
translated as e x i s t e n t i a l s . This case in Exod 14:20 is different, however.
1) The cloud is already known from the context: compare Exod 13:21 where the
first reference to occurs without the definite article, consistent with the normal
pattern of usage.
2) There is no nominal or adjective complement in the clause: as seen in 8.2.1 and
8.2.4, t h e in s ta n c e s o f e q u a t i v e a n d d e s c r i p t i v e u s e s o f ' n ' l h a v e e ith e r a
nominal or adjective complement.
These contextual factors support the translation of Exod 14:20 as e x i s t e n t i a l .
214
8.2.3 The DEICTIC Use o f ■’n*’’!
The occurrences o f ‘’n 'l followed by Dl^ are not e x i s t e n t ia l , but rather are
examples of d e ic t ic there, e x is t e n t ia l there (see 8.2.2.1 above) is typically a statement
like There isX .. or There a reX a n d Y..., whereas statements with d e ic t ic there are
phrased X is there, referring to an entity’s location rather than its existence.
8.2.3.1 d e ic t ic Occurrences of ’’n'l
Joseph's master took him and

put him into the jail, the place
where the king's prisoners were Dlpo in o n
confined; and he was there in
the ja il
Pc-vqw3ms ncmpc np PoX3ms Pc-
vqw3msX3ms Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncms
nnlDn n'33
ncmsc Pr-vqsmp ncmpc Pa-ncms
vqsmp Pc-vqw3msXa-Pd Pp-ncmsc
Pa-ncms
he was there with the LORD oT Exod

forty days and forty nights; 34:28
Pc-vqw3msXa-Pd Pp-np abp ncms
Pc-abp ncms
she was there for a period o f o '0 in n rsiK D 'a: Du?"'nni Judg 19:2
four months.
Pc-vqw3fsXa-Pd ncmp ams ncmp
Absalom fled and went to
1V • -
n i3 d i Vi2?3Ki
- ▼ T 1 “ 1
2 Sam
Geshur, and was there three 13:38
years.
Pc-np vqp3ms Pc-vqw3msXa np Pc-
vqw3msXa-Pd afs ncip
the slaughter there that day was HDSiHn 2 Sam 18
great :7
Pc-vqw3fsXa-Pd Pa-ncfs afs
where there was a plot o f □’'01S7 nnVa niton npVn Dto“'n n i 2 Sam 23
groundfull o f lentils.
Pc-vqw3fsXa-Pd ncfsc Pa-ncms afs
:11
ncmp
215
The poles were so long that the D 'la n W T i D 'la n iD n K ii 2Chr5:9
ends o f the poles o f the ark could
he seen infront o f the inner
sanctuary, but they could not be
seen outside; and they are there
:n^n Dl*n i p
to this day.
Pc-vhw3mp Pa-ncmp Pc-vnw3mp
ncmpc Pa-ncmp Pp-Pa-ncbs Pp-
ncbpc Pa-ncms Pc-Pn vni3mp Pa-
ncmscXd Pc-vqw3msXa-Pd Pp Pa-
ncms Pa-ams
S.2.3.2 Analytical Sum m ary of the d e ic t ic Use of ’’n 'll
The DEICTIC occurrences o f ’n'Jl arc not very frequent, but they are another
example o f the need for sensitivity to the context and syntactic environment.
8.2.4 The DESCRIPTIVE Use of ’’n'll
The descriptive category o f i s its use with a descriptive phrase or adjectival
complement following the NOUN or n o u n ph r a se which is the grammatical subject of the
verb. The descriptive phrase may be realized by nothing more than an adjective as in
Gen 11:30 or it may be a more complex, expanded descriptive phrase. It is also common
for participles to be used adjectivally in these occurrences of
Structurally, the main difference between the e q u a t iv e and the d e s c r ip t iv e uses
of'TI'll is as follows:
e q u a t iv e : ■’n';! ± S + n o m i n a l co m plem ent
I K g s 4:1 -nbo ’n n
o ^ - I ••• ■>< V. ' Y " " ^
NOMINAL COMPLEMENT SUBJECT VERB
d e s c r ip t iv e : ■'iT'T ± S + a d j e c t iv e com plem ent
Gen 11:30 n i? V "nm
ADJECTIVE COMPLEMENT SUBJECT VERB

Figure 20: EQUATIVE and DESCRIPTIVE uses o f TI’l
216
8.2.4.1 DESCRIPTIVE Occurrences of ’ir'l
Abel was a keeper o f flocks, r r iK - n K >^gni Gen 4:2

Pc-vqw3msXa-np vqPms nebs
t n n iK 1 2 V n : n T ip i n i 7 i V g n - ’n ';i
Sarai was barren Gen
" It? " n n i
Pc-vqw3fsXa np afs 11:30
Er, Judah’s firstborn, was evil J71 l^ D 2 "137 'n ^ i Gen 38:7
Pc-vqw3msXa np ncms np ams
he was a successful man. 'n il Gen 39:2

Pc-vqw3msXa ncms vhPms
Joseph was handsome inform n x i g H D 'i " iK n ~ n D i 'n il Gen 39:6
and appearance.
Pc-vqw3msXa np amsc-ncms Pc-
amsc ncms
it was a very great company. iK g n i n g n " n il Gen 50:9
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncbs ams Pd
The hail—with fire flashing in n n j n i m ? n n ^ V n g i27Ki 112 ' n i l Exod

the midst o f the hail—was very 9:24
thick, like never before in the in b D nK n n ? 3
land o f Egypt since it had
:'13I*P n n m TK b D 'liS Q
become a nation.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pc-ncbs vtPfs
I^-ncmsc Pa-ncms ams Pd Pr Pn-
vqp3ms PpX3ms Pp-ncmsc-ncbs np
Pp-Pd vqp3fs Pp-ncms
his hands were steady until the t? a i? n K 3 " i3 7 r r 'n il Exod
sun set. 17:12
Pc-vqw3msXa ncfdcX3ms ncfs Pp-
vqc Pa-ncbs
the tabernacle was a unit. in x 'm i Exod
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms ams 36:13
the sin o f the young men was "nkn n V n it o ' l v ^ n n H s n ' n n i 1 Sam
very great 2:17
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfsc Pa-ncmp afs Pd
the war against the Philistines D 'n t?*?s" V 37 n jp tn n n n V n n " n n i 1 Sam
was severe 14:52
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pa-ncfs afs Pp-np
The battle was very severe that K in n D l'B i K a " i 37 n n n V ia n " n n i 2 Sam
day, 2:17
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pa-ncfs afs Pp-Pd
Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-pi3ms
the war was long n s ix ngnV gn "nni 2 Sam
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pa-ncfs afs 3:1
217
the conspiracy was strong, f'QK "nil 2 Sam
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms ams 15:12
the battle there was spread over n"2JD] nan*?an □i^""nrii 2 Sam
the whole countryside, 18:8
Pc-vqw3fsXa-Pd Pa-ncfs vnPfs Pp-
ncbpc ncmsc-Pa-ncbs
his body was thrown on the inV:?] "nni 1 Kgs

road, 13:24
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfscX3ms vHPfs
Pp+Pa-ncbs
he was hidden with her in the K3nna m ni n"3 nnx "m i 2 Kgs
house o f the LORD six years, 11:3
while Athaliah was reigning rn iK n -’??? n i’pnpi viW
over the land.
Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3fs ncmsc np
vtPms afs ncip Pc-np vqPfs Pp-Pa-
ncbs
The LORD struck the king, so n p i i7 ari 2 Kgs

that he was a leper to the day o f 15:5
his death. And he lived in a in b j7"}Sb " m i
separate house, while Jotham
bnl"i n"0Dnn n"33
the king's son was over the
household, judging the people o f miKH D3?~nK DDC? n"3n-’?i7
the land.
Pc-vpw3ms np Po-Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msXa vPPms Pp-ncms
ncmscX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-
ncmsc Pa-ncfs Pc-np ncmsc-Pa-
ncms Pp-Pa-ncms vqPms Po-ncms
Pa-ncbs
Then your choicest valleys were 33"! w*?b "nil Isa 22:7
full o f chariots. And the
horsemen took upfixed positions o"iz?i3ni
at the gate.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-ncmpcX2fs
vqp3cp ncms Pc-Pa-ncmp vqa
vqp3cp Pa-ncmsXd
truth is lacking niiva. naKn "nni Isa 59:15
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pa-ncfs vnPfs
Their course also is evil n v i o n x iib "nni Jer 23:10
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfscX3mp afs
218
“But there was another great D'D33 ’p n a V na 'n i i Ezek
eagle with great wings and much
plumage; and behold, this vine riK^n narri
bent its roots toward him and
sent out its branches toward him
from the beds where it was :n v a a nlDi-iyp nnlK nlpc?n*p
planted, that he might water it.
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms-ams ams amsc
ncfd Pc-ams-ncfs Pc-Pi Pa-ncbs Pa-
afs vqp3fs ncmpcX3fs PpX3ms Pc-
ncfpcX3ms vpp3fs-PpX3ms Pp-vhc
PoX3fs Pp-nclj) ncmscX3fs
whose graves are set in the "il3-'n3"!!3 n'nipi? I3ri3 Ezek
remotest parts o f the p it and her
company is round about her D'VVn dVs rrniPi? nl3'3p rr^np 'n*;!
grave. All o f them are slain,
fallen by the sword, who spread
:D'*n n^nn 3"in3 D'Vpi
terror in the land o f the living.
Pr vnp3cp ncmpcX3fs Pp-ncfdc-
ncms Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3fs Pd
ncfscX3fs ncmscX3mp ncmp
vqPmp Pp+Pa-ncfs Pr-vqp3cp ncfs
Pp-ncbs amp
that man was the greatest o f all D ip - ’a3"73Q 7113 Kinn Joei:3
the men o f the east.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pa-pi3ms
ams Pp-ncmsc-ncmpc-ncms
the outcry o f the people and o f n^1i3 Dn'u;‘ai ovn npi7x 'n m Nehsif
their wives against their Jewish
brothers was great :D 'iin*n Dn'nK“‘?x
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfsc Pa-ncms Pc-
ncfpcX3mp afs Pp-ncmpcX3mp Pa-
np
The sons o f Judah were Er, W l W ’nVî Tnin*; '33 ichr2:3
Onan and Shelah; these three
were born to him by Bath-shua n'3y33n I7ii2?-n3n i y i ^ l 3
the Canaanitess. And Er,
Judah's firstborn, was wicked in
m_n' '3'i73 171 n iin i 1133 ii7 'n i.
the sight o f the LORD, so He put nnn'Q'i
him to death.
ncmpc np np Pc-np Pc-np ams
vnp3ms PpX3ms Pp-np Pa-np Pc-
vqw3msXa np ncms np ams Pp-
ncmdc np Pc-vhw3msX3ms
Jabez was more honorable than liaXT VnKQ 1 3 3 3 T517'_ ' n i . 1 Chr 4:9
his brothers, and his mother
named him Jabez seeing, :3^ 373 'H lV ; ' 3 IDN*? ]^337'. 1QII7 H K l^
“Because I bore him with pain. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa np vnPms Pp-
ncmpcX3ms Pc-ncfscX3ms vqp3fs
ncmscX3ms np Pp-vqc Pp vqplcs
Pp-ncms
219
Jahath was the first and Zizah ■’3^n n rT l n n r 'n ’;i ‘ chr
the second; but Jeush and
Beriah did not have many sons,
so they became a father's
household, one class.
:nnK 3K
Pc-vqw3msXa-np Pa-ncms Pc-np
Pa-ams Pc-np Pc-np Pn-vhp3cp
ncmp Pc-vqw3mp Pp-ncmsc ncms
Pp-ncfs afs
King Uzziah was a leper to the i n 1a D i'- iJ ? 2Chr
day o f his death; and he lived in
a separate house, being a leper,
fo r he was cut off from the house
o f the LORD. And Jotham his
Dn1'i np"; n 'a n i m
son was over the king's house tl'iK n Di?-nK ddW n'3"*?i7 i33
judging the people o f the land.
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pa-ncms vPPms
Pp-ncms ncmscX3ms Pc-
vqw3msXa ncmsc Pa-ncfs Pa-ncfs
vPPms Pp vnp3ms Pp-ncmsc np Pc-
np ncmscX3ms Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncms
vqPms Po-ncms Pa-ncbs
S.2.4.2 Analytical Summary of the descriptive Use of ’’n'll
It is not surprising that a verb like n 'lj is used in the preceding d e s c r ip t iv e
occurrences of but the relatively low frequency o f occurrence—only twenty nine
times—is somewhat unexpected. There are, of course, other types of descriptive phrases
without ■’n 'l, such as those with an adjective in what is typically referred to as its
predicative usage, but the preceding examples are the only ones with 'Tl'l.
8.3 Uses of ’nil as an Auxiliary Verb

In the following occurrences of ■'H';! as an auxiliary verb, it occurs with a
p a r tic ip le a s an in teg ra l part o f th e v er b p h ra se structure. T h e p a r tic ip le g iv e s a s e n s e o f
PROGRESSIVE action in the clause. The structure in these occurrences is:
■'n':T ± S u b j e c t + p a r t ic ip l e ± o b j e c t
220
8.3.1 Occurrences as an Auxiliary
The sun was setting, it was very n'’n nK3

dark, 15:17"
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncbs vqPfs Pc-
ncfs vqp3ms
They were emptying their sacks, Gen
Pc-vqw3msXa pi3mp vhPmp 42:35
ncmpcX3mp
The sound o f the trumpet grew iK o pTDi *?1p m ' l Exod
louder and louder, 19:19
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pa-ncms
vqPms Pc-ams Pd
Samuel was offering up the n V ly n 1 Sam

burnt offering, 7:10
Pc-vqw3msXa np vhPms Pa-ncfs
Saul was suspicious o f David N in n o > n " o Ti.i^ 1 Sam
from that day on. 18:9
Pc-vqw3msXa np vqPms Po-np Pp-
Pa-ncms
David was prospering in all his V 'o to o i d i i "V d *p m m 'l 1 Sam
ways 18:14
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-ncmsc-
ncbscX3ms vhPms
Saul was David's enemy n T n x n i-x m 'l 1 Sam
continually. 18:29
Pc-vqw3msXa np vqPms Po-np
ncmsc-Pa-ncmp
Saul went on one side o f the 1 Sam
mountain, and David and his 23:26
men on the other side o f the n ta in n i s o ir n
mountain; and David was
•'390 noVV T9n3 m i •’n*;i
hurrying to get away from Saul,
fo r Saul and his men were om p^
surrounding David and his men
to seize them. :Dft70n*? VC?3K-*?^t^ TITVk
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-ncms Pa-ncms
Pp-ams Pc-np Pc-ncmpcX3ms Pp-
ncms Pa-ncms Pp-ams Pc-
vqw3msXa np vnPms Pp-vqc Pp-
ncbpc np Pc-np Pc-ncmpcX3ms
vqPmp Pp-np Pc-Pp-ncmpcX3ms
Pp-vqcX3mp
In this example, riK3 is analyzed as vqPfs. Compare Gen 29:6.
221
So David reigned over all Israel; T IT 2 Sam
and David was administering 8:15
justice and righteousness for all nQ j7"V ?*p n to i; t i ":!
his people.
Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-ncmsc-np Pc-
vqw3msXa np vqPms ncms Pc-ncfs
Pp-ncmsc-ncmscX3ms
David was coming to the 2 Sam
summit, where God was 15:32
worshiped, and behold, Hushai in K T j?’? n a n i D 'n^K *? dW
the Archite met him with his coat
torn and dust on his head.
Pc-vqw3msXa np vqPms Pp-Pa-
ncms Pr-vsi3ms Pd Pp-ncmp Pc-Pi
Pp-vqcX3ms np Pa-np vqsms
ncfscX3ms Pc-ncfs Pp-ncmscX3ms
All the people were quarreling 111: D vn"*?D ' n n 2 Sam
throughout all the tribes o f 19:10
Israel
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-Pa-ncms
vnPms Pp-ncmsc-ncmpc np
Hiram gave Solomon as much as 1 Kgs
he desired o f the cedar and 5:24(10)
cypress lumber. n x p n “ *?3 "xri
Pc-vqw3msXa np vqPms Pp-np
ncmpc ncmp Pc-ncmpc ncmp
ncmsc-ncmscX3ms
They were sitting down at the o n T '; i 1 Kgs

table, and the word o f the LORD 13:20
came to the prophet who had K '3a n -* ?K
brought him back;
Pc-vqw3msXa pi3mp vqPmp Pp-
Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np
Pp-Pa-ncms Pr vhp3msX3ms
The king was passing by IKgs
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms vqPms 20:39
Your servant was busy here and la r K n a n ) n an ntos? •'n il 1 Kgs
there, then he was gone. ” And 20:40
the king o f Israel said to him, ]D "IQKh_
“So shall your judgment be; you
yourself have decided it. ”
t n ^ n nnK
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX2ms vqPms
Pd Pc-Pd Pc-pi3ms PdX3ms Pc-
vqw3ms PpX3ms ncms-np Pd
ncmscX2ms pi2ms vqp2ms
They were going along and
talking, 2:11
Pc-vqw3msXa pi3mp vqPmp vqa
Pc-vpa
222
One was felling a beam, and the n i i p n V a n i n ^ n 'n*;! 2 Kgs 6:5

axe head fell into the water; and
he cried out and said, “Alas, my D^Qn~*?K V53 V n an -p K i
master! For it was borrowed. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ams vhPms Pa-
nnK
ncfs Pc-Po-Pa-ncms vqp3ms Pp-Pa-
ncmp Pc-vqw3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pi
ncmscXlcs Pc-pi3ms vqsms
The king o f Israel was passing naHn-y?? 13^ fVp 'n i l 2 Kgs'
by on the wall 6:26
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms np vqPms Pp-
Pa-ncfs
He was relating to the king how 'n il 2 Kgs 8:5'

he had restored to life the one
who was dead, and behold, the n ' j n “ ii^ K n® i<n n a n i n a n ' n x
woman whose son he had
restored to life appealed to the
nn'3-*?i? ^VQn-’?^< n n -n n
kingfor her house andfor her n x i "^^Qn '3lK 'insi. noKh. nnto"*???!
field. And Gehazi said, “My
lord, O king, this is the woman n'nn-ntt?K n ]3 -n n n^Kn
and this is her son, whom Elisha
restored to life. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa pi3ms vpPms
Pp+Pa-ncms Po Pr-vhp3ms Po-Pa-
vqPms Pc-Pi Pa-ncfs Pr-vhp3ms Po-
ncmscX3fs vqPfs Pp-Pa-ncms Pp-
ncmscX3fs Pc-Pp-ncmscX3fs Pc-
vqw3ms np ncmscXlcs Pa-ncms afs
Pa-ncfs Pc-ams-ncmscX3fs Pr-
vhp3ms np
They were burying a man, tz7'x D ' i 3 p o n 'n 11 2 Kgs
Pc-vqw3msXa pi3mp vqPmp ncms 13:21
He was teaching them how they n in i'D K i K i " DDK n n m 'n 11 2 Kgs
shouldfear the LORD. 17:28
Pc-vqw3msXa vhPms PoX3mp Pi
vqi3mp Po-np
He was worshiping in the house I'nV K -^ io ] n ' 3 n in n t^ a « i n 'n 11 2 Kgs
o f Nisroch his god, 19:37
Pc-vqw3msXa pi3ms vsPms ncmsc
np ncmpcX3ms
He was worshiping in the house v n ^ K f i o ] n '’3 n i n n ¥ a x i n 'n ■>1 Isa 37:38
o f Nisroch his god,
Pc-vqw3msXa pi3ms vsPms ncmsc
np ncmpcX3ms
The overseer was withholding □13i^nK”K ^ Dian'l:T6'
their choice food
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms vqPms Po-
ncmscX3mp
223
The people o f the land were n.'; d "5"iq Ezra 4:4
discouraging the people o f
Judah,
Pc-vqw3msXa ncms-Pa-ncbs
vpPmp ncfdc ncms-np
He was bringing up Hadassah, n e in - H K la K Esth 2:7
T il
Pc-vqw3msXa vqPms Po-np
The ark o f the covenant o f the T il n in i n n 3 T il 1 Chr
LORD was coming to the city o f 15:29
David,
Pc-vqw3msXa ncbsc ncfs np vqPms
Pp-ncfs np
he was administering justice and lia'y-^ D b n jP iisi D9iz?n % i 7 T i l 1 Chr

righteousness for all his people. 18:14
Pc-vqw3msXa vqPms ncms Pc-ncfs
Pp-ncmsc-ncmscX3ms
Jehoshaphat wfli' growing 2 Chr
T il
greater and greater, 17:12
Pc-vqw3msXa np vqPms Pc-ams
Pp-Pp-PdXd
He was ruling over all the kings "in3n"]D T il 2 Chr
from the Euphrates River even to 9:26
the land o f the Philistines, and :DT!SQ 1?1
as far as the border o f Egypt.
Pc-vqw3msXa vqPms Pp-ncmsc-
Pa-ncmp Pp-Pa-ncms Pc-Pp-ncbs np
Pc-Pp ncmsc np
8.3.2 Analytical Summary of the Uses of ’’n'll as an Auxiliary Verb
As stated above, the occurrences o f ’'Il'l with a participle establish a p r o g r e s s iv e
sense, which at times may best be reflected in translation as concurrent with the
following clause.
There are also occurrences of T + N + PTC such as Gen 19:1 that need to be taken
into account in the full analysis of the function of these expressions.
224
The two angels came to Sodom 3 "ir3 nniD D'DK*pan *'31^ Oen 19:1
in the evening as Lot was sitting
in the gate o f Sodom. When Lot D1D“"I5?^3 3 ^ '
saw them, he rose to meet them
DnKTj?*?
and bowed down with his face to
the ground.
Pc-vqw3mpXa amdc Pa-ncmp npXd
Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-np vqPms Pp-ncms-
np Pc-vqw3msXa-np Pc-vqw3ms
Pp-vqcX3mp Pc-vsw3msXa ncmd
ncfsXd
The cases of T + N + PTC need to be considered in order to more fully understand
the role played by with participles. This is another dimension o f the interplay of ’’ri';!
and 1, which is an important area for further research.
8.4 Summary of the Verbal Uses of

The verbal uses o f ’’n 'l account for 458 or 53% of the total 864 occurrences. In
the analysis of ''11’’,1 as a verb, one of the most crucial things to keep in mind is that its
behavior is that of a w a y y i q t o l . One of the main reasons to go into all the detailed
categorization o f ’'n'jVs occurrences is that it enforces careful examination of each class
or category of occurrence. In 5.2.2, the analytical usefulness of hierarchical levels is
discussed; the categories in 8.2-8.4 focus on phrase- and clause-level phenomenon
associated with ■’H']!. This tedious analysis must be carried out in order to establish the
syntactic connection of "'ri'l to its immediate context. The best way to discover if certain
occurrences of TI')! are not directly cormected to the immediate context is to attempt to
establish that connection, but fail in the attempt. If, on the other hand, it is assumed that
’n 'l is a type o f textlinguistic or macrosyntactic marker, it is much easier to overlook the
local syntactic connection. In Niccacci’s Syntax o f the Verb in Classical Hebrew Prose,
225
the distinction is clear between which is an actual verb and ''17'',1 that “has no verb
function in the individual sentence and as a result does not act like a normal w a y y iq t o l ”
(Niccacci 1990,159). The question, however, is whether it is possible to categorize ’’H';!
in this way. Niccacci argues that any ''I7')7 that has a macrosyntactic function “has no
function at all in the single sentence” (Niccacci 1990, 159). This seems to imply that any
''n il that does in fact have a function in the single sentence is excluded from having any
macrosjmtactic function. Consequently, none of the verbal occurrences in this chapter,
by Niccacci’s definition, could possibly perform a macrosyntactic function. The first
matter at hand, however, is to clearly define what macrosyntactic means and then what
constitutes a macrosyntactic marker. This will be dealt with in Chapter 10.
8.5 Uses of V!7*i

The final section o f this chapter displays the occurrences and uses of I'll*!. It is
clear from examples like Exod 7:12 that the verbal functions o f ''1711 are shared with the
other forms o f I71I7. For instance, the third person plural form followed by ^ means
became as discussed above in 8.2.1.8.7.
each one threw down his staff 7 nQD 7 D‘'^ 12?*7

and they turned into serpents. , , ’ 7 .,-,
But Aaron's staff swallowed up tDntDQ-nK lin K -n iD Q I7^3»7 7'n»7
their staffs.
Pc-vhw3mp ncms ncmscX3ms Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-ncmp Pc-vqw3ms
ncmsc-np Po-ncmpcX3mp
Other examples o f 7‘’i7*7 occur, as well as ]‘'1.i7ni-
226
And the man and his wife were DIKH □ ‘'13^157 On''3^ Vn*T Gen 2:25
both naked and were not ■ t x -r -t . ■ ,
ashamed K"?!
Pc-vqw3mp amdcX3mp amp Pa-
ncms Pc-ncfscX3ms Pc-Pn vvi3mp
~'andthey'ê'îefjîsaac nnnT~^
and Rebekah. . . x . ■ .. 26 3 5
Pc-vqw3ip ncfsc nebs Pp-np Pc-Pp-
np
One o f the important reasons for considering the occurrences of V n * ! is that they
provide supporting evidence for the verbal uses of ’'H’;! since the same basic patterns
occur. The more limited sample of these occurrences does not contain the same diversity
of examples, but the categories of verbal uses are quite parallel. This is not surprising
since the only real difference between 'TI'l and T n * ! is that of singular versus plural. For
the '•n 'l categories which are not represented in the TPI*! examples, one only needs to
have a plural su bjec t and T H *! fits fine. The parallel nature of the uses of V n * !
confirms the status o f ’’n'Jl as a verb.
It should also be noted that not only is the verbal usage parallel, but there are also
parallel questions which emerge from examining the TH*! examples. For example in
1 Chr 12:40, VH*1 has a summarizing sense of so then, or with the result that (see this
example below under 8.5.1.2, d e ic t ic Uses of TH*!.
They were there with David D'O”' T 'll“037 DlZ^-Vn*") *^hr

three days, eating and drinking, ^ ' to in
fo r their kinsmen had prepared
for them.
P c -vqw 3m p-P d P p -n p ncm p am s
vqPmp Pc-vqPmp Pp-vhp3cp
PpX3mp ncmpcX3mp
Ill
8.5.1 Verbal Uses of
The verbal uses o f are displayed in the following sections:
8.5.1.1 EQUATIVE Uses of vn*l
8.5.1.2 DEICTIC Uses of Vn*l
8.5.1.3 DESCRIPTIVE Uses of vn*l
8.5.1.1 EQUATIVE Uses o f v n * l
The basic structure of the EQUATIVE uses of Un*! is:
T n * ! ± S + NOMINAL COMPLEMENT
Now the sons o f Noah who came n n n n -p n r ^ n vnn_ Gen 9:18

out o f the ark were Shem and
Ham and Japheth; and Ham was '3K K3n □n'l n ? n DnT
the father o f Canaan.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np Pa-vqPmp
Pp-Pa-ncfs np Pc-np Pc-np Pc-np
pi3ms ncmsc np
and they were grief to Isaac and pnx'V m i m b Gen

Rebekah. 26:35
Pc-vqw31p ncfsc nebs Pp-np Pc-Pp-
np
The sons o f Eliphaz were ib x nalK ''n Gen

Teman, Omar, Zepho and 36:11
Gatam and Kenaz. ;T3j?3
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc np np np np Pc-
np Pc-np
The sons o f Lotan were Hori and □n'riT n h vn *! Gen
Hemam; andLotan's sister was 36:22
Timna. :i73bri iplV n1nKi
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np np Pc-np Pc-
ncfsc np np
The sons o f Judah: Er and Onan n itl fl? ! idI xt i j ? m j n ’; oen
and Shelah and Perez and Zerah
(but Er and Onan died in the p 3 3 f lH a "IJ7 nQ*l
land o f Canaan). And the sons o f
;*?3Qni in x n f").D"'33 rn * i
Perez were Hezron and Hamul
Pc-ncmpc np np Pc-np Pc-np Pc-np
Pc-np Pc-vqw3ms np Pc-np Pp-ncbs
np Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np np Pc-np
228
These then are the sons o f Levi Num
by their names: Gershon and 3:17
Kohath and Merari. tnnipT nnpi
Pc-vqw3mp-acp ncmpc-np Pp-
ncmpcX3mp np Pc-np Pc-np
The sons o f Judah according to nnsu;’b b n n su ?^ vun Num

their families were: o f Shelah, 26:20
the family o f the Shelanites; o f ■’isnbn nnsc^Q fip V •'aVwn
Perez, the family o f the
Perezites; o f Zerah, the family o f
the Zerahites.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np Pp-
ncfpcX3mp Pp-np ncfsc Pa-np Pp-
np ncfsc Pa-np Pp-np ncfsc Pa-np
The sons o f Perez were: o f Num
Hezron, the family o f the 26:21
Hezronites; o f Hamul, the family :P ia n n *?ion*p
o f the Hamulites.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np Pp-np ncfsc
Pa-np Pp-np ncfsc Pa-np
The sons o f Bela were Ard and iiK vn*i Num

Naaman: o f Ard, the family o f 26:40
theArdites; o f Naaman, the :'Qi73n nn?c?a •'I'lKn nnstz^n ioi73i
family o f the Naamites.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np np Pc-np
ncfsc Pa-np Pp-np ncfsc Pa-np
Mahlah, Tirzah, Hoglah, Milcah nV:in-! n x in nVnn n3';;nrn_ Num
and Noah, the daughters o f 36:11
Zelophehad married their in ^ .i ' b V nl33 npiT
uncles' sons.
Pc-vqw31p np np Pc-np Pc-np Pc-np
ncf]3C np Pp-ncmpc ncmpcX3fp Pp-
ncfp
The cities at the extremity o f the ni3n-;-^53 nbbV □ n v n rn * ! Josh

tribe o f the sons ofJudah toward 15:21
the border o f Edom in the south VKxnj? n m p dU k
were Kabzeel and Eder and
Jagur,
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncip Pp-ncmsc Pp-
ncmsc ncmpc-np Pp-ncmsc np
Pp+Pa-ncmsXd np Pc-np Pc-np
The sons o f Saul were Jonathan vn *! '"l Sam”
and Ishvi and Malchi-shua; and 14:49
the names o f his two daughters nTD3n vnn
were these: the name o f the
firstborn Merab and the name o f
n|pj?n 3 iq
the younger Michal.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc np np Pc-np Pc-
np Pc-ncmsc afdc ncfpcX3ms
ncmsc Pa-ncfs np Pc-ncmsc Pa-afs
np
229
Then Hadad died. Now the n in non 1 Chr
chiefs o f Edom were: chirf 1:51
Timna, chief Aliah, chief Jetheth, □nN ' di Vk
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pc-vqw3mp
ncmpc np ncms np ncms np np tnni ' ii Vk n^Vs? *]i Vk ym n î^Vk
ncms np
The sons o f Jerahmeel the “I1D3 V K an T "'n rn * ! 1 Chr
firstborn o f Hezron were Ram 2:25
the firstborn, then Bunah, Oren, :n*rtK □ ! "llD3n
Ozem and Ahijah.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np ncms np Pa-
ncms np Pc-np Pc-np Pc-np np
The sons o f Ram, the firstborn o f V xanT "il33 DT"a3 vnn 1 Chr
Jerahmeel, were Maaz, Jamin 2:27
and Eker.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np ncms np np
Pc-np Pc-np
The sons o f Onam were DTT 'BU? D31K“'33 rn * l 1 Chr
Shammai and Jada. And the 2:28
sons o f Shammai were Nadab 313 '’33^
and Abishur.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np np Pc-np Pc-
ncmpc np np Pc-np
The sons o f Shemida were Ahian □3t^] 17TBC? "33 v n 'l 1 Chr
and Shechem and Likhi and 7:19
Aniam. :017"3K1 "npVl
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc np np Pc-np Pc-
np Pc-np
The son o f Eliezer was Rehabiah u;Kin n ;3 n i vnn 1 Chr
the chief; and Eliezer had no 23:17
other sons, but the sons o f "33^ D"inK D"33 iti^'VkV n"^n"NVT
Rehabiah were very many.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np np Pa-ncms
:nV3âV ^31 n^sni
Pc-Pn-vqp3ms Pp-np ncmp amp Pc-
ncmpc np vqp3cp Pp-PdXd
They helped David against the
hand o f raiders, for they were all 12:22
mighty men o f valor, and were
(21)
captains in the army.
Pc-pi3mp vqp3cp Pp-np Pp-Pa-
ncms Pp-ampc ncms ncmscX3mp
Pc-vqw3mp ncmp Pp+Pa-ncbs
230
For My hand made all these nntov "1! '*^66:2
things, so all these things exist, "
declares the LORD. “But to this nini-DK]
one I will look. To him who is
humble and contrite o f spirit,
and who trembles at My word. n m nn"n333
Pc-Po-ncmsc-acp ncfscXlcs vqp3fs
Pc-vqw3mp ncmsc-acp ncmsc-np
Pc-Pp-ams vhilcs Pp-ams Pc-amsc-
ncbs Pc-ams Pp-ncmscXlcs
It is merely coincidental that the majority of the preceding examples name the
sons bom to a particular person. This is not to be constmed as a “meaning” of but
rather should be seen as one of the typical types of statements which is expressed with
n^n.
8.5.1.1.1 As Auxiliary Verb with Participle
Vn*! functions together with the plural participle in the following examples,
expressing continuous action in the past.
The cherubim had their wings 'tons 0^31311 vn»i Exod

spread upward, covering the
mercy seat with their wings, with Dn'3Di n"}93n-*?37 a n 'D p a d 'd d o
their faces toward each other;
:D"3“l3n '39 m m 9 9 n “*?K to k -V k
the faces o f the cherubim were
toward the mercy seat.
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncmp vqPmpc ncfd
Pp-PdXd vqPmp Pp-ncli)cX3mp
Pp-Pa-ncfs Pc-ncmpcX3mp ncms
Pp-ncmscX3ms Pp-Pa-ncfs vqp3cp
ncbpc Pa-ncmp
For those who guide this people D'ynia ntn"Dvn
are leading them astray; And
those who are guided by them
are brought to confusion.
Pc-vqw3mp vpPmpc Pa-ncms-Pa-
am s vhPmp P c-vP P m pcX 3m s
vPPmp
231
At the beginning o f their living nini~nK oraiz? nVnna 2 xgs
there, they did not fear the
LORD; therefore the LORD sent nlnK n"nK Dna
lions among them which were
killing some o f them.
:Dn3 D"][in v n n
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfsc vqcX3mp
Pd Pn vqp3cp Po-np Pc-vpw3ms np
PpX3mp Po-Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3mp
vqPmp PpX3mp
But every nation still made gods '1a 'la D 'W r n ' i 2 Kgs
o f its own and put them in the 17:29
houses o f the high places which D'alQ^n itov nlQ3n n '? 3 in 's n
the people o f Samaria had made,
every nation in their cities in
:D12? D'312?' DH Dn'1173 '1a 'la
which they lived.
Pc-vqw3mp vqPmp ncms ncms
ncmpcX3ms Pc-vhw3mp Pp-ncmsc
Pa-ncfp Pr vqp3cp Pa-np ncms
ncms Pp-ncfpcX3mp Pr pi3mp
vqPmp Pd
They also feared the LORD and m n ^n K d ' k t v n n ^Kgs
appointedfrom among
themselves priests o f the high nlQ3 '3n3 Dnl3?pa on*?
T •—» X |l • V X - I -------
places, who acted for them in the

houses o f the high places.
:nlD3n n'33 Dn*? o'toi; i'n*i
Pc-vqw3mp amp Po-np Pc-vqw3mp
PpX3mp Pp-ncfpcX3mp ncmpc
ncfp Pc-vqw3mp vqPmp PpX3mp
Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncfp
because they have done evil in 'r??3 i7-in-n« ^Kgs
My sight, and have been
provoking Me to anger since the Dl*n"]a 'n it d ' dpdd i'n * i
day their fathers came from
Egypt, even to this day.
:n in Dl*n i n d'"I3QQ dh13K
Pd Pr vqp3cp Po-Pa-ams Pp-
ncfdcXlcs Pc-vqw3mp vhPmp
PoXlcs Pp-Pa-ncms Pr vqp3cp
ncmpcX3mp Pp-np Pc-Pp Pa-ncms
Pa-ams
They ministered with song "tu?3 iJ7ln^"n^^3u?n 'jd*? D'n-iiâ r n ' i i ch7
before the tabernacle o f the tent
o f meeting, until Solomon had □*?i^n'3 nin*; n '3 -n it nl33-ni7 6-12(32)
built the house o f the LORD in
Jerusalem; and they served in
:Dml31?-*?D DDDlZ^nD 11317*1
their office according to their
order.
Pc-vqw3mp vpPmp Pp-ncbpc
ncmsc ncms-ncms Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-
vqc np Po-ncmsc np Pp-np Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-ncmscX3mp Pp-
ncfscX3mp
232
For the cherubim spread their □■>533 D''to“)9 D ' 3 n 3 n vn*l 2Chr5:8
wings over the place o f the ark,
so that the cherubim made a 10311 ]1"lKn DlpO"*717
covering over the ark and its
poles. :nVrQ*pQ
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncmp vqPmp ncfd
Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncbs Pc-vpw3mp Pa-
ncmp Pp-Pa-ncbs Pc-Pp-
ncmpcX3ms Pp-Pp-PdXd
When they hadfinished, they
brought the rest o f the money
before the king and Jehoiada;
and it was made into utensils for
ms?*) nlV rni '*?3
the house o f the LORD, utensils
fo r the service and the burnt Vn*l n031 3 0 t
offering, and pans and utensils
o f gold and silver. And they 'Q ' *?3 T*nn m*?!?
offered burnt offerings in the
house o f the LORD continually
all the days o f Jehoiada.
Pc-Pp-vpcX3mp vhp3cp Pp-ncbpc
Pa-ncms Pc-np Po-ncmsc Pa-ncms
Pc-vqw3msX3ms ncmp Pp-ncmsc-
np ncmpc ncms Pc-vhc Pc-ncfjp Pc-
ncmpc ncms Pc-ncms Pc-vqw3mp
vhPmp ncfp Pp-ncmsc-np Pd ncms
ncmpc np
So the couriers passedfrom city "I'yQ Dnni? D 'sin vn*i 2Chr
to city through the country o f 30:10
Ephraim and Manasseh, and as
fa r as Zebulun, but they laughed
:03 on'Vi? D V ’ni27n v n n
them to scorn and mocked them.
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-vqPmp vqPmp Pp-
ncfs Pp+Pa-ncfs Pp-ncbs-np Pc-np
Pc-Pp-np Pc-vqw3mp vhPmp
PpX3mp Pc-vhPmp PpX3mp
So the couriers passed from city "I’vn vn*! 2Chr
to city through the country o f 30:10
Ephraim and Manasseh, and as
fa r as Zebulun, but they laughed
:D3 D'][J7*?Q3 Dn^*?J7 D'P'ntoD
them to scorn and mocked them.
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-vqPmp vqPmp Pp-
ncfs Pp+Pa-ncfs Pp-ncbs-np Pc-np
Pc-Pp-np Pc-vqw3mp vhPmp
PpX3mp Pc-vhPmp PpX3mp
233
but they continually mocked the 2Chr
messengers o f God, despised His 36:16
words and scoffed at His IS? VK3B D^3?nvnm i n a i D'tl3^
prophets, until the wrath o f the
LORD arose against His people,
iQ?3 n in ^ n n n
until there was no remedy.
Pc-vqw3mp vhPmp Pp-ncmpc Pa-
ncmp Pc-vqPmp ncmpcX3ms Pc-
vwPmp Pp-ncmpcX3ms Pp vqc
ncfsc-np Pp-ncmscX3ms Pp-Pp-Pd
During that night the king could

not sleep so he gave an order to
bring the book o f records, the □■’Q^n n .3 i m siDsn id o - hk K '3n^ iq k »i
chronicles, and they were read
before the king.
:"^Van 'ssV rn * i
Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-pi3ms vqp3fs ncfsc
Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms Pp-vhc Po-
ncms Pa-ncmp ncmpc Pa-ncmp Pc-
vqw3mp vnPmp Pp-ncbpc Pa-ncms
The king and Jehoiada gave it to

those who did the work o f the
service o f the house o f the Dnjfe? r n * i nil3S7 hdkVd
LORD; and they hired masons
nin"; n''3 S2?'in*p □ '3 sn
and carpenters to restore the
house o f the LORD, and also n^3~nK p?n^ n^nsT *?n3 dst
workers in iron and bronze to
repair the house o f the LORD. :mn''
Pc-vqw3msX3ms Pa-ncms Pc-np
Pp-vqPms ncfsc ncfsc ncmsc-np Pc-
vqw3mp vqPmp ncmp Pc-ncmp Pp-
vpc ncmsc np Pc-Pc Pp-ncmpc
ncms Pc-ncfs Pp-vpc Po-ncmsc np
The data display here is merely the first step toward analyzing the narrative
function o f these examples. Further analysis would need to consider the context of each
occurrence and explore the factors which motivated the use of Vn*l with the participle.
8.5.1.1.2 Quantity
Three sets o f examples are displayed in this section:
8.5.1.1.2.1 Basic Quantity Statements
8.5.1.1.2.2 “All the days o f...”
234
8.5.1.1.2.3 Period of time
8.5.1.1.2.1 Basic Quantity Statements with
The basic structure of these examples is; TH*! + NP + NUM, parallel to the
structure of the same type o f statement with
While Israel was dwelling in

land, that Reuben went and lay
with Bilhah his father's
concubine, and Israel heard of
it. Now there were twelve sons of
Jacob...
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Pp+Pa-
ncbs Pa-pi3fs Pc-vqw3msXa np Pc-
vqw3ms Po-np ncfs ncmscX3ms Pc-
vqw3ms np Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np
amd ams
Now the sons o f Reuben, Israel's
firstborn, their genealogical 1:20-21
registration by their families, by -1 5 0 0 3 o n 3K on n si^ Q *?
their fathers' households,
according to the number o f
names, head by head, every male :K33 KS' *?3 n^l751
from twenty years old and
upward, whoever was able to go
out to war, their numbered men
;nlBo u?nni o'ys-jB l
from the tribe o f Reuben were
46,500.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np ncmsc np
ncfpcX3mp Pp-ncipcX3mp Pp-
ncmsc ncmpcX3mp Pp-ncmsc ncmp
Pp-ncipcX3mp ncmsc-ncms Pp-
ncmsc amp ncfs Pc-PdXd ncms
vqPms nebs vqsmpcX3mp Pp-
ncmsc np ams Pc-abp ams Pc-afsc
afp
235
So all the numbered men o f the □niiK 'lip?"*??
sons o f Israel by theirfathers'
households, from twenty years
old and upward, whoever was
able to go out to war in Israel,
even all the numbered men were nlKn"tr?^ n 'lp sn "* ?! vn*i
603,550.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmsc-vqsmpc ncmpc- :D'i^Qni nlKD B^nni d-'d^ x
np Pp-ncmsc ncmpcX3mp Pp-
ncmsc amp ncfs Pc-PdXd ncmsc-
vqPms nebs Pp-np Pc-vqw3mp
ncmsc-Pa-vqsmp afs-aip ams Pc-
amsc amp Pc-afsc afp Pc-abp
even all the numbered men were Num

603,550. 1:46
Pc-vqw3mp ncmsc-Pa-vqsmp afs- :o " t^ a n i n lN D d ' d Vn
afp £ims Pc-amsc amp Pc-afsc afp
Pc-abp
Their numbered men by their D n iis ® vn*! Num
families were 2,750. 4:36
Pc-vqw3mp vqsmpcX3mp Pp- :D 'tl^Q ni n lK a
ncfpcX3mp amd afsc afp Pc-abp
Their numbered men by their □ ri3K n '3*? o n n s t ^ a V rn*i Num
families, by their fathers' 4:40
households, were 2,630. n iK Q VSW} O 's V k
Pc-vqw3mp vqsmpcX3mp Pp-
ncfpcX3mp Pp-ncmsc ncmpcX3mp
amd Pc-afs afp Pc-amp
Their numbered men by their □ r in s ® rn *! Num
families were 3,200. 4:44
Pc-vqw3mp vqsmpcX3mp Pp- :D 'n K D 3
ncfpcX3mp amsc amp Pc-afd
Their numbered men were d ' d Vk o n '! .? ? v n * i Num

8,580. 4:48
Pc-vqw3mp vqsmpcX3mp amsc n lK Q
amp Pc-afsc afp Pc-amp
But those who died by the im n v 3 l « HD 31.H3 □■'nan r n * i Num
plague were 14,700, besides 17:14
those who died on account o f D^nQ n nnVn n lK n V 3 W^
(16:49)
Korah.
: n y ~ i 2i f b v
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-vqPmp Pp+Pa-ncfs
ams ams ams Pc-afsc afp Pp-Pp-
ncms Pa-vqPmp Pp-ncmsc-np
Those who died by the plague HDSlHi D'DHn r n * ! Num
were 24,000.
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-vqPmp Pp+Pa-ncfs o n to r i ni?3"!K
ams Pc-amp ams
236
These are the families o f the
Reubenites, and those who were
numbered o f them were 43,730. nlKD D'I73")K*!
acp ncfpc Pa-np Pc-vqw3mp
vqsmpcX3mp ams Pc-abp ams Pc-
afsc alp Pc-amp
Those who were numbered o f
them were 23,000, every male
from a month old and upward,
fo r they were not numbered
'33 iip s n n 's
among the sons o f Israel since
no inheritance was given to them ' ja -^ma n^n3. on^ ]n3"K^ 'p
among the sons o f Israel.
Pc-vqw3mp vqsmpcX3mp ams Pc-
amp ams ncmsc-ncms Pp-ncmsc-
ncms Pc-PdXd Pp Pn vup3cp Pp-
ncmsc ncmpc np Pp Pn-vnp3ms
PpX3mp ncfs Pp-ncmsc ncmpc np
From the day that the ark D-'-iyvn'_-)j?3 liiK n n a ^ D l'a 'n-;i i sam
remained at Kiriath-jearim, the
time was long, for it was twenty n3t^ r n ' i D 'n » n ^ a i ' i
years; and all the house o f Israel
lamented after the LORD.
:m n ' '"inK *?KntZ7' n 'a - ’pa in s'i
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms vqc Pa-
ncbs Pp np Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncmp
Pc-vqw3mp amp ncfs Pc-vnw3mp
ncmsc-ncmsc np Pd np
He numbered them in Bezek; p n a OlpD'l 1 Sam

and the sons o f Israel were
300.000, and the men o f Judah n lK Q *?K "ito'-''3a v n » i
30.000.
Pc-vqw3msX3mp Pp-np Pc-
vqw3mp ncmpc-np afsc afjp ams Pc-
ncms np amp ams
Then he mustered the young men nl3'iQ n 'itz; '"ii73“nN ipD*T i^gs
• I - ' -e --I - V I I • -
o f the rulers o f the provinces,
and there were 232; and after i p a D n'inK i d'3c? d ' dkd
them he mustered all the people,
:D'D*?K nj7a«? '3a-*?a oj^n-Va-nK
even all the sons o f Israel, 7,000.
Pc-vqw3ms Po-ncmpc ncmpc Pa-
ncfp Pc-vqw3mp afd amd Pc-amp
Pc-PdX3mp vqp3ms Po-ncmsc-Pa-
ncms ncmsc-ncmpc np afsc amp
One slightly different example is Judg 16:30, where the quantity is expressed by a
plural adjective D 'a i together with IQ to express the comparative:
237
And Samson said, "Let me die Judg
with the Philistines! ” And he 16:30
bent with all his might so that □ 'iiD n -* ? ? ? p l a n n_D3 o n
the house fell on the lords and
all the people who were in it. So
the dead whom he killed at his D "3i 1nlQ3 n 'o n D 'nan rn * i
death were more than those
whom he killed in his life. :r* n 3 n 'o n
Pc-vqw3ms np vqi3fsXa{ 1} Jm
ncfscXlcs Pp-np Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-
ncms Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms Pp-Pa-
ncmp Pc-Pp-ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pr-
PpX3ms Pc-vqw3mp Pa-vqPmp Pr
vhp3ms Pp-ncmscX3ms amp Pp-Pr
vhp3ms Pp-ncmpcX3ms
8.5.1.1.2.2 “All the days of...”
The essential structure in these examples is also: n u m + np + TH*!. In this case,
the NP consists o f N + ’’Q'; + “Vs ±. In three of the following eleven examples, the
optional “^3 does not occur.
The days o f Adam after he n^'-PK iP'Vln n o K 3'P ' i oen5:4

became the father o f Seth were
eight hundred years, and he had :P133T D'33 ib V l P312? PKQ PJOtt?
other sons and daughters.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np Pd vhcX3ms
Po-np afs alp ncfs Pc-vhw3msXa
ncmp Pc-nclp
All the days that Adam lived

were nine hundred and thirty
years, and he died.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmsc-ncmpc np Pr-
vqp3ms afsc afp ncfs Pc-amp ncfs
Pc-vqw3ms
All the days o f Seth were nine
hundred and twelve years, and
he died. :Pb*1 P3tt? PlKb I71Z?P^
Pc-vqw3mp ncmsc-ncmpc-np afd
afs ncfs Pc-afsc afp ncfs Pc-vqw3ms
All the days o f Enosh were nine
hundred and five years, and he
died. :pb*1 nW PlKb U12?P3
Pc-vqw3mp ncmsc-ncmpc np afs
ncfp Pc-afsc afp ncfs Pc-vqw3ms
238
All the days o f Kenan were nine Gen 5:14
hundred and ten years, and he
died. : n a n n 3i^ n lK Q
ncfp Pc-afsc afp ncfs Pc-vqw3ms
All the days o f Mahalalel were Gen 5:17
eight hundred and ninety-five
years, and he died.
Pc-amp ncfs Pc-afs afp ncfs Pc- :n d n H 3^ n lK Q
vqw3ms
All the days o f Jared were nine Gen 5:20
hundred and sixty-two years,
and he died. :n Q * i n 3i^ n lK D
Pc-vqw3mp ncmsc-ncmpc-np afd
vqw3ms
All the days o f Methuselah were n3t^' Gen 5:27
nine hundred and sixty-nine
years, and he died. tn o n n lK d J7i^ rn
vqw3msXa
All the days o f Noah were nine nitf nTKd n3“ 'a ‘;"'*?3 v n ’i'i Gen 9:29
hundred and fifty years, and he
died. : n n * i H 3^ o 't ^ n n i
Pc-vqw3mp ncmsc-ncmpc-np afsc
afp ncfs Pc-abp ncfs Pc-vqw3ms
The days o f Terah were two n 3tp‘ D 'D K Q i D ' 3i27 iz^dn n in -^ d -; Gen
hundred andfive years; and 11:32
Terah died in Haran. ;n n 3 nnn nnn
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np afs ncfp Pc-
afd ncfs Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-np
The days o f Isaac were one : n 312? n 31^ HKQ p n X ' vn*! Gen
hundred and eighty years. 35:28
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc np afsc ncfs Pc-
amp ncfs
One exception to the above pattern is in Gen 23:1, which has ‘’*n instead of the
more frequent ’’D'].
Sarah liv e d one hundred an d nKD miz; •'*n T’n*i

twenty-seven years; these were 23:1
the years o f the life o f Sarah.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc np afs ncfs Pc-
amp ncfs Pc-afs ncfp ncfpc ncmpc
np
239
8.5.1.1.2.3 Period of time
In two examples, D'D' VIl’l occurs referring to a period o f time.
The captain o f the bodyguard DHK D 'naan ito ipD*i cen40:4

put Joseph in charge o f them,
and he took care o f them; and onx
they were in confinementfor
some time.
Pc-vqw3ms ncms Pa-ncmp Po-np
PpX3mp Pc-vpw3ms PoX3mp Pc-
vqw3mp ncmp Pp-ncms
When Jehoshaphat and his
people came to take their spoil,
theyfourui much among them, o n iD i on?
including goods, garments and
Kt&Q f kV Dn^ n iin n
valuable things which they took
for themselves, more than they □"r'tii M b W D 'p: vnn_
could carry. And they were three
days taking the spoil because ■'3
there was so much.

Pc-vqw3msXa np Pc-ncmscX3ms
Pp-vqc Po-ncmscX3mp Pc-vqw3mp
PpX3mp Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-ncms Pc-
ncmp Pc-ncmpc afp Pc-vpw3mp
PpX3mp Pp-Pd ncms Pc-vqw3mp
ncmp ams vqPmp Po-Pa-ncms Pp
ams-pi3ms
8.5.1.1.3 With Prepositions
Because of the essentially parallel nature of the following uses with those already
discussed in the sections which deal with above, there is minimal comment on the
data with
8.5.1.1.3.1 WithnX
When they saw him, they inlK DnlKi3

brought thirty companions and 14:11
they were with him.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3mp
PoX3ms Pc-vqw3mp amp ncmp Pc-
vqw3mp PpX3ms
240
8.5.1.1.3.2 With 5
From Kibroth-hattaavah the n lix n Dvo 11703 niKnn-nnojpQ Num

people set outfor Hazeroth, and 11:35
they remained at Hazeroth. tn lix n o v n n
Pp np vqp3cp Pa-ncms np Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-np
Now while the sons o f Israel
were in the wilderness, they 15:32
found a man gathering wood on
the sabbath day.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np Pp+Pa-ncms
Pc-vqw3mp ncms vkPms ncmp Pp-
ncms Pa-ncbs
When Adoni-zedek king o f ''7]]'] loîHoT
Jerusalem heard that Joshua
had captured Ai, and had utterly rionnn "i?n“nj!< ijb -^ 3
destroyed it (just as he had done
to Jericho and its king, so he 'i?V ntoi7"P ro W " ! ntoy i ^K 3
had done to Ai and its king), and ■)li73]i '31^' iQ'V^n •'31 n s W i
that the inhabitants o f Gibeon
had made peace with Israel and :D31I?3 vn*1 *?Xlto'-nK
were within their land,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np ncms np
Pp-vqp3ms np Po-Pa-np Pc-
vhw3msX3fs Pp-Pr vqp3ms Pp-np
Pc-Pp-ncmscX3fs Pd-vqp3ms Pp-np
Pc-Pp-ncmscX3fs Pc-Pp vhp3cp
vqPmpc np Pp-np Pc-vqw3mp Pp-
ncmscX3mp
8.5.1.1.3.3 With 3 Indicating Comparison
So Jacob served seven years for D'31^ 173^ V n i 3 3 p i7 : 1317»_1 Gen

Rachel and they seemed to him 29:20
but a few days because o f his liinK iri3nK 3 D^Q'3 T’3''173 Vn*T
love for her.
Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-np afs ncfp Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-ncfdcX3ms Pp-ncmp
amp Pp-ncfscX3ms PoX3fs
241
When he came to Lehi, the iriKTpV
Philistines shouted as they met
him. And the Spirit o f the LORD np"; m i
came upon him mightily so that
the ropes that were on his arms
Dpi3i7n n r p m
were as flax that is burned with trT* *?i7Q r “nDK ioq ' i
fire, and his bonds dropped from
his hands.
piSms-vqPms Pp-np Pc-np vhp3cp
Pp-vqcX3ms Pc-vqw3fs PpX3ms
nebs np Pc-vqw3fp Pa-ncbp Pr Pp-
ncfpcX3ms Pp+Pa-ncfp Pr vqp3cp
Pp+Pa-ncbs Pc-vnw3mp
ncmpcX3ms Pp-Pp ncfdcX3ms
I found Israel like grapes in the

wilderness; I saw your
forefathers as the earliest fruit 0D pl3K p 'K i rrn"c?Ki3 n jx r a n p 3 3 3
on the fig tree in its first season.
But they came to Baal-peor and
nan
devoted themselves to shame, :D3nK3 rn * i
And they were as detestable as
that which they loved.
Pp+Pa-ncmp Pp+Pa-ncms vqplcs
np Pp-ncfs Pp-ncfs Pp-ncfscX3fs
vqplcs ncmpcX2mp pi3mp vqp3cp
np Pc-vnw3mp Pp+Pa-ncfs Pc-
vqw3mp ncmp Pp-vqcX3mp
8.5.1.1.3.4 With ^ Indicating Possession
Machir took a wife for Huppim D'anV ni^K noa^ 1 Chr

and Shuppim, whose sister's 7:15
name was Maacah. And the nna^x ■’3^n a ^ i n a y a innK o ^ i
name o f the second was
Zelophehad, and Zelophehad
:nl33 n n a W n rn m
had daughters.
Pc-np vqp3ms ncfs Pp-np Pc-Pp-np
Pc-ncmsc ncfscX3ms np Pc-ncmsc
Pa-ams np Pc-vqw3fp Pp-np ncfp
Bela had sons: Addar, Gera, "Tchrsir
Abihud,
Pc-vqw3mp ncmp Pp-np np Pc-np
Pc-np
He defeated Moab, and the 3Kin“nK 'Chr
Moabites became servants to
David, bringing tribute. :nnia 'Kt&i □'nai? 3Kln v n n
Pc-vhw3ms Po-np Pc-vqw3mp np
ncmp Pp-np vqPmpc ncfs
242
And it had strong branches fit Ti7 nlBQ n ^ - rn * i Ezek
fo r scepters o f rulers, And its
height was raised above the KT.i D'ri3J7 inolp ri3]im
clouds So that it was seen in its
height with the mass o f its
n’n**?! 313 11313
branches.
Pc-vqw3mp-PpX3fs ncmpc ncms
Pp-ncmpc vqPmp Pc-vqw3fs
ncfscX3ms Pp-Pp ncbp Pc-
vnw3msXa Pp-ncmscX3ms Pp-
ncms ncfpcX3ms
Their names were Oholah the

elder and Oholibah her sister.
And they became Mine, and they nl33i D'33 n n V p l 'V n3';;nni
bore sons and daughters. And as
fo r their names, Samaria is ▼ • ▼ I T
oViz^n'i nViK iU bt?
• — ▼ ▼ ▼ ! ▼ ! I !▼ I
Oholah and Jerusalem is

Oholibah.
Pc-ncmpcX3fp np Pa-afs Pc-np
ncfscX3fs Pc-vqw3ip PpXlcs Pc-
vqw3ip ncmp Pc-ncfp Pc-
ncmpcX3ip np np Pc-np np
Shobal the father o f Kiriath- '□ n v v n n j?

jearim had sons: Haroeh, half o f 2:52
the Manahathites, :nln3Qn 'irn n x in
Pc-vqw3mp ncmp Pp-np ncmsc np
Pa-np ncms Pa-np
Then he put garrisons in Edom, dU k s 1 Chr
and all the Edomites were
David’s servants. And the LORD m i V D'i3i7 d Iik -V d r n * i
helped David wherever he went.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-np ncmp Pc-
*?D3 nin"; 17^1*1
vqw3mp ncmsc-np ncmp Pp-np Pc-
vhw3msXa np Po-np Pp-ncms Pr
vqp3ms
After two full years Absalom had
sheepshearers in Baal-hazor,
which is near Ephraim, and Il2tn *?1733 D1*?1^3KV O'Tli I'l*!
Absalom invited all the king's
DnDK“DJ7
sons.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfd ncmp Pc- '33"*?D*7 01*?^3K KTj?'!
vqw3mp vqPmp Pp-np Pp np Pr Pp-
np Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-ncmsc-ncmpc
Pa-ncms
243
8.5.1.1.3.5 With ^ Meaning “became”
For each one threw down his inD D Exod

staff and they turned into 7:12
serpents. But Aaron's staff toniDQ-nK ■jinK-nEiQ 37^3*1 oranV vn*i
swallowed up their staffs.
Pc-vhw3mp ncms ncmscXSms Pc-
vqwSmp Pp-ncmp Pc-vqw3ms
ncmsc-np Po-ncmpcX3mp
and the earth opened its mouth
and swallowed them up along
with Korah, when that company HK nivn n l D 3 n " ij7 " n K i
died, when the fire devoured 250
:D3*? v n n D'nKQI
men, so that they became a
warning.
Pc-vqw3fs Pa-ncbs Po-ncmscX3fs
Pc-vqw3fs PoX3mp Pc-Po-np Pp-
vqc Pa-ncfs Pp-vqc Pa-ncbs Po abp
Pc-afd ncms Pc-vqwf3mp Pp-ncms
Zebulun did not drive out the
inhabitants o f Kitron, or the
inhabitants ofNahalol; so the i3")p3 '337130 *?’7rfi
Canaanites lived among them
iDD*? r n n
and became subject to forced
labor.
np Pn vhp3ms Po-vqPmpc np Pc-
Po-vqPmpc np Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-np
Pp-ncmscX3ms Pc-vqw3mp Pp+Pa-
yet the Amorites persisted in o in “i0 3 " r D ^ ~ 'ib K n *?Kl''f~J“dgi:35

living in Mount Heres, in
Aijalon and in Shaalbim; but T _ 13301
when the power o f the house o f
:DD*? v o n
Joseph grew strong, they
became forced labor.
Pc-vhw3msXa Pa-np Pp-vqc Pp-
ncms-np Pp-np Pc-Pp-np Pc-vqw3fs
ncfsc ncmsc-np Pc-vqw3mp Pp+Pa-
ncms
They were for testing Israel, to nloD*? ^ 0 * 1 ”^ ^ ^

find out if they would obey the
commandments o f the LORD, oi:s"ii^>< oini nixi3“nK wq^^'o n37i^
which He had commanded their
:0 « ^ " 1 '3 Dnl3X"nK
fathers through Moses.
Pc-vqw3mp Pp-vpc PpX3mp Po-np
Pp-vqc Pg-vqi3mp Po-ncipc np Pr-
vpp3ms Po-ncmpcX3mp Pp-ncfsc-
np
244
The sons o f Benjamin gathered 133K n n K 2Sam
together behind Abner and
became one band, and they bv nnx vn*i
stood on the top o f a certain hill.
Pc-vtw3mp ncmpc-np Pd np Pc-
:nnK
vqwSmp Pp+Pa-ncfs afs Pc-
vqw3mp Pp ncms-ncfs afs
Therefore My wrath and My 'n a n ■^nni Jer44:6
anger were poured out and
burned in the cities o f Judah and nl:tn;n
in the streets o f Jerusalem, so
:n tn D1*3 none?’? nann*?
they have become a ruin and a
desolation as it is this day.
Pc-vqw3fs ncfscXlcs Pc-
ncmscXlcs Pc-vqw3fs Pp-ncfpc np
Pc-Pp-ncmpc np Pc-vqw31p Pp-ncfs
Pp-ncfs Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-ams
8.5.1.1.3.6 With ^ Meaning “became” and b Indicating Possession
They buried the bones o f Joseph,

which the sons o f Israel brought
up from Egypt, at Shechem, in n it& n nj?*pn3 o d c ?3 on^Q Q
the piece o f ground which Jacob
"ilnn“" n n ^ p apj?: n fK
had bought from the sons o f
Hamor the father o f Shechem for nKQp
one hundred pieces o f money;
and they became the inheritance
o f Joseph's sons.
Pc-Po-nclpc np Pr-vhp3cp ncmpc-
np Pp-np vqp3cp Pp-np Pp-ncfsc
Pa-ncms Pr vqp3ms np Pp-Pp
ncmpc-np ncmsc-np Pp-afs ncfs Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-ncmpc-np Pp-ncfs
David had also taken Ahinoam
o f Jezreel, and they both became
his wives.
Pc-Po-np vqp3ms np Pp-np Pc-
vqw3fp Pc-afdcX3fp PpX3ms Pp-
ncfp
Those who had escapedfrom the
sword he carried away to
Babylon; and they were servants
to him an d to his sons until the
; d i 9 mD*?Q
rule o f the kingdom o f Persia,
Pc-vhw3msXa Pa-ncfs Pp-Pa-ncfs
Pp-np Pc-vqw3mp-PpX3ms Pc-Pp-
ncmpcX3ms Pp+Pa-ncmp Pp-vqc
ncfsc np
245
And served their idols, which
became a snare to them. 106:36
Pc-vqw3mp Po-ncmpcX3mp Pc-
vqw3mp PpX3mp Pp-ncms
They were scatteredfor lack o f a
shepherd, and they became food
fo r every beast o f the field and mt&n hVdk *? n r^ n m
were scattered.
Pc-vqw3fp Pp-Pd vqPms Pc-vqw31p
Pp-ncfs Pp-ncmsc-ncfsc Pa-ncms
Pc-vqw3fp
“As I live, ” declares the Lord nm i dk : Ezek
GOD, “surely because My flock 34:8
has become a prey. My flock has n r i’n n i ts V '3KS"nl'n k V dk
even become foodfor all the
npi nnterj nin-*?D^
beasts o f the fieldfor lack o f a
shepherd, and My shepherds did D 'J 7 ln 1371*1 *3K3r-nK *371
not search for My flock, but
rather the shepherds fe d :137"l k V *3KS“ n K l D n 1 «
themselves and did not feed My
flock;
ams-pilcs ncmsc np np Pd-Pn Pd
vqc-ncfscXlcs Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3fp ncfscXlcs Pp-ncfs Pp-
ncmsc-ncfsc Pa-ncms Pp-Pd vqPms
Pc-Pn-vqp3cp vqPmpcXlcs Po-
ncfscXlcs Pc-vqw3mp Pa-vqPmp
PoX3mp Pc-Po-ncfscXlcs Pn
vqp3cp
Jahath was the first and Zizah n i 'i i n n r ^ n 'i ichr
the second; but Jeush and
Beriah did not have many sons,
so they became a father's
:nnK n i^sV 3K n*3*p vn*i
household one class.
Pc-vqw3msXa-np Pa-ncms Pc-np
Pa-ams Pc-np Pc-np Pn-vhp3cp
ncmp Pc-vqw3mp Pp-ncmsc ncms
Pp-ncfs afs
246
8.5.1.1.3.7 With b Meaning “for’
The others came out from the Josh 8:22

city to encounter them, so that
they were trapped in the midst o f
Israel, some on this side and
some on that side; and they slew
’nV5"i3? onlK
them until no one was left o f i n t o i V i ’Kton
those who survived or escaped
Pc-acp vqp3cp Pp-Pa-ncfs Pp-
vqcX3mp Pc-vqw3mp Pp-np
Pp+Pa-ncms acp Pp-ams Pc-acp Pp-
ams Pc-vhw3mp PoX3mp Pp-Pp
vhp3ms-PpX3ms ncms Pc-ncms
Yet they did not obey or incline
their ear, but walked in their
own counsels and in the iîn D3*? nnitoa nlxi7b:;i idV*!
stubbornness o f their evil heart,
: d’3dV ilnK*? r n n
and went backward and not
forward.
Pc-Pn vqp3cp Pc-Pn-vhp3cp Po-
ncfscX3mp Pc-vqw3mp Pp-ncfp
Pp-ncfsc ncmscX3mp Pa-ams Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-ncms Pc-Pn Pp-ncmp
8.5.1.1.3.8 With^BV
But Jeroboam had set an onnnKQ 3iNan-n>< 3on oj?3t t ^chr

ambush to come from the rear,
so that Israel was in front o f tonnnKQ a iK a m n n n ’ ’b *?
Judah and the ambush was
behind them.
Pc-np vhp3ms Po-Pa-ncms Pp-vqc
Pp-PdX3mp Pc-vqw3mp Pp-ncbpc
np Pc-Pa-ncms Pp-PdX3mp
247
8.5.1.1.3.9 WithDT
Saul chose for himself 3,000 d ' dVk 1 Sam

men ofIsrael, o f which 2,000 13:2
were with Saul in Michmash and to n D D 3 vn*i
in the hill country o f Bethel,
while 1,000 were with Jonathan
i n 3 l ‘’-D i7 v n nnni
at Gibeah o f Benjamin. But he oi7n in-’T n ra ia
- ■ T ▼V V I I * ▼I • - J • I
sent away the rest o f the people,
each to his tent.
Pc-vqw3ms-PpX3ms np amsc amp
Pp-np Pc-vqw3mp Pp-np amd Pp-np
Pc-Pp-ncms np Pc-ams vqp3cp Pp-
np Pp-np np Pc-ncmsc Pa-ncms
vpp3ms ncms Pp-ncmpcX3ms
Everyone who was in distress,
and everyone who was in debt,
and everyone who was
discontented gathered to him;
and he became captain over
them. There were aboutfour nlKa y3"iK3 1QJ7 rn * !
hundred men with him.
Pc-vtw3mp PpX3ms ncmsc-ncms
ncms Pc-ncmsc-ncms Pr-PpX3ms
vqPms Pc-ncmsc-ncms amsc-ncfs
Pc-vqw3msXa PpX3mp Pp-ncms
Pc-vqw3mp PpX3ms Pp-afs afp
ncms
In 1 Kgs 1:7, there is a unique case of the expression DI7 Vn*l, with the
sense o f conferring with someone.
He conferred with Joab the son n ; n x " ] 3 3 K V DJ7 V 131 r n » i iK g s p ?

o f Zeruiah and with Abiathar the
priest; andfollowing Adonijah
they helped him.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpcX3ms Pp np
ncmsc-np Pc-Pp np Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3mp Pd np
8.5.1.2 DEICTIC Uses of Vn*l
The DEICTIC use of Vn*l is parallel to the ‘'n 'l section above. The same use of
is found in both.
/ turned and came down from Deut
the mountain and put the tablets 10:5
in the ark which I had made;
and there they are, as the LORD
commanded me. ”
Pc-vqwlcsXa Pc-vqwlcs Pp-Pa-
ncms Pc-vqwlcs Po-Pa-ncmp
Pp+Pa-ncbs Pr vqplcs Pc-vqw3mp
Pd Pp-Pr vppSmsXlcs np
Joshua set up twelve stones in 37u?1n'; D"pn d 'd k nitoy
the middle o f the Jordan at the
place where the feet o f the D'Dnsn 3xn non in ! n ^ln3
priests who carried the ark o f
i n t o D l* n 11? vn*i n n sn
the covenant were standing, and
they are there to this day.
Pc-afd afs ncfp vhp3ms np Pp-
ncmsc Pa-np Pp ncmsc ncfdc Pa-
ncmp vqPmpc ncbsc Pa-ncfs Pc-
vqw3mp Pd Pp Pa-ncms Pa-ams
The name o f the man was

Elimelech, and the name o f his
wife, Naomi; and the names o f “IVVp i ll*?nn v ]3 “ '3 ^ Dî
his two sons were Mahlon and
n iin i nnVn'3Q d ' o id k
Chilian, Ephrathites o f
Bethlehem in Judah. Now they :a c ^ -rn n 3 k 1q" ' i Iz; ik 3*t
entered the land o f Moab and
remained there.
Pc-ncmsc Pa-ncms np Pc-ncmsc
ncfscX3ms np Pc-ncmsc amdc-
ncmpcX3ms np Pc-np np Pp np np
Pc-vqw3mpXa ncmpc-np Pc-
vqw3mp-Pd
and the Beerothites fled to D 'niK 3n im 3 '’T 2Sam
Gittaim and have been aliens 4:3
there until this day. :n^n Dl*n nr on a
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-np npXd Pc-
vqw3mp-Pd vqPmp Pp Pa-ncms Pa-
The three sons o f Zeruiah were 3 ^ -'~ T p n x ’’^”]3 o i^ T 'n 'n 2Sam
there, Joab and Abishai and
Asahel; and Asahel was as swift- rV]["i3 bp
footed as one o f the gazelles
which is in the field.
:mt&3 D"32?n 10K3
Pc-vqw3mp-Pd ams ncmpc np np
Pc-np Pc-np Pc-np ams Pp-
ncfdcX 3m s P p-am s P a-ncm p P r
Pp+Pa-ncms
249
But the poles were so long that D 'la n w t i o n a n iD ix n i Kgs 8:8
the ends o f the poles could be
seen from the holy place before nînn w t x ’?!
the inner sanctuary, but they
could not be seen outside; they
:n^n Dl*n ij; dc?
are there to this day.
Pc-vhw3mp Pa-ncmp Pc-vnw3mp
ncmpc Pa-ncmp Pp-Pa-ncms Pp-
ncbpc Pa-ncms Pc-Pn vni3mp Pa-
ncmscXd Pc-vqw3mp Pd Pp Pa-
ncms Pa-ams
They were there with David

three days, eating and drinking,
for their kinsmen had prepared ;o n 'n « on*? irD n " ’3
for them. • - •" ’ ' (39)
Pc-vqw3mp-Pd Pp-np ncmp ams
vqPmp Pc-vqPmp Pp-vhp3cp
PpX3mp ncmpcX3mp
8.5.1.3 DESCRIPTIVE Uses of
There are two sections of d e s c r ip t iv e occurrences. In the first, the examples are
essentially identical to the descriptive uses of ‘'n 'l discussed above:
8.5.1.3.1 DESCRIPTIVE with ADJECTIVE COMPLEMENT
And the man and his wife were DiKn D'QTiy rn * i oen2:25
both naked and were not
ashamed.
Pc-vqw3mp amdcX3mp amp Pa-
ncms Pc-ncfscX3ms Pc-Pn vvi3mp
The leaders said to them, “Let
them live. ” So they were hewers
o f wood and drawers o f water
fo r the whole congregation, just
as the leaders had spoken to
them.
Pc-vqw3mp PpX3mp Pa-ncmp
vqi3mp{ 1}Jm Pc-vqw3mp vqPmpc
ncmp Pc-vqPmpc-ncmp Pp-ncmsc-
Pa-ncfs Pp-Pr vpp3cp PpX3mp Pa-
ncmp
250
David answered the priest and i*? iQK*! iniDrrnK -j?!! i sam
said to him, “Surely women
have been keptfrom us as 's
previously when I set out and the
vessels o f the young men were
*?n f i T K i n i W ip D n v 3n ""*?3 v n * i
holy, though it was an ordinary ^> 33 Dl*n '3
journey; how much more then
today will their vessels be holy?
Pc-vqw3msXa np Po-Pa-ncms Pc-

vqw3ms PpX3ms Pp Pd-ncfs vqsfs-
PpXlcp Pp-Pd Pd Pp-vqcXlcs Pc-
vqw3mp ncmpc-Pa-ncmp ncms Pc-
pi3ms nebs ncms Pc-Pc Pp Pa-ncms
vqi3ms Pp+Pa-ncms
They also feared the LORD and D 'K T 2 Kgs

appointedfrom among 17:32
themselves priests o f the high nlQ3 "3.n3 Dnl2tpQ onV ito r n
places, who acted for them in the
houses o f the high places.
: n lQ 3 n n ^ 3 3 on*? D^tZ7j7
Pc-vqw3mp amp Po-np Pc-vqw3mp
PpX3mp Pp-ncipcX3mp ncmpc
nclp Pc-vqw3mp vqPmp PpX3mp
Pp-ncmsc Pa-nciip
So while these nations feared the

LORD, they also served their
idols; their children likewise and D n ^ ? 3 -D a D ' i3 i 7 r n □ n ^ V D 9" n j< *i ™
their grandchildren, as their
fathers did, so they do to this
Dn3K n^K 3 Dn'33 "331
day. : n ? n D l'n n i? D"i2;i7 o n
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncmp Pa-acp amp
Po-np Pc-Po-ncmpcX3mp vqp3cp
vqPmp Pc-ncmpcX3mp Pc-ncmpc
ncmpcX3mp Pp-Pr vqp3cp
ncmpcX3mp pi3mp vqPmp Pp Pa-
ncms Pa-ams
The sons o f Ulam were mighty D^1K--'3i Vn*! *Chr'
men o f valor, archers, and had 8:40
many sons and grandsons, 150 0"33 "331 D"33 D"31Q1 "3"j1
o f them. All these were o f the
sons o f Benjamin.
:]D:33 "3.30 nVK'Vs D"t^Qrf1 HKO
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np ncmp ampc-
ncms vqPmpc ncfs Pc-vhPmp ncmp
Pc-ncmpc ncmp afs Pc-abp ncmsc-
acp Pp-ncmpc np
251
There were ninety-six exposed nnn D']jain rn»i Jer52:23
pomegranates; all the
pomegranates numbered a
hundred on the network all
around.
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncmp amp Pc-ams
ncbsXd ncmsc-Pa-ncmp afs Pp-Pa-
ncfs Pd
8.5.I.3.2 DESCRIPTIVE with QAL PASSIVE
The second section of two occurrences of T’ri'll with the QAL PASSIVE arc unique.
This uniqueness, however, should not be attributed to some peculiarity of VH*!. The QAL
PASSIVE could just as well have been used with ■'H';!.
Afterward Joshua struck them D n'qii p ~ n n « DDn Josh

and put them to death, and he
hanged them on five trees; and ni^qn *71? oVn*!
they hung on the trees until
evening.
Pc-vhw3msX3mp np Pd-Pd Pc-
vhw3msX3mp Pc-vqw3msX3mp Pp
ams ncmp Pc-vqw3mp vqsmp Pp-
Pa-ncmp Pp-Pa-ncms
David came to his house at 2 Sam

Jerusalem, and the king took the 20:3
ten women, the concubines
whom he had left to keep the
house, and placed them under
niqi^n-np D3n*i n“:3n "ioiz?Vn'sn "ii^k
guard and provided them with x d - k ’? Dn'*?Ni dV:pV311
sustenance, but did not go in to
them. So they were shut up until :m * n m3Q*pK p Q n lT iis n r :;n n i
the day o f their death, living as
widows.
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-ncmscX3ms
np Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms Po afs-ncfp
ncfp Pr vhp3ms Pp-vqc Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msX3mp ncmsc-ncfs Pc-
vdw3msX3mp Pc-PpX3mp Pn-
vqp3ms Pc-vqw3fp vqsfp Pp-ncms
vqcX3fp ncfsc ncfs
These examples are evidence of the limited corpus of data provided by the
Hebrew Bible, which is an important consideration in any study of this type. The
252
existence of only two unique occurrences does not necessarily make them unusual. The
Hebrew Bible does not provide examples of every possible structure that normal usage of
the language would have produced. This is an important point for the student or
grammarian to consider when tempted to make elaims regarding what Hebrew can and
cannot say. It is appropriate to make statements about what does and does not occur in
the text of the Hebrew Bible, but caution needs to be exercised in making claims about
the language as a whole when there is a limited corpus.
8.5.1.4 Summary of the Uses of Vn*l
The preceding display of the occurrences of Vn*l gives important supporting
evidence for the function(s) o f "'n'l as a verb. What is equally instructive and even more
intriguing is the absence of any temporal uses of Vn*1. This highlights the unique role of
in temporal constructions, which is the complex issue dealt with in the next chapter.
CHAPTER 9
THE TEMPORAL USES OF
9.1 Overview
Besides the verbal use o f t h e other major use is in temporal clauses. Again,
the occurrences are categorized according to the syntactic environment where ‘'n 'l
occurs. The primary purpose of this chapter is to present the remaining 408 occurrences
of "Tl'l, but at different points throughout the display of the data certain comments and
observations are necessary. More detailed discussion o f the functions of ”'11^1 is found in
Chapter 10.
One of the added dimensions to the analysis in this chapter is the increased
concern with the context in which the temporal expression with ’’n 'l occurs. In the verbal
uses, for example, in Gen 12:10,
There was a famine in the land; nanxQ d id k i t i cen

so Abram went down to Egypt to
sojourn there, for the famine
was severe in the land.
Pc-vqw3msXa np npXd Pp-vqc Pd
P p-am s P a-ncm s P p+ P a-ncbs
th e a n a ly s is o f ■'il'l is p rim a rily c o n c e r n e d w ith its lo c a l u se as a n in teg ra l c o m p o n e n t o f
th e v erb a l c la u se : th e WAYYIQTOL fo r m o f T I 'l is an in d e p e n d e n t
253
254
clause, but the temporal expressions considered in this chapter are dependent clauses,
giving them a very different syntactic relationship with what follows. For this reason, the
temporal expressions need to be analyzed not merely in terms of their own internal
structure, but in terms o f how they coimect to adjacent clauses. This does not deny the
importance o f careful examination of the context in which independent clauses occur, but
the analysis o f the dependent, temporal clauses introduces complexities which are not
involved in the verbal uses o f This is why attention needs to be given to whether
the temporal expression with ’’n i l is followed by a WAYYIQTOL or QATAL. One
dimension is the set of components which occur with ‘'n 'l in the temporal expression
itself; the connection o f the entire temporal expression with the next clause is another
dimension of this analysis.
The main divisions o f this chapter are:
9.2 Introduction to Temporal Expressions in Biblical Hebrew
9.3 Temporal Expressions with
9.4 Summary o f the Temporal Uses o f ’'n 'l
Section 9.3 is the heart of this chapter, containing all the data displayed in the
following categories;
9.3.1 W ithlO K /nnX
9.3.2 With Prepositions
9.3.3 With
9.3.4 With '3
255
9.3.5 With Specific Temporal Reference
9.3.6 Occurrences o f '’IT’l with Adverbs
The number of occurrences o f ’’n ’ll in each category varies widely. In 9.3.2, for
example, two of the largest sections are those which display the uses of ''n il followed by
the prepositions 3 and 3. The summary which concludes this chapter sets the stage for
the discussion in Chapter 10, the Discourse-Pragmatic uses o f'’n')!.
9.2 Introduction to Temporal Expressions in Biblical Hebrew

An extensive discussion of the syntax of temporal expressions or clauses in
biblical Hebrew is beyond the scope of the present study, but this is exactly what is
needed for comprehensive treatment of ■'H'Ts role in the temporal structure of the biblical
Hebrew text. There is an unfortimate paucity of material in the standard volumes on
biblical Hebrew grammar and syntax, not only on the temporal clause, but on other types
o f clauses as well. This is most likely what motivated van der Merwe to comment that
“relatively little about the syntax, semantics and/or pragmatics of BH temporal
expressions” is known (van der Merwe 1997, 42).
9.2.1 The Syntax o f Temporal Expressions in Hebrew Grammars
9.2.1.1 Introduction
Introductory grammars and textbooks on syntax cannot be expected to be
exhaustive. It is understandable that in an introductory grammar, choices need to be made
to keep the most essential information in focus. In Lambdin’s section on temporal
256
clauses, he discusses the role of prepositions, saying that the choice of 3 or 3 is governed
by the aspectual nature o f certain verbs. He states, however, that “a catalog of uses would
serve no purpose in an elementary grammar of this sort” (Lambdin 1971, 129). The
decision to not include a catalog of uses in an introductory grammar is understandable,
but unfortunately, information which is deemed too advanced or detailed for the
elementary grammar seldom finds its way into another publication. Also, a mere “catalog
of uses” is of limited value if there is no discussion o f the function of the linguistic items
listed therein. The problem lies, however, not in the amount o f space or pages which deal
with the topic, but in the atomistic perspective that is typically reflected in many
grammatical and syntactical descriptions, i.e., presenting examples of grammatical
categories without considering their connection to the system of the language as a whole.
For example, Davidson’s Syntax states, ^\w]hen is expressed by 3 ,3 with infin.,
or by ■'3, "1^K3 with finite verb (or nominal cl.)” (Gibson 1994, 157). It is important, of
course, to know what items like ”'3 “mean,” but to say that all four items listed here
“mean” when does not help the student know when to use which when. In a sense, this
description provides a type o f lexical equivalent. If the goal were to merely assign lexical
equivalents for each linguistic item in Hebrew, this might be adequate, but when the goal
is understanding the use and function o f these items, a greater depth of understanding is
needed.
At the level o f the narrative or discourse as a whole, understanding the use and
function of temporal expressions is fundamental. From a functional perspective, analysis
not only involves cataloguing the linguistic items involved in temporal expressions, it
257
also requires exploring the different eontexts of use and the faetors whieh motivate and
govern the use o f the different temporal expressions. The motivation to explore the
fimetions of, for example, the prepositions 3 and 3 with the infinitive construct is the
analytical principle of choice (5.2.4.4). Choice implies that there is some functional
difference that motivates the use of 3 or 3 in certain contexts. This indicates, then, that
both 3 and 3 cannot mean exactly the same when. Any description of these prepositions,
even in introductory grammars, should reflect the different nuances of meaning and
usage—or at least alert the student to their context-sensitive nature.
The following brief review of GKC, Davidson, Williams, Joiion-Muraoka,
Lambdin, Waltke and O’Connor, Pratieo and Van Pelt, and van der Merwe, reveals that
very little attention has been given to the variety of temporal expressions in biblical
Hebrew. Most o f the discussion in these grammars is dedicated to the lexical level, with
some attention given to the basic syntax, for example, of the combination o f prepositions
with infinitive constructs to form temporal expressions.
9.2.1.2 GKC, Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar
GKC’s treatment of temporal clauses (§164) has two main sections, dealing with
relations of time “simply by juxtaposition” (GKC 1910, 501) of, for example, a series of
WAYYIQTOL vcrb forms. and the “conjunctions used to introduce temporal clauses” (GKC
1910, 502), such as ”'3 and “I^K. In addition, other conjunctions such as DI7,7D3, and
“ll^K3 are presented.
The use of prepositions with the infinitive construct, however, is only included as
one of three additional, secondary remarks. According to GKC’s section on infinitive
258
constructs, these constructions are equivalent to temporal clauses, stating that “[t]his use
of the infinitive construct is especially frequent in connexion with 3 or 3 to express time-
determinations, especially after ‘'n'V ’ (GKC 1910, 347). Later on, the following statement
is also made: “The infinitive with 3 may usually be rendered by when, as, or whilst, the
infinitive with 3 by when, as soon as.'” (GKC 1910, 503) Examples are given, but there
is no further discussion o f any difference in usage between 3 and 3 with the infinitive
construct.
The use of 3 and 3 with infinitive constructs is indeed a frequent means employed
in biblical Hebrew to express temporal relations. The numerous occurrences of the
prepositions 3 and 3 with the infinitive construct following ■'n’Jl are displayed in later
sections of this chapter. The display of all the data is the focus of this chapter, but
comments and observations are included to guide the reader through the extensive
sections of examples. Also, GKC’s claim regarding the temporal role of juxtaposition
will also be discussed, but this is postponed until Chapter 10.
9.2.1.3 Davidson, Introductory Hebrew Grammar ~ Syntax
Davidson states, first of all, that “[mjany temporal statements are formed with a
prep, and infin” (Gibson 1994, 157) and further that “[tjemporal clauses or phrases are
commonly preceded by or n^n'l, punctuating a narrative or discourse time-vsdse”
(Gibson 1994, 157). The reference to the function of “punctuating a narrative timewise”
seems significant, but unfortimately it is not explained.
259
Regarding the use o f prepositions with the infinitive constructs, Davidson states
that ‘^wjhen is expressed by 3 ,3 with infin., or by ”'3 ,1^K 3 with finite verb (or nominal
cl.)” (Gibson 1994, 157), but there is no discussion o f the parameters that govern the
choice of 3 or 3 with the infinitive. To state that 3 ,3 , '*3, and 1^K 3 are all used to mean
“when” helps separate these items from the others that are considered (‘’'inX,''].?*?, IRQ,
~\V, and ■
’ID) (Gibson 1994,157-58), but it obscures the fact that 3 ,3 , ‘’3, and 31^R3 are
not all the same in usage and meaning. As discussed in 9.2.1.1, certain decisions have to
be made to restrict the amount o f information given in an introductory grammar, but
proper distinctions in meaning and usage should be made.
9.2.1.4 W illizm s, Hebrew Syntax: A n Outline
Even though Williams’ Outline is not a “proper” grammar or syntax, the amoimt
of information it contains is very similar to that found in most traditional grammars.
Williams includes a discussion of the use of prepositions with infinitive constructs as
temporal clauses, stating that “[p]repositions governing an infinitive may replace such
clauses” (Williams 1976, 84). Examples are given of 3 as “when” and 3 meaning “as
soon as.” In addition, Williams discusses clauses “[i]ntroduced by the conjimction ''3,
having the meaning ‘when,’ e.g. □’'0*0 Dl^ 1^~13“jK ’’3 'n 'l, ‘when he had been there a
long time’ (Gn 26:8)” (Williams 1976, 83).
It is good to differentiate between 3 and 3, but it is questionable that 3 only
means “as soon as” (See further discussion of examples with 3 in 9.B.2.2 below.). Also,
unfortunately, Williams makes no distinction between 3 and “'3 as “when.”
260
In his discussion of temporal clauses, Williams repeats the example given in GKC
§164bl of “[sjimple juxtaposition, meaning ‘when,’ e.g. inKfJl ‘When
she had finished giving him a drink, she said’ (Gn 24:19)” (Williams 1976, 83). This
point will not be dealt with in detail here, but as stated above, this claim has important
ramifications that will be discussed in Chapter 10.
9.2.1.5 Jouon-Muraoka, Grammar o f Biblical Hebrew
Concerning the use of 3 and 3, Joiion-Muraoka states that
3 indicates, properly speaking, the inclusion o f an action in the time of

another; 3 indicates, strictly speaking, the correspondence of two actions
in time: the time of one is like that o f the other. (Jouon-Muraoka 1996,
625)
Not only does Joiion-Muraoka differentiate between 3 and 3, but an attempt is
made to get at the reason for the difference in meaning by expressing their particular
nuance in temporal clauses. The description o f 3 indicating “the inclusion of an action in
the time of another” seems more intuitive than that o f 3 indicating that “the time of one is
like that of the other.” This is an attempt to extend the lexical meaning of the
prepositions to their use in temporal expressions.
There is significant cognitive support for maintaining the connection between the
lexical meaning and the temporal nuances, but it is unclear what is meant by 3 indieating
that one time is like another. The discussion of the examples with 3 later in this chapter
provide the basis for evaluating these claims. This matter will be discussed in further
detail in the next chapter.
261
9.2.1.6 Lambdin, Introduction to Biblical Hebrew
Lambdin’s treatment of temporal clauses unfortunately does not advance the
discussion of this important area of syntax. Lambdin states:
With 3 and 3 the infinitive is the equivalent of an adverbial (mostly

temporal) clause in English:
“13irf~riK when he heard the word

VDD*? ■'IPV? when (or while) I stood before him
Both prepositions are common in this usage, but with certain verbs,
especially and HK3,3 is by far the preferred preposition. There are
reasons, founded in the aspectual nature of these verbs, which govern this
choice, but a catalog of uses would serve no pmpose in an elementary
grammar of this sort. (Lambdin 1971, 129)
Even though Lambdin recognizes that certain factors are involved in the choice of
3 or 3, the examples give the impression that both prepositions are used as “when.” The
comment that the real issue is verbal aspect is intriguing, but unfortunately, he provides
no further discussion. This comment will, however, be discussed below in 9.3.2.2.1.5
after the display and discussion o f the occurrences of both 3 and 3 with infinitive
constructs.
One further comment by Lambdin regarding temporal clauses has particular
significance for the present study. Lambdin states that
[t]he verb in a leading clause requires special consideration. By virtue

of its double meaning “be/become” it may be used to describe a non-
punctual past tense situation (e.g. “there was a famine in the land”). If a
narrative sequence begins with a clause containing the verb n'H (or '’n 'l),
the real nature of the sequence is not clear until we reach a continuing
verb. (Lambdin 1971, 279)
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The comment regarding the need to consider the continuing verb in a narrative
sequence initiated by 'n 'l has important implications for the analysis o f n 'l presented in
the upcoming sections of the present chapter. This comment reflects an awareness of the
complex nature of the narrative web which is also what motivated the separation of the
temporal occurrences of 'TI'l into categories based on the type of verb which directly
follows.
9.2.1.7 Waltke and O’Connor, Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax
Waltke and O’Connor’s volume on Hebrew syntax has three sections where
temporal clauses are discussed. First o f all, in §36.2.2, the temporal use of the infinitive
construct with the prepositions 3 ,3 , and b is presented. Specifically with reference to 3
and 3 (Examples 2-7 in §36.2.2b), they state that “3 denotes in general the temporal
proximity o f one event to another, 3 more specifically the more immediately preceding
time” (Waltke and O’Connor 1990, 604). With the limited examples they give, it is
difficult to tell exactly what is meant by this distinction between 3 and 3. There is ,
unfortunately, no further discussion of the temporal use of the infinitive construct with 3
and 3.
There is, however, a separate discussion of the preposition b, stating that its
temporal use is to “mark a point in time or an extent in time” (Waltke and O’Connor
1990, 607). Again, limited examples are given without much discussion of the usage of b
beyond stating that “signalling a point is chiefly associated with the verb pny ‘to turn’
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(Waltke and O’Connor 1990, 607). The uses of*? with infinitive construets are displayed
in section 9.3.2.3.1 below, followed by further discussion of its uses.
Secondly, in §38.7, in the chapter entitled Subordination, they comment that
[t]he majority o f dependent temporal clauses are formed with an infinitive

introduced by a preposition. There are a variety of other temporal clause
types, however, introduced by other particles. These may be classified
according to the temporal relation o f the main clause situation and that of
the subordinate clause. (Waltke and O’Connor 1990, 643)
The ten examples they provide are of different temporal particles which indicate
contemporary, later, or preceding temporal situations, referring to the “temporal relation
o f the main clause situation and that of the subordinate clause” (Waltke and O’Connor
1990, 643). For example, according to Waltke and O’Connor, II? indicates a later
situation.
The third section deals with clausal adverbs, discussing deictic and independent
temporal adverbs. These adverbs are listed with their corresponding lexical meanings,
but no examples of usage are given. Even though a variety of temporal expressions are
catalogued in Waltke and O’Connor, there are numerous issues of their uses and
functions that are not touched on in their volume on syntax.
9.2.1.8 Pratico and Van Pelt, The Basics o f Biblical Hebrew
In the recent grammar by Pratico and Van Pelt, the use of prepositions with the
Infinitive Construct is discussed as follows:
When prefixed with the prepositions 3 or 3, the Infinitive Construct may

be used in a temporal clause. When used in this way, the prepositions 3
and 3 are translated either ‘when’ or ‘while.’ Frequently, in this
construction, the Infinitive Construct will also have a pronominal suffix.
(Pratico and Van Pelt 2001, 244)
264
Regarding the time reference of the infinitive, Pratico and Van Pelt state that the
temporal modifiers Tl']! and n 'n ] “provide the context for determining the temporal
value” (Pratico and Van Pelt 2001,245). According to this grammar, the “temporal
modifier “'H*;! signals past tense narration and the temporal modifier n'rpi signals future
tense narration” (Pratico and Van Pelt 2001,245), providing the temporal value for the
otherwise atemporal infinitive construct. This claim regarding the function o f'‘n 'l
requires further analysis and will be discussed in Chapter 10.
In the section dealing with Exceptions to Word Order with Verb First (§23.3),
Pratico and Van Pelt have two more comments regarding temporal expressions. The first
is:
While the verb does usually stand first in a sentence or clause, it may also
be preceded by an adverb of time, an adverbial phrase, the word nsn
(behold), a temporal modifier C n 'l or n^n)), an expression that provides
context or circumstantial information or an independent personal pronoun
for emphasis. (Pratico and Van Pelt 2001,272)
The assumption o f verb-first word order is valid for specific types of clauses in
certain contexts. Pratico and Van Pelt’s three examples do indeed have verbs in the first
position, but there is no consideration given to the fact that the examples eome from very
different text-types. The first example is from narrative and begins with a w a y y iq t o l ,
whereas the other two examples are from poetry. The verbs in these poetic examples are
a QATAL and an imperative. At first glance, this may seem inconsequential or it may be
the understandable result of Pratico and Van Pelt’s decision to present “only the most
basic issues o f sentence structure” (Pratico and Van Pelt 2001, 272), but it is crucial that
even the most basie examples be carefully selected from the same text type. To say that
265
the three examples in §23.3 are evidence of verh first word order describes the surface
form, but does not take into account the syntactic and contextual factors that motivated
the occurrence of these verbs in first position. When claims are made that certain
syntactic patterns or word orders are characteristic of a language, extreme care needs to
he exercised to control the variables in order to make the most valid statement possible.
The desire to present “the most basie issues of sentence structure” is valid, but certain
fundamental concepts and theoretical notions must always be operative. All of the
examples in §23.3 should have come fi'om narrative, or some comment should have been
made acknowledging the different text-type sources from which the examples came.
The second comment in §23.3 is that the “verb may be preceded by a temporal
clause beginning with ■'n'l or n^nT Two examples are given, one with 2 and the other
with 3, which give the impression, unfortunately, that very little difference, if any, exists
between these two prepositions. This is congruent with the statement cited above that
“the prepositions 3 and 3 are translated either ‘when’ or ‘while,’ ” which also indicates
that these prepositions are assumed to be interchangeable. This matter will not be
discussed further here, but will he dealt with later in this chapter after the occurrences of
3 'n 'l and 3 '’n'Jl have been displayed.
9.2.1.9 van der Merwe et al, Biblical Hebrew Reference Grammar
In BHRG §39, the diverse uses of the prepositions are discussed. Among the
many uses o f the various prepositions, the temporal uses of 3 and 3 are discussed, stating
that: 1) “The preposition 3 + infinitive construct often refers to events that provide the
temporal frame of an event or events referred to in a subsequent sentence” (van der
266
Merwe, Naude, Kroeze 1999, 281) and 2) “3 + infinitive construct is used to indicate that
an event referred to in the main clause following the temporal clause with the 3 +
infinitive construct immediately follows it in time” (van der Merwe, Naude, Kroeze 1999,
284). These comments reflect the type of distinction between 3 and 3 found in GKC and
Joiion-Muraoka, but they are expressed more clearly here in BHRG. The display of the
occurrences o f -3 ‘'n']! and -3 ‘'n 'l later in this chapter will provide a good basis for
evaluation o f this proposed distinction. This matter will then be discussed in more detail
in9.3.2.2.1.5.
One of the insightful comments in BHRG that reflects awareness of the important
role of syntax is that a “distinction must be made between the preverbal field (‘Vorveld’)
and main field (‘Hauptveld’) o f a BH verbal clause” (van der Merwe, Naude, Kroeze
1999, 337). An “adjunct of time” (van der Merwe, Naude, Kroeze 1999, 339) is given as
an example of the type of item that can occupy the preverbal field, claiming that it is
typically “used to provide the temporal point o f orientation of the subsequent event(s)”
(van der Merwe, Naude, Kroeze 1999, 339).
The significance o f BHRG’s distinction between the preverbal and main fields
may not be immediately apparent here, but these concepts have important implications
for understanding the function o f ’’n 'l in temporal expressions. More detailed discussion
will come in later sections.
9.2.1.10 Summary
The preceding review of how temporal clauses are dealt with in the selected
grammars reveals basic agreement as to the linguistic items in biblical Hebrew that
267
participate in the expression o f temporal relations. There is significant variation,
however, in the meanings attributed to the prepositions 3 and 3 with infinitive constructs.
Some o f the grammars appear to make no distinction in meaning, while others seek to
differentiate them. In the grammars that attempt to differentiate 3 from 3 with infinitive
constructs, the explanation of the use of 3 typically seems easier to understand than the
explanation o f 3. As stated above, however, BHRG is an exception to this statement. The
following chart displays various views of 3 and 3:
Grammar 3 3
Jouon-Muraoka: “inclusion of an action in “the time of one is like that
the time of another” of the other”
Waltke and O’Connor: “denotes in general the “denotes more specifically
temporal proximity of one the more immediately
event to another” preceding time”
van der Merwe et al: “refers to events that “indicates that an event
provide the temporal frame referred to in the main
of an event or events clause following the
referred to in a subsequent temporal clause with the 3
sentence” + infinitive construct
immediately follows it in
tim er
Figure 21: Views o f 3 and 3
One of the common characteristics in the grammars reviewed in this section is the
attention paid to the connection of the temporal clause to the main or independent clause.
Another feature they share is the lack of attention paid to the connection of the temporal
clause to the broader textual context.
From this review, the following issues surface in the analysis of temporal
expressions:
1) Greater clarity is needed in differentiating the uses and functions of the

prepositions with infinitive constructs
268
2) Further exploration is needed of the conneetion of the temporal clauses

to the broader context
3) The role o f''ri'l needs further analysis to evaluate the claim that it is a
temporal modifier, providing the temporal value for the infinitive
construct
It will be important to keep these issues in mind as the following sections move
through the different categories o f ’’n'V s uses in temporal expressions.
9.2.2 Theoretical Background for the Analysis of Temporal
Expressions
The purpose of the following two sections is to discuss certain linguistic concepts
that are foimdational to the analysis implemented here. As stated above, the analysis in
this chapter is concerned with the context in which the temporal expression with ■’n 'l
occurs, making it necessary to pay attention to the shape of the elause(s) following the
expression with ■'H']!. The following concepts help navigate the analysis of these clauses.
9.2.2.1 Speaker Deixis
Speaker deixis refers to the complex systems of reference within speech and
narrative that express the speaker or narrator’s spatial or temporal point o f reference
relative to what is being spoken or narrated. The speaker has many deictic mechanisms
and systems at his or her disposal for making spatial and/or temporal reference. The
speaker and or narrator makes selections out of the set of possible expressions to best
accomplish his or her narrative strategy.
One o f the most basic concepts is that events in a narrative, by their very natme,
make relative temporal reference to each other. In biblical Hebrew narrative, a series of
269
WAYYIQTOL verbs, as stated in 6.4.1.1, depicts events as if they were a series of points
along the same line.
Figure 22: Temporal Progression

Each WAYYIQTOL m o v e s a lo n g th e te m p o r a l d im e n s io n o f th e narrative, w ith e a c h e v e n t
establishing a new Reference Time. Even though there are some examples of
REGRESSION, as in discussed in 6.4.1.6, the normal pattern for w a y y iq t o l in narrative is
that each successive event moves along in temporal PROGRESSION. It should be
r e c o g n iz e d th at REGRESSION w ith w a y y iq t o l s is o n ly u se d u n d er p e c u lia r n arrative
circumstances.
In terms o f establishing a new reference time, this is a function of the inherent
temporal nature of the textual depiction o f the event having taken place in the temporal
world. The succession or progression of events in a text is one of the cohesive
dimensions of text. As Beaugrande and Dressier comment, “[a] text ‘makes sense’
because there is a c o n t in u it y of sen ses among the knowledge activated by the
expressions of the text” (Beaugrande and Dressier 1981, 84). The means by which a
language indicates temporal organization match cognitively with human experience in the
world. Events take time and typical narrative depiction of them represents that temporal
progression. (See 6.4 for discussion o f the mismatch between the event world and the
narrative depiction o f it.)
One of the ways the narrative depiction of events differs from experience in the
world is in the speaker or narrator’s ability to diverge from basic progression and make
temporal reference that either precedes or follows the Reference Time established in the
270
text. In biblical Hebrew, for example, the Reference Time is established by each
successive w a y y iq to l in the text. Departures from this pattern are significant and raise
questions about their function and temporal reference relative to the w a y y iq to l pattern.
One of the most common departures from the w a y y iq to l series is some type of structure
with a QATAL form. Hatav makes the observation that the QATAL does not introduce or
update the Reference Time (Hatav 1997, 80). The temporal reference of the q a ta l is
relative to that established by the w a y y iq to l, typically prior to or anterior to the
established Reference Time. When a q a t a l occurs in a series of w a y y iq to l verbs, the
temporal reference is temporarily moved back relative to the established Reference Time
in the context. This concept is crucial to the temporal interpretation o f the examples in
the following sections where the temporal expression is nearly identical, but the
following verb is a w a y y iq to l in one case and a q a t a l in another.
When they saw him, they brought ID lR DDIRHS ''n'’! Judg 14:11
thirty companions to be with him. j .
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3mp PoX3ms DDR V Il* ! D''VTQ
Pc-vqw3mp amp ncmp Pc-vqw3mp
PpX3ms
When the king saw Esther the queen rTD*?0n inOKTlR FllK")? ’'il'll Esth5:2
standing in the court, she had L,
obtainedfavor in his sight, then the T’
king extended to Esther the golden "inOK*?
scepter which was in his hand. So ‘” “ " ' "
Esther came near and touched the JJam “IHDR
top o f the scepter.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncms Po-np J |™U
Pa-ncfs vqPfs Pp+Pa-ncbs vqp3fs ncms
Pp-ncfdcX3ms Pc-vhw3msXa Pa-ncms
Pp-np Po-ncms Pa-ncms Pr Pp-
ncfscXSms Pc-vqw3fs np Pc-vqw3fs Pp-
ncms Pa-ncms
Based on the fundamental principle that linguistic systems are not random, but
rather are intricately interactive, context-sensitive systems, the assumption is that
271
occurrences of q a t a l and w a y y iq t o l are motivated by factors relevant to narrative
strategy. The precise motivations for each case may not be accessible to the modem
reader or analyst, but the altemative is much more unsatisfactory, requiring the
conclusion that the q a t a l and w a y y iq t o l are sometimes used interchangeably for no
apparent reason. These concepts need to be kept in min throughout the extensive sections
o f data displayed later on in this chapter.
9.2.2.2 Word Order and Narrative Strategies
The type of variations in word order differ from language to language, but one of
the constants is that word order is context-sensitive. This is one of the reasons that
claims for “basic word order” need to be carefully qualified with respect to genre, the
sjmtactic environment, and narrative context. Whole books need to be written about
word order phenomena in biblical Hebrew, but certain elementary observations need to
be presented here before proceeding with the display of the data in this chapter.
The specific word order issue to be introduced here is the w e -x -q a t a l , which is
briefly discussed above in 6.3.1.4. For example, Gen 4:1 begins with a WE-X-QATAL.
Now the man had relations with IFIIZ^K mn~riK 17T’ DlNm Gen 4:1
his wife Eve, and she conceived ' ’ _ ' ,’
and gave birth to Cain, and she 13^
said, "I have gotten amanchild : m n ' “ nK 12^'K "IDKni
with the help o f the LORD. t . • • h-
Pc-Pa-ncms vqp3ms Po-np
ncfscX3ms Pc-vqw3fsXa Pc-
vqw3fsXa Po-np Pc-vqw3fs vqplcs
ncms Pp-np
When this is seen next to Gen 4:17, comparison of the w e - x - q a t a l and
WAYYIQTOL is facilitated.
Ill
Cain had relations with his wife lFll^K~nN ]'’p y i* l Gen 4:1
and she conceived, and gave _ ’,
birth to Enoch ^
Pc-vqw3ms np Po-ncfscX3ms Pc-
vqw3fsXa Pc-vqw3fsXa Po-np
There are several dimensions of this word order variation. The proposal here is
that both the w a y y iq t o l and the w e-x -q a t a l are motivated by narrative strategy.
Specifically with reference to the w e -x -q a t a l , analysis of its occurrences requires
attention to all three components, the I, the nominal item, and the q a t a l in order to work
toward an answer to questions like why Gen 4:1 has w e -x - q a t a l and Gen 4:17 starts
with a WAYYIQTOL.
9.1.2.3 Summary
The goal in these preliminary comments is to alert the reader so that careful
attention is given to:
1) these word order patterns, and
2) the contextual factors which motivate them
In the display of the data below, some of the sections deal with occurrences of
WE-X-QATAL or intervening clauses following the particular temporal expressions being
discussed. Observations regarding the syntactic pattems and word order variations are
made following these sections of data.
9.3 Temporal Expressions with ’’n’Jl

The presentation of the data in this chapter is very similar to that o f the previous
one, but the nature o f the data itself requires the explicit discussion of certain
grammatical or syntactic features. One of the main differences between the data in
273
chapters eight and nine is the fact that the verbal occurrences of ''n 'l in chapter eight are
independent clauses, whereas those which are presented in this chapter are dependent
clauses. For this reason, the description in chapter eight deals primarily with the
elements in the individual clause within which ■’H';! occurs, and now, the description must
take into account not only the dependent clause in which T I'l is found, but also the other
clause(s) to which ■’n'Jl is connected. As Gropp comments, “[t]he construction wayhi ke-
/be- + infinitive construct syntactically requires a main verb to follow” (Gropp 1995,
203). Consequently, the following sections of occurrences of 'n ']! are classified by
whether the next verbal form following is a w a y y iq t o l , or a q a t a l , or a w e -x -
qatal. By making these classifications, certain questions about the patterning o f ’’n ' l can
be explored, seeking to discern whether there are pragmatic motivations for these
pattems.
The verbal uses o f ( C h a p t e r 8) are not surprising or unusual even though the
semantic range of n ' n may exceed that of some other verbs. However, the use of T l'l in
temporal expressions tends to stretch the notion of “verb,” since in many contexts it is—
as many have claimed—indeed clumsy and awkward to translate these occurrences of
■’n il as a verb. For example, consider two possible translations of 1 Sam 20:35:
nit&n iniln*; 'rfji i sam

nas;
1) Now it came about in the morning that Jonathan went....
2) In the morning, Jonathan went....
274
In terms o f English style, the second option is arguably more colloquial, but it
must be acknowledged that the first option alerts the English reader to the presence of
■’rfjl. This does not mean, however, that “now it came about” gives the reader access to
the function o f ‘’n'Jl. In fact, it may appear to be nothing more than a strange Hebraism
when translated this way. Part of the awkwardness of translating ■'H';! as a verb when it
occurs in temporal expressions may be because it is not functioning as a verb in these
occurrences.
This is where the crucial question is not “What is 'n ’l?” but “What is ’’n il’s
function?” The answer to the first question is that ’ri’;! is a verb—as chapter eight has
clearly demonstrated. The answer to the second question is that Tf;! may indeed be a
verb, but its function in temporal expressions may not be to state the prepositional
content “and it was” or “and it happened.”
Syntactically, the ’’n'^l of temporal clauses does not have the same conneetion that
has in its verbal oeeurrences. This, in fact, is one of the most remarkable differences
between the verbal and temporal uses o f ’’n';!. Verbal ’’n’^l is directly linked to the clause,
as stated in 8.1, as the nuclear verb of the clause where the person, number, and gender
match that of the subject of the clause. The temporal use o f ’’ri'^l does not have the same
syntactic link to the clause with which it occurs. This raises an important issue in the
analysis o f'’n il’s function in temporal expressions since certain ones can occur with or
without ’’nil. If all temporal expressions occurred with an obligatory ’’1111, the analysis
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
275
would be much more straightforward. This, of course, is not the case, since the following
contrast is attested:
D1*3 Gen 22:4
34:25
The question of what ‘'H']! contributes to Gen 34:25 that is not in Gen 22:4 is
unavoidable. If ‘'n 'l is not a necessary part o f all temporal expressions, then why is it
used where it does occur? This is no longer a matter of clause syntax, but requires
exploration of the possible discourse-pragmatic motivations for its use. This is one of the
reasons why it is necessary to not only study the occurrences o f ’’n 'l itself, but also the
various constructions which occur with it.
Even though with a temporal expression does not have the same syntactic ties
to the clause as it does in its verbal uses, this does not mean that ’’H’;! used temporally has
lost every connection to used verbally. It is helpful to consider ’’n']! from the
standpoint of the process of grammaticalization. According to Hopper and Traugott,
“[w]hen a content word assumes the grammatical characteristics of a function word, the
form is said to be ‘grammaticalized’” (Hopper and Traugott 1993,4). In the process of
assuming another function, it is common for there to be some loss of certain aspects of
the previous form’s function and meaning (Hopper and Traugott 1993,2-4).
In its verbal uses, ’’n^l or ■'Hni is the required nuelear verb o f the independent
clause in which they occur. When ■'H')! occurs in temporal expressions, several
morphosyntactic differences are noted:
276
1) ■'n'l is the only form attested in temporal expressions, 'n ril never
occurs
2) h a s n o e x p lic it s u b j e c t in th e tem p o ra l c la u se
3) ■
’n 'l has no nominal or adjectival complement in the temporal clause
It is not possible to explain or reconstruct the precise circumstances under which a
verb like ■'n'l becomes grammaticalized or takes on another function. What is possible,
however, from a functional-typological perspective, is
1) to id e n tify th e fu n c tio n s o f rTH a s an e q u a tiv e verb or c o p u la that m a k e

it a likely candidate for 'n ' l ’s flinctions in temporal expressions, and
2) to find cross-linguistic support in other languages where a similar

p h en om en on occurs
The grammaticalization of deictics is discussed by Hopper and Traugott, stating
that “deictics may be used for metalinguistic functions involving clause reference in order
to achieve overt linking of clauses” (Hopper and Traugott 1993,178). The deictic use of
T I'l is proposed as one o f the cognitive links or associations between the verbal uses and
the temporal uses. Hopper and Traugott cite Swahili, Japanese, and Chickasaw as
evidence o f other languages in which copula constructions are grammaticalized as clause
linkers (Hopper and Traugott 1993, 179). This does not mean, however, that the d e ic t ic
meaning “there is” is directly transported from the verbal to the temporal use, but rather
that there is a cognitive association in DEICTIC function. This is very similar to how T is
described in 6.3.1.3, in the sense that it is the function and not the lexical meaning that is
in focus. Likewise, with regard to ’’n ' l , it is the d e ic t ic function that needs to be kept in
focus in the analysis of its use in temporal expressions.
211
The Cognitive Orientation introduced in 5.2.5 provides helpful concepts for
describing this deictic function of ■'FI'l, which will be discussed in more detail in Chapter
10. The point here is to state this hypothesis as a way of explaining the conneetion
between the verbal and temporal uses of ''n 'l. This chapter now proceeds with the
display o f the occurrences of ’'n 'l used in temporal expressions.
9.3.1 With IFTKrTnK
Occurring 39 times, this temporal construction explicitly establishes a temporal
reference, after which the next events take place. In some cases, the baekward-reference
is very general: nVKH n 'l n i n lOK ‘'n*',! after these things', in other eases, the reference
is to a very specific event in the past; Dni!3K nlD ''TnK ''7}’'^ after the death o f Abraham.
The “these things” expression, for example, is a ease of a special nominal element
following in K ■'Il'l. This gives further reinforcement to the claim that the reference is
not temporal in the sense of referring to the passage of an amount of time, but rather it
establishes a preceding set of events as the frame of reference. In these occurrences, no
significant difference is detected between “10^? and but it should be noted,
however, that only p “'’“jnK occurs; there are no occurrences of p “inK .
In all of the following examples o f ’’n ' l with “IfiK or ‘’“inK , the basic pattern is the
same:
' See also §39.2 in BHRG where “lOK and ‘'“inX are treated in the same section with no
distinction.
278
2 Sam 17:21 Infinitive Construct: Dnp^
Gen 25:11 Noim Phrase: onipK nlQ
Gen 22:20 Noun Phrase: n^Kn o n p i n

Judg 16:4 Adverb: 1?
Figure 23: Pattern o C n il with lOK

After each section which displays the data, a brief statement is made about the
preceding context of each example. More detailed discussion of these sections is found in
the summary in 9.3.1.4.
9.3.1.1 “After these things”
The following examples are the occurrences o f ‘'H')! with the specific temporal
phrase nVKH D'’T pin "IFIK, literally after these things, found in Gen 22:1, 20; 39:7; 40:1;
48:1; Josh 24:29; 1 Kgs 17:17,21:1.
9.3.1.1.1 Followed b y w a y y iq t o l
In four instances, the next verbal item following Till is a w a y y i q t o l .
After these things, Abraham was O n ip K V I I T nVKH D n p i n n H K TI";! Gen

told, “Milcah also has borne , 22:20
children to your brother Nahor: 7
PcwqwSmsXaFdPa-ncmpPa-acp K in " D a n3*?Q m * ? ' H3n
Pc-vHw3ms Pp-np Pp-vqc Pi I t t, t - t .- tit
vqpSfs np Pc-pi3fs ncmp Pp-np
ncmscX2ms
After these events his master's Ktoni nYKn’ DniYn in 'nii "oenTq:?
wife looked with desire at
Joseph, and she said, “Lie with ciai? "igKni nT ;r"nK
me. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd Pa-ncmp Pa-acp
P c-v q w 3 fs n cfsc-ncm pcX 3m s Po-
ncfdcX3fs Pp-np Pc-vqw3fs vqvms
PpXlcs
279
After these things Joseph was D n a in n n » 'n i l Gen48:i
told, “Behold, your father is
sick. ” So he took his two sons n ^ 'i n^n nan "iqk'i
Manasseh and Ephraim with
:D'iDK"nKi ni&aD"nK 1017 vn
him.
Pc-vqw3ms Pp-np Pi ncmscX2ms
vqPms Pc-vqw3ms Po-amdc
ncmpcX3ms PpX3ms Po-np Pc-Po-
np
After these things, Joshua the i7_^lni npii hVkh D'lpin 'inN 'mi
son o f Nun, the servant o f the
LORD, died, being one hundred "1^91 n K p - p n in i iir - j3
and ten years old.
Pc-vqw3ms np ncmsc-np ncms np
ncmsc-afs Pc-afs ncfp
The immediately preceding context of each of these examples is as follows:
♦Gen 22:20 Abraham stayed in Beersheba
♦Gen 39:7 Joseph is described as being handsome
♦Gen 48:1 Joseph made a promise to Israel
♦Josh 24:29 Joshua dismissed the people
These examples provide an interesting contrast in Gen 22:20 and Gen 48:1. The
WAYYIQTOLS after the temporal expressions are:
Gen 22:20 0n"13KV I P l Abraham was told
Gen 48:1 “ipK 'l Joseph was told
The Hofal w a y y iq t o l in Gen 22:20 is perhaps more expected in this context than
the Qal w a y y iq t o l in Gen 48:1. This is not the place to enter into a lengthy discussion,
but the unusual nature of the Qal in Gen 48:1 needs to be acknowledged and there needs
to be some consideration of possible motivating factors. GKC §144d lists Gen 48:1 as an
example o f the third person used to indicate an “indefinite personal subject” (GKC 1910,
280
460) as in English “they say” or in similar expressions in the Romanee languages. This is
an important area of further research, but is beyond the scope of the present study.
9.3.1.1.2 Followed b y qatal
In three cases, the first verbal element to follow the temporal expression is a
QATAL.
After these things, the cupbearer D n a in io r 'rf;i Gen40:i

and the baker for the king o f
Egypt offended their lord, the nDRni Dn:sQ"^^Q w on
king o f Egypt.
:Dn:?n
vqp3cp ncmsc ncms-np Pc-Pa-
vqPms Pp-ncmpcX3mp Pp-ncms np
After these things, the son o f the
woman, the mistress o f the
house, became sick; and his nV?3 ni^Kn“)3 nVn ™
sickness was so severe that there
was no breath left in him.
iKD pxo T*pn 'n il
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd Pa-ncmp Pa-acp :nni^:i i3~nnnl]"R^ ni?
vqp3ms ncmsc-Pa-ncfs ncfsc Pa-
ncms Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3ms
ams Pd Pp Pr Pn-vnp3fs-PpX3ms
ncfs
After these things Naboth the
Jezreelite had a vineyard which
was in Jezreel beside the palace 'VR3?lx*n nl3]V nin did ‘
ofAhab king o f Samaria.
3RnK *?D'n
ncms vqp3ms Pp-np Pa-np Pr Pp-np
Pp ncmsc np ncms np
The immediately preceding context of each of these examples is as follows:
♦Gen 40:1 Joseph is in prison
♦ 1 Kgs 17:17 They had food for a long time
♦1 Kgs 21:1 The king went back to Samaria
The back-referenee in these examples is not to £iny specific event, but rather to the
preceding section of the narrative as a whole. The q a t a l which follows the temporal
281
e x p r e s s io n in d ic a te s th at eith er th e e v e n t to o k p la c e o r th e state o f a ffa irs e x is t e d p rior to
th e e v e n t o f th e first w a y y iq t o l o f th e n arrative w h ic h fo llo w s .
9.3.1.1.3 Followed b y w e -x - q a t a l
In one instance, the verbal element following the temporal clause is w e - x - q a t a l .
After these things, God tested nVKH □ ‘’13111 l l l K Gen 22:1

Abraham, and said to him, ' ,
‘Abraham!” And he said, “Here DK HD]
I""* ^ Pd Pa-ncmp Pa-acp

Pc-vqw3msXa o ••• iQK’i
••• - o m iK- id k i
Pc-Pa-ncmp vpp3ms Po-np Pc-
vqw3ms PpX3ms np Pc-vqw3ms
PiXlcs
The immediately preceding context o f this example is as follows:
♦Gen 22:1 Abraham was in Philistia a long time
As in the previous examples with C l l i n IHK ■’H']!, the amount o f time
that passed since the preceding events of the narrative is uncertain. The question from
the Gen 22:1 example is how the temporality of the w e - x -QATAL 103 □'’n^Krfl is related
to the clause with This is a further example of the reason why it is crucial to
imderstand the function o f the w e -x -q a t a l . The n a s b renders the first part of this verse
“Now it came about after these things, that God tested Abraham,” but from this
translation, there is no way to tell whether the Hebrew has the WE-X-QATAL or a
WAYYIQTOL. Wcnham comments, for example, that
[t]he introduction, ‘After these things God tested Abraham,’ is of great

moment, both from a dramatic and a theological perspective. It serves to
cushion the listener from the full impact of the horrific command to
Abraham, and it diverts attention from the question whether Isaac will be
sacrificed to whether Abraham will stand up to the test. ‘After these
things’ suggests that some time has elapsed between this trial of Abraham
and the events recorded in chap. 21. (Wenham 1994, 103)
282
Wenham also comments regarding the use of D''n^K that “[i]t is unusual that this
story begins with this generic form rather than with his personal name, ‘the Lord’”
(Wenham 1994,103). It is surprising, however, that there is no mention of the word
order. Regarding this aspect of Gen 22:1, Hamilton comments that
[njormal Hebrew syntax calls for the verb to precede the subject; hence we
would expect: ‘tested Elohim Abraham.’ But the placing of the subject
first, as here, draws special attention to it: ‘the Elohim—^he tested
Abraham! ’ Since the ‘he’ is already contained in the verb, ‘the Elohim’
must be taken as a casus pendens. (Hamilton 1995,101)
Comments like these show the important role that grammar and syntax play in
how commentators interpret aspects o f the text. Their grammatical tradition and
analytical perspective play a fundamental role in what is perceived as significant and
noteworthy. For example, Speiser’s comments on Gen 22:1 are as follows:
God put Abraham to the test. Heb. is inverted for emphasis, and the effect
is heightened by the definite article with Elohim. The idea is thus
conveyed that this was no ordinary procedure, but that God had a
particularly important objective in mind. But the precise shading is
difficult to determine. It might be that God chose to do so, or that it was an
exceptional test. (Speiser 1964,162)
It is clear from these comments that how these syntactic features are perceived
can greatly influence the importance that is attributed to them. Full discussion of the role
and function o f the WE-x -QATAL is not possible here, but it would be necessary for a
complete analysis of why this part of Gen 22:1 is Dn"JIlR“nK HD? D‘’n^Kn'l rather than
HD]';*). The text needs to be accepted as it is, but comprehensive
analysis involves understanding the factors which motivate the different syntactic options
available in the language. Neither analysis above of the w e - x - q a t a l —as casus pendens
283
or as emphasis—^provides a satisfactory answer to the question o f its function here. This
is an issue which requires more detailed analysis and research.
9.3.1.1.4 Analytical Summary of the “After these things” Use of ’’n'l
First of all, these occurrences provide excellent evidence for why all the data
needs to be considered in the study of an item like ’’Hll. As mentioned in 2.4.3, on the
basis of the occurrences in Genesis, it is not only reasonable but methodologically valid
to formulate a hypothesis regarding the possible temporal-structuring-function of this
phrase. When all the data is compiled, however, the apparent importance based on
Genesis is mitigated by the fact that "inK only occurs three other times in
what do not appear to be narratively strategic uses of the expression. This does not
necessarily invalidate the expression’s potentially significant role in Genesis, but it does
caution against making generalizations based only on its occurrences there.
There is a sense in which the narrative preceding the '’1311 leads up to or is
logically prior, but the coimection is not very precise. A comparison of English versions
of Gen 39:7 and 40:1 shows the following differences in how “after these things” has
been rendered:
Gen 39:7
NASB NIV NRSV NLT
It came about after And after a while And after a time And about this time
these events
Gen 40:1
NASB NIV NRSV NLT
Then it came about Some time later. Some time after Some time later,
after these things, this.
284
“inK does not specify the exact amount of time that has passed, and “these things”
cannot be read as a specific reference to certain events that were the direct cause of what
follows. It is certainly true that a certain amount of time has to transpire for the
D'’"!3in to take place, but this is not literally a temporal reference. For example,
referring to Gen 39:7, Hamilton comments that “[t]he these things with which the verse
begins refers hack to Potiphar’s entrusting Joseph with the supervision o f his household”
(Hamilton 1995, 463). In contrast, explicit temporal reference is seen in the following
examples:
After a considerable time Skua's 173127-03 noni D'o*n 33"j*i Gen

daughter, the wife o f Judah, 38:12
died;
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3fs
ncfs-np ncfsc-np
After many days, when the

LORD had given rest to Israel
D'31 Josh 23:1
from all their enemies on every 3"3Q0 nin";

side, and Joshua was old,
advanced in years,
K3 “ipt
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmp amp Pd Pr-
vhp3ms np Pp-np Pp-ncmsc-
vqPmpcX3mp Pp-Pd Pc-np vqp3ms
vqp3ms Pp+Pa-ncmp
After many days the word o f the n;n m’n';-“i3l3 o^’a i IKgs
LORD came to Elijah in the 18:1
third year, saying, "IQK> 031^3
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmp amp Pc-
ncmsc-np vqp3ms Pp-np Pp+Pa-
ncfs Pa-afs Pp-vqc
After many days you will be ip s n D'Q'a Ezek
summoned; 38:8
Pp-ncmp amp vni2ms
Since explicit temporal reference is possible by these and other means, the
translation of hVk H D‘'“!3'3n examples should be expressed in a way that maintains
reference to the preceding events. It should be noted, but will not be discussed here, that
285
the temporal reference in Ezek 38:8 is the same as Josh 23:1, except for the ''n 'l. The
issue o f the occurrence o f temporal expressions like these without ‘'n 'l is discussed in
Chapter 10.
The full analysis of these occurrences needs to also take into consideration the
following instances of D'’13‘in “IIJK w/t/zowt TI'l. Previous comments regarding
the relatively low frequency o f occurrence of this expression remain essentially valid,
since there are only five occurrences without ‘'ri‘|l, making a grand total of thirteen.
Notice that nnX, ''10^, and inK*] are all found. The in the Ezra example indicates the
intervening text that is not displayed.
After these things the word o f n in riD T cenis:!

the LORD came to Abram in a
vision, saying, “Do notfear, DIDK KTFl-’PK nTnaS
Abram, I am a shield to you;
HKip n a in 'f? ]jd 'ddk
Your reward shall be very
great. ”
Pd Pa-ncmp Pa-acp vqp3ms ncmsc-
np Pp-np Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-vqc Pd-
vqi2ms{ 1}Jm np piles ncms
PpX2fs ncmscX2ms vha Pd
After these things, in the reign o f “ Ea-aTTr
Artaxerxes king o f Persia, there
went up Ezra son ofSeraiah, son K itp D"i9“*nVa KHOcJnmK
o f Azariah, son ofHilkiah...
7:6a This Ezra went up from
n n t» " i3
Babylon... *?33D n*?I7 KITI? K^n Ezra 7:6a
Pc-Pd Pa-ncmp Pa-acp Pp-ncfsc np
ncms-np np ncmsc-np ncmsc-np
ncmsc-np
7:6a pi3ms np vqp3ms Pp-np
After these things when the
anger o f King Ahasuerus had
subsided, he remembered Vashti "IDT nan ■^6?d
and what she had done and what
had been decreed against her.
Pd Pa-ncmp Pa-acp Pp-vqc ncfsc
Pa-ncms np vqp3ms Po-np Pc-Po
Pr-vqp3fs Pc-Po Pr-vnp3ms PpX3fs
286
After these events King D n n in i n x Esth3:i
Ahasuerus promoted Haman, the
son o f Hammedatha the Agagite,
and advanced him and
iKDS-HK Dton
established his authority over all
the princes who were with him.
Pd Pa-ncmp Pa-acp vpp3ms Pa-
ncms np Po-np ncmsc-np Pa-np Pc-
vpw3msX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa Po-
ncmscX3ms Pp-Pp ncmsc-Pa-ncmp
Pr PpX3ms
After these acts o f faithfulness nVxn n a ^ n i o n n i n n n K 2Chr
Sennacherib king o f Assyria 32:1
came and invaded Judah and 10*1 0010*5 K5n 3*1010
besieged the fortified cities, and
n**?K nri?3V id k i n l i s s o D*iyo-*?i7
thought to break into them for
himself.
Pd Pa-ncmp Pc-Pa-ncfs Pa-acp
vqp3ms np ncms-np Pc-vqw3msXa
Pp-np Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pa-ncfp
Pa-vqslp Pc-vqw3ms Pp-vqcX3mp
PpX3ms
The immediately preceding context o f each o f these examples is as follows:
♦Gen 15:1 Abram conversed with the King o f Sodom
♦Ezra 7:1 Ezra enters the narrative
♦Esth 2:1 The edict is declared
♦Esth 3:1 Transition point back to the king
♦2 Chr32:l Enter Sennacherib, Hezekiah is still an active

participant
At first glance, there appears to be no difference between these examples and the
preceding ones with *011- The issue of the occurrence of examples like these without
*011 will be discussed in Chapter 10.
9.3.1.2 After: “ION *011
In the above examples, the constituent order is O^NO 0*1310 "ION *011, but in
the following examples, a nominal or verbal element takes the place of the oVn O 0*1310
287
these things. Notice that the verbal element immediately following the temporal
expression in these examples is a w a y y i q t o l .
9.3.1.2.1 After: nQK 'n n + NOUN
The reference to a preceding event in these examples is mueh more specific. In
the examples above with there is not a particular event, but a general
reference to what took place at a previous time. Four of the six examples here report the
replaeement of one person by another after the death of a previous leader. Even though
the expression in Ezek 16:23-24 all your wickedness encompasses a variety of
actions, it is still more speeifie than □‘’"inin.
4 te r the death o f Abraham, God nK D IJiaK n lD 'rF .l Gen

blessed his son Isaac; and Isaac ' , 9«.ii
lived by Beer-lahai-roi. PW - *>33 P O ? - “
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd ncmsc np Pc-
vpw3ms ncmp Po-np ncmscX3ms
after the plague, the LORD nm ti";! ûm
spoke to Moses and to Eleazar
the son o f Aaron the priest,
26:1
saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd Pa-ncfs Pc-
niDK*? irtan p n K - ia
vqw3ms np Pp-np Pc-Pp np ncmsc-
np Pa-ncms Pp-vqc
After the death o f Moses the -ii2Kh_ nji] l a y nln n n « "n";! i:i
servant o f the LORD, the LORD
spoke to Joshua the son o f Nun, noK*? ])r]2 mn*;
Moses'servant, saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd ncmsc np ncms
np Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-np ncmsc-np
vpPms np Pp-vqc
288
After the death o f Joshua the
sons o f Israel inquired o f the
LORD, saying, “Who shall go 'a id k *?
up first for us against the
:i3 DnVnV nVnna '3J733n"*7X
Canaanites, to fight against
them?”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd ncmsc np Pc-
vqw3mp ncmpc np Pp-np Pp-vqc pii
vqi3ms-PpXlcp Pp-Pa-np Pp+Pa-
ncfs Pp-vnc PpX3ms
After the death o f Saul, when nln nnK 2 Sam
David had returnedfrom the
slaughter o f the Amalekites, p*?nrn"nK nl3nn nn
David remained two days in
Ziklag.
:D"31^ D'q; 3lVp^3 111
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd ncmsc np Pc-np
vqp3ms Pp-vhc Po-Pa-np Pc-
vqw3msXa np Pp-np ncmp amd
“After all your wickedness

( ‘Woe, woe toyoul ’ declares the 16:23-24
Lord GOD), you built yourself a tmn*; "3lK DK3 -f?
shrine and made yourself a high
place in every square.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd ncmsc-ncfscX2fs
Pi Pi PpX2fs ncmsc np np Pc-
vqw2fs-PpX2fs ncms Pc-vqw2fs-
PpX2fs ncfs Pp-ncmsc-ncfs
9.3.1.2.2 After: ’’“inK ’’n il Followed by a verb
The difference in the following set of occurrences is that the temporal expression
is composed of ‘'"inK ■’n 'l + verb, rather than the nominal element foimd in the
preceding set.
9.3.1.2.2.1 Infinitive Construct
In this set, the verbal element that is part of the temporal clause is an infinitive
construct: ''"inK 'n 'l + i n f c . In these oceurrences as well, the verbal element following
the temporal expression is a w a y y i q t o l .
289
after they had departed, they DHD^ n n K 'n i l 2 Sam
came up out o f the well and went 17:21
and told King David; and they ■Fil i^V .l "iKsno
said to David, “Arise and cross
113171 i m p n i ~ * ? K n o K ' i
over the water quickly for thus
Ahithophel has counseled fj 7 1 n D D “ ' 3 D'nn"nK n i n n
against you. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd vqcX3mp Pc- :*7D n 'n K DD'*?17
vqw3mp Pp-Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3mp
Pc-vhw3mpXa Pp+Pa-ncms np Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-np vqvmp Pc-vqvmp
Pd Po-Pa-ncmp Pp-Pd vqp3ms
PpX2mp np
after he ate bread and after on^ W dk” 'in K ^nii ”
drank, he saddled the donkey for
him, for the prophet whom he :i3'c?n i^ K K'm*? U n n n iVu^nn*!
had brought back.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd vqcX3ms ncms
Pc-Pd vqcX3ms Pc-vqw3ms-
PpX3ms Pa-ncms Pp+Pa-ncms Pr
vhp3msX3ms
After he buried him, he spoke to iHK ii3 p ■’iriK 'n i l iKgs
his sons, saying, “When 1 die,
bury me in the grave in which IQK*? IQ K 'l
the man o f God is buried; lay my
bones beside his bones.
i3p3 'HK oninpi 'nlD3
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd vqcX3ms 13 113p D'n^^n U7*'K l^ K
PoX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pp-
ncmpcX3ms Pp-vqc Pp-vqcXlcs :'nQ3J7"nK in'in vnnxy
Pc-vqp2mp{2} PoXlcs Pp+Pa-
ncms Pr ncms Pa-ncmp vqsms
PpX3ms Pp ncfpcX3ms vhvmp Po-
ncfpcXlcs
After Amaziah came from o'aiiKTiK nisnn ihi^dk k 13 'inK 'nil ^chr
slaughtering the Edomites, he
brought the gods o f the sons o f QTQS711 l'37to '}3 'n^^~nK K311
Seir, set them up as his gods,
nip^l onî ninni^' Dn'BVi D'n^^<*? i*?
bowed down before them and
burned incense to them.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd vqc np Pp-vhc
Po-np Pc-vhw3msXa Po-ncmpc
ncmpc np Pc-vhw3msX3mp
PpX3ms Pp-ncmp Pc-Pp-
ncmpcX3mp vsi3ms Pc-PpX3mp
vpi3ms
The example in 1 Kgs 13:23 is noteworthy:
mine? 'in « i do!? i*?3« mr}« 'nil.

V L J V- ___ '-I__ -L>
Temporal Expression Temporal Expression
2 1
Figure 24: Coordinate Temporal Expressions
290
In particular, notice:
1) The coordinate structure of temporal expressions produeed by

n n K i ... n n K 'n ^ i
2) The parallel use of the infinitive constructs + Sms pronominal suffix
In addition to these observations of the syntactic components of 1 Kgs 13:23,
even more intriguing is the interplay here between '’n 'l and T This is an important area
for further research.
9 .3 .1 .2 .2 .2 Q atal
In th e fo llo w in g e x a m p le s , th e v erb a l e le m e n t o f th e te m p o r a l e x p r e s s io n w ith
■'n'l is a QATAL, w h ie h is th e n f o llo w e d b y a w a y y i q t o l .
After they had brought it iriN i3Dn n m isam

around, the hand o f the LORD
was against the city with very iKQ nm no "nm
great confusion; and He struck
the men o f the city, both young
liD^Q "I’vn y _i
and old, so that tumors broke on*? nnt& n
out on them.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd vhp3cp PoX3ms
Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfsc-np Pp+Pa-ncfs
ncfs afs Pd Pc-vhw3ms Po-ncmpc
Pa-ncfs Pp-ams Pc-Pp-ams Pc-
vnw3mp PpX3mp ncmp ncmp
After the LORD had spoken
these words to Job, the LORD
said to Eliphaz the Temanite,
“My wrath is kindled against
']Q'nn nin"; “idk*i
you and against your two
friends, because you have not ^3 nnn
spoken o f Me what is right as
My servant Job has. ;31*K '331^3 33133 03131 Vib '3
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd vpp3ms np Po-
Pa-ncmp Pa-acp Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms
np Pp-np Pa-np vqp3ms ncmscXlcs
PpX2ms Pc-Pp-amdc ncmpcX2ms
Pp Pn vpp2mp PpXlcs vnPfs Pp-
ncmscXlcs np
291
The following features of the context need to be considered:
♦1 Sam 5:9 In 1 Sam 5:8 the event of moving the ark was already narrated
hy 130*1. 130n resumes the narrative hy stepping hack and picking up the
previous event. Since this is not normal narrative succession, the Q A T A L is
used.
♦Job 42:7 The temporal expression in Job 42:7 does not occur in normal
narrative succession with what precedes it. 13"! inK *n*l encompasses
more than just the previous clause. The Lord has not just spoken. In fact,
Job is the previous speaker which is further evidence that 131. refers back
farther than the typical conversational interchange.
9.3.1.3 With p'-Tni?
The occurrences o f ]3“*“ini:<, hy the very semantic nature of p , makes reference
to what has preceded. The exact temporal reference to previous events depends on the
context.
9.3.1.3.1 Followed b y w a y y iq t o l
In the following set o f examples, the verbal element whieh immediately follows
]D *inK is a W A Y Y IQ T O L .
After this he loved a woman in P “'"l.nK 'n*l JudgI6:4

the valley ofSorek, whose name
was Delilah. inV V l 3nK*i
P c-vqw 3m sX a Pd-Pd P c-vqw 3m s
ncfs Pp-ncms np P c-ncm scX 3fs np
After David's conscience p-*-inN *n*l ISam

bothered him because he had cut 24:6
off the edge o f Saul's robe.
P c-vqw 3m sX a Pd-Pd P c-vhw 3m s
ncm s-np P oX 3m s Pp Pr vqp3m s Po-
ncfs Pr Pp-np
292
After that David inquired o f the p “ "“inK 'n ';i ^sam
LORD, seeing, “Shall I go up to
one o f the cities ofJudah? ” And iDK*? n p '3 n i l
the LORD said to him, “Go up. ”
nini nnK3 nVwKn
So David said “Where shall I
go up? ” And He said, “To :n n 3 n n*?i7K n3K m i n*?!?
Hebron. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd-Pd Pc-vqw3ms
np Pp-np Pp-vqc Pa-vqilcs Pp-afs
nclpc np Pc-vqw3ms np PpX3ms
vqvms Pc-vqw3ms np piiXd vqilcs
Pc-vqw3ms npXd
After this David defeated the m il 2 Sam
Philistines and subdued them; 8:1
and David took control o f the 1 1 1 ^11
chief city from the hand o f the
im n sK H iriQ “ n N i i i n^*i
Philistines.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd-Pd Pc-vhw3ms
np Po-np Pc-vhw3msX3mp Pc-
vqw3ms np Po-ncms Pa-ncfs Pp-
ncfsc np
After that the king o f the 2 Sam
P " '™ m il
Ammonites died, and Hanun his 10:1
son became king in his place. "33 1 ^ 0 nn*j_
ncms ncmpc np Pc-vqw3ms np t v n n n i3 3
ncmscX3ms PpX3ms
After this Absalom provided for ] 3 " in K a " n il 2 Sam
himself a chariot and horses and 15:1
fifty men as runners before him. □ " o p i n 3 3 " ja Di*?i^3K iV t& y n
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pd Pd Pc-
vqw3msXa PpX3ms np ncfs Pc- "n"3D*p D " ? l 0 "t^0 n i
ncmp Pc-abp ncms vqPmp Pp-
ncbpcX3ms
After this there was war again P " "" inK " m i 2 Sam
with the Philistines at Gob; then 21:18
Sibbecai the Hushathite struck o " n 0 3 " D i 3 3 1 3 3 n gn *70n n li7 - " n n i
down Saph, who was among the
«^D -nx "nt^nn " 3 3 0 n sn tx
descendants o f the giant.
Pc-yqw3msXa Pd-Pd Pc-vqw3fsXa- m D i n "i*?"3
Pd Pa-ncfs Pp-np Pp-np Pd vhp3ms
np Pa-np Po-np Pr Pp-ncmpc Pa-np
After this, Ben-hadad king o f P " m .n x " n il 2 Kgs
Aram gathered all his army and 6:24
went up and besieged Samaria. in 3 n a " ’? 3 " n x d i x " ^ ^ d f 3 |? » i
np ncms-np Po-ncmsc-ncbscX3ms 1311
Pc-vqw3msXa Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-np
' Note the 'inXQ rather than just ‘’“IHK.
293
After this David defeated the
Philistines and subdued them
and took Gath and its towns
from the hand o f the Philistines.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd-Pd Pc-vhw3ms
np Po-np Pc-vhw3msX3mp Pc-
vqw3ms Po-np Pc-ncfpcX3fs Pp-
ncfsc np
After this, Nahash the king o f the P " n n K "n";! >chr
sons o f Ammon died and his son
became king in his place. lljasy-'B nan
np ncms ncmpc-np Pc-vqw3ms
:vrinn i p
ncmscX3ms PpX3ms
After this, war broke out at P'">n^ 'nil
Gezer with the Philistines; then
Sibbecai the Hushathite killed " i m ngn*?Q ia??ni
Sippai, one o f the descendants o f
Bp-HK 'n ^ n n p p p nsn tk
the giants, and they were
subdued. ni7B»i D'KPnn
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd Pc-vqw3fs ncfs
Pp-np Pp-np Pd vhp3ms np Pa-np
Po-np Pp-ncmpc Pa-np Pc-vnw3mp
The immediately preceding context for each of these examples is:
♦Judg 16:4 After Samson carried off the Gaza town gates
♦ 1 Sam 24:6 After David cut the comer off Saul’s cloak
*2 Sam 2:1 After David’s song of lament over the death of Saul
and Jonathan
♦2 Sam 8:1 After David’s prayer of thanks
♦2 Sam 10:1 After David shows kindness to Mephibosheth
♦2 Sam 15:1 After Absalom’s reconciliation with David
♦2 Sam 21:18 After Abishai rescued David from the Philistine

giant, Ishbi-benob
♦2 Kgs 6:24 After the Arameans stopped raiding Israel
♦ 1 Chr 18:1 After David’s prayer of thanks
♦1 Chr 19:1 After the account of David’s military victories
294
♦ 1 Chr 20:4 After the capture of Rabbah
In these occurrences o f there is an unspecified lapse of time between the
conclusion of the preceding section of the narrative and the temporal expression. The use
o f the expression is very similar to nVRH D‘'1 3 in ’’“inK in its general back-
reference to the preceding narrative, p by itself is typically glossed as so, thus, and
BDB gives the literal meaning for the combination as “after so” (BDB 1996,
486). There is, however, no direct logical or causal connection between the preceding
event(s) and the one introduced by this temporal expression. The w a y y iq t o l which
follows is the expected next event in the narrative progression.
9.3.1.3.2 Followed b y q a ta l
In only two instances, the verbal element which immediately follows ]D“ '’“inX is
a QATAL.
after this the sons o f Moab and 'H I p 'ln K 2Chr

the sons o f Ammon, together
with some o f the Meunites, came :nan*?Q*7 D'3lQi7na Dncii7i
to make war against
Jehoshaphat.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd vqp3cp ncmpc-
np Pc-ncmpc np Pc-PpX3mp Pp-Pa-
np Pp-np Pp+Pa-ncfs
after this Joash decided to

restore the house o f the LORD.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd vqp3ms Pp-ncms
np Pp-vpc Po-ncmsc np
The immediately preceding context for these examples is:
♦2 Chr 20:1 After Jehoshaphat appointed judges in Jerusalem
♦2 Chr 24:4 After Joash became king
295
In 2 Chr 20:1, the QATAL indicates the anteriority of the kings’ coming
together: they had come together and then the report was sent.
Immediately prior to the oeeurrence in 2 Chr 24:4, 24:1-3 is an introductory
paragraph. The QATAL in 24:4 indicates that it had been on Joash’s mind to restore the
house of the Lord, then he called them together.
In one additional case, 2 Sam 13:1, the expression with p “ '’'inK comes after
David captured Rabbah. The temporal expression indicates a move forward to a new
temporal setting. This is then followed by a T + complex NOUN p h r a s e which provides
important setting information for the following narrative. It is difficult to reflect this well
in English, as seen in the NASB below:
Now it was after this that ]D“ '’”)nR ^

Absalom the son o f David had a T |-).i
beautiful sister whose name was IQI? m m HD; n lH R H V P
Tamar and Amnon the son o f
David loved her. • t i-.- i -r -r -
Pc-vqw3msXa Pd-Pd Pc-Pp-np
ncmsc-np ncfs afs Pc-ncmscX3fs np
Pc-vqw3msX3fs np ncmsc-np
Absalom “had” a beautiful sister reads as if this is the next event following the
passage of time, but the point is the introduction o f a new participant into the narrative.
This awkwardness was likely a decisive factor in the n l t ’ s rendering, “David’s son
Absalom had a beautiful sister.” The NLT properly introduces the sister, but
unfortunately the temporal link with the preceding narrative is lost. The precise amount
of time that has transpired is not in focus, but it is important to maintain reference to the
temporal transition as well as introduce the new participant into the narrative.
296
9.3.1.4 Summary of the Uses of “’“jnK ''n'll
■'inK “'n 'l is only one component of a larger set of temporal expressions with “IflK
as the base. The role of 'TI'l with "inK can only be discerned if it is seen in relief with the
other expressions. For example.
Afterward she bore a daughter and K " P n i D 3 I T lV HnXT Gen

named her Dinah. t ■ ^ ■ ... . • .r.., .
Afterward his brother came forth TFIK K 3 ’' '}D“ ''"inKl Gen
with his hand holding on to Esau's
heel, so his name was called Jacob;
and Isaac was sixty years old when , .
she gave birth to them. iD nK H I 7 3 il?!?
The occurrence o f both lO K l and ] 3 “ ''"inK‘] with q a t a l are in paradigmatic
relationship to raising important questions about the use of "'n'l compared with T
For example, under what narrative or pragmatic conditions does occur rather
than ]D“ '’"inK ‘’H';!? It is exactly this kind o f question that needs to be asked to further
explore the functions of
9.3.2 With Prepositions
It is very common in the world’s languages for prepositions to have quite diverse
functions. In a very general sense, prepositions are deictic indicators (words that point
out) and the spatial, temporal, and logical relationships they signal are often very closely
related. This is not just a descriptive, metalinguistic category, but these areas of deixis
are very closely related cognitively as metaphorical extensions.^ It is very common for
time and space to be related metaphorically. Specifically with reference to 3 in 9.3.2.1,
297
there is a close nexus between the spatial and temporal. As BHRG comments regarding
3, it indicates “a time frame in which an event or state of affairs needs to be positioned”
(van der Merwe, Naude, Kroeze 1999, 281). The first occurrence below, Gen 4:8,
provides a clear example:
Gen 4:8a nit&3 DHTnS 'n*;!
in the field in their being (i.e. while they were in the field)
The use of 3 to indicate location as in iTlte3 is metaphorically extended to the use
of 3 to mean “in” or “at” a particular time. As Lakoff and Johnson state, “[t]he essence
o f metaphor is understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another”
(Lakoff and Johnson 1980, 5). In their discussion of orientational metaphors, they
contend that these “metaphorical orientations are not arbitrary. They have a basis in our
physical and cultural experience” (Laikoff and Johnson 1980, 14). The experience of
being in a physical place as in nit&3 is metaphorically extended to being in time as in
Dni’'n3. This is the essence o f what Jouon-Muraoka is getting at in the following
statement that “3 indicates, properly speaking, the inclusion of an action in the time of
another” (Jouon-Muraoka 1996, 625). In other words, 3 draws the temporal circle within
which the action of the next independent clause takes place.
^BHRG also refers to the metaphorical uses of ’"irjR and Oy, on pages 277 and 293
respectively.
298
9.3.2.1 With I
The temporal occurrences of the preposition 3 with ''n 'l are divided into two main
sections:
9.3.2.1.1 Occurrences of Infinitive Construct in f c - 3 + ’’n 'l (pages 293-327)
9.3.2.1.2 Occurrences of Specific Temporal Reference -3 + (pages 328-61)
9.3.2.1.1 Occurrences of 'n 'l with 3 + Infinitive Construct
There are three sub-sections here, separating the occurrences on the basis of the
syntax of what follows the dependent clause with ''H';! and the infinitive construct. In the
first set o f examples, the infinitive construct is followed directly by the next verb which is
a WAYYIQTOL. In the second set, the verb following the infinitive construct is also a
WAYYIQTOL, but with the important difference that there are other clauses which
intervene. The presence of these intervening clauses requires careful analysis to ensure
the proper connection of the dependent temporal clause with its immediate context. The
third section has one occurrence where the next verb after the dependent clause is a
QATAL.
It is also significant to observe that two SUBJECT patterns obtain between the
temporal clause and the main clause. The temporal clause and the main clause may have
the same SUBJECT or they may be different. Genesis 11:2 is an example of s a m e su b je c t
and Num 10:35 of d i f f e r e n t s u b je c t .
When they journeyed east, they DJf033 ‘'n’'T

found a plain in the land o f
Shinar...
299
When the ark set out, Moses liK n r b n 'n ’ll Num
said...
n ^ n iQ K 'i
The significance o f being attentive to whether the subject changes or remains the
same is that it helps anticipate certain components of the syntactic structure and the
typical patterns of participant reference. For example, Gen 19:29 below follows the
pattern of same subject, but the explicit subject is repeated in both the temporal
and the main clause. The repetition of the subject is not syntactically required in the
main clause, but it eliminates any possible ambiguity in the third person participant
reference. Lot and Abraham have been the main third person participants in this part of
the narrative. Now, all of a sudden, is introduced as the subject, so the repetition
makes it clear that D’'n^K, not Lot, remembered Abraham.
In the following examples, there are certain syntactic features that require further
comment, but this will follow the display of the data.
The following occurrences of the ‘'n'Jl + -3 + iNFC are followed directly by a
WAYYIQTOL.
When they were in the field, ni1& 3 D n V r a •’n i l Oen4:8

Cain rose up against Abel his
brother and killed him. n n n n n rriK *?3n~*?K Dj?»i
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3mp Pp+Pa-
ncms Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-np
ncmscX3ms Pc-vqw3msX3ms
When they journeyed east, they □POn Gen 11:2
found a plain in the land o f
Shinar and settled there. ni?p3 IKISa*!
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3mp Pp-
ncms Pc-vqw3mp ncfs Pp-ncbs np
Pc-vqw3mp Pd
300
When God destroyed the cities o f ■'"iP'HK n n ^ 3 'n n oen
the valley, God remembered
Abraham, and sent Lot out o f the Dn"i3K"nK D’’n’?K n i r . i
midst o f the overthrow, when He
overthrew the cities in which Lot
□nrn-n>< ■^Dna nDDnn ^ln n
lived. ]n3
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc ncmp Po-
nclpc Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3ms ncmp Po-
np Pc-vpw3ms Po-np Pp-ncmsc Pa-
ncfs Pp-vqc Po-Pa-nclp Pr-vqp3ms
PpX3ij) np
When she was in severe labor n n i V s nnt2?pn3 Gen

the midwife said to her, “Do not 35:17
fear, for now you have another n iV 'Q n n b " igK m
son. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhcX3fs Pp- *15 n r o r '?
vqcX3fs Pc-vqw3fs PpX3fs Pa-
vpPfs Pd-vqi2fs{ 1} Jm Pp-Pc-ams
PpX2fs ncms
When her soul was departing nng ^3 n K ? 3 ’n-;! Gen
(for she died), she named him 35:18
Ben-oni; but his father called V 3 « l ' 3 l N - ] 3 ia c ? KTj?m
him Benjamin.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncfscX3fs Pp
vqpSfs Pc-vqw3fs ncmscX3ms np
Pc-ncmscX3ms vqp3ms-PpX3ms np
While Israel was dwelling in that K in n f" iK 3 pu?3 Gen
land, Reuben went and lay with 35:22
Bilhah his father's concubine, V 3N n n ‘?3" n K 33tZ?»T ■j3W"l
and Israel heard o f it.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Pp+Pa- 3 j ? i7 r 'a 3 r n n .
ncbs Pa-pi3fs Pc-vqw3msXa np Pc-
vqw3ms Po-np ncfs ncmscX3ms Pc-
vqw3ms np Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc-np
amd ams
While she was giving birth, one n i V .n n njpni i r i n * i n n i* ? 3 ■’n i l Gen
put out a hand, and the midwife 38:28
took and tied a scarlet thread on :n3e?K"j K s : n i ' 3^ inr*??? " > % fii
his hand, saying, “This one
came outfirst. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3fs Pc-
vqw3ms-ncfs Pc-vqw3fs Pa-vpPfs
Pc-vqw3fs Pp-ncfscX3ms ncms Pp-
vqc ams vqp3ms afs
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission .
301
When the ark set out, Moses p K n j7 o n 'n i l
said, “Rise up, O LORD! And let
Your enemies be scattered. And
let those who hate Youflee
nI 'TV X
J -H T , mV nI ' nbip
V I
before You. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncbs Pc- :^ B b
vqw3ms np vqvmsXaXh np Pc-
vqi3mpXa{ 1} Jm vqPmpcX2ms Pc-
vqi3mp{ 1} Jm vpPmpcX2ms Pp-
ncbpcX2ms
When the congregation
assembled against Moses and 17:7
Aaron, they turned toward the UVU inoD m m i??la 13D*1
(16:42)
tent o f meeting, and behold, the
cloud covered it and the glory o f
:mn' 1123 Kl'T
the LORD appeared
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vnc Pa-ncfs Pp-
np Pc-Pp-np Pc-vqw3mp Pp-ncms
ncms Pc-Pi vpp3msX3ms Pa-ncms
Pc-vnw3msXa ncmsc np
When Joshua was by Jericho, he ■in'T3 s?i^lni nl'n3 'n il Josh5:i3

lifted up his eyes and looked,
and behold, a man was standing V TV
opposite him with his sword
in i3 nDi*7i^ i3"!0i ni]*? nni?
drawn in his hand, and Joshua
went to him and said to him, snîni n ^ ll
“Are you for us or for our
adversaries? ” nrn2?*?-0N nnK id k î
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Pp-np Pc-
vqw3ms ncfdcX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa
Pc-Pi-ncms vqPms Pp-PpX3ms Pc-
ncfscX3ms vqsfs Pp-ncfscX3ms Pc-
vqw3msXa np PpX3ms Pc-vqw3ms
PpX3ms Pg-PpXlcp pi2ms Pd-Pp-
ncmpcXlcp
When she came to him, she riKl33 'm i
persuaded him to ask her father
for a field. So she alightedfrom nito n'3K"nKb irrn'pm
the donkey, and Caleb said to
her, “What do you want? ”
i1bnn *?ya mxni
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3fs Pc- qV "nb 3*?3 n V ib K 'i
vhw3fsX3ms Pp-vqc Pp-Pp-
ncmscX3fs ncms Pc-vqw3fs Pp-Pp
Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms-PpX3fs np pii-
PpX2fs
302
When she came to him, she n X l3 3 ' n i l Judg 1:14
persuaded him to ask her father
for a field. Then she alighted nnton n'3K -nKn in n 'o n i
from her donkey, and Caleb said
to her, “What do you want? ”
ilo n n Vp q n is n i
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3fs Pc- :n^~nn 3*?3 rrViDK*!
vhw3fsX3ms Pp-vqc Pp-Pp-
ncmscX3fs Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3fs Pp-
Pp Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms-PpX3fs np
pii-PpX2fs
When he arrived, he blew the 'n il Judg 3:27
trumpet in the hill country o f
Ephraim; and the sons o f Israel D'lDK n n s upn*i
went down with him from the hill
country, and he was infront o f
"inn“ in *?K‘ito'"']3 iias? nn*.i
them. :Dn'3D*? K3m
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3ms Pc-
vqw3ras Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-ncms np
Pc-vqw3mp PpX3ms ncmpc-np Pp-
Pa-ncms Pc-pi3ms Pp-ncmpcX3mp
When the flame went up from the

altar toward heaven, the angel
o f the LORD ascended in the
flame o f the altar. When
Manoah and his wife saw this,
they fell on their faces to the
ground.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncms Pp-
Pp Pa-ncms Pa-ncmpXd Pc-
vqw3msXa ncmsc-np Pp-ncms Pa-
ncms Pc-np Pc-ncfscX3ms vqPmp
Pc-vqw3mp Pp-ncmpcX3mp
ncfsXd
When they entered, he looked at 3K'bX“hx K"!!l DK133 'm i ’
Eliab and thought, “Surely the
LORD'S anointed is before :in'u?Q n p i 11]
Him. ’’
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3mp Pc-
vqw3msXa Po-np Pc-vqw3ms Pd
Pp np amscX3ms
As they were coming, when
David returnedfrom killing the
Philistine, the women came out VKito' 'i9 "* 7 |n D'tîn n w ^ n i
o f all the cities o f Israel, singing
nxij?*? nlVnani
and dancing, to meet King Saul,
with tambourines, with jo y and D 's ra n^Qn
with musical instruments.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3mp Pp-vqc
np Pp-vhc Po-Pa-np Pc-vqw31p Pa-
ncfp Pp-ncmsc-ncl^c np Pp-vqc Pp-
vqc Pc-Pa-nclp Pp-vqc np Pa-ncms
Pp-ncmp Pp-ncfs Pc-Pp-ncmp
303
Now Jonathan, Saul's son, had a n?:) in3ln"Vi 2 Sam
son crippled in his feet. He was 4:4
five years old when the report o f
Saul and Jonathan came from
Dim iniiQK lOJln'i
Jezreel, and his nurse took him
up andfled. When she hurried to
flee, he fell and became lame.
And his name was :n^3'Dia nosn
Mephibosheth.
Pc-Pp-np ncmsc-np ncms amsc ncfd
ncmsc-afs ncfp vqp3ms Pp-vqc
ncfsc np Pc-np Pp-np Pc-
vqw3fsX3ms vqPfsX3ms Pc-
vqw3fsXa Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-
vqcX3fs Pp-vqc Pc-vqw3ms Pc-
vnw3ms Pc-ncmscX3ms np
As Joab kept watch on the city,
he put Uriah at the place where
he knew there were valiant men. ''D 37T DlpHn-*?K ]w.\
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Pp-Pa-
ncfs Pc-vqw3ms Po-np Pp-Pa-ncms
Pr vqp3ms Pp ncmpc-ncms Pd
When David was in Edom, and D nxT iK 111 nV na >^gs
Joab the commander o f the army
had gone up to bury the slain,
and had struck down every male
in Edom (for Joab and all Israel
:D11K3 T-'l
stayed there six months, until he
had cut off every male in Edom),
Hadad fled to Egypt, he and :0 n K 3 33r*^3 nnDn-117
certain Edomites o f his father's '131?n D"»QlK D'^3K1 K3H m.K ni3*l
servants with him, while Hadad
was a young boy. 13?3_ ITTfl D nxn IHK V3K
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Po-np Pp-
vqc np ncms Pa-ncbs Pp-vpc Po-Pa-
ncmp Pc-vhw3ms ncmsc-ncms Pp-
np Pp amsc ncmp vqp3ms-Pd np
Pc-ncmsc-np Pp-vhp3ms ncmsc-
ncms Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms np pi3ms
Pc-ncmp np Pp-ncmpc ncmscX3ms
PpX3ms Pp-vqc np Pc-np ncms ams
304
So Elijah went to show himself nKriK-’?K nlKin*? i ^gs
to Ahab. Now the famine was
severe in Samaria. Ahab called Pin □Pin'!
Obadiah who was over the
n'3n"Vj7
household (Now Obadiah
feared the LORD greatly; when nxn k t nin
Jezebel destroyed the prophets
o f the LORD, Obadiah took a n p i *'K"33 HK n n s n a 'n n
hundred prophets and hid them 0^X33 nxn np*i
by fifties in a cave, and provided
them with bread and water.)
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-vnc Pp-np Pc-
Pa-ncms ams Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms np :D'DT on*?
Pp-np Pr Pp-Pa-ncms Pc-np vqp3ms
ams Po-np Pd Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-
vhc np Po ncmpc np Pc-vqw3ms np
afs ncmp Pc-vhw3msX3mp abp
ncms Pp+Pa-ncfs Pc-
vdp3msX3mp{2} ncms Pc-ncmp
At the time o f the offering o f the

evening sacrifice, Elijah the
prophet came near and said, “O nn"j3X "nVx nin-; “iox*i
LORD, the God o f Abraham,
Isaac and Israel, today let it be
nnX“ '3 Dl*n ‘?X"Jto’!'!
known that You are God in :p i3 13 3 :|13J7 ■'3X1 *?Xlto':3 D'H^X
Israel and that I am Your
servant and I have done all these :nVxn D‘'‘!3“in“*?3 nx
things at Your word.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncfs Pc-
vqw3ms np Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms np
ncmpc np np Pc-np Pa-ncms
vni3ms{ 1}Jm Pp-pi2ms ncmp Pp-
np Pc-pilcs ncmscX2ms Pc-Pp-
ncmpcX2ms Pc-Pp-ncmscX2ms
vqplcs Po ncmsc-Pa-ncmp Pa-acp
When the LORD was about to ’’’'n'TyD3 3ni^’x^^^ 'n^l ” 2Kgs2:r
take up Elijah by a whirlwind to
heaven, Elijah went with Elisha :*?3V3in-jn 3t^"Vxi 3n:Vx l ^ l l
from Gilgal.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhc np Po-np
Pp+Pa-ncfs Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3msXa
np Pc-np Pp-Pa-np
Because God was helping the

Levites who were carrying the 15:26
ark o f the covenant o f the i n a r i n p ';- n ''i3 ]13X "Xto3
LORD, they sacrificed seven
bulls and seven rams.
nU3B?T D"TD"ni73C?
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncmp Po-
Pa-np vqPmpc ncbsc ncfs-np Pc-
vqw3mp afs-ncmp Pc-ams ncmp
305
When the command and decree in n 'n i l Esth 2:8
o f the king were heard and many
young ladies were gathered to ’in nrV K n T 3 n n l 3 i nUiy]
the citadel o f Susa into the
I^Hn n ’3"*?K inoK npVni
custody o f Hegai, Esther was
taken to the king’s palace into :D’c?3n "int? 'i n nr*?«
the custody o f Hegai, who was in
charge o f the women.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vnc ncmsc-Pa-
ncms Pc-ncfscX3ms Pc-Pp-vnc ncfp
afp Pp-np Pa-ncfs Pp-ncfsc np Pc-
vnw3fs np Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncms Pp-
ncfsc np vqPms Pa-ncfp
when Nebuchadnezzar king o f
Babylon came up against the
land, we said, ‘Come and let us D’ntoSn V'n '330 Kl331 W 3 nQK3l
go to Jerusalem before the army
:D*?Bî"l’3 3«?3T DIK *?'H ’3303
o f the Chaldeans and before the
army o f the Arameans. ’ So we
have dwelt in Jerusalem. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np ncms-np
Pp-Pa-ncbs Pc-vqwlcp vqvmp Pc-
vqilcp{ 1}Cm np Pp-ncbpc ncmsc
Pa-np Pc-Pp-ncbpc ncmsc np Pc-
vqwlcp Pp-np
When He commanded the man
clothed in linen, saying, “Take
fire from between the whirling D’31-|3V nl3’3Q nl3’30
wheels, from between the
cherubim, ” he entered and stood
:]31KH 1D17!1 N3n
beside a wheel.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpcX3ms Po-Pa-
ncms vqsms-Pa-ncmp Pp-vqc
vqvms nebs Pp-Pp Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-
Pp Pp+Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3msXa Pc-
vqw3ms Pp Pa-ncms
When I, Daniel, had seen the yifnn""nK~bK’n^^^ ’n x i3 "nii oaS'sris'

vision, I sought to understand it;
and behold, standing before me n3i-n>«“iQ3 ’113*? noj) n3m n i’o nc?i?3Ki
was one who looked like a man.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcXlcs piles np
Po-Pa-ncms Pc-vpwlcsXa ncfs Pc-
Pi vqPms Pp-PpXlcs Pp-ncmsc-
ncms
306
As he was talking with him, the i*? “iQKh_ ‘n a ia 2 Chr
king said to him, “Have we 25:16
appointed you a royal
counselor? Stop! Why should
f K ' l a n
you be struck down? ” Then the
prophet stopped and said, “I
know that God has planned to
destroy you, because you have
done this and have not listened
to my counsel. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpcX3ms
PpX3ms Pc-vqw3ms PpX3ms Pa-
Pp-vqPms Pp+Pa-ncms
vqplcpX2ms vqvms-PpX2ms Pg
vhi3mpX2ms Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms
Pc-vqw3ms vqplcs Pp-vqp3ms
ncmp Pp-vhcX2ms Pp-vqp2ms afs
Pc-Pn vqp2ms Pp-ncfscXlcs
Three occurrences merit special comment because of the syntactic features of the
dependent clause with Even though these oceurrences appear to have intervening
clauses, they are, in fact, examples of complex temporal expressions.
♦1 Sam 18:6 Immediately following the dependent clause formed by

infc -3 ■'rt'l, there is another occurrence of infc -3. This second temporal
clause provides further specification for the first. Both occurrences of the
infc -3 are governed by the same ’’n 'l.
♦1 Kgs 11:15 This occurrence is very similar to the preceding example.

Both occurrences o f the infc -3 are governed by the initial 'n il. The
second dependent clause provides fiirther information about the setting in
which the event of the next main verb, takes place.
♦Esth 2:8 The third example is similar, but adds another element. The
second infc -3 is prefixed by I, which underscores the coordinate nature of
the two events expressed by the infinitive constructs. The I also
introduces an element of sequentiality.
In all of the preceding examples, the infc -3 '1111 establishes the temporal frame
within whieh the action o f the w a y y iq to l occurs.
307
9.3.2.1.1.2 Infinitive Construct Followed by w a y y iq to l with Intervening Clauses
In the following set of examples, close reading of the syntactic shape of the
surrounding context is imperative. This set is very closely related to the previous one,
since the main verb which follows the dependent clause is a w a y y iq t o l , but in each case
there is at least one intervening clause. These clauses need to be analyzed in order to
determine the proper connection o f the dependent clause formed with ’’n']! and the
independent clause to which it is syntactically joined. Further discussion follows the
display of the data.
When Pharaoh let the people go, o n r x ^ i DVij-nK ni?")? 'n n Exod
God did not lead them by the 13:17-18
way o f the land o f the 3l"ip '3
Philistines, even though it was
Drn o n r “ j9 io n '3
near; for God said, “The people
might change their minds when mQn:?? nanVn Dni<"i3
they see war, and return to
Egypt. ” Hence God led the i3 ia n Dvn"ni< o'nVx 3 d *i
people around by the way o f the
wilderness to the Red Sea; and
the sons o f Israel went up in
martial array from the land o f
Egypt.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc np Po-Pa-
ncms Pc-Pn-vqp3msX3mp ncmp
nebs nebs np Pp ams pi3ms Pp
vqp3ms ncmp Pc-vni3ms Pa-ncms
Pp-vqcX3mp ncfs Pc-vqp3cp{2}
npXd Pc-vhw3ms ncmp Po-Pa-
ncms nebs Pa-ncms ncmsc-ncms Pc-
vqsmp vqp3cp ncmpc-np Pp-ncbs
np
308
When Moses came down from nn^ '31^3 •'3'p inn n^h niin 'n*;! Exod
Mount Sinai—with the two 34:29-30
tablets o f the testimony in his ni^ni in n " in i m i n n® 'n"i:3
hands as he was coming down
from the mountain), he didn’t
nnN ii3 i3 U p ] i ^ ■’3
know that the skin o f his face n^n"nK *7Kitoi ] 'im ki*_i
shone because o f his speaking
with Him. So when Aaron and niân iK i'n . vb U p ■ji^ nsn*!
all the sons o f Israel saw Moses,
behold, the skin o f his face
shone, and they were afraid to
come near him.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Pp-ncms
np Pc-amdc ncmpc Pa-ncfs Pp-
ncfsc-np Pp-vqcX3ms Pp-Pa-ncms
Pc-np Pn-vqp3ms Pp vqp3ms ncms
ncbpcX3ms Pp-vpcX3ms PpX3ms
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pc-ncmsc-ncmpc
np Po-np Pc-Pi vqp3ms ncms
ncbpcX3ms Pc-vqw3mp Pp-vqc
PpX3ms
When the people set outfrom
their tents to cross the Jordan
with the priests carrying the ark :DPn '3?V nnan ]1iKn -Kto3 □'snsm
o f the covenant before the
l l i ! n - i p -jliKn 'Kto3 N1333
people, and when those who
carried the ark came into the n3j?3 -jliKn ■’Ntoi D’’3n3n "*?3iii
Jordan, and the feet o f the
priests carrying the ark were v n n r * ? 3 - ‘?p K*?n iii!,n i D'nn
dipped in the edge o f the water : l '3 ^ *?3
(for the Jordan overflows all its
banks all the days o f harvest), in K -13 in^ nVpnVn D n i* n D'nn nnp*.i
the waters which were flowing
down from above stood and rose
up in one heap,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncms Pp-
ncmpcX3mp Pp-vqc Po-Pa-np Pc-
Pa-ncmp vqPmpc Pa-ncbs Pa-ncfs
Pp-ncbpc Pa-ncms Pc-Pp-vqc
vqPmpc Pa-ncbs Pp-Pa-np Pc-ncfdc
Pa-ncmp vqPmpc Pa-ncbs vnp3cp
Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncmp Pc-Pa-np
vqp3ms Pp-ncmsc-ncipcX3ms ncms
ncmpc ncms Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncmp
Pa-vqPmp Pp-Pp-PdXd vqp3cp
ncms-ams
309
When they fledfrom before liln-n"3 111Q3 on 'b d dob 'n n Josh
Israel, while they were at the 10:11
descent o f Beth-horon, the nl*?l3i D'33K on-'*?? m n'i
LORD threw large stones from
heaven on them as far as
Azekah. More diedfrom the i - g n "33K3 3nQ-"it^K D B i 3nan
hailstones than those whom the
sons o f Israel killed with the ■’33
sword.
ncbpc np pi3mp Pp-ncmsc np Pc-np
vhp3ms PpX3mp ncfp afp Pp-Pa-
ncmp Pp-np Pc-vqw3mp amp Pr-
vqp3cp Pp-ncfpc Pa-ncms Pp-Pr
vqp3cp ncmpc np Pp+Pa-ncfs
When Abiathar the son o f ■^7a^nK“i3 n i3 3 'nn »sam
Ahimelech fled to David at
Keilah, he came down with an n i B IT 11DX nV rj?
ephod in his hand. When it was
told Saul that David had come to
nVvj? 711 ITJ.
Keilah, Saul said, “God has B IHK 133
delivered him into my hand, for
he shut himself in by entering a :n'’“l31 D'D*?! TV2 Kl3*? 1303
city with double gates and
bars. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np ncmsc-np
Pp-np np ncms vqp3ms Pp-
ncfscX3ms Pc-vHw3ms Pp-np Pp-
vqp3ms np np Pc-vqw3ms np
vpp3ms PoX3ms ncmp Pp-
ncfscXlcs Pp vnp3ms Pp-vqc Pp-
ncfs ncfd Pc-ncms
310
Now there was a man in Maon 1 Sam
whose business was in Carmel; 25:2-4
and the man was very rich, and IKX i*?! iKD V na
he had three thousand sheep and
a thousand goats. While he was
shearing his sheep in Carmel :*?Q"i33 n p
(now the man's name was Natal,
and his wife's name was Abigail. 0^1 oî
And the woman was intelligent n x n r a n VDto-nalo
and beautiful in appearance, but
the man was harsh and evil in n3*?D 1711
his dealings, and he was a
Calebite), David heard in the n3K2?“nK *?33 n i " ‘’3 13 i q 3 n i
wilderness that Nabal was
shearing his sheep.
Pc-ncms Pp-np Pc-ncmscX3ms Pp-
np Pc-Pa-ncms ams Pd Pc-PpX3ms
nebs amsc-amp Pc-ams ncip Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Po-ncfscX3ms
Pp-np Pc-ncmsc Pa-ncms np Pc-
ncmsc ncfscX3ms np Pc-Pa-ncfs
afsc-ncms Pc-afsc ncms Pc-Pa-ncms
ams Pc-ams ncmp Pc-pi3ms Pp-
ncmscX3ms np Pc-vqw3ms np
Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-vqPms np Po-
ncfscX3ms
When David and his men came 1 Sam
to Ziklag on the third day, the 30:1-2
Amalekites had made a raid on 3ir*?K
the Negev and on Ziklag, and
:12JK3 IHK 3Dlton_ 3l^p2t“nK 331
overthrew Ziklag and burned it
with fire; and they took captive .i3"">^^ D'tîn-nN 33itfn_
the women and all who were in
it, both small and great, without 3 in ri 3n'Qn vib * ? n r ii? i
killing anyone, and carried them :D311*? 3D*?n
off and went their way.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Pc-
ncmpcX3ms np Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-
ams Pc-np vqp3cp Pp-np Pc-Pp-np
Pc-vhw3mp Po-np Pc-vqw3mp
PoX3fs Pp+Pa-ncbs Pc-vqw3mp
Po-Pa-ncfp Pr-PpX3fs Pp-ams Pc-
Pp-ams Pn vhp3cp ncms Pc-
vqw3mp Pc-vqw3mp Pp-
ncbscX3mp
While there was war between the
house o f Saul and the house o f
David, Abner was making m n"? 1"33 n"3 1'3
himselfstrong in the house o f
n '3 3 73110 I ' l 133K3
Saul.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncfs Pp
ncmsc np Pc-Pp ncmsc np Pc-np
vqp3ms vtPms Pp-ncmsc np
311
It happened that when the tzJipn-in D'Dnan nKxa 'rf;i IKgs
priests came from the holy 8:10-14
place, the cloud filled the house .•nin’; n"3-n>< ]3i?nT
o f the LORD, so that the priests
could not stand to minister
o'jnDn
because o f the cloud, for the tnp"; n"3"nK m ni"il3D
glory o f the LORD filled the
house o f the LORD. Then ;*?D"i373 iQK np"; iq k
Solomon said,
“The LORD has said that He
*?3T n'3 'n'33 ni3
would dwell in the thick cloud. I :D’'n^lJ7 ^n3C?V 11DQ
have surely built You a lofty
house, A place for Your dwelling ^ "jT i V33"nK 3pn
forever. ” Then the king faced
about and blessed all the
nni? VkiIz;' Vnp-’ps
assembly o f Israel, while all the
assembly o f Israel was standing.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncmp Pp-
Pa-ncms Pc-Pa-ncms vqp3ms Po-
ncmsc np Pc-Pn-vqp3cp Pa-ncmp
Pp-vqc Pp-vpc Pp-ncbpc Pa-ncms
Pp-vqp3ms ncmsc-np Po-ncmsc np
Pd vqp3ms np np vqp3ms Pp-vqc
Pp+Pa-ncms vqa vqplcs ncmsc
ncms PpX2fs ncms Pp-vqcX2ms
ncmp Pc-vhw3ms Pa-ncms Po-
ncbpcX3ms Pc-vpw3ms Po ncmsc-
ncmsc np Pc-ncmsc-ncmsc np
vqPms
When he became king, after he
ascended the throne, he had
killed all the household o f
Baasha. He did not leave a
single male o f his relatives or o f
his friends.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3ms Pp-
vqcX3ms Pp-ncmscX3ms vhp3ms
Po-ncmsc-ncmsc np Pn-vhp3ms
PpX3ms vhPms Pp-ncms Pc-
vqPmpX3ms Pc-ncmscX3ms
When they spoke daily to him 1731^ Q ™ ? 'T ’! Esth3:4'
and he would not listen to them,
they told Haman to see whether '31"ID '1 3 1 31DS7'n nlKl*7 IDn*?
— *r* j ▼ •• I • » -----------—I » • I T ▼ » • —
Mordecai's reason would stand;

fo r he had told them that he was
an*? I'an-'s
a Jew.
P c-vqw 3m sX a P p-vqcX 3m p P p-
vqcX3mp PpX3ms ncms Pc-ncms
Pc-Pn vqp3ms PpX3mp Pc-vhw3mp
Pp-np Pp-vqc Pg-vqi3mp ncmpc np
Pp-vhp3ms PpX3mp Pr-pi3ms np
312
I looked in the vision, and while 11^03 nX"jK1 Da" 8:2
I was looking I was in the citadel
o f Susa, which is in the province 'nK"i3 •’n';!
o f Elam; and I looked in the
vision and I myselfwas beside
nriian dVi?3 nT3 n
the Ulai Canal. *?33K"*?17 ■'3K1 11103 n«"ixi
Pc-vqwlcs Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-
vqwSmsXa Pp-vqcXlcs Pc-pilcs
Pp-np Pa-ncfs Pr Pp-np Pa-ncfs Pc-
vqwlcs Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-pilcs
vqplcs Pp-ncmsc np
When the priests came forth i2?"!|>n"ia D'lnDn hk33 ■’nii 2Chr
from the holy place (for all the
priests who were present had l '« D'Ksnan D'3n3n-*?3 '3
sanctified themselves, without
regard to divisions), and all the
:nlpV0nb i 1au?V
Levitical singers, Asaph, IQ'n*? noK*?1 dVdV
I T -• I V
o*i*?m ▼ H. » • —I » — • • I — I
Heman, Jeduthun, and their sons
and kinsmen, clothed infine D'03Vn Dn^nKî d0']3Vi imrV
linen, with cymbals, harps and
lyres, standing east o f the altar,
D'lipi; nnapi D"V?pi fia
and with them one hundred and nKoV DânP onQPi npiaV nniQ
twenty priests blowing trumpets
in unison when the trumpeters :n1"l3303 Dm^0a OntoPI
and the singers were to make onpPnQV i0Kd "nn
themselves heard with one voice
to praise and to glorify the nnn*?i i 0 K"*?lp
LORD, and when they lifted up
their voice accompanied by □■;n*p3n3i nnppnp *?lp Dn03i nin^^
trumpets and cymbals and 3lD '3 *?Vn3i T'l&n "V331
instruments o f music, and when
they praised the LORD saying, “ ;mn^ n^3
T t l-r -T ” ▼
n^3m non « I - ▼ t
^3
He indeed is good for His
lovingkindness is everlasting, ”
then the house, the house o f the
LORD, was filled with a cloud,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncmp Pp-
Pa-ncms Pp ncmsc-Pa-ncmp Pa-
vnPmp vtp3cp Pd Pp-vqc Pp-ncfp
Pc-Pa-np Pa-vePmp Pp-ncmscX3mp
Pp-np Pp-np Pp-np Pc-Pp-
ncmpcX3mp Pc-Pp-ncmpcX3mp
vPPmp ncms Pp-ncbd Pc-Pp-ncmp
Pc-ncmp vqPmp ncms Pp+Pa-ncms
Pc-PpX3mp ncmp Pp-afs Pc-amp
vhPmp vhPmp Pp+Pa-ncfp Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp-ams Pp+Pa-vpPmp
Pp+Pa-vpPmp Pc-Pp+Pa-vePmp
Pp-vhc ncms-ams Pp-vpc Pc-Pp-vhc
Pp-np Pc-Pp-vhc ncms Pp+Pa-ncfp
Pc-Pp-ncbd Pc-Pp-ncmpc Pa-ncms
Pc-Pp-vpc Pp-np Pp ams Pp Pp-
ncms ncmscX3ms Pc-Pa-ncms
vqp3ms ncms ncmsc np
313
The men o f Judah raised a war 2C hr
cry. When the men o f Judah 13:15-16
raised the war cry, God routed niin-; r n n ia 'n il
Jeroboam and all Israel before
DV3T“nK D'n^Kni
Abijah and Judah. The sons o f
Israelfled before Judah, and t n i i n 'i ni3« '3D*? *?Kit9'-*?Di
God gave them into their hand
Pc-vhw3mp ncms np Pc-vqw3msXa n iin i '3DD *?K“lto'“ '3D 1D1311
Pp-vhc ncms np Pc-Pa-ncmp
vqp3ms Po-np Pc-ncmsc-np Pp- :D1'2 D'n*?K D3D*1
ncbpc np Pc-np Pc-vqw3mp
ncmpc-np Pp-ncbpc np Pc-
vqw3msX3mp ncmp Pp-ncfscX3mp
One o f the main issues in all o f these examples is the status o f the WE-K*?-QATAL
and W E-x-QATAL. Additionally, there are some relatively surprising cases which require
discussion. The main syntactic features are presented below:
♦Exod 13:17-18 The question here is whether the w e - K * ? - q a t a l qualifies

as the main verb o f an independent clause. This depends on the analysis
of verbs which are said to “interrupt” the sequences or chains of
WAYYIQTOL in narrative. Faced with Exod 13:17 □'hVk Dn3”K^*l, this is
no longer a theoretical matter. In order to properly read or translate this
verse, the relationship of the w e - N * ? - q a t a l to the preceding 'H ll must be
understood. One of the issues here is the pattern of negation in narrative.
One o f the first considerations is that a negated w a y y i q t o l is
morphosyntactically impossible. Since there is no way to negate a
WAYYIQTOL, WE-K*7-QATAL clauscs in this type o f syntactic relationship
are considered to be the negated counterpart of the w a y y i q t o l clause in
narrative. Further examples of w e - K * ? - q a t a l clauses are found in Gen
26:22; 27:23; 30:40; 31:33, 34, 35; 34:19; 35:5; 37:4; 39:6, 10; 40:23; and
45:3.
♦Exod 34:29-30 In Exod 34:29-30, there is a case of 1 + NOUN followed

by 3 + infinitive construct, then a w e - x - X * 7 - q a t a l; Again, the issue here
is what the relationship is between the 'H ll at the beginning of 34:29 and
the two ] + nominal structures which follow. In the N A SB, for example,
is translated as the main verb.
♦Josh 10:11 In Josh 10:11, there is an explicit pronoun DH, then W E-x-
QATAL. The use of the pronoun DH in this way allows the statement of
further information regarding the same subject of the preceding verb. In
this case, DH agrees with the pronominal suffix on the infinitive construct
314
following 'n 'l , allowing further specification. The other intervening

clause begins with w e - x -QATAL, raising questions as to its status as main
verb and relationship to the initial Many describe this type of clause
as disjimctive or as background information. The NASB, however, has the
LORD threw heavy stones from heaven giving this w e - x - q a t a l the status
of the next main verb. In fact, the type of translation in the n a s b is
exactly what would be expected if the Hebrew verb were a w a y y i q t o l ;
The goal is not to translate so that the underlying Hebrew word
order comes through, but is there no difference in narrative between a
WAYYIQTOL clause and one with w e - x -QATAL? Further discussion of this
matter is found in Chapter 10.
♦ 1 Sam 23:6-7 The occurrence of x - q a t a l rather than w e - x - q a t a l is

quite unusual because the noun which precedes the QATAL is the object of
the verb, whereas in the typical occurrence of w e - x - q a t a l , the noun is the
subject. In 1 Sam 23:6-7, the subject of the X-QATAL clause is the same as
that o f the preceding dependent clause. If the options for subject and
object are considered, to simply maintain the same subject in this clause,
there would be no need for it to be w e-x-Q A T A L starting with in'DK"!,
unless there were some particular reason to call attention to Abiathar.
Similarly, to start this clause with lISKT would shift the ephod into a
different role, most likely making it the subject of the clause. In the clause
n ' 3 I T 11DK, the subject is elided and 11DK before the verb brings it
into heightened prominence.
♦ 1 Sam 30:1-2 What connection does the w e - x - q a t a l have to the

temporal expression with The temporal sequencing of the events in
1 Sam 30:1-2 requires careful analysis. First o f all, in 29:11, David and
his men rose early to set out on their journey, and according to 30:1 they
arrive in Ziklag three days later. At first glance, the clause in 30:3a,
711 appears to restate their arrival. The
question, then, has to do with the temporal relationship of their arrival and
the Amalekites’ raid. A second question has to do with the temporal
relationship of the QATAL in 1131^ to the following series of
WAYYIQTOL verbs. A “common sense” approach to how these
WAYYIQTOL verbs should be translated would say that, on the basis of
30:3, it is obvious that the raid had taken place before David’s arrival.
This may result in a translation that makes sense, but does not help explain
the pattern of usage of the verb forms here.
♦2 Sam 3:6 The w e-x-Q A T A L in 2 Sam 3:6 states what was happening
while the war was taking place between Saul and David. The concurrent
nature is reinforced by both the use of -3 ‘’nil and the w e - x - q a t a l . In
315
addition to the concurrent temporal nature, the w e - x - q a t a l also gives a

nuance of the narrative parity of the war and Abner’s actions. The w e - x -
q a t a l here is not, however, simply a case of w e - x - q a t a l ; this W E-x-
QATAL has the QATAL of HTI + PARTICIPLE, bringing out the ongoing
nature of Abner’s actions. The setting function of this part of the narrative
is continued in 3:7 with the comments about Saul’s concubine named
Rizpah. The narrative proper begins with the w a y y iq t o l in the
middle of 3:7.
♦ 1 Kgs 8:10-11 In 8:12, there is w e - x - q a t a l , we-R*?-QATAL, IK, then

WAYYIQTOL in 8:14. A comparison o f the n a s b and jp s shows two
different strategies for dealing with the w e - x - q a t a l in 8:10:
NASB JPS
It happened that when the priests When the priests came out o f the
came from the holy place, the sanctuary—^for the cloud had filled
cloud filled the house of the the House of the Lord and the
LORD, so that the priests could priests were not able to remain and
not stand to minister because of perform the service because of the
the cloud, for the glory o f the cloud, for the Presence of the Lord
LORD filled the house of the filled the House of the Lord—
LORD.
The NASB reads as if the w e - x - q a t a l were the next event in narrative

succession. The JPS, however, by using cm dashes and had filled, renders
the WE-X-QATAL as ANTERIOR. According to the analysis proposed here,
the JPS reading better captures the nuance of the w e - x - q a t a l .
♦1 Kgs 16:11 Note both 3 and 3. The 3 ’’n 'l govems the temporal frame
within which the temporal expression with 3 is embedded.
♦Esth 3:4 The temporal overlap of the expression with 3 'n 'l is
reinforced contextually by D1’'. Following this dependent temporal
expression, the we-K*?-QATAL is the nuclear clause. As stated above, the
w e-K *?-Q A T al in this type of syntactic relationship is interpreted as the
next clause in narrative succession.
♦Dan 8:2 This verbless clause suspends the narrative succession, fiirther
specifying the setting established by the preceding temporal expression
with 3.
♦2 Chr 5:11-13 Taking the broader context into accoimt is important in

the analysis o f this occurrence. After the d e i c t i c occurrence o f i n
316
5:9, 5:10 continues with a description o f the eontents of the Ark. 5:7
narrates the event of the priests entering the sanctuary, and the temporal
expression in 5:11 relates when they exit. The temporal expression is
followed in 5:11 by D'H’pni, which begins the complex noun phrase,
followed by D’’1Q37.
♦2 Chr 13:15 In 2 Chr 13:15, the clause with ’'n 'l restates the event of
the previous clause. This, then, is followed by the we-X-QATAL under
consideration here, which brings into prominence.
The main issue involved in the analysis of these occurrences is the status of the
different types o f verbal clauses in narrative. The w a y y iq t o l , the w e - x -q a t a l , and
other clauses need to be analyzed not as autonomous entities, but rather as interactive
eomponents within the same narrative system. Analysis of the role of in narrative
requires understanding the function of other clauses in the context.
9.3.2.1.1.3 Infinitive Construct Followed b y QATAL
In only one occurrence, the verb which directly follows the dependent clause with
'rf^l is a QATAL.
When the priests who carried the n in i-n n a D’3n3n n i t o ■'n'ji Josh 4:is
ark o f the covenant o f the LORD
had come up from the middle o f n .l! n ”^1™?
the Jordan, and the soles o f the
n n in n D'3ni)n 'V ii n l9 ?
priests'feet were lifted up to the
dry ground, the waters o f the DQipnV i n ! n - ’Q
Jordan returned to their place,
and went over all its banks as
before.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pp-vqc Pa-
ncmp vqPmpc ncbsc ncfs-np Pp-
ncmsc Pa-np vnp3cp ncfp ncfdc Pa-
ncmp Pp Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3mp
ncmpc-Pa-np Pp-ncmscX3mp Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-Pd-Pd Pp-ncmsc-
ncIpcX3ms
317
Careful reading of the preceding context reveals that the use of the q a t a l 3j7ri5 in
Josh 4:18 is the result o f it not being normal narrative succession. The actual narration of
the event of the priests coming up out of the river carrying the ark is in 4:11. In Josh
4:14, the events o f “that day” are reiterated and it is in this context that the q a t a l occurs
in 4:18 to express a n t e r io r it y .
9.3.2.1.1.4 Summary of Infinitive Constructs Used with -3 ’nil

In the preceding examples, the verbs which occur with - 3 ’'n 'l are: iTTl,
nntz?, ni2?p, it , pvi, bup, xi3, m , Tsn, iniz?, m 3, uj?, m:r,

HK"), 131. In 9.3.2.2.1.5 below, these verbs will be compared with those which occur
with 3 ■'n'l to explore the parameters that might influence the choice of preposition.
9.3.2.1.2 Occurrences of 3 ’n'!! with Specific Temporal Reference

There are two sets of occurrences in this section, divided into those which are
followed by a w a y y iq t o l and those with a QATAL. There is an additional difference
within each set of temporal expressions with - 3 ’’n il, namely that in the expressions with
Ninn or Kinn as a component, the temporal reference is backward-looking, establishing
that the next narrated event took place at the time of a previous temporal frame of
reference. In contrast, the temporal expressions such as 31!P3 ’’1111 establish a new
temporal point of reference for the narrative which follows.
318
9.3.2.1.2.1 Specific Temporal Reference Followed b y w a y y iq to l
At first glance, there appears to be a wide variety of ways to make temporal
reference following - 3 TI']!, but analysis shows that there is essentially one pattern, even
though the lexical items used in it vary significantly. The basic pattern is:
+ NOUN PHRASE + PREPOSITION

,—
± MODIFIER + NOUN
9.3.2.1.2.1.1 A
9.3.2.1.2.1.1 3")P
9.3.2.1.2.1.2 Kirtn
9.3.2.1.2.1.3 INFC n??
9.3.2.1.2.1.4 Kinn D1*
9.3.2.1.2.1.5 K3nn nVV
9.3.2.1.2.1.6 onn
9.3.2.1.2.1.7 orrn D '3in
9.3.2.1.2.1.8 NUMBER-n 3, 3, or 3
9.3.2.1.2.1.9 NUMBER-n n3i^
9.3.2.1.2.1.10 INFC dv
9.3.2.1.2.1.11 n'S731^
9.3.2.1.2.1.12 ■'xn
9.3.2.1.2.1.12 "i^3n n-jbi^K
9.3.2.1.2.1.12 D 'ln s
9.3.2.1.2.1.13 10^3 izJin
9.3.2.1.2.1.14 •'O' J
Figure 25: Temporal Reference Following- 3 ■’H'!!
In some o f the examples, the NOUN PHRASE is realized by nothing more than an
obligatory noun, such as “lj?3 or 3"1^. In the others, the NOUN PHRASE has other optional
components, with the lengthiest example being 1 Kgs 6:1 with an extended description of
the time period after Israel left Egypt.
319
Since the structure o f the temporal expressions considered in 9.3.2.1.2.1.1-14 is so
similar, there will be minimal comments throughout this section o f - 3 ‘’n 'l with specific
temporal reference.
9.3.2.1.2.1.1 With “1^33 / 33»3
With 3")P3 oecurs twice and ”1^33 eight times. The words evening and
moming occur many other times, of course, but only a total of ten times with ’’n')!. The
main function is to specify the period of the day during which the event of the main
clause takes place.
In the evening he took his 133 nK*?-nK np*i 2 i v 2 'n n o^n

daughter Leah, and brought her
to him; and Jacob went in to K3*T vVk rTHK K3'T
her.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3ms Po-np ncfscX3ms Pc-
vhw3msXa PoX3fs PpX3ms Pc-
vqw3msXa PpX3fs
In the morning, behold, it was
X •• « f.' - ‘ I -
Leah! And he said to Laban,
“What is this you have done to
me? Was it not for Rachel that I
noVi iQP 'n i s v Vn"i3
served with you? Why then have
you deceived me? ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-Pi-
pi3fs np Pc-vqw3ms Pp-np pii-afs
vqp2ms PpXlcs Pg-Pn Pp-np
vqplcs PpX2fs Pc-Pg vpp2msXlcs
In the morning his spirit was in n D U S n i " ip 3 3 n n Gen41:8
troubled, so he sent and called
fo r all the magicians o f Egypt, onxQ "QD"!0-*?3"nK K"j|7*i nVu?*i_
and all its wise men. And
ni7"!i is Q ii n ‘'a3n"*?3"nKi
Pharaoh told them his dreams,
but there was no one who could :nj7"jD*p DnlK in ls-i^ K i in^n-nK
interpret them to Pharaoh.
vnw3fs ncbscX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pc-
vqw3ms Po-ncmsc-ncmpc np Pc-
Po-ncmsc-ampcX3fs Pc-vpw3ms np
PpX3mp Po-ncmscX3ms Pc-Pd-
vqPms PoX3mp Pp-np
320
In the evening the quails came n i y ? "nil
up and covered the camp, and in
the morning there was a layer o f n3nQn"nK odhi i^ten Vrm
dew around the camp.
:n3niaV T 3 0 Van nnm 1^253
vqw3fsXa Pa-ncfs Pc-vpw3fsXa
Po-Pa-ncbs Pc-Pp+Pa-ncms vqp3fs
ncfsc Pa-ncms Pd Pp+Pa-ncbs
In the morning Balak took '□y^3-nK ij?22 "n'’T Num”
Balaam and brought him up to
the high places o f Baal, and he :Dvn K i n ’?i?3-nlQ3 3n*?»n
saw from there a portion o f the
people.
vqw3ms np Po-np Pc-
vhw3msX3ms np Pc-vqw3msXa
Pp-Pd ncmsc Pa-ncms
In the morning Jonathan went 1^22 "nil 1 Sam
out into the fieldfor the
appointment with David, and a n i is7la*p nit&n in n n i K xn
little lad was with him.
:iai7 ll?].!
vqw3ms np Pa-ncms Pp-ncms np
Pc-ncms ams PpX3ms
But in the morning, when the ^nii 1 sam

wine had gone out o f Nabal, his
wife told him these things, and n^Kn D "i2in"nK in^K lV“i p i
his heart died within him so that
he became as a stone.
:l 2 K*p nin K ini i 2i |?2 i 2 V n o n
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-vqc
Pa-ncms Pp-np Pc-vhw3fsXa-
PpX3ms ncfscX3ms Po-Pa-ncmp
Pa-acp Pc-vqw3ms ncmscX3ms Pp-
ncmscX3ms Pc-pi3ms vqp3ms Pp-
ncfs
In the morning David wrote a lj222 "mi 2 Sam
letter to Joab and sent it by the
hand o f Uriah. 2K1"-‘?K IDD n i 222*1
vqw3ms np ncms Pp-np Pc-
:n*13K 1"2 nVu^*T
vqw3ms Pp-ncfsc np
In the morning about the time o f
offering the sacrifice, behold,
water came by the way o f Edom, fiK n KVam dI i k D'n"nani
and the country was filled with
:D"Hn“nK
water.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-vqc
Pa-ncfs Pc-Pi-ncmp vqPmp Pp-ncbs
np Pc-vnw3fs Pa-ncbs Po-Pa-ncmp
321
In the morning he went out and 'n 'l ^
stood and said to all the people, ’ ' i n-o
“You are innocent; behold, 1
c o m p ir ^ a g a m a m y ^ m e r DOT-'?3-^>N
and killed him, but who killed all • • - h- • -• ••■- i- •-
these? :nVK"*?3"nK n 3 n ^nnnx]
vqw3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pc-vqw3ms
Pp-ncmsc-Pa-ncms amp pi2mp Pi
piles vqplcs Pp-ncmscXlcs Pc-
vqwlcsX3ms Pc-pii vhp3ms Po-
ncmsc-acp
Aspects o f three o f the above examples require further comment:
♦1 Sam 25:37 This occurrence of the INFC-3, *?33D riK33, further

specifies the time at which the event o f the main clause occurred. This
event, Nabal getting sober, is included within the temporal frame
established by "Ij733 '’n']!.
♦2 Kgs 3:20 Within the temporal frame established by "1^33 the

time o f the next event is further specified by nn3Qn n1*?55- See 9.3.2.2.1
for further discussion of the use of infc -3 "'nil.
♦2 Kgs 10:9 Following "lp33 ’•711, is one of the occurrences of three

WAYYIQTOL foims in RAPID SUCCESSION (6.4.1.4).
9.3.2.1.2.1.2 w ithK inn nra/K -nn n?73

Literally at that time, K^nn ns?3 expresses the temporal overlap of the beginning
o f a new scene with the end of the previous one. This is not strict simultaneity, but rather
it indicates that the events linked by this temporal expression occurred within the same
time period. In two of the examples, the verb which follows the temporal expression is a
WAYYIQTOL, but in the third example, the temporal expression is followed by a WE-X-
QATAL.
322
At that time, Ahimelech and Kinn n y a o^n

Phicol, the commander o f his 21:22
army, spoke to Abraham, saying,
“God is with you in all that you
do;
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncbs Pa-pi3fs :n^37 *?i33
Pc-vqw3ms np Pc-np ncms-
ncbscX3ms Pp-np Pp-vqc ncmp
PpX2ms Pp-ncms Pr-pi2ms vqPms
At that time, Judah departed
from his brothers and visited a
certain Adullamite, whose name
was Hirah.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncbs Pa-pi3fs
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp-Pp
ncmpcX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-
ncms np Pc-ncmscX3ms np
During that time, Jeroboam had
gone out o f Jerusalem and the 11:29
prophet Ahijah the Shilonite KX; DV3T1
found him on the road. Now
K '3|rj n*nK inK kxq*i
Ahijah had clothed himselfwith
a new cloak; and both o f them n ^ in noDnn K^ni
were alone in the field.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncbs Pa-pi3fs :mt&3 D13*?
Pc-np vqp3ms Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms
PoX3ms np Pa-np Pa-ncms Pp+Pa-
ncbs Pc-pi3ms vtPms Pp-ncfs afs
Pc-amdcX3mp Pp-ncmscX3mp
Pp+Pa-ncms
The following contextual features merit comment;
♦Gen 21:22 This statement occurs after the summary o f God being with
Hagar and Ishmael. Waltke comments that this “indicates that the events
of Scene 7 (Gen 21:22-34) occur at the same time as the events of Scene 6
(Gen 21:1-21) (Waltke and Fredericks 2001,299).
♦Gen 38:1 This occurrence follows the statement regarding Joseph being
sold to Potiphar. Again, regarding the occurrence of K'^nn n??3 ■'H']! in
Gen 38:1, Waltke comments that “[d]uring the same period of time that
Judah is begetting children by his Canaanite wife, Joseph is begetting
children by his Egyptian wife (41:50-52) (Waltke and Fredericks 2001,
299).
♦1 Kgs 11:29 In the preceding context, Solomon had appointed Jeroboam

over all the forced labor of the House of Joseph. The use of ri3?3
indicates that the following events occurred during the time that Jeroboam
323
was enjoying the good favor of Solomon. The WE-x -QATAL here
expresses a n t e r io r it y relative to the w a y y iq t o l which follows.
9.3.2.1.2.1.3 Infinitive Construct +11373 ’’1111
There are three occurrences of ni73 ‘'n 'l with an infinitive construct and each one
has a slightly different form. These variations will be discussed after the display of the
data.
At the time when the flock was jKirn on! ni73 "n*;! oen
mating, I lifled up my eyes and
saw in a dream, and behold, the Dl*?r}3 KlKl 'r37 KteKl
male goats which were mating
were striped, speckled, and
D"Vi7n D'inj7n nani
mottled. D'1^3? lK2in-’?37
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncbs vpc Pa-ncbs
Pc-vqwlcs ncfdcXlcs Pc-
vqwlcsXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-Pi Pa-
ncmp Pa-vqPmp Pp-Pa-ncbs amp
amp Pc-amp
At the time she was to give birth,

behold, there were twins in her 38:27-28
womb. Moreover, it took place :n3D33 D'DlKn nsni
while she was giving birth, one
put out a hand, and the midwife
n iV a n npni 'n i l
took and tied a scarlet thread on
his hand, saying, “This one
came out first. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncbs vqcX3fs Pc-
Pi ncmp Pp-ncfscX3fs Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3fs Pc-
vqw3ms-ncfs Pc-vqw3fs Pa-vpPfs
Pc-vqw3fs Pp-ncfscX3ms ncms Pp-
vqc ams vqp3ms afs
324
Whenever the chest was brought ■jliKn-nK K'T n??3 2 Chr
in to the king's officer by the 24:11-
Levites, and when they saw that DniKiDT onVn "I-?
12a
there was much money, then the
king's scribe and the chief
"19ID X33 *^030 3 T '3
priest's officer would come, w K f ii in K n -p K in s n'p?3
empty the chest, take it, and
return it to its place. Thus they
did daily and collected much
money. The king and Jehoiada
Dl'V
:3 i^ »^D3-3DDKn 01'3 H3
gave it to those who did the work hdkVq ntolp~VK STlnn iVan injnn.
o f the service o f the house o f the
LORD; mn‘'-n‘'3 ml3r
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncbs vhiSms Po-
Pa-ncbs Pp-ncfsc Pa-ncms Pp-ncfsc
Pa-np Pc-Pp-vqcX3mp Pp-ams Pa-
ncms Pc-vqp3ms{2} ncms Pa-ncms
Pc-ncmsc ncms Pa-ncms Pc-vpi3mp
Po-Pa-ncbs Pc-vqi3mpX3ms Pc-
vhi3mpX3ms Pp-ncmscX3ms Pd
vqp3cp Pp-ncms Pp-ncms Pc-
vqw3mp-ncms Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msX3ms Pa-ncms Pc-np Pp-
vqPms ncfsc ncfsc ncmsc-np
The occurrence of
♦ G e n 3 1 :1 0 On' ni73 "’n i l in Gen 31:10 is a
complex temporal expression in which the infinitive construct gives a less-
anchored temporal reference than a finite verb form would indicate. This
is similar to the occurrence of □‘'DK^Hn T)Vb in 2 Sam 11:1 listed in
9.3.2.3.2.1 below, where HK3 DS*? is a general reference to the customary
time when kings go out to battle. If this were a reference to when a
specific king went to battle, then the infinitive construct would not be
used. The difference, however, between D37*p and ns?3 is consistent with
the usage of expressing a p p r o x im a t io n and 3 expressing inclusion
within the time specified. Presumably, if Gen 31:10 were On' D37V, it
would express about the time for mating rather than during that time and
likewise, if 2 Sam 11:1 were nXS nS73, the sense would be during the
time when kings go to battle.
♦ G e n 3 8 :2 7 -2 8 The occurrence of the infinitive construct nniV following

nifS indicates that at the time she was to give birth, it was discovered
that she had twins. This contrasts with the temporal expression later in the
verse, rin i’?3 ’’n 'l, while she was giving birth.
The occurrence of the y i q t o l in the following,

♦2 C h r 2 4 :ll-1 2 a
■jllKnTIK K 'S' DI73 is motivated by the aspectual contours of the
narrative where the description is of what happened day after day
325
(Di'’3 Dl''*p H3) rather than a description of what happened on one

particular day. This is a good example o f how aspectual distinctions are
contextual, being expressed by linguistic items other than the verbs.
9.3.2.1.2.1.4 W ith «3nn D1»3
The expression Kinn D1*3 establishes that the event which precedes the temporal
clause occurred on the same day as the event which follows it. It is remarkable that this
specific expression only occurs twice in the Hebrew Bible.
On the same day, Isaac's Kinn D1*3 'n'T Gen

servants came in and told him 26:32
about the well which they had p n x ' '13?? iK 3:i
dug, and said to him, “We have
iB 3 n nliB-*??? iV
found water. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pa- :D'D 33K3D 1*? llDn
pi3ms Pc-vqw3mpXa ncmpc np Pc-
vhw3mpXa PpX3ms Pp-ncfp Pa-
ncfs Pr vqp3cp Pc-vqw3mp
PpX3ms vqplcp ncmp
At that time as Eli was lying Kinn "ill

D1'3
K ill D l'B ' I ' l ^
down in his place (now his ■ • •• u 3:2
eyesight had begun to grow dim iapD3 'V??i
and he could not see well), and
the lamp o f God had not yet
:nlKiV *?3T nli3 iVni l?'??i
gone out, and Samuel was lying 1 3 3 ' Dip D'lVx 131
down in the temple o f the LORD
where the ark o f God was, that nin*; *?3"n3
the LORD called Samuel;
nini xip*i
pi3ms Pc-np vqPms Pp-ncmscX3ms :D'1^X llix D^"11^K
Pc-ncfdcX3ms Pc-ncfdcX3ms
vhp3cp alp Pn vqi3ms Pp-vqc Pc-
ncms ncmp Pd vqi3ms Pc-np vqPms
Pp-ncmsc np Pr-Pd ncbsc ncmp Pc-
vqw3ms np Pp-np
The occurrence of X311 Dl*3 "I'll in Gen 26:32 follows a sequence of four
WAYYIQTOL verbs in 26:31, establishing that the arrival o f Isaac’s servants took plaee on
the same day. In 1 Sam 3:2, however, the temporal connection is not as immediately
apparent. Looking at the broader context, in 1 Sam 2:27 a man o f God comes to Eli and
326
2:27-36 reports the content of his speech to Eli. 2:36 brings the man o f God’s speech to a
close and chapter 3 begins as follows:
The bay Samuel was ministering '*??? n p ';“nK nni^n iS7ani 1 Sam
to the LORD before Eli. And 3:1
word from the LORD was rare D*'Q*3 1?'' n^n
• It T TT T I - I
in those days, visions were

infrequent.
:f"}D3 llTn Dnn
Pc-Pa-ncms np vpPms Po-np Pp-
ncbpc np Pc-ncmsc-np vqp3ms ams
Pp+Pa-ncmp Pa-pi3mp Pd ncms
vnPms
The function of the T + NOUN at the beginning o f 1 Sam 3:1 needs to be
understood in the context of the surrounding narrative. For example, 1 Sam 2:11, 18, 22,
and 26 all have instances o f] +N O U N , with both 2:11 and 2:18 being variations of 3:2.
1 Sam 3:1-3 continues to set the stage for the narrative about to commence in 3:4 with
Kann D1*3 *'n]l as the temporal setting. The occurrence of Kinn D1*3 in 3:2 appears to
temporally connect this to the day when the man of God delivered his message to Eli.
Then Elkanah went to his home nnnnn i sam

at Ramah. But the boy
ministered to the LORD before 'b's m n '-p K n^n ijyam
Eli the priest.
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pa-npXd Pp-
« 11^1
ncmscX3ms Pc-Pa-ncms vqp3ms
vpPms Po-np Pp-ncbpc np Pa-ncms
Samuel was ministering before
the LORD, as a boy wearing a 2:18
linen ephod. n a 11D« m n "1173
Pc-np vpPms Pp-ncbpc np ncms
vqsms ncms ncms
Eli was very old; and he heard
all that his sons were doing to
all Israel, and how they lay with
the women who served at the
nlK 3sn D'lân-nK nKi
doorway o f the tent o f meeting.
Pc-np vqp3ms Pd Pc-vqp3ms{2} Po :ii7lQ nn^
ncmsc-Pr vqi3mpXn ncmpcX3ms
Pp-ncmsc-np Pc-Po Pr-vqi3mp Po-
Pa-ncfp Pa-vqPfp ncms ncms ncms
327
The boy Samuel was growing in mn"“Di7 Da- DiDT1* ’piai 1 Sam
T * •• T*■n*?n
I•• *------------ I
stature and infavor both with
-
2:26
the LORD and with men. oai
Pc-Pa-ncms np vqPms Pc-ams Pc-
ams Pc Pp-np Pc-Pc Pp-ncmp
What is the function of these w e - x - q a t a l clauses? How do they contribute to the
overall narrative structure? These are important questions to address in the attempt to
understand the nuances and movements of the biblical Hebrew text. Further research is
needed to define the parameters of the interplay between *] and ’'H']!.
9.3.2.1.2.1.5 With
Following the same pattern as Kinn D1*3, this expression establishes that the
same night is the temporal setting for the events which it links together.
On the same night the LORD X3nn nVV3 'n";! Judg6:25

said to him, “Take your father's
bull and a second bull seven nin*: 1*?
years old, and pull down the
altar o f Baal which belongs to
your father, and cut down the nafQ-nK n o in i u''W
Asherah that is beside it;
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pa- :niDri ni^Kn-nKi
pi3ms Pc-vqw3ms PpX3ms np
vqvms Po-ncms-Pa-ncms Pr Pp-
ncmscX2ms Pc-ncms Pa-ams afs
ncfp Pc-vqp2ms{2} Po-ncmsc Pa-
np Pr Pp-ncmscX2ms Pc-Po-Pa-ncfs
Pr-PpX3ms vqi2ms
On the same night the word o f K in n ’ n y ^ a 'n " '! 2sw
the LORD came to Nathan,
saying, nbK*? ]nrV K n |n r " i a i ’nn_
pi3ms Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np Pp-
np Pp-vqc
328
That same night the angel o f the np*; Kinn nVVa 'n i l 2 xgs
LORD went out and struck
185,000 in the camp o f the nKQ nicjoa
Assyrians; and when men rose
early in the morning, behold, all
ij?33 nt^nni
o f them were dead. :D'na D'lDiS dVd nam
Pc-vqw 3m sX a Pp+Pa-ncm s Pa-
pi3m s P c-vq w 3m s ncm sc np Pc-
vhw 3m s Pp-ncbsc np afs amp Pc-
am s ams Pc-vhw 3m p Pp+Pa-ncm s
P c-Pi ncm scX3m p ncmp vqPmp
That same night the word o f God ..............................

came to Nathan, saying,
Pc-vqw 3m sX a Pp+Pa-ncm s Pa- noK*? D'n’7 K "i3 i 'n i l
pi3m s P c-vq w 3m sX a ncm sc-ncm p
Pp-np Pp-vqc
9.3.2.1.2.1.6 W ith Dnn D'Dt3
This plural expression is more general than the singular Kinn D1*3. The
temporal reference is to the preceding narrative as the backdrop for the upcoming
event(s), but without any specific causal or logical connection.
In those days, Moses grew up. □nn D'Q'j 'mi Exod

He went out to his brethren and 2:11
looked on their hard labors. He n^b Vnri
saw an Egyptian beating a
KX'.l
Hebrew, one o f his brethren.
Pc-vqw 3m sX a Pp+Pa-ncmp Pa- 0n’?3P3 K ill
pi3m p P c-vq w 3m s np Pc-vqw 3m s
Pp-ncm pcX3m s P c-vqw 3m sX a Pp- n'OKD '13J7"C?'X n3b '13b 12^'K Kl'T
ncfpcX 3m p P c-vqw 3m sX a ncm s np
vhPm s ncm s-np Pp-ncm pcX3m s
In those days, when there was no

king in Israel, there was a
certain Levite staying in the b'lDK-in 'n3i'_3 la 'i> 'm i
remote part o f the hill country o f
Ephraim. He took a concubine
:niani onVn'3b j]m iV n p 'i
fo r himselffrom Bethlehem in
Judah.
P c-vqw 3m sX a Pp+Pa-ncmp Pa-
pi3m p Pc-ncm s Pd Pp-np Pc-
vq w 3m sX a ncm s np vqPm s Pp-
ncfdc ncm s-np Pc-vqw 3m s-PpX 3m s
ncfs ncfs Pp np np
329
In those days the Philistines D‘'11t^VD DJin D 'O *? 'n'^l '

gathered their armed camps for , , j i l 281
war, tofight against Israel. OnVnV D n 'D n ™ '
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncmp Pa-
pi3mp Pc-vqw3mp np Po-
ncbpcXSmp Pp+Pa-ncbs Pp-vnc Pp-
np
9.3.2.1.2.1.7 With Dnn D"3*in D'D^S
This example is merely a variation on the previous set, explicitly stating many
days, highlighting the long plight o f the Israelites.
During those many days, the Dnpi Q ^33n D^D’'3 ’’n^T

king o f Egypt died. And the sons 2:23
ofIsrael sighed because o f the Dn:?D non
bondage, and they cried out;
n i3 ? n -lD *?K"lto'-’33 3n3K»l
and their cry for help because of
their bondage rose up to God. DnSyil^
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncmp Pa-amp
Pa-pi3mp Pc-vqw3msXa ncms np
Pc-vnw3mp ncmpc-np Pp-Pa-ncfs
Pc-vqw3mp Pc-vqw3fsXa
ncfscX3mp Pp-Pa-ncmp Pp-Pa-ncfs
9.3.2.1.2.1.8 With NUMBER-n D1*3
This expression establishes that the event of the main clause occurred on the
specified day, counting from the previously stated event. For example, in Gen 34:25 the
previous event is the circumcision o f all the men from Shechem, so D1*3 'n'l
establishes three days later as the temporal setting for ^np*l
330
On the third day, when they DnVng d1*3 'n n o^n
were in pain, two o f Jacob's
sons, Simeon and Levi, Dinah's . , 1I1170,12.? Ofi7—17
I -^-'3
”3-'3
1 1••27t' inp>n
r» • ~
brothers, each took his sword
and came upon the city
1310 i2?'K nrn ■ ’rrK
unawares, and killed every male. nDi-VD m n n no3 ik3*i
Pp-vqcX3mp vqPmp Pc-vqw3mp
amdc-ncmpc-np np Pc-np ncmpc np
ncms ncfscX3ms Pc-vqw3mpXa
Pp-Pa-ncfs ncms Pc-vqw3mp
ncmsc-ncms
On the third day, which was "nli7ii-nK T i5^^
Pharaoh's birthday, he made a
feast for all his servants; and he nni2?n t27i7*i
lifted up the head o f the chief
□71^00 ito 12?Ki-nK Kt&*l
cupbearer and the head o f the
chief baker among his servants. n '1 3 ^ -îns D'OKn -ito i2?Ki-nKi
ncms vQc Po-np Pc-vqw3msXa
ncms Pp-ncmsc-ncmpcX3ms Pc-
vqw3ms Pc-ncms ncms Pa-ncmp
Pc-Po-ncms ncms Pa-vqPmp Pp-
ncmsc ncmpcX3ms
On the third day, when it was
morning, there were thunder and
lightning flashes and a thick inn"*?r 133 ]3yi 0"pi3i n*?p 'n';i
cloud upon the mountain and a
very loud trumpet sound, so that
iKD pin iDt? *?pi
all the people who were in the :n3no3 ii2?K D37n-*?3 nn*i
camp trembled.
Pp-vqc Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3msXa
ncmp Pc-ncmp Pc-ncms ams Pp-Pa-
ncms Pc-ncms ncms ams Pd Pc-
vqw3ms ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pr Pp+Pa-
ncbs
On the seventh day they rose "’17''31^n D1*3 Josh 6:15
early at the dawning o f the day
and marched around the city in ini^n nl*?!?? iQ3i2?n
the same manner seven times;
O'DV? 373^ n in 031^03 l'37n“ nK 130*1
only on that day they marched
around the city seven times. i*i7n-nK 1330 Kinn ol*3 pi
Pc-vhw3mpXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncms Pc- :D*ni73 17312?
vqw3mp Po-Pa-ncfs Pp+Pa-ncms
P a-am s afs ncfp Pd Pp+ P a-ncm s Pa-
pi3ms vqp3cp Po-Pa-ncfs afs ncfp
331
On the fourth day they said to D1*3 "nn

Samson's wife, "Enticeyour 14:15
husband, so that he will tell us
the riddle,
m ^nn-nK
Pc-vqw3mp Pp-ncfsc-np vpvfs Po-
ncmscX2fs Pc-vhi3msXa{ 1} Jt-
PpXlcp Po-Pa-ncfs
However she wept before him
seven days while their feast
lasted. And on the seventh day npiîan onV
he told her because she pressed
D1*3 "nil
him so hard. She then told the
riddle to the sons o f her people. inn^"3n "3 n V n r i
Pc-vqw3fsXa PpXBms amsc Pa-
ncmp Pr-vqp3ms PpX3mp Pa-ncms : n j a r "33*? m " n n l a m
Pc-vhw3msXa-PpX3fs Pp
vhp3fsX3ms Pc-vhw3fsXa Pa-ncfs
Pp-ncmpc ncmscX3fs
On the fourth day they got up "17"3-jn Dl*3 M il •'“dgl9:5
early in the morning, and he
prepared to go; and the girl's 1^33 3D"31Z^!1
father said to his son-in-law,
n iP in "3K
"Sustain yourself with a piece o f
bread, and afterward you may n3*?n irjK i o n ^ -n ? ii?9 Mnn-*?K
go-"
Pc-vhw3mp Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3ms Pp-vqc Pc-vqw3ms ncmsc
Pa-ncfs Pp-ncmscX3ms vqvms
ncmscX2ms ncfsc-ncms Pc-Pd
vqi2mp
On the third day, behold, a man Dl"3 "nil 2 Sam
came out o f the camp from Saul,
with his clothes torn and dust on N3 i2^"K nani
his head. When he came to
D"s?l? V1133 *?iKi^ 0I7Q njrjQn-iD
David he fell to the ground and
prostrated himself. ii2?Kn"*?i7 n n n ^ i
Pc-Pi ncms vqPms Pp-Pa-ncbs Pp- n:nK *?3*i m "*?K 1k33 " n 'l
Pp np Pc-ncmpcX3ms vqsmp Pc-
ncfs Pp-ncmscX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa
Pp-vqcX3ms Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms
ncfsXd Pc-vsw3msXa
332
On the seventh day the child 01*3 •'11*1 2 Sam
died. And the servants o f David 12:18
were afraid to tell him that the iV n n o n
child was dead, for they said,
“Behold, while the child was
no"*3 1*? 111 *13? iK i*i
still alive, we spoke to him and "n n1*n3 nan noK *3 n^*n
he did not listen to our voice.
How then can we tell him that i3*?1p3 i *Vh i n 3 n
the child is dead, since he might
do himself harm!”
:n?"i nto?i n’?*n no i **?k lo x i n*Ki
T -r T T t V V - T ■■ - I I

Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3mp
ncmpc np Pp-vhc PpX3ms Pp-
vqp3ms Pa-ncms Pp vqp3cp Pi Pp-
vqc Pa-ncms ams vpplcp PpX3ms
Pc-Pn-vqp3 ms Pp-ncmscXlcp Pc-Pi
vqilcp PpX3ms vqp3ms Pa-ncms
Pc-vqp3ms{2} afs
On the third day after I gave

birth, this woman also gave
birth to a child, and we were " > r r ^ 11^- i^n w i HKin n^K n"oa nVm
together. There was no stranger
with us in the house, only the
:n*33 i3n]K-D*n«^ *n*?ii n*33 i i m
two o f us in the house.
Pp-vqcXlcs Pc-vqw3fsXa Pc-Pa-
ncfs Pa-afs Pc-pilcp Pd Pd-vqPms
PpXlcp Pp+Pa-ncms Pp afd-pilcp
Pp+Pa-ncms
So they camped one over against □”*0*" nVK 1 Kgs
the other seven days. And on the 20:29
seventh day the battle was *?*3^n D1»3 ■'n*!
joined, and the sons o f Israel
killed o f the Arameans 100,000
nonVian oipni
foot soldiers in one day. DiK-nK *?Nit9*-*a3 i 3 n
Pc-vqw3mp acp Pp acp amsc ncmp
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-ams nnK 01*3 *V3il 'l^K'nxn
Pc-vqw3fs Pa-ncfs Pc-vhw3mp
ncmpc-np Po-np afs-ams ams Pp-
ncms ams
333
On the third day Esther put on D1*3 Esth5;l
her royal robes and stood in the
inner court o f the king's palace mDbn iriDN
in front o f the king's rooms, and
uLi ■n'’3 1303 ia??ni
the king was sitting on his royal
throne in the throne room, jij n '3 n33 n'D'39n
opposite the entrance to the
palace. mDVon n '3 3
Pc-vqw3fs np ncfs Pc-vqw3fs Pp-
:H'3n nn3 nDi
ncbsc ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pa-afs Pp
ncmsc Pa-ncms Pc-Pa-ncms vqPms
Pp-ncms ncfscX3ms Pp-ncmsc Pa-
ncfs Pp ncms Pa-ncms
On the next day after the killing "n'OTy 01*3 "■'nn J^ri r r
o f Gedaliah, when no one knew 4-5
about it, eighty men came from :I7T
Shechem, from Shiloh, andfrom
DDt^n 3K3n
Samaria with their beards
shaved off and their clothes torn •'i7ij?T ]1iai^n3
and their bodies gashed, having
grain offerings and incense in n3l3*?3 nn333 D'll>nQ3 D n33
their hands to bring to the house :m n'' n '3 K '3n^ d i '3
o f the LORD.
Pp-vhc Po-np Pc-ncms Pn vqp3ms
Pc-vqw3mp ncmp Pp-np Pp-np Pc-
Pp-np amp ncms vPPmpc nebs Pc-
vqsmpc ncmp Pc-vvPmp Pc-ncfs
Pc-ncfs Pp-ncfscX3mp Pp-vhc
ncmsc np
In five of the preceding examples, the time established by Dl’'3 + -H + num ber is
further specified:
♦Gen 34:25 when they were in pain
♦Gen 40:20 Pharaoh’s birthday
♦Exod 19:16 when it was morning
♦1 Kgs 3:18 of my giving birth
♦Jer 41:4-5 after the killing of Gedaliah, when no one knew

about it
This further specification of the time is included within the temporal frame
established by D1*3 + -0 + num ber.
334
9.3.2.1.2.1.9 With 7\W2+ -H + n u m b e r
The following three examples are essentially identical to the preceding set, except
for the temporal specification being changed from day to year. The first example,
however, has different word order because of the numeric expression.
In the four hundred and nlKa ifanKi □•'31QU?3 iKgs6:i

eightieth year after the sons o f
Israel came out o f the land o f
Egypt, in the fourth year o f
Solomon’s reign over Israel, in
the month ofZiv which is the
second month, he began to build
the house o f the LORD. rn in '^ n"3n 33*1
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-amp ncfs Pc-afs
afp ncfs Pp-vqc ncmpc-np Pp-ncbs-
np Pp+Pa-ncfs Pa-afs Pp-ncms np
pi3ms Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pp-vqc np
Pp-np Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-
np
In the third year Jehoshaphat n3i^3"'ri3i' I'^gs
the king o f Judah came down to
the king o f Israel. n iin r ^ V n T in
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncfs Pa-afs
Pc-vqw3msXa np ncms-np Pp-
ncms np
In the sixth year, on the fifth day niâns ■'nn_ Ezeic8:i
o f the sixth month, as I was
sitting in my house with the nD*? D^3i2?T m in " n p n ■'n'33 3iifT nK
t • I T t **1* ' t • •• : ■ —»
elders o f Judah sitting before

:n1n^ n iK i ' diz? ’?3ni
me, that the hand o f the Lord
GOD fell on me there.
Pp+Pa-ams Pp+Pa-ams Pp+Pa-ncms
piles vqPms Pp-ncmscXlcs Pc-
ampc np vqPmp Pp-ncmpcXlcs Pc-
vqw3fs PpXlcs Pd ncfsc np np
The example in Ezek 8:1 has a clause 3 ^ T '’IK, included within the temporal
frame, that provides further setting for the event of the main clause. The concurrent
nature o f the event of this additional clause motivates the use of the participle here.
335
9.3.2.1.2.1.10 With D1'3 + INFC
In one case, immediately following OVS ''n 'l is an infinitive construct as the
verbal element of the dependent clause.
On the day Moses finished “j S t o - n K n f b nlV3 d1"'3 N«m7:i

setting up the tabernacle, he
anointed it and consecrated it inK iPK n ân .
with all its furnishings and the
njTan-nK*!
altar and all its utensils; he
anointed them and consecrated :DnK Dniâ*!
them also.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms vpc np Pp-
vhc Po-Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms
PoX3ms Pc-vpw3ms PoX3ms Pc-
Po-ncmsc-ncmpcX3ms Pc-Po-Pa-
ncms Pc-Po-ncmsc-ncmpcX3ms Pc-
vqw3msX3mp Pc-vpw3ms PoX3mp
9.3.2.1.2.1.11 WithrT'Snâ
In one occurrence, the temporal expression is formed by the preposition 3
prefixed to the ordinal form o f the number seven. The fact that only one occurrence is
attested is presumably the result of the limited corpus of biblical Hebrew. This potentially
could have been a productive pattern for the formation of other temporal expressions
using the ordinal form of other numbers as well.
At the seventh time, he said, n'331^3 'n*;! >^gs

“Behold, a cloud as small as a 18:44
man's hand is coming up from D*Q nVi? niDj? 3V"nan "iqk' i
the sea. ” And he said, “Go up,
ibK n*?s7 laK h.
saytoAhab, ‘Prepare your
chariot and go down, so that the :Dân n3"jX3! n il pdk
heavy shower does not stop
you. ’ ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-afs Pc-
vqw3ms Pi-ncms afs Pp-ncfs-ncms
vqPfs Pp-ncms Pc-vqw3ms vqvms
vqvms Pp-np vqvms Pc-vqvms Pc-
Pn vqi3msX2ms Pa-ncms
336
9.3.2.1.2.1.12 At a Specific Time
Five occurrences are attested o f 3 indicating a specific time at which the next
event occurred. The first four specify a specific time of day such as midnight, the
morning watch, or noon. The fifth uses an expression with an infinitive construct to
specify the time o f the next event: DPlSttf nVnJIS at the beginning o f their living
there.
At midnight the LORD struck all n3n n p n nVVn •’s n ? "nn Exod
the firstborn in the land o f 12:29-30
Egypt, from the firstborn o f "ID3D Dn?Q
ni7"j?
Pharaoh who sat on his throne
to the firstborn o f the captive
11D3 1J7 1K03-*???
who was in the dungeon, and all :ngri3 “1I33 *?3i il3n n'33
the firstborn o f cattle. Pharaoh
arose in the night, he and all his Ti3J7-*?3‘] ni7")9
servants and all the Egyptians,
Dn2«a3 npj?:? 'nm
and there was a great cry in T J I t t I • ! — t :
Egypt, for there was no home :nO ni3 1"K"''3

where there was not someone
dead.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms Pa-ncms
Pc-np vhp3ms ncmsc-ncms Pp-ncbs
np Pp-ncms np Pa-vqPms Pp-
ncmscX3ms Pp ncms Pa-ncms Pr
Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncms Pc-ncms ncms
ncfs Pc-vqw3ms np ncms pi3ms
Pc-ncmsc-ncmpcX3ms Pc-ncmsc-
np Pc-vqw3fsXa ncfs afs Pp-np Pp-
Pd ncms Pr Pd-Pd vqPms
In the middle o f the night, the Ruthirs”
man was startled and bent
forward; and behold, a woman n3Dt? nam nsV n
was lying at his feet.
ncms Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms Pc-
vnw3ms Pc-Pi ncfs vqPfs
ncfpcX3ms
337
At the morning watch, the LORD nin"; "n*;!
looked down on the army o f the
Egyptians through the pillar of Dn*i ]3V1 ^ D'lXQ njnQ~VK
fire and cloud and brought the
;D"-crD nino m
army o f the Egyptians into
confusion.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfsc Pa-ncms
Pc-vhw3msXa np Pp-ncbsc np Pp-
ncms nebs Pc-ncms Pc-vqw3ms Po
ncbsc np
At noon, Elijah mocked them 1 Kgs
and said, “Call out with a loud 18:27
voice, for he is a god; either he 003
is occupied or gone aside, or is
D'n’?K -'3 *?nr*?ip3 w -ip io n * i
on a journey, or perhaps he is
asleep and needs to be i*? n_"to "3 K3n
awakened. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncmp Pc- :f P 'l i*?
vpw3ms PpX3mp np Pc-vqw3ms
vqvmp Pp-ncms-ams Pp-ncmp
pi3ms Pp ncms Pc-Pp-ncms
PpX3ms Pc-Pp-ncbs PpX3ms Pd
ams pi3ms Pc-vqp3ms{2}
At the beginning o f their living
there, they did not fear the
LORD; therefore the LORD sent
lions among them which killed
some o f them.
n ln x 0"nK on 3 nin*;
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfsc vqcX3mp :on3 D 'n n 3 'n n
Pd Pn vqp3cp Po-np Pc-vpw3ms np
PpX3mp Po-Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3mp
vqPmp PpX3mp
9.3.2.1.2.1.13 Withtth.no ____
In two cases o f temporal expressions with 3 ''011, a specific month is stated as the
temporal reference.
338
The words ofNehemiah the son n^nna ''121 Nehpi-
o f Hacaliah:
In the month Chislev, in the
twentieth year, while I was in
:n T 3 n
Susa the capital, Hanani, one o f
my brothers, and some men from 'OKD inK '3]n
Judah came;
ncmpc np ncmsc-np Pc-vqw3msXa nnnâ Kin
Pp-ncms-np np ncfsc amp Pc-pilcs
vqplcs Pp-np Pa-ncfs Pc-
vqw3msXa np ams Pp-ncmpcXlcs
piSms Pc-ncmp Pp-np
In the month Nisan, in the □ntoj? ]D'3 W in2 Neh2:i
twentieth year o f King
Artaxerxes, wine was before Kt&KT viD*? T’*
T V T I
' nVan
TT It
Knou^nniK*?
•“ - - »
V V - J J “ » I
him, and I took up the wine and

niHKi T:*n"nK
gave it to the king. Now 1 had
not been sad in his presence. :V3D*? J7T 'H'^n-K^T
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms np ncfsc
amp Pp-np Pa-ncms ncms Pp-
ncbpcX3ms Pc-vqwlcs Po-Pa-ncms
Pc-vqwlcsXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-Pn-
vqplcs ams Pp-ncbpcX3ms
9.3.2.1.2.1.14 With
In three cases, the temporal expression is formed by '’P'’3 as part of a
construct chain, expressing that the next event or state of affairs occurred in the days o f..
In the days when the judges D'PDl^n 'n i l Ruth 1:1

governed, there was a famine in
the land. And a certain man o f nnini o n V n 'sn iz?'k iV .i f iK 3 3 ?n 'n i l
Bethlehem in Judah went to
:1'33 '3C?1 iniZ^Kl Kin 3Kln '11273 111*?
sojourn in the land o f Moab with
his wife and his two sons.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmpc vqc Pa-
vqPmp Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp+Pa-
ncbs Pc-vqw3msXa ncms Pp np np
Pp-vqc Pp-ncmpc np pi3ms Pc-
ncfscX3ms Pc-amdc ncmpcX3ms
339
In the days ofAhasuerus, the ’’Q''3 'n i l
Ahasuerus who reignedfrom
India to Ethiopia over 127
provinces,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmpc np pi3ms
:n n Q nKD3
np Pa-vqPms Pp-np Pc-Pp-np afs
Pc-amp Pc-afs ncfs vi/
Queen Vashti refused to come at

“i3"|3 K13^ nD^Qn *|Knni Esth 1:12
the king's command delivered by T O 'i D'O'iDn 113 i^ K
the eunuchs. Then the king
became very angry and his :i3 niJ73 inam i ^ o
wrath burned within him.
Pc-vpw3fs Pa-ncfs np Pp-vqc Pp-
ncmsc Pa-ncms Pr Pp-ncfsc Pa-
ncmp Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms Pd Pc-
ncfscX3ms vqp3fs PpX3ms
It came also in the days o f inn??K'“]3 o'|?ilni 'a '3 'n n Jer 1:3-4
Jehoiakim the son o f Josiah,
king o f Judah, until the end o f 131^ nitov '31^3? d3"1 i ? ni3ni
the eleventh year ofZedekiah the
ni3ni initz^K '-p in ip ix ^
son of Josiah, king o f Judah,
until the exile o f Jerusalem in :'c?'Qnn t2?in3 n1*?3i"ij7
the fifth month. Now the word o f
the LORD came to me saying, nax*? m n '- i 3 i 'H 't
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmpc np ncmsc-
np ncms np Pp-vqc afs afs ncfs Pp-
np ncmsc-np ncms np Pp-vqc np
Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pc-
vqw3msXa ncmsc-np PpXlcs Pp-
vqc
The Esther example is noteworthy for the lengthy span of clauses between the
temporal expression in 1:1 and the w a y y iq t o l of 1:12, indicated above by the 4/. Esther
1:1-11 is the complex setting for the narrative which follows and as such does not have
the typical characteristics of sequential narrative.
9.3.2.1.2.2 Specific Temporal Reference Followed by qatal
The following occurrences differ from the preceding set in 9.3.2.1.2.1 in that the
verb which follows the temporal expression is a q a t a l . The use of the qatal indicates
that the event or state o f affairs expressed by that verb had already taken place or were
340
already in effect. Since the syntactic shape of these oeeurrenees is so similar to those in
9.3.2.1.2.1, minimal comments are made throughout the following data display.
9 .3 .2 .1 .2 .2 .1 W i t h K ' n n 7 \V ^
In the same year, in the rT’U?K“13 1131^3 'IT’T Jer 28:1

beginning o f the reign o f
Zedekiah king of Judah, in the n3ir?3 n D V on
fourth year, in the fifth month 'U?’’Q nn C ?iri3
Hananiah the son of Azzur, the ■ "" " • -<- ••• -
prophet, who was fi-omGibeon, nin"; n ‘’3 3 lI U m Q K '3 3 n 13?3?~13
had spoken to me in the house o f . » » »
the LORD in the presence o f the -"laK*? '3'J7>
priests and all the people,
saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncfs Pa-pi3fs
Pp-ncfs ncfsc np ncms-np Pp-ncfsc
Pp+Pa-ncfs Pa-afs Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-
ams vqpSms PpXlcs np ncmsc-np
Pa-ncms Pr Pp-np Pp-ncmsc np Pp-
ncmdc Pa-ncmp Pc-ncmsc-Pa-ncms
Pp-vqc
One further instance has both the specific temporal reference, D1‘'3 on the day, but
this is immediately followed by the q a t a l 131 he spoke. The temporal reference is not
merely on that day, the Lord spoke, but on the day the Lord spoke. One might expect an
infinitive construct with 3 , but this is the regular q a t a l 1 3 1 .
On the day when the LORD 13311' 1 3 1 □ 1 '3 ' n ' l

spoke to Moses in the land o f -r . . > .
Egypt, the LORD spoke to : D '1 M
Moses, seeing, “I am the LORD; 1 1 1 ' 1 3 1 '1
speak to Pharaoh king oj Egypt ••
all that I speak to you." HK D '1 3 Q ■^*?Q ijJ lS " * ? ^ 1 3 1 111') '3K
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms vppSms np ’' ‘ ’ ' '
Pp-np Pp-ncbs np Pc-vpw3ms np 11^^$ 7 3
Pp-np Pp-vqc piles np vpvms Pp-np
ncms np Po ncmsc-Pr piles vqPms
PpX2ms
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission of th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission .
341
9 . 3 .2 . 1 .2 . 2 .2 W i t h n t n DVH
The occurrence o f Dl*n 0 3 ^3 specifically expresses that the following
action took place on that very day itself as an extension o f its meaning as substance, self
(BDB 1996, 782-83).
At the end o f four hundred and mW nlKQ J731>?1 f p n ■’n n Exod

thirty years, to the very day, all
the hosts o f the LORD went out n tn Dl*a D3J73
from the land o f Egypt.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms amp ncfs
tD n x a fiK D n p i nlK33“’?3
Pc-afs afp ncfs Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-
ncfsc Pa-ncms Pa-ams vqp3cp
ncmsc-ncbpc np Pp-ncbs np
And on that same day the LORD ntn Dl”n 0 x93 ■
’nî Exod
brought the sons o f Israel out o f
the land o f Egypt by their hosts. ■’B -pK nin'. x 's l n
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfs Pa-ncms Pa-
ams vhp3ms np Po-ncmpc np Pp- :DnK33~’?3? Dn?Q
ncbs np Pp-ncbpcX3mp
9.3.2.1.2.2.3 With n»3 + INFC
With the infinitive construct, PI73 forms a complex expression which establishes a
specific temporal reference point for the following action.
At the time for giving Merab, *?1K^“ n 3 31Q~n>< PH P373 "n*;! 1 Sam
Saul's daughter to David, she , , , ’ , i»-iq
was given to Adriel the •'P^nQP P3P]
Meholathite for a wife.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncbs vqc Po-np
ncfs-np Pp-np Pc-pi3fs vnp3fs Pp-
np Pa-np Pp-ncfs
9.3.2.1.2.2.4 With D1*3 + -P + number
This expression states that the aetion whieh follows took plaee a certain number
of days after the event in the preceding narrative.
342
On the sixth day they gathered w n Dl*3 ■’rr';! Exod
twice as much bread, two omers 16:22
fo r each one. iQi7n '31^
vqp3cp ncmsc ncms amdc Pa-ncms
Pp+Pa-ams
On the seventh day some o f the 01*3 ■’n*! Exod
people went out to gather, but 16:27
they found none. :1K3?Q K^1 op*?*? Oyn-IQ 1K2T*
•TT t - r - p l -

vqp3cp Pp-Pa-ncms Pp-vqc Pc-Pn
vqp3cp
On the eighth day Moses called 01*3 ■'H*! Lev 9:1

Aaron and his sons and the
elders o f Israel; I'loV i pnK*p ni^D K ip
vqp3ms np Pp-np Pc-Pp-
ncmpcX3ms Pc-Pp-ampc np
In the following two sections, the same type of temporal reference to months and
years is expressed.
9.3.2.1.2.2.5 W ith + -H + num ber
In the first month o f the second n*3ipn ilc^Kin tz?iri3 'n i l Exod
year, on the first day o f the 40:17
month, the tabernacle was opin inK 3
erected.
Pp+Pa-ncfs Pa-afs Pp-ams Pp+Pa-
ncms vHp3ms Pa-ncms
In the seventh month, Ishmael
the son ofNethaniah, the son o f
Elishama, o f the royal family, nDi*?Qn j7itQ i7n^"*?K-i2 n :3 n ri3
came with ten men and struck
Gedaliah down so that he died
in :* ?irn K i s n idk nntoPi
along with the Jews and the ontoDn-nK*! D n^n’;n-nK‘] n n n
Chaldeans who were with him at
Mizpah. :n93Q3 ln>t vn"nu^K
vqp3ms np ncmsc-np ncmsc-np Pp-
ncms Pa-ncfs Pc-afs ncmp PpX3ms
Pc-vhw3mp Po-np Pc-vqw3msXa
Pc-Po-Pa-np Pc-Po-Pa-np Pr-
vqp3cp PpX3ms Pp-np
343
In the seventh month Ishmael the
son ofNethaniah, the son o f
Elishama, o f the royal family n3i*?ian n :p r]3
and one o f the chief officers o f
p it
the king, along with ten men,
came to Mizpah to Gedaliah the nnssQij
sonofAhikam. While they were
eating bread together there in :n9:?i33 onV dW
Mizpah,
Pc-vqw 3m sX a Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-ams
vqp3ms np ncm sc-np ncm sc-np Pp-
ncm s Pa-ncfs Pc-ncm pc Pa-ncm s
Pc-afs ncmp PpXSm s Pp-np ncm sc-
np Pa-npXd Pc-vqw 3m p Pd ncms
Pd Pp-np
9.3.2.1.2.2.6 With Year Formulas Involving a Number
There are two basic shapes of these occurrences and the data below is organized
accordingly:
1) ■ 'n il + 3+ N U M B E R + ri31^
In the six hundred andfirst year, in K 3 ■jliz?Ki3 n]i^ nnK3 'n n cen8:i3
in the first month, on the first o f
the month, the water was dried f iK n b vn D'Qn i3 in
up from the earth. Then Noah
removed the covering o f the ark,
n3rin noDQ-nK nj "ion
and looked, and behold, the :n m «n "b i3 in nam K in
surface o f the ground was dried
up.
P c-vqw 3m sX a Pp-afs Pc-afs-afp
ncfs Pp+Pa-am s Pp-am s Pp+Pa-
ncm s vqp3cp Pa-ncmp Pp-Pp Pa-
ncbs Pc-vhw 3m sX a np Po-ncm sc
Pa-ncfs P c-vqw 3m sX a Pc-Pi
vqp3cp ncbpc Pa-ncfs
In the fortieth year, on the first Q 'V S I K S 'n il D e u tl:3

day o f the eleventh month,
Moses spoke to the children o f '33“*?K n^Q 131 izînV in><3
Israel, according to all that the
:on’?K inK n in ' ni:i *?33 ’?KitZ7'
LORD had commanded him to
give to them,
Pc-vqw 3m sX a Pp-abp ncfs Pp-afs-
am s ncm s Pp-am s Pp+Pa-ncms
vpp3ms np Pp-ncmpc np Pp-ncms
Pr vpp3m s np P oX 3m s PpX3m p
344
In the eighteenth year o f King n ito ? n3b^3 'n*;! 2 Kgs
Josiah, the king sent Shaphan,
the son o f Azaliah the son o f
Meshullam the scribe, to the
house o f the LORD saying,
noK*? nin”; n ^2 iDbn dVi^d-i3
P c-vqw 3m sX a Pp-afs afs ncfs
Pp+Pa-ncm s np vqp3ins Pa-ncm s
Po-np ncm sc-np ncm sc-np Pa-ncm s
ncm sc np Pp-vqc
In the thirty-seventh year o f the

exile o f Jehoiachin king o f
Judah, in the twelfth month, on
the twenty-seventh day o f the
month, Evil-merodach king o f
Babylon, in the year that he iDVn 22^2 *?22 i^bn
became king, released
Jehoiachin king o f Judah from :K^2 n'2D
prison;
Pc-vqw 3m sX a Pp-amp Pc-afs ncfs
Pp-ncfsc np ncm s-np Pp-amd ams
ncm s Pp-amp Pc-am s Pp+Pa-ncm s
vqp3ms np ncm s np Pp-ncfsc
vqcX 3m s P c-ncm s np ncm s-np Pp-
ncm sc ncms
In the fourteenth year o f King

Hezekiah, Sennacherib king o f
Assyria came up against all the bv 3nrt3p nbv
fortified cities o f Judah and
:Dto9n*T n l“i22n "12~*?2
seized them.
P c-vqw 3m sX a Pp-afs afs ncfs
Pp+Pa-ncm s np vqp3ms np ncm s-
np Pp ncm sc-nclpc np Pa-vqsip Pc-
vqw 3m sX3m p
In the thirty-seventh year o f the Jeri2r3T

exile o f Jehoiachin king o f
Judah, in the twelfth month, on tzîn ito p D‘’3c?2
the twenty-fifth o f the month,
Ktoj n f Drji
Evil-merodach king o f Babylon,
in the first year o f his reign, iriDVn n j^ 2 *?22
showed favor to Jehoiachin king
o f Judah and brought him out o f
prison. : K^*?2 n rT'2b inlK
Pc-vqw 3m sX a Pp-amp Pc-afs ncfs
Pp-ncfsc np ncm s-np Pp-amd am s
ncm s Pp-amp Pc-am s Pp+Pa-ncm s
vqp3ms np ncm s np Pp-ncfsc
ncfscX 3m s Po-ncm s np ncms-np
P c-vhw 3m sX a P oX 3m s Pp-ncm sc
Pa-ncm s Pa-ncm s
345
In the thirtieth year, on the fifth ntîana •'n*;! Eêki:i
day o f the fourth month, while I
was by the river Chebar among "i33-inr*?s? n ^ la n -fln 3 ■’dki
the exiles, the heavens were
opened and I saw visions o f
in n s]
God.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-amp ncfs Pp+Pa-
ams Pp+Pa-ams Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-
pilcs Pp-ncmsc-Pa-ncfs Pp-ncmsc-
np vnp3cp Pa-ncmp Pc-vqwlcs
nclpc ncmp
In the eleventh year, on the first in x 3 n]^»’ nito’y “ ^nu;‘i73 ■’n n ’ Ezek
o f the month, the word o f the
LORD came to me saying, noK*? m n ‘'-i3 T n 'n
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-afs-afs ncfs Pp-
ams Pp+Pa-ncms vqp3ms ncmsc-np
PpXlcs Pp-vqc
In the twenty-seventh year, in n3u? S73^^] o n t o 'n";! Ezek
the first month, on the first o f the
month, the word o f the LORD nbK*? m n'’"i3 T n^n nnK3
came to me saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-amp Pc-afs ncfs
In the eleventh year, in the first ]1u;‘j<i3 n3^‘ nitoy nnns 'n-;! Ezek
month, on the seventh o f the
month, the word o f the LORD niDKV ''bin m n '- i 3 i n^n nj?3^3
came to me saying,
In the eleventh year, in the third ■ m to y nn"K3''"’n';V Ezek
the word o f the LORD came to nbx*? •'Vk m n '- 3 3 i n^n in><3
me saying,
In the twelfth year, in the twelfth -|t2717-’31Z?3 HltoS? ■'PHZ?3 ■’n'’T Ezek
month, on the first o f the month, 32:1
me saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-afdc afs ncfs Pp-
amdc-ams ncms Pp-ams Pp+Pa-
ncms vqp3ms ncmsc-np PpXlcs
Pp-vqc
346
In the twelfth year, on the nt^nna mW n ito v "rf;! Ezek
ftfteenth o f the month, the word
o f the LORD came to me saying, nbK*? "Vx m n ^ -a a i n^n
Pp+Pa-ams ams Pp+Pa-ncms
In the twelfth year o f our exile,
on the fifth o f the tenth month,
the refugees from Jerusalem B'Vsn 3303*?!^ ânV ni^pna
came to me, saying, “The city
has been taken. ”
:a'i7n nnan aoK*? D*?c?3a‘'P
Pp+Pa-ams Pp+Pa-ams Pp+Pa-ncms
Pp-ncfscXlcp vqp3ms-PpXlcs Pa-
ncms Pp-np Pp-vqc vHp3fs Pa-ncfs
In the fourth year o f King
Darius, the word o f the LORD
came to Zechariah on the fourth u?an^ n y a a x a n n a t- V ^ n in 'j-aaa n^n
day o f the ninth month, which is
Chislev.
n*?oaa 'i7^nn
Pa-ncms vqp3m$ ncmsc-np Pp-np
Pp-ams Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pp-np
2 ) Ti';!+ a + ri3t^+ n u m b e r
In the second year, in the second D'atoya ■'3^*1 izâna n'3Wn n3â 'n";! ûm
month, on the twentieth o f the
month, the cloud was lifted from :na?7n *?3?q -jpn nV rj câna
over the tabernacle o f the
testimony;
Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pp-amp
Pp+Pa-ncms vnp3ms Pa-ncms Pp-
Pp ncmsc Pa-ncfs
In the fifth year o f King □Vana n'u;'ann n3^â aan. i Kgs

Rehoboam, Shishak the king o f
Egypt came up against
Jerusalem.
Pp+Pa-ncms np vqp3ms np np
ncms-np Pp-np
In the twenty-third year o f King ^ 7 ^ H3t^ Dntov'n3u?a’'"n’;i 2 Kgs
Jehoash the priests had not
repaired the damages o f the :ni3n pag-nK D'Dnan ^pTn-«V
house.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfsc amp Pc-afs
ncfs Pp+Pa-ncms np Pn-vpp3cp Pa-
ncmp Po-ncms Pa-ncms
347
In the third year o f Hoshea, the P3t^3 'n*;i 2 Kgs
son o f Elah king o f Israel,
Hezekiah the son o f Ahaz king o f :ni3n‘:
Judah became king.
ncmsc-np ncms np vqp3ms np
ncmsc-np ncms np
In the fourth year o f King

Hezekiah, which was the seventh
year o f Hoshea son o f Elah king n^K-13 s?^1nV n 'j7'3^n n3^^n K'n
o f Israel, Shalmaneser king o f
Assyria came up against
Samaria and besieged it.
Pp+Pa-ncms np pi3fs Pa-ncfs Pa-afs
Pp-np ncmsc-np ncms np vqp3ms
np ncms-np Pp-np Pc-vqw3msXa
PpX3fs
In the ninth year o f his reign, on
the tenth day o f the tenth month,
Nebuchadnezzar king o f Babylon i^ K n p 3 3 K3 "ilt&V3
came, he and all his army,
against Jerusalem, camped
i’p'n'V pi V33"^^q
against it and built a siege wall :3"30 jP'.l 133*1 10*1
all around it.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfsc Pa-afs Pp-
vqcX3ms Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-ams
Pp+Pa-ncms Pp+Pa-ncms vqp3m$
np ncms-np pi3ms Pc-ncmsc-
ncmscX3ms Pp-np Pc-vqw3msXa
PpX3fs Pc-vqw3mp PpX3fs ncms
Pd
In King Rehoboam's fifth year, Dviinn' 2c s r

because they had been unfaithful
to the LORD, Shishak king o f *3 dV^317*?i7 0*130-1^0
Egypt came up against
Jerusalem
:mn*3 3Vj7D
Pp+Pa-ncms np vqp3ms np ncms-
np Pp-np Pp vqp3cp Pp-np
In the fourth year ofJehoiakim
the son o f Josiah, king o f Judah,
this word came to Jeremiah from n to "i3in nin ni^n* 3n:^x*-j3
the LORD, saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncfs Pa-afs nbK*? mn* hkd 3n*D3*-*?K
Pp-np ncmsc-np ncms np vqp3ms
Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pp-np Pp-Pp np
Pp-vqc
348
In the fifth year ofJehoiakim the
son o f Josiah, king o f Judah, in
the ninth month, all the people in
Jerusalem and all the people
who came from the cities o f
DPn"‘?3 nini d1:t w np
Judah to Jerusalem proclaimed m jH ’; " iv a D'K3n D37n"*?pi
a fast before the LORD.
Pp-np ncmsc-np ncms-np Pp+Pa-
ncms Pa-ams vqp3cp ncms Pp-
ncbpc np ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pp-np Pc-
ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pa-vqPmp Pp-ncfpc
np Pp-np
In the ninth year o f his reign, on Jer f i T
the tenth day o f the tenth month,
Nebuchadnezzar king o f Babylon “ixK iipia;] ^<3 ilto p a ■’I'to y n
came, he and all his army,
against Jerusalem, camped
against it and built a siege wall p 'l 333*1 n*^y m n
all around it.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncfs Pa-afs :a*30
Pp-vqcX3ms Pp+Pa-ncms Pa-ams
Pp+Pa-ncms Pp+Pa-ncms vqp3ms
np ncms-np pi3ms Pc-ncmsc-
ncmscX3ms Pp-np Pc-vqw3mp
PpX3fs Pc-vqw3mp PpX3fs ncms
Pd
In the seventh year, in the fifth *0qna *n*i Eêk
month, on the tenth o f the month, 20:1
certain o f the elders o f Israel Vxato* •'3^10 D*^^3K w a alt&ya
came to inquire o f the LORD,
:*3D*? 3ac?’i mn*"nK
and sat before me.
Pp+Pa-ams Pp+Pa-ncms Pp+Pa-
ncms vqp3cp ncmp Pp-ampc np Pp-
vqc Po-np Pc-vqw3mp Pp-
ncmpcXlcs
One of the questions not addressed here is the possible narrative structuring
function that temporal expressions like the preceding sets of data may have. This would
require extensive narrative analysis of each of the books from which these examples
come and is beyond the scope of the present study.
349
9.3.2.1.2.2.7 With DJ?93 + -H + n u m b e r
This expression parallels the structure of the previous three, but with time
rather than day, month or year.
At the seventh time, when the dj?93 Josh6:i6

priests blew the trumpets,
Joshua said to the people, Dyn~*?K n n D l^ 3 D'3n3n
“Shout! For the LORD has
nini i n r ' s w n n
given you the city.
vqp3cp Pa-ncmp Pp+Pa-ncmp Pc-
vqw3ms np Pp-Pa-ncms vhvmp Pp-
vqp3ms np PpX2mp Po-Pa-ncfs
9.3.2.1.2.2.8 With 'D'S
As in 9.3.2.1.2.1.14, the expression with ■'D''3 is part of a construct chain,
expressing that the next event or state of affairs occurred in the days o f a certain person.
In the days o f Amraphel king o f '’D'’3 ’’n''T

Shinar, Arioch king o f Ellasar,
Chedorlaomer king o f Elam, and
Tidal king o f Goiim, they made
war with Bera king o f Sodom...
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmpc np ncms- Dio 1713-nK nanVo
np np ncms np np ncms np Pc-np
ncms ncmp vqp3cp ncfs Pp-np
ncms np
350
In the days o f Ahaz, the son o f D ni'-]3 tnK 'D-3 Isa 7:1-2
Jotham, the son ofUzziah, king
ofJudah, Rezin the king o f Aram nVi? 3n:i;p-[3
and Pekah the son o f Remaliah,
3n'^*pQ"i"i3 n p si
king o f Israel, went up to
Jerusalem to wage war against onVnV *?3: nonîa^
it, but could not conquer it.
When it was reported to the nm "iqk’? n i n^3‘p ir j
house o f David, saying, “The 37133 1Q37 33*71 133*7 373*1 DnD>J-*737 DIK
Arameans have camped in
Ephraim, ” his heart and the : n n - * 3 3 Q "l37*-*337
hearts o f his people shook as the
trees o f the forest shake with the
wind.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmpc np ncmsc-
np ncmsc-np ncms np vqp3ms np
ncms-np Pc-np ncmsc-np ncms-np
np Pp+Pa-ncfs PpX3fs Pc-Pn
vqp3ms Pp-vnc PpX3fs Pc-
vHw3ms Pp-ncmsc np Pp-vqc
vqp3fs np Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms
ncmscX3ms Pc-ncmsc ncmscX3ms
Pp-vqc ncmpc-ncms Pp-ncmpc-ncbs
93.2.2 W ith 3
The first question that arises regarding the occurrences o f 3 ‘'n 'l is how they
differ from the similar use of - 3 ''11*1 with infinitive constmcts. For example, the
infinitive construct of K13 occurs with - 3 “'11*1 in Judg 3:27 and - 3 '’ri')1 in 1 Sam 4:5.
This provides good contrast for exploring the different nuances with these prepositions.
As he arrived, he blew the ii < l 3 3 ^ n 'l Judg 3:27

trumpet in the hill country o f
Ephraim; and the sons o f Israel □'"JDK "103 "IDW3 37pn*1
went down with him from the hill
" in n - [ Q * 7 K " ito '" '3 3 1Q37 n " ) ’ i
country, and he was infront o f
them. :nn'3D*7 K101
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3ms Pc-
vqw3ms Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-ncms np
Pc-vqw3mp PpX3ms ncmpc-np Pp-
Pa-ncms Pc-pi3ms Pp-ncmpcX3mp
351
When the ark o f the covenant o f
the LORD came into the camp,
all Israel shouted with a great
shout, so that the earth
resounded.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncbsc ncfs-
np Pp-Pa-ncbs Pc-vhw3mp ncmsc-
np ncfs afs Pc-vnw3fsXa Pa-ncbs
As stated in 9.3.2, - 3 "'n'l draws the temporal circle within which the action of
the next independent clause takes place. This is not simultaneity, but rather a statement
that during the action of the verb in the dependent clause, the action of the verb in the
main clause occurs. In Judg 3:27, then, the occurrence of 1K133 would indicate that
during Ehud’s arrival, he blew the trumpet. In contrast, in 1 Sam 4:5 Kl33 indicates
that the ark of the Lord entered the camp and then all Israel shouted. As Gropp states,
concerning the use of 3 compared with 3, “[t]he basic distinction is between temporal
succession and temporal overlap” (Gropp 1995,205). This distinction should be reflected
in the translation of the oeeurrenees of the infinitive construct with - 3 and - 3 '’n';!.
The following sections of data with - 3 ’’n 'l are quite extensive, being divided as
follows:
9.3.2.2.1 With Infinitive Constructs (pages 350-76)
9.3.2.2.2 With Specific Temporal Reference (page 379)
9.3.2.2.1 With Infinitive Constructs
The occurrences with —3 'iT)! parallel those with —3 ‘'n')! discussed above in
9.3.2.1. Here, however, there are four sections of data:
9.3.2.2.1.1 Infinitive Construct Followed b y w a y y iq t o l
352
9.3.2.2.1.2 Infinitive Construct Followed by w a y y iq t o l with Intervening Clauses
9.3.2.2.1.3 Infinitive Construct Followed b y qatal
9.3.2.2.1.4 Infinitive Construct Followed by y iq t o l
In the following examples, the object or complement of the infinitive construct,
no matter how complex, does not qualify as an intervening clause.
9.3.2.2.1.1 Infinitive Construct Followed by w a y y iq to l
The instances of iNFC - 3 T I'l follow this pattem very consistently, but there are
certain syntactic features which vary slightly. For example, in Num 16:31; Dent 31:24;
Josh 8:24, 10:20; Judg 15:17; 1 Sam 13:10, 18:1, 24:17; 2 Sam 13:36; 1 Kgs 9:1; 2 Kgs
10:25; Jer 26:8, and 43:1 the infinitive construct with 3 is followed by another infinitive
construct with V In every instance listed here, the first infinitive construct is of the verb
n*?3 to finish, as in Nmn 16:31,
"13T*p in^33 'n 'l when he finished speaking
The subject of the infinitive construct is realized either as a pronominal suffix
attached to the infinitive construct itself, or as an explicit subject as in Deut 31:24,
303*? n ^ b nlV33 ■’r i'l when Moses finished writing
The comments in 9.3.2.1.1 regarding sa m e and d if f e r e n t su b je c t also apply
here.
Also, in Gen 24:30 and 2 Chr 12:1 the parallel structure is noteworthy:
33 ... 3 'n ‘;i

iJ7D1^33 ^7! nK")3 'n i l Oen 24:30
in^Tn33 0^30") m3*pb ‘[•’3 0 3 2 C h r l2 :l
Figure 26: Parallel Structure o f 3^ ... 3 ''n’l
353
No instances are found of 3 ... 3 ''n 'l, which is congruent with 3 ’’n 'l indieating
temporal succession in contrast to 3 ’’n 'l which indicates temporal overlap.
Before proceeding with the examples, three points of clause syntax should be
addressed. Gen 39:13 provides the first point of departure:
When she saw that he had left r in lK 3 3

his garment in her hand and had '' ' ' lo i-i
fled outside, D 3 :i r r T 3 n n 3 t V " ' 5
The '3 clause is not analyzed here as an intervening clause because of its function
as a complement of HKI. It functions as the object of the transitive verb HKT just like
0T3n-nK in Gen 24:30.
'rr';i +
Object____________ INFC of transitive verb
3 t p - '3 nnlK")3 ■'nil
D |3 n " n K nK "i3 " m i
Figure 27: Object of Transitive Verb

A second issue in the Gen 39:13 example is the occurrence of HXinn DPI, a
WAYYIQTOL within the ‘’3 clause. This should not be eonstrued as an example of the
“consecutive” use of the w a y y i q t o l after a q a t a l . There are very specific syntactic
parameters that govem the occurrenee of the w a y y i q t o l here. It does indeed occur after
the QATAL 3 tP , but this is not just random narrative. The occurrence of DTP is tightly
constrained by ’'3 (See also 13^“ ''3 in Josh 10:1.). To describe the occurrence of DPI
after 3 tP , it is preferable here to say that the w a y y iq t o l is the default form for past
narrative. This may very well he what consecutive is intended to communicate, but the
preference here is to avoid the term consecutive because of its association with the waw-
354
consecutive theory of the w a y y iq t o l . The use of w a y y iq t o l is governed by syntactic
and pragmatic parameters that are more complex than what is typically contemplated by
the waw-consecutive theory.
The clause in 1 Kgs 13:4 is similar to the 'D clause in that it functions within
the temporal clause initiated by - 3 In the 1 Kgs 13:4 example, is part of
a relative clause used descriptively to modify D''nVKr|“lZ?’'K IDITIK. For this reason, it
is not considered to he an intervening clause between the ’’n']! and
Other semantic and syntactic features will be discussed after the data display.
When Abram came into Egypt, n n n sQ >«133 •’n ’;! oen

the Egyptians saw that the
woman was very beautiful. ni^Kn-nK D'i:si3n
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np npXd Pc-
vqw3mp Pa-np Po-Pa-ncfs Pp-afs HKQ Kin HD^“ '3
piSfs Pd
When they brought them outside, nsinn nnK dk^xIhd "n-;i oen
one said, “Escape for your life!
Do not look behind you, and do Vl.nK D'3n-*?K oVan ib k * i
not stay anywhere in the valley;
escape to the mountains, or you
ninn i33n-*?D3 nDSfn-*?Ki
will be swept away. ” :nD0n"]9 Dân
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhcX3mp
PoX3mp Pa-ncmsXd Pc-vqw3ms
vnvms Pp-ncfscX2ms Pd-
vhi2ms{ 1} Jm PdX2ms Pc-Pd-
vqi2ms{ 1} Jm Pp-ncmsc-Pa-ncfs Pa-
ncmsXd vnvms Pc-vni2ms
When he saw the ring and the o'iaxn~nKi Di3n“nK nK-13 Gen
bracelets on his sister's wrists, 24:30
and when he heard the words o f nj?3i nan-H K iifai^Di innK n.r*???
Rebekah his sister, saying, “This
12^'Kn i 3 T n 3 naK*? innK
is what the man said to me, ” he
went to the man; and behold, he D'Vaan-Vi? nai? nani k3*i
was standing by the camels at
the spring.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Po-Pa-ncms
Pc-Po-Pa-ncmp Pp-ncfdc
ncfscX3ms Pc-Pp-vqcX3ms Po-
ncmpc np ncfscX3ms Pp-vqc Pd-
vpp3ms PpXlcs Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp-Pa-ncms Pc-Pi
vqPms Pp-Pa-ncmp Pp-Pa-ncfs
355
When Laban heard the news o f innK"*j3 J7Q©'"nK Gen
Jacob his sister's son, he ran to 29:13
meet him, and embraced him ly p a n ';! inxTpV f i n
and kissed him and brought him
to his house. Then he related to
iV p fri
Laban all these things. :nV^n Dn3in"*?3 m ]2V?
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Po-ncms
np ncmsc-ncfscX3ms Pc-vqw3ms
Pp-vqcX3ms Pc-vpw3ms-PpX3ms
Pc-vpw3ms-PpX3ms Pc-
vhw3msX3ms Pp-ncmscX3ms Pc-
vpw3ms Pp-np Po ncmsc-Pa-ncmp
Pa-acp
When she saw that he had left Gen
his garment in her hand and had 39:13-14
fled outside, she called to the :nx3nn o n n i! ?
men o f her household and said
to them, “See, he has brought in
"ibN*? onV "iDKni rrn'3
a Hebrew to us to make sport o f pn^*p n q j; rh 3«i
us; he came in to me to lie with
me, and I screamed. '1317 'V k 333
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3fs Pp-
vqp3ms ncmscX3ms Pp-ncfscX3fs *?1p3 KipXT
Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncmscXd Pc-
vqw3fs Pp-ncmpc ncmscX3fs Pc-
vqw3fs PpX3mp Pp-vqc vqvmp
vhp3ms PpXIcp ncms np Pp-vpc
PpXlcp vqp3ms PpXlcs Pp-vqc
PpXlcs Pc-vqwlcs Pp-ncms ams
When he heard that I raised my ■’Vip 'n b 'i n “ '3 13713^3 'nn_ oen
voice and screamed, he left his
garment beside me andfled and :n:r3nn K xn d3*t •’*?2rK in i3 3ti7*T
went outside. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3ms Pp-
vhplcs ncmscXlcs Pc-vqwlcs Pc-
vqw3ms ncmscX3ms PpXlcs Pc-
vqw3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncmscXd
and when I raised my voice and 'b 'ln q 'n n Gen
screamed, he left his garment
beside me andfled outside. ” :nx3nn 03n 1133 3tJ7'i
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhcXlcs
ncmscXlcs Pc-vqwlcs Pc-vqw3ms
ncmscX3ms PpXlcs Pc-vqw3ms
Pa-ncmscXd
356
When his master heard his rn K ■’n n oen
wife’s words, which she spoke to
him, seeing, “This is what your "IQM*? t Vk n-131
slave did to me, ” his anger
burned.
^[“5317 'V rrt&v hVkh o n s i s
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncmpcX3ms :i3K i n n
Po-ncmpc ncfscX3ms Pr vpp3fs
PpX3ms Pp-vqc Pp+Pa-ncmp Pa-
acp vqp3ms PpXlcs ncmscX2ms
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3ms
When Aaron spoke to the whole T k 1313 ExoT
congregation o f the sons o f
Israel, they looked toward the 1133 nani i 3 i a n - ’?K 33d»i
wilderness, and behold, the
glory o f the LORD appeared in
nxii nin*;
the cloud.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc np Pp-
ncmsc-ncfsc ncmpc-np Pc-vqw3mp
Pp-Pa-ncms Pc-Pi ncmsc np vnp3ms
Pp+Pa-ncms
Then the LORD came down in
the cloud and spoke to him; and
He took o f the Spirit who was vVv ii^K m i n - i a V x k i
upon him and placed Him upon
the seventy elders. And when the
onp^n D"373U?-*?i? ]nn_
Spirit rested upon them, they iK33nn_ min on'*??? nl33 ^nn_
prophesied. But they did not do
it again. :1D0'
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-
vpw3ms PpX3ms Pc-vhw3ms Pp-
Pa-ncbs Pr PpX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pp-
amp ncms Pa-amp Pc-vqw3msXa
Pp-vqc PpX3mp Pa-ncbs Pc-
vtw3mp Pc-Pn vqp3cp
When he finished speaking all □'’i 3 i n “*?3 n« i3 iV I h^ dd m i_ ûm
these words, the ground that was
under them split open; :Dn'nnn i i ^k nniK n r p s n i
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpcX3ms Pp-vpc
Po ncmsc-Pa-ncmp Pa-acp Pc-
vnw3fs Pa-ncfs Pr PpX3mp
When Moses finished writing the n 3 iY iK ~ "3 n 3 y n ^ a’ nlV33” '"nn”"°eiF'
words o f this law in a book until
they were complete, Moses taan ij? idd"*?? nK ^n-ni1nn
commanded the Levites who
carried the ark o f the covenant
DnVo“nK n ^ b
o f the LORD, saying, :ibK*? rTin^-nn:;! •j1i« ■'Ktoa
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc np Pp-vqc
Po-ncmpc Pa-ncfe-Pa-afs Pp-ncms
Pp vqcX3mp Pc-vpw3msXa np Po-
Pa-np vqPmpc ncbsc ncfs-np Pp-vqc
357
When all the kings o f the •’n*;! Joshs:i
Amorites who were beyond the
Jordan to the west, and all the
kings o f the Canaanites who
were by the sea, heard how the
LORD had dried up the waters
o f the Jordan before the sons o f
Israel until they had crossed, D3P*P DP*1 3nPP“lI7
their hearts melted, and there 'BD m i 11J7 D3
was no spirit in them any longer
because o f the sons ofIsrael.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncmsc-
ncmpc Pa-np Pr Pp-ncms Pa-np
ncmsXd Pc-ncmsc-ncmpc Pa-np Pr
Pp-Pa-ncms Po Pr-vhp3ms np Po-
ncmpc Pa-np Pp-ncbpc ncmpc-np
Pp-vqcXlcp vqcX3mp Pc-vnw3ms
ncmscX3mp Pc-Pn-vqp3ms
PpX3mp Pd nebs Pp-ncbpc ncmpc-
np
The people shouted, and priests m iD t lJ i DVn U T T Josh 6:20
blew the trumpets; and when the
people heard the sound o f the *?lp"nK Dpn Pbtt^p 'n n
trumpet, the people shouted with
n y n n opn w n t l
a great shout and the wallfell
down flat, so that the people n'nnn nplnn *?arn_
went up into the city, every man
straight ahead, and they took the ill] H T p n DPn V yn
city. n'j7n"nK iip*?*i
Pc-vhw3ms Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3mp
Pp+Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc
Pa-ncms Po-ncms Pa-ncms Pc-
vhw3mp Pa-ncms ncfs afs Pc-
vqw3fs Pa-ncfs PpX3fs Pc-vqw3ms
Pa-ncms Pa-ncfsXd ncms PpX3ms
Pc-vqw3mp Po-Pa-ncfs
When the king o f Ai saw it, the ^rn-^Va nlK ip"”''"n'”i Joshsru
men o f the city hurried and rose
up early and went out to meet i'37n-"^3K iK xn iB B ^ n iina-;i
Israel in battle, he and all his
ia3?“*?pi Kin nanVaV
people at the appointed place
before the desert plain. But he j?T v h Kin*! n p ip n 'b*? iP laV
did not know that there was an
ambush against him behind the n'j7n nnxB i*? 31 k ~b
city.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncms-Pa-np
Pc-vpw3mp Pc-vhw3mp Pc-
vqw3mp ncmpc-Pa-ncfs Pp-vqc-np
Pp+Pa-ncfs pi3ms Pc-ncmsc-
ncmscX3ms Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-ncbpc
Pa-ncfs Pc-pi3ms Pn vqp3ms Pp-
vqPms PpX3ms Pp-Pd Pa-ncfs
358
When Israel had finished killing 'r n VKito" n 1 t e 'n i i Josh 8:24
all the inhabitants o f Ai in the
field in the wilderness where 13 D1D1“) 131Q3
they pursued them, and all o f
them were fallen by the edge o f
DQn-11? 31.n-'DV dVd
the sword until they were
destroyed, all Israel returned to
Ai and struck it with the edge o f : 3 in - " D * 7 n r iK 3 3 ’ T
the sword.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc np Pp-vqc
Po-ncmsc-vqPmpc Pa-np Pp+Pa-
ncms Pp+Pa-ncms Pr vqp3q)X3mp
PpX3tns Pc-vqw3mp ncmscX3mp
Pp-ncmsc-ncfs Pp-vqcX3mp Pc-
vqw3mp ncmsc-np Pa-np Pc-
vhw3mp PoX3fs Pp-ncmsc-ncfs
When all the kings who were Ti T D ’l3373 'H';! Jî^
beyond the Jordan, in the hill
country and in the lowland and □*n >în t e l n t e 3 i in s
on all the coast o f the Great Sea
toward Lebanon, the Hittite and
^nnn flisVri *?ia"VK *?lian
the Amorite, the Canaanite, the :'Di3irfi 'in n 'n a n 'isJisn n o K n i
Perizzite, the Hivite and the
Jebusite, heard o f it, they i7^lnrDJ7 o n t e iin : iX3^n*i
gathered themselves together
with one accord to fight with
nnK na ‘?Kitz;'-DJ7i
Joshua and with Israel.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncmsc-Pa-
ncmp Pr Pp-ncmsc Pa-np Pp+Pa-
ncms Pc-Pp+Pa-ncfs Pc-Pp-ncms
ncmsc Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pp-Pp Pa-np
Pa-np Pc-Pa-np Pa-np Pa-np Pa-np
Pc-Pa-np Pc-vtw3mp Pd Pp-vnc
Pp-np Pc-Pp-np ncms ams
When Adoni-zedek king o f
Jerusalem heard that Joshua 10:1-2a
had captured Ai, and had utterly nQ 'inn 'j?n~nK S7^lni isV -'s
destroyed it (just as he had done
to Jericho and its king, so he •'vb nt&V"l? n s t e i in 'i'V ntor
had done to Ai and its king), and '31^' i Q 't e '31 n s t e i
that the inhabitants o f Gibeon
had made peace with Israel and :D3ip3 I'n 'l *?Klto'-nN -|1j733i
were within their land, he feared
greatly
IKD IKT'1
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np ncms np
Pp-vqp3ms np Po-Pa-np Pc-
vhw 3m sX 3fs P p -P r v qp3m s P p-np
Pc-Pp-ncmscX3fs Pd-vqp3ms Pp-np
Pc-Pp-ncmscX3fs Pc-Pp vhp3cp
vqPmpc np Pp-np Pc-vqw3mp Pp-
ncmscX3mp Pc-vqw3mpPd
359
When they brought these kings nVi^n D"Dîan-nx D K 'slns "nil Josh
out to Joshua, Joshua called for
all the men o f Israel, and said to ri^1ni KT|7*i
the chiefs o f the men o f war who
nonân "raK»i VKito"
had gone with him, “Come near,
put your feet on the necks o f ia"tz7 l a i p iHK KiD*?nn
t|‘ I T V
these kings. ” So they came near
and put their feet on their necks. hVkh o"Dân D D 'îTnK
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhcX3mp Po-Pa-
ncmp Pa-acp Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms np
Pp-ncmsc-ncms np Pc-vqw3ms Pp-
ncmpc ncmpc Pa-ncfs Pa-vqp3cp
PpX3ms vqvmp vqvmp Po-
ncfdcX2mp Pp-ncmpc Pa-ncmp Pa-
acp Pc-vqw3mp Pc-vqw3mp Po-
ncfdcX3inp Pp-ncmpcX3mp
When Jabin king o f Hazor heard 3J_a^’3 'n i l Josh 11:1

o f it, he sent to Jobab king o f
Madon and to the king o f ■*?Ki i n a 1
Shimron and to the king o f
Achshaph,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np ncms-np
Pc-vqw3ms Pp-np ncms np Pc-Pp-
ncms np Pc-Pp-ncms np
When the angel o f the LORD D"i3nn“nK n p i ^nil
spoke these words to all the sons
o f Israel, the people lifted up D3?n iKto»i "33"V3"Vk nVKn
their voices and wept.
:13T1 a ) l p “n><
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc ncmsc np Po-
Pa-ncmp Pa-acp Pp-ncmsc-ncmpc
np Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncms Po-
ncmscX3mp Pc-vqw3mp
When Gideon heard the account
o f the dream and its
interpretation, he bowed in nina-VK innt^î nnc^TiK i
worship. He returned to the
im p iDKh.
camp o f Israel and said, “Arise,
fo r the LORD has given the qi-ia nina-HK DDiia nini •|nr"3
camp o f Midian into your
hands. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Po-ncmsc
Pa-ncms Pc-Po-ncmscX3ms Pc-
vsw3msXa Pc-vqw3ms Pp-ncbsc np
Pc-vqw3ms vqvmp Pp-vqp3ms np
Pp-ncfscX2mp Po-ncbsc np
360
When he saw her, he tore his r i n - r i K 37"!j7*i nnlK in lx " p 'n*;!
clothes and said, “Alas, my 11:35
daughter! You have brought me r i p n 'r a nnK noK»i
very low, and you are among
those who trouble me; for I have
given my word to the LORD, and
I cannot take it back ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3ms PoX3fs
Pc-vqw3ms Po-ncmpcX3ms Pc-
vqw3ms Pi ncfscXlcs vha
vhp2fsXlcs Pc-pi2fs vqp2fs Pp-
vqPmpcXlcs Pc-pilcs vqplcs-
ncmscXlcs Pp-np Pc-Pn vqilcs Pp-
vqc
When they saw him, they iniN D nl«i3 Judg
brought thirty companions to be 14:11
with him. 'Am rn * i D'37in 3np*i
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3mp
PoX3ms Pc-vqw3mp amp ncmp Pc-
vqw3mp PpX3ms
When he had finished speaking, ii*3 ^nVn is ib i n t e Judg

he threw the jawbone from his 15:17
hand; and he named that place :'nV nQ i Kinn olpaV Kip»i
Ramath-lehi.
Pc-vhw3msXa Pa-ncfs Pp-
ncfscX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pp+Pa-
ncms Pa-pi3ms np
When the ark o f the covenant o f n]iniin-*?K np^-n^'13 ]^m xl33 1 Sam
the LORD came into the camp, 4:5
all Israel shouted with a great nViiDi n r n n *?K“ito“:“V3 w i» i
shout, so that the earth
resounded.
onni
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncbsc ncfs-
np Pp-Pa-ncbs Pc-vhw3mp ncmsc-
np ncfs afs Pc-vnw3fsXa Pa-ncbs
When he mentioned the ark o f
God, Elifell off the seat
backward beside the gate, and n 1173 n^nnN Kosn-Vpp Vs*!
his neck was broken and he died,
for he was old and heavy. Thus
133“! I P r ' s nian in p iM i3t&m_
he judged Israelforty years. 0'J73^^t V xito'-nK IDDtt?
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhcX3ms Po-
ncbsc Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3ms Pp-Pp-
Pa-ncms Pd Pp ncfsc Pa-ncms Pc-
vnw3fs ncfscX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa
Pp-vqp3ms Pa-ncms Pc-ams Pc-
pi3ms vqp3ms Po-np abp ncfs
361
So they sent the ark o f God to in p r iliK -n n i sam
Ekron. And when the ark o f God
came to Ekron the Ekronites
cried out, saying, “They have
brought the ark o f the God o f
330n D'3ipJ?n 3 p i?ri
Israel around to us, to kill us ■'3n‘’Qn^ il"iK-nx
and our people. ”
Pc-vpw3mp Po-ncbsc Pa-ncmp np
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncbsc Pa-
ncmp np Pc-vqw3mp Pa-np Pp-vqc
vhp3cp PpXlcs Po-ncbsc ncmpc np
Pp-vhcXlcs Pc-Po-ncmscXlcs
And they arose early. When 1 Sam
“dawn was rising, ” Samuel
called to Saul on the roof,
saying, “Get up, that I may send
you away. ” So Saul arose, and
nm p iDK*? K“!p*l
both he and Samuel went out Dp*i
into the street.
Pc-vh>v3mpXa Pc-vqw3msXa Pp- :ns3nn *?K3aiz?3 Kin iK n
vqc Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-np
Pa-ncms Pa-ncmsXd Pp-vqc
vqvmsXaXh Pc-vpilcsX2ms{ 1}Cm
Pc-vqw3ms np Pc-vqw3mp
amdcX3mp pi3ms Pc-np Pa-
ncmscXd
When David had finished n"^Kn o n n n n “nK ni¥D3 >sam

speaking these words to Saul,
Saul said, “Is this your voice, l*?pn *?iKU? noK^'T bîkvtbH
my son David? ” Then Saul lifted ■ L " ■ " ■ (16)
q ; i n i7p 7iK ^ Kte*! m i ^33 n i
up his voice and wept.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc np Pp-vpc
Po-Pa-ncmp Pa-acp Pp-np Pc-
vqw3ms np Pg-ncmscX2ms ams
ncmscXlcs np Pc-vqw3ms np
ncmscX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa
When Hiram heard the words o f ' m ?!™ oTn i^gs
Solomon, he rejoiced greatly 5:21
and said, “Blessed be the LORD Dl*n nin": i n a iQKh_ iK n nnto*i
(5:7)
today, who has given to David a
:n in 3 in Di?n-*?:y ddh ]? mi*p ]H3 "«^k
wise son over this great people. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Po-ncmpc
np Pc-vqw3ms Pd Pc-vqw3ms
vqsms np Pa-ncms Pr vqp3ms Pp-np
ncms ams Pp-Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pa-
ams
362
When Solomon finished building m ,n rn '3 -n N nl33*? nlVbs 'n i l iKgs9:i
the house o f the LORD, and the
king's house, and all that HK] i ^ s n n'a-nKT
Solomon desired to do, the
:nltz7J7^ fDn
LORD appeared to Solomon a
second time, as He had n '3 ^ nbVtt?“*?K n p i K in
appeared to him at Gibeon.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc np Pp-vqc q1i73]i3 nK")3 ni^K3
Po-ncmsc-np Pc-Po-ncmsc Pa-ncms
Pc-Po ncmsc-ncmsc np Pr vqp3ms
Pp-vqc Pc-vnw3msXa np Pp-np afs
Pp-Pr vnp3ms PpX3ms Pp-np
When all Israel heard that
Jeroboam had returned, they
sent and called him to the nn37n"*?K i m iK"jp*i
assembly and made him king
over all Israel. Only the tribe o f
nin VK"}to'"‘?3~‘?37 IHK ID'Vbll
Judah followed the house o f :in3*? m3n'-Q3c? 'n*?iT m n -n '3
David.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncmsc-np
Pp-vqp3ms np Pc-vqw3mp Pc-
vqw3mp PoX3ms Pp-Pa-ncfs Pc-
vhw3mp PoX3ms Pp-ncmsc-np Pn
vqp3ms Pd ncmsc-np Pp ncmsc-np
F^-ncmscX3ms
When the king heard the saying
o f the man o f God, which he
cried against the altar in Bethel, *?K"n'33 nbibn-*??
Jeroboam stretched out his hand
from the altar, saying, “Seize
"ibK*? nbibn ’?J?Q
him. ” But his hand which he
stretched out against him dried
up, so that he could not draw it n3'i2?n’? bD" kVi
back to himself.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncms Po-
ncmsc ncms-Pa-ncmp Pr vqp3ms
Pp-Pa-ncms Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms np
Po-ncfscX3ms Pp-Pp Pa-ncms Pp-
vqc vqvmpX3ms Pc-vqw3fs
ncfscX3ms Pr vqp3ms PpX3ms Pc-
Pn vqp3ms Pp-vhcX3fs PpX3ms
When Ahijah heard the sound o f ininK rb^^D

her feet coming in the doorway,
he said, “Come in, wife o f nn33 nK3
Jeroboam, why do you pretend
to be another woman? For I am nbV o y 3 T 'K3 "ibK*l
sent to you with a harsh ^bi< '35^1 nn sm n m ni.
message.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Po-ncms
ncfdcX3fs vqPfs Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3ms vqvfs ncfsc np Pg ams
pi2fs vtPfs Pc-pilcs vqsms PpX2fs
afs
363
When Baasha heard o f it, he K to 'n*;! 1 Kgs
ceasedfortifying Ramah and
remained in Tirzah. :n :n n 2 n m n -n x n1]3o
vqw3ms Pp-vqc Po-Pa-np Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp-np
When Zimri saw that the city "i^yn "103. nlK"!? i^gs
was taken, he went into the
citadel o f the king's house and Tito*! ■^^Qn-n'3
burned the king's house over him
with fire, and died,
:nb*i iVo“n''3“nK rVi?
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Pp-vnp3fs
Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc
ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms
PpX3ms Po-ncmsc-ncms Pp+Pa-
ncbs Pc-vqw3msXa
When Ahab saw Elijah, Ahab T n ^ -'n K '3 K n N n lK is 'n n "i"Kgs
said to him, “Is this you, you
troubler o f Israel? ” IDV H3 HnKH vVn 3KnK IQKh
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Po-np Pc-
vqw3ms np PpX3ms Pa-pi2ms ams
vqPms np
When midday was past, they Q iiix n 13173 iKgs
raved until the time o f the
offering o f the evening sacrifice; nnaian nl*?i7^ l y
but there was no voice, no one
:31^P n3i7-i'Ki
answered, and no one paid
attention.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncmp Pc-
vtw3mp Pp Pp-vqc Pa-ncfs Pc-Pd-
ncms Pc-Pd-vqPms Pc-Pd ncms
When Elijah heard it, he
wrapped his face in his mantle
and went out and stood in the K r.i in iiK 3 V B b V i
entrance o f the cave. And
behold, a voice came to him and
nani n iy a n n ra ibs7*_i
said, “What are you doing here, nb ^ V n n id k »i *?1p
Elijah? ”
vhw3msXa ncbpcX3ms Pp-
ncfscX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pc-vqw3ms
ncms Pa-ncfs Pc-Pi PpX3ms ncms
Pc-vqw3ms pii-PpX2ms Pd np
364
When Jezebel heard that Naboth
had been stoned and was dead,
Jezebel said to Ahab, “Arise, Dip non
take possession o f the vineyard
nlD3 oiD-nK
o f Naboth, the Jezreelite, which
he refused to give you for "0 nl33 *j*'K '5 'iDDD
money; for Naboth is not alive,
but dead ” :nQ -'3
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Pp-
vPp3ms np Pc-vqw3msXa Pc-
vqw3fs np Pp-np vqvms vqvms Po-
ncms np Pa-np Pr vpp3ms Pp-vqc-
PpX2ms Pp-ncms Pp Pd np ams Pp-
vqp3ms
When Ahab heard that Naboth nl33 na ’3 3Knx M s

was dead, Ahab arose to go
down to the vineyard o f Naboth nl33 □■)3"*?K 3KI1K o p n
the Jezreelite, to take possession
o f it.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Pp
vqp3ms np Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-vqc
Pp-ncms np Pa-np Pp-vqcX3ms
When Ahab heard these words,
he tore his clothes and put on
sackcloth and fasted, and he lay pto-Dto*i r n n r i p n .
in sackcloth and went about
ptes 33C?n. D13’1
despondently.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Po-Pa-
ncmp Pa-acp Pc-vqw3ms
ncmpcX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa-ncms
Pp-ncmscX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa Pc-
vqw3ms Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-vpw3ms
Pd
When the captains o f the D3in 'I t ; n1«"i3 'n 'l i ^gs
chariots saw that it was not the 22:33
king o f Israel, they turned back n'nriK p iDitz?n Kin
from pursuing him.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncmpc Pa-
ncms Pp-Pn-ncms np pi3ms Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-PdX3fs
When Ahab died, the king o f DKHK nlDD 2 Kgs 3:5
Moab rebelled against the king
ofIsrael.
vqw3ms ncms-np Pp-ncms np
365
When the vessels were full, she D'V?ri "n‘;i 2 Kgs 4:6
said to her son, “Bring me
another vessel. ” And he said to ''V5 "lOKni
her, “There is not one vessel
more. ” And the oil stopped.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncmp Pc- :]'QWT\ nnJ7!l •’’?3 1112 I'N
vqw3fs Pp-ncmscX3fs vhvmsXaXh
PpXlcs Pd ncms Pc-vqw3ms
PpX3fs Pd Pd ncms Pc-vqw3ms Pa-
ncms
So she went and came to the
man o f God to Mount Carmel.
When the man o f God saw her at *?Q"!5n irj-VK
a distance, he said to Gehazi his
i ^ n FinK nlK“i3
servant, “Behold, there is the
Shunammite. :tVn n"i333^n nan iiu i
Pc-vqw3fsXa Pc-vqw3fsXa Pp-
ncms Pa-ncmp Pp-ncms Pa-np Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncms-Pa-ncmp
PoX3fs Pp-Pp Pc-vqw3ms Pp-np
ncmscX3ms Pi Pa-np ams
When the king o f Israel read the ”i!D"^-TrK"WiS^

letter, he tore his clothes and
said, “Am I God, to kill and to D'’n^«n IQKn. r i l 3 121j7*l
make alive, that this man is
•'*PK n*?6? n i - '3 nVnn*?3 n^nn*?
sending word to me to cure a
man o f his leprosy? But consider '3 inX21XQ
now, and see how he is seeking a
quarrel against me. ” x'b K3n n3Knn“ '3
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncms-np Po-
Pa-ncms Pc-vq>v3ms ncmpcX3ms
Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncmp piles Pp-vhc
Pc-Pp-vhc Pp-ams vqPms PpXlcs
Pp-vqc ncms Pp-ncfscX3ms Pp Pd-
vqvmp-Pi Pc-vqvmp Pp-vtPms
pi3ms PpXlcs
When Elisha the man o f God
heard that the king o f Israel had
torn his clothes, he sent word to V llJ-P K 121p“"?
the king, saying, “Why have you
torn your clothes? Now let him
Fii2-ij7 naV iQ^*?
come to me, and he shall know K'31 '5 12T.1
that there is a prophet in
Israel. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np ncms-Pa-
ncmp Pp-vqp3ms ncms-np Po-
ncmpcX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pp-Pa-
ncms Pp-vqc Pg vqp2ms
ncmpcX2ms vqi3msXa{ 1} Jt-Pi
PpXlcs Pc-vqi3ms{ 1}Jm Pp Pd
ncms Pp-np
366
When they had come into DKiD 'n i l 2 Kgs
Samaria, Elisha said, “O 6:20
LORD, open the eyes o f these njps nini “iqk'I
men, that they may see. ” So the
D n 'r v n K nini npD*i
LORD opened their eyes and
they saw; and behold, they were nani i k i ’i
in the midst o f Samaria.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3mp np Pc-
vqw3ms np np vqvms Po-ncmdc-
acp Pc-vqi3mp{l}Jm Pc-vqw3ms
np Po-ncfdcX3mp Pc-vqw3mp Pc-
Pi Pp-ncmsc np
When the king heard the words 1700 i7_nu;D 'm i 2 Kgs
o f the woman, he tore his
clothes—now he was passing by nnnn-*?s? i i v
on the wall—and the people
looked, and behold, he had
:n'3Q (7t&n nam oyn
sackcloth beneath on his body.
ncmpc Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3ms Po-
ncmpcX3ms Pc-pi3ms vqPms Pp-
Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pc-
Pi Pa-ncms Pp-ncmscX3ms Pp-
ncms
When the man o f God said to n Y sn ^ K i3 i3 " " 'n ii 2 Kgs'
the king,, “Two measures o f
barleyfo r a shekel and a n*?b-nKD3▼ « W V t
D'ni7to o'nK o "idk*?
' I — T
measure o f fine flour for a

shekel, will be sold tomorrow
“ino ni73 nm'
about this time at the gate o f "iQKh_ o'n^N n ]i7ii
Samaria, ” the aide answered the
man o f God and said....
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc ncms Pa-
ncmp Pp-Pa-ncms Pp-vqc ncfd ncfp
Pp-ncms Pc-ncfs-ncfs Pp-ncms
vqi3ms Pp+Pa-ncbs Pd Pp-ncms np
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Po-ncms
Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3ms
When Joram saw Jehu, he said, K3n'"nK D ilni n lK is 'n i l 2 Kgs
“Is it peace, Jehu? ” And he 9:22
answered, “ What peace, so long DlVi^n na Kani
as the harlotries o f your mother
:D'3nn n'D^33 'l i a r i s ?
Jezebel and her witchcrafts are
so many? ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Po-np Pc-
vqw3ms Pg-ncms np Pc-vqvv'3ms
pii Pa-ncms Pp-ncmpc np
ncfscX2ms Pc-ncmpcX3fs Pa-amp
367
When the letter came to them, on"’?K iDpn K33 2 Kgs
they took the king's sons and 10:7
slaughtered them, seventy
persons, and put their heads in
baskets, and sent them to him at
□ 'm 3 Dn'^K"}-nK ID'ton
Jezreel.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncms
PpX3mp Pc-vqw3mp Po-ncmpc Pa-
ncms Pc-vqw3mp amp ncms Pc-
vqw3mp Po-ncmpcX3mp Pp+Pa-
ncmp Pc-vqw3mp PpX3ms npXd
When he finished offering the
burnt offering, Jehu said to the
guard and to the royal officers, O 'r t Kin'. IQ K 'l
“Go in, kill them; let none come
out. ” And they killed them with
3"»n"'D*? DlSn K^^r^K T2?'K 0130 1K3
the edge o f the sword; and the n'37“ij7 iDVn D '^V ^ni D 'x in loVtîi
guard and the royal officers
threw them out, and went to the :*?173n-n'3
inner room o f the house o f Baal.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpcX3ms Pp-vqc
Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3ms np Pp+Pa-
vqPmp Pc-Pp+Pa-ncmp vqvmp
vhvmpXSmp ncms Pd-
vqi3ms{ 1} Jm Pc-vhw3mpX3mp
Pp-ncmsc-ncfs Pc-vhw3mpXa Pa-
vqPmp Pc-Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3mp Pp-
ncfs ncmsc-Pa-np
When King Hezekiah heard it, *j?Tn i7 o n 'n 'l 2 Kgs

he tore his clothes, covered 19:1
himself with sackcloth and n'3 K3*i pt&3 D3n'i ria3"nK rijp'i
entered the house o f the LORD.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncms np
:m n '
vtw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msXa ncmsc np
When the king heard the words n iin n "idd 'i 3 i “nK s7ou?3 'n n 2 Kgs
o f the book o f the law, he tore 22:11
his clothes. :1'113“nK lyTp'l
ncmpc ncms Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3ms
Po-ncmpcX3ms
When King Hezekiah heard it, in 'j? T F l? a n 'n*;i T s a W
he tore his clothes, covered
himself with sackcloth and n '3 K3*i pt&3 D sn'i v ia3 -n K J?Tp*i
entered the house o f the LORD.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncms np
;m n'
vtw3msXa Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msXa ncmsc np
368
When Jeremiah finished 131*? nlV33 ■'n';! Jer26:s
speaking all that the LORD had
commanded him to speak to all "131*7 nin*; nx
the people, the priests and the
D^K3an'i Dân3n iriK itz;3ri*i
prophets and all the people
seized him, saying, “You must :man n1n "«3K*7 Di7n“*7DT
die!
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc np Pp-vpc Po
ncmsc-Pr-vpp3ms np Pp-vpc Pp-
ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3mp
PoX3ms Pa-ncmp Pc-Pa-ncmp Pc-
ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pp-vqc vqa vqi2ms
Then Ishmael the son o f

Nethaniah went out from Mizpah
to meet them, weeping as he 1331 f*?n n9:sQn"in
went. When he met them, he
Dn"*?K "iQKh. on« iz?3iD3 ■’I';!
said to them, “Come to
Gedaliah the son o f Ahikam!” :D^'nK"13
Pc-vqw3ms np ncmsc-np Pp-
vqcX3mp Pp-Pa-np vqPms vqa Pc-
vqPms Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc
PoX3mp Pc-vqw3ms PpX3mp
vqvmp Pp-np ncmsc-np
When they came inside the city,
Ishmael the son o f Nethaniah
and the men that were with him "il3n iln"*?K n:ann3 *7Ki7ni^‘: Dpni^*i
slaughtered them and cast them
:inK“"H2^K Kin
into the cistern.
ncmsc Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3msX3mp
np ncmsc-np Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncms
pi3ms Pc-Pa-ncmp Pr-PpX3ms
When all the people who were Jer 41:13
with Ishmael saw Johanan the
son o f Kareah and the HK1 nij7“ i3 lanv-pK
commanders o f the forces that
:inntz7*i iPK iB?K D'*?'nn
were with him, they were glad.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc ncmsc-Pa-
ncms Pr Pp-np Po-np ncmsc-np Pc-
Po ncmsc-ncmpc Pa-ncmp Pr
PpX3ms Pc-vqw3mp
369
When Jeremiah, whom the Dvn"*?3"*?K hIVds Jer43:1-
LORD their God had sent, 2
finished telling all the people all
the words o f the LORD their
God—that is, all these words—
Dn^*?K nin":
Azariah the son o f Hoshaiah, :nV«n D n 3 in - ’?3 m
and Johanan the son o f Kareah,
and all the arrogant men said to ijnV*! n',37^1n-|3 n n t ?
Jeremiah....
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc np Pp-vpc
in'D T’-VK D n a x D^t2?]Kn-’?3T
Pp-ncmsc-Pa-ncms Po-ncmsc-
ncmpc np ncmpcX3mp Pr
vqp3msX3ms np ncmpcX3mp
PpX3mp Po ncmsc-Pa-ncmp Pa-acp
Pc-vqw3ms np ncmsc-np Pc-np
ncmsc-np Pc-ncmsc-Pa-ncmp Pa-
amp
When the sun came up God n it3 Jonah 4:8

appointed a scorching east wind,
and the sun beat down on o n ? m “) p ii
Jonah's head so that he became
faint and begged with all his
H3V uni
soul to die, saying, “Death is n3Q^ ic^DrnK ']Vj?n*i
better to me than life. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncbs Pc- 'n ln 3 lo l a x h
vpw3msXa ncmp nebs ncms afs Pc-
vhw3fsXa Pa-ncbs Pp-ncms np Pc-
vtw3ms Pc-vqw3ms Po-ncfscX3ms
Pp-vqc Pc-vqw3ms ams ncmscXlcs
Pp-ncmpcXlcs
So they both went until they D ^T T 3 n ip ^ n i” ^ '
came to Bethlehem. And when
they had come to Bethlehem, all nnni onVn''3 H3K33 'n";!
the city was stirred because o f
HKin n n n x n i
them, and the women said, “Is
this Naomi? ”
Pc-vqw3fp afdcX3mp Pp-vqcX3fp
np Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX31p np
Pc-vnw3fs ncmsc-Pa-ncfs PpX3fp
Pc-vqw3ip Pg-afs np
When Baasha heard o f it, he 'n a in -n K n l i s a 'T i n n j;at^3 2Chr

ceased fortifying Ramah and
stopped his work. :in3J<*?Q-nK n3c?»T
vqw3ms Pp-vqc Po-Pa-np Pc-
vhw3msXa Po-ncfscX3ms
370
When the captains o f the 35"in n to nlK“)3 'n";! 2Chr
chariots saw that it was not the 18:32
king o f Israel, they turned back
from pursuing him.
ncms Pp Pn-vqp3ms ncms np Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-PdX3fs
When Jehu executedjudgment
on the house o f Ahab, he found 22:8
the princes o f Judah and the 'OK '333 nnin*;
sons o f Ahaziah's brothers
ministering to Ahaziah, and slew
:D:"inn in'Tnx*? D'mcâ 3n"rnx
them.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vnc np Pp-ncmsc
np Pc-vqw3ms Po-ncmpc np Pc-
ncmpc ncmpc np vpPmp Pp-np Pc-
vqw3msX3mp
When the king heard the words
o f the law, he tore his clothes.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Pa-ncms Po
ncmpc Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3ms Po-
ncmpcX3ms
Comments regarding the verbs which occur in these temporal expressions are
found in the summary in 9.3.2.2.1.5.
9.3.2.2.1.2 Infinitive Construct Followed by WAYYIQTOL with Intervening Clauses
In sixteen cases, an intervening clause with 3 occurs after the 'n 'l. Certain
syntactic features of some of these intervening clauses will be discussed at the end of this
section.
When he drew back his hand, i l l 3'C?n3 'n i l Gen

behold, his brother came out.
Then she said, “What a breach 3'HK mm
you have made for yourself. ” So
ri? n x is - n o lOKfii
he was named Perez.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhPms :f l3 IDI^ K"j|?*l
ncfscX3ms Pc-Pi vqp3ms
ncmscX3ms Pc-vqw3fs pii-vqp2ms
PpX2ms ncms Pc-vqw3ms
ncmscX3ms ncms
371
When she spoke to Joseph day D1'' dV rrip ip "nil Gen
after day, he did not listen to her
to sleep with her or be with her. :na5? nl"nV nsc?’?
One such day, he went into the
house to do his work, and none
nnipn kti n tn oV ns "nn
o f the men o f the household was n"3n “{"n i inDKâ nltz;p^
there inside.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpcX3fs Pp-np :n"33 dW
ncms ncms Pc-Pn-vqp3 ms PpX3fs
Pp-vqc PpX3fs Pp-vqc PpX3fs Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp-Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pc-
vqw3msXa Pa-ncmsXd Pp-vqc
ncfscX3ms Pc-Pd ncms Pp-ncmpc
Pa-ncms Pd Pp+Pa-ncms
And when you heard the voice Deut

from the midst o f the darkness, 5:20-21
while the mountain was burning "Vk i33ipni 1173 inni
(23-24)
with fire, you came near to me,
:D3"3j?n 0D"p31^ '^^«TV3
all the heads o f your tribes and
your elders. You said, ‘Behold, n p i 3]Kin in noxni
the LORD our God has shown
us His glory and His greatness, 33^01^ ‘i‘?p"nKi
and we have heard His voice
from the midst o f the fire; we
33"i<i nm Dl*n i1na
have seen today that God speaks :"m D ix n -n x o"n’?K i3 i" " " 3
with man, yet he lives.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX2mp Po-Pa-
ncms Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncms Pc-Pa-
ncms vqPms Pp+Pa-ncbs Pc-
vqw2mpXn PpXlcs ncmsc-ncmpc
ncmpcX2mp Pc-ampcX2mp Pc-
vqw2mp Pi vhp3msXlcp np
ncmpcXlcp Po-ncmscX3ms Pc-Po-
ncmscX3ms Pc-Po-ncmscX3ms
vqplcp Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncbs Pa-ncms
Pa-ams vqplcp Pp-vpi3ms ncmp
Pp-Pa-ncms Pc-vqp3ms{2}
'ill
And it was so, that when Joshua
had spoken to the people, the
seven priests carrying the seven nynu?]
trumpets o f rams'horns before
n l“iDli^5 i - y s nini ■’b V o ’’V3l*n ^
the LORD went forward and
blew the trumpets; and the ark :DnnnK mn'; n n ? liiK i
o f the covenant o f the LORD
followed them. nnK o r ? "i'yn“nK non 6:ii
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Pp-Pa-
ncms Pc-ams Pa-ncmp vqPmp ams
:n3nQ3 H3nan
ncmpc Pa-ncmp Pp-ncbpc np
vqp3cp Pc-vqp3cp Pp+Pa-ncmp Pc-
ncbsc ncfs np vqPms PdX3mp
6:11 So he had the ark o f the
LORD taken around the city,
circling it once; then they came
into the camp and spent the
night in the camp.
Pc-vhw3ms ncbsc-np Po-Pa-ncfs
vha ncfs afs Pc-vqw3mpXa Pa-ncbs
Pc-vqw3mp Pp+Pa-ncbs
When Joshua and the sons o f
Israel finished slaying them with
a very great slaughter, until they D ari-nr n x a - n ^ n a n s a a n lsn ^
were destroyed, some survivors
escaped and entered the fortified
ana iiito Dn""!t&n-i
cities, :"i2T3an
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc np Pc-ncmpc
np Pp-vhcX3mp ncfs afs-Pd Pp-
vqcX3mp Pc-Pa-ncmp vqp3cp
PpX3mp Pc-vqw3mpXa Pp-nclpc
Pa-ncms
As soon as he finished offering isam"
the burnt offering, behold,
Samuel came; and Saul went out K3 nam
to meet him and to greet him.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpcX3ms Pp-vhc
Pa-ncfs Pc-Pi np vqPms Pc-
vqw3m$ np Pp-vqcX3ms Pp-
vpcX3ms
When he had finished speaking
to Saul, the soul o f Jonathan was
knit to the soul o f David, and Tin ■jnalni
Jonathan loved him as himself.
nt2?933 ]n3ln‘; l3nK*i
Pp-np P c-ncfs n p vnp3fs P p-ncfs n p
Pc-vqw3mp Pc-vqw3msX3ms np
Pp-ncfscX3ms
373
As soon as he had finished nani nanV inVa? 'n “;i 2Sam
speaking, behold, the king's sons
came and lifted their voices and ■^ân-Dii 133*1 D^lp iKto*i
wept; and also the king and all
:lK a *33 133 1*1317“’731
his servants wept very bitterly.
Pc-Pi ncmpc-Pa-ncms vqp3cp Pc-
vqw3mp ncmscX3mp Pc-vqw3mp
Pc-Pc-Pa-ncms Pc-ncmsc-
ncmpcX3ms vqp3cp ncms ams Pd
Now when Jeroboam the son o f Q 3 r i3 nVTT VUW3 *n*l IKgs
Nebat heard o f it, he was living 12:2
in Egypt (for he was yet in *B n n i3 D * 1 3 D 3 131.117 K i l l
Egypt, where he had fledfrom
: D * 1 3 a 3 0 1 7 3 1 * 3tt?*1
the presence o f King Solomon).
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np ncmsc-np
Pc-pi3ms PdX3ms Pp-np Pr vqp3ms
Pp-ncbpc Pa-ncms np Pc-
vqwSmsXa np Pp-np
When Ben-hadad heard this n in i3 in " n K 37oc?3 *n*i
message, as he was drinking
with the kings in the temporary nl3D3 D*3Vani Kin nnt? Kini
shelters, he said to his servants,
n*17n-*?17 1B*to*1 1B*to 1*1317-’?K id k *i
“Station yourselves. ” So they
stationed themselves against the
city.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc Po-Pa-ncms
Pa-ams Pc-pi3ms vqPms pi3ms Pc-
Pa-ncmp Pp+Pa-ncfp Pc-vqw3ms
Pp-ncmpcX3ms vqvmp Pc-vqw3mp
Pp-Pa-ncfs
So when the captains o f the DDi^ln^nK 3 3 in *ito nlK i3 *n*i i ^gs
chariots saw Jehoshaphat, they
said, “Surely it is the king o f Kin *?Kito*"^^D iiDK nani
Israel, ” and they turned aside to
:DDi^ln* p i7 ri onVn^ i*^y nD*j_
fight against him, and
Jehoshaphat cried out.
ncms Po-np Pc-pi3mp vqp3cp Pd
ncms-np pi3ms Pc-vqw3mp
PpX3ms Pp-vnc Pc-vqw3ms np
374
When they had crossed over, hdk d"i3VD 'rrn 2 Kgs 2:9
Elijah said to Elisha, “Ask what
I shall do for you before I am ■fDVQ nj?VK D ip s nn
taken from you. ” And Elisha
said, “Please, let a double
portion o f your spirit be upon
m e."
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3mp Pc-np
vqp3ms Pp-np vqvms pii vqilcs-
I^X2fs Pp-Pd vnilcs Pp-PpX2fs
Pc-vqw3ms np Pc-vqi3msXa{ 1} Jt-
Pi ncmsc-amd Pp-ncbscX2ms
PpXlcs
So they poured it outfor the men

VI V • T -I - I I • -
to eat. And as they were eating
o f the stew, they cried out and n an i in a n o oVdkd
said, “O man o f God, there is
death in the pot. ” And they were
"l"D3 m o nQK*l
unable to eat. ^b:?l K’?-)
Pc-vqw3mp Pp+Pa-ncmp Pp-vqc
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3mp Pp-Pa-
ncms Pc-pi3mp vqp3cp Pc-vqw3mp
ncms Pp+Pa-ncms ncms Pa-ncmp
Pc-Pn vqp3cp Pp-vqc
As they were striking the people

and I alone was left, I fell on my
face and cried out saying, “Alas, nin"; ' h k pihk ink;) pyTki ‘’as'Vj?
Lord GOD! Are You destroying
the whole remnant o f Israel by
nnk^^“*?D nk nrik n'nt&’Qn
pouring out Your wrath on ^nnn“nk ^39^ ? Vknto*:
Jerusalem? ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhcX3mp Pc-
vnPms piles Pc-vqwlcsXa Pp-
ncmpcXlcs Pc-vqwlcs Pc-vqwlcs
Pi np np Pg-vhPms pi2ms Po
ncmsc-ncfs np Pp-vqcX2ms Po-
ncfscX2ms Pp-np
When 1 prophesied, Pelatiah son
ofBenaiah died. Then I fell on
my face and cried out with a *?na-‘?1p pI7l;kT V ski
loud voice and said, “Alas, Lord
GOD! Will You bring the
m n ’ ’] lk nnk lOkT
remnant o f Israel to a complete tVkiiz;’' n n k c? nk nt2?i7 nnk n*?3
end? ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vncXlcs Pc-np
ncmsc-np vqp3ms Pc-vqwlcs Pp-
n c m p c X lc s P c -v q w lc s n cm s-am s
Pc-vqwlcs Pi np np ncfs pi2ms
vqPms Pp ncfs np
375
When Jeroboam the son o f D n r ia d v 3 t m iiD 'n*;! 2Chr
Nebat heard o f it (for he was in
Egypt where he hadfledfrom n i3 o n w
the presence o f King Solomon),
:Dn:taQ D1731'
Jeroboam returnedfrom Egypt.
Pc-vqw3tnsXa Pp-vqc np ncmsc-np
Pc-pi3ms Pp-np Pr vqp3ms Pp-
ncbpc np Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms np
Pp-np
So when the captains o f the DDU/1n^"n« 3D-)n n to n1«-i3 2Chr

chariots saw Jehoshaphat, they
said, “It is the king o f Israel,” n o N nani
and they turned aside to fight
against him. But Jehoshaphat
callin'; p y r i anVn*p
cried out, and the LORD helped naaa □n"D''T n t y m n'i
him, and God diverted them
from him.
ncms Po-np Pc-pi3mp vqp3cp ncms
np pi3ms Pc-vqw3mp PpX3ms Pp-
vnc Pc-vqw3ms np Pc-np
vqp3msX3ms Pc-vhw3msX3mp
ncmp PpX3ms
The following chart displays the type of intervening clause which occurs in this
set of data. Detailed analysis and discussion of each of the intervening clauses in the
previous set of data is beyond the scope of the present study, but one representative
occurrence from each category will be briefly discussed here.
ra m oatal w e -x -o a t a l w e -K*?-o a t a l V ptc

Gen 38:29 Josh 6:8 Gen 39:10 Ezek 9:8
1 Sam 13:10 1 Sam 18:1 r
2 Sam 13:36 1 Kgs 22:32 LOC PTC
2 Kgs 2:9 1 Kgs 12:2 1 Kgs 20:12
2 Kgs 4:40 2 Chr 10:2
Ezek 11:13
2C hr 18:31
Figure 28: Intervening Clauses
11311*1 qatal: If the q a t a l in Gen 38:29 is read as indicating

ANTERIORITY, an explanation needs to be found for how K3*' has some
kind of PLUPERFECT “had” meaning. In this case, however, “he drew back
his hand and his brother had come out” doesn’t work. In narrative, the *]
... *'il‘;'l interplay is such that 11311“] is accompanied by q a t a l , but under
these syntactic conditions it is like the equivalent of a WAYYIQTOL. If 11311
376
had not been used after this temporal expression, the following clause
would most likely be VftN
w e -x -q In the n a s b , 2 Kgs 2:9 is rendered as follows: “When they

a t a l :
had crossed over, Elijah said to Elisha.. In this version, IDK
reads just as if it were The previous set of seventy
examples in 9.3.2.2.1.1 is ample evidence that a W A Y Y IQ T O L can follow
this type of temporal expression, so the logical question is why the Q A T A L
occurs in examples like 2 Kgs 2:9. One of the motivations for this question
is that differences between Q A T A L and W A Y Y IQ T O L appear to be
significant elsewhere. There is, of course, much more to the w e - x -Q A T A L
than just the occurrence of the Q A T A L ; it involves the matter of clause
positions and the order and type of elements which occur in them.
Analysis of the w e - x -Q A T A L involves describing the function of j prefixed
to a non-verbal item in clause initial position.
WE-KV-QATAL: The question in Gen 39:10 has to do with the status of

w e - K ^ - q a t a l as a clause. According to some analyses, a negated verb is
not able to be on the main event line o f the narrative. According to this
proposed analysis, in Gen 39:10 is not a main line event in the
same sense that it would be if the verb were jKD'l he refused. As stated in
9.3.2.1.1.2, however, the negation of a W A Y Y IQ T O L is morphosyntactieally
impossible and the w e - K * ? - q a t a l should be seen as the negated
counterpart o f the W A Y Y IQ T O L .
l o g : Like other j + non-verbal items, ISnlJ? KliTI in 1 Kgs

12:2 temporarily suspends the narrative succession. The use of the
pronoun maintains reference to the same s u b j e c t .
K im PTC: The oeeurrence of PTC in 1 Kgs 20:12 is very similar to a

W E -X -Q A T A L in its suspension of the narrative succession, but the
participle underscores the s i m u l t a n e i t y of the action. This clause is
embedded within the temporal expression and further elaborates on that
setting. As in the previous example, reference to the same subject is
maintained by the use of K3n.
V p t c : Ezek 9:8 is the only example of a V ptc combination. Again, the

narrative succession is suspended and the participle underscores the
SIM U L T A N E IT Y o f the action. The narrative succession is continued by the
first person W A Y Y IQ T O L n ^ 9 K ] .
377
The issue in each case is how to describe the function that the clause performs.
These examples underscore the necessity of clearly imderstanding the syntactic patterns
and narrative functions o f the various biblical Hebrew clauses.
9.3.2.2.1.3 Infinitive Construct Followed by q a t a l
In seven cases, the + in fc is followed by a q a ta l instead of the more typical
W A Y Y IQ T O L . The use of the Q A T A L in each o f these examples indicates that the event or
state o f affairs expressed in the clause with q a ta l is anterior to the temporal expression.
Note that 2 Chr 12:1 is another example of the parallel -3^ ... - 3 ’' n ' l .
When David came to Mahanaim, nQ*;3nQ i n 2 Sam

Shobi the son ofNahash from 17:27-29
Rabbah o f the sons ofAmmon, ‘llQjy-'B naiQ i2?nn3
Machir the son o f Ammielfrom
Lo-debar, and Barzillai the
"l31K^n 1'3D3
Gileadite from Rogelim, had ‘'Vi:"!D3
brought beds, basins, pottery,
wheat, barley, flour, parched D'eni is r nispi 33u?n
grain, beans, lentils, parched
seeds, honey, curds, sheep, and
rVpl nnî
cheese o f the herd, for David 1^3 1K3T nKianT
andfor the people who were
with him, to eat; for they said, '3 mV
“The people are hungry and n s ia s Ko:n 3J?i Ds?n
T 1 • - ■■ T Il - T I •• T -r T 1 T
weary and thirsty in the
wilderness. ”
P c-vqw 3m sX a Pp-vqc np npXd Pc-
np ncm sc-np Pp-np ncmpc-np Pc-np
ncm sc-np Pp np Pc-np Pa-np Pp-np
ncm s Pc-ncfp Pc-ncm s vqPm s Pc-
nclp Pc-ncfp Pc-ncm s Pc-ncm s Pc-
ncm s Pc-ncm p Pc-ncm s Pc-ncm s
Pc-ncfs Pc-ncbs Pc-ncfsc ncm s
vhp3cp Pp-np Pc-Pp+Pa-ncm s Pr-
PpX3m s Pp-vqc Pp vqp3cp Pa-ncm s
ams Pc-ams Pc-am s Pp+Pa-ncms
378
When Solomon finished praying nhbw n l t e ■’n n i
this entire prayer and
supplication to the LORD, he DP HKtn
|r -
nannm nVDnn~’?3
▼ « - * T i - ▼
m
had arisen from before the altar
o f the LORD, from kneeling on
V3"j3“^j7 yrion n3T0
his knees with his hands spread n1toi9 T3D'\
toward heaven.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vpc np Pp-vtc Pp-
np Po ncmsc-Pa-ncfs Pc-Pa-ncfs Pa-
afs vqp3ms Pp-Pp-ncbpc ncmsc np
Pp-vqc Pp-ncfdcX3ms Pc-
ncfdcX3ms vqslp Pa-ncmp
As soon as he was king, he had
struck down all the household o f
Jeroboam. He did not leave to D»3T*p natyr*?3
Jeroboam any persons alive,
nin"; i 3 l ?
until he had destroyed them,
according to the word o f the n*nx in3J7"i'3 i 3 i
LORD, which He spoke by His
servant Ahijah the Shilonite,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3ms
vhp3ms Po-ncmsc-ncmsc np Pn-
vhp3ms ncmsc-ncfs Pp-np Pp-
vhp3msX3ms Pp-ncmsc np Pr
vpp3ms Pp-ncfsc-ncmscX3ms np
Pa-np
When I heard these words, I sat
down and wept and mournedfor
days; and I was fasting and OX ^nKT D 'o; ^rqWi
praying before the God of
:D'ot^n 'n^^^ '33*? *?V3noa
heaven.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcXlcs Po-Pa-
ncmp Pa-acp vqplcs Pc-vqwlcs Pc-
vtwlcs ncmp Pc-vqwlcsXa vqPms
Pc-vtPms Pp-ncbpc ncmpc Pa-ncmp
When the king saw Esther the
queen standing in the court, she
obtainedfavor in his sight; and vyvD •jn HKtoa “ixna moi?
the king extended to Esther the
on to 3'3")i^“nK ■nnoK*? dWV).
golden scepter which was in his
hand. So Esther came near and t2?Ki3 i73.ni inoJ!? 3"!j7ni n i 3
touched the top o f the scepter.
np Pa-ncfs vqPfs Pp+Pa-ncbs
vqp3fs ncms Pp-ncfdcX3ms Pc-
vhw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-np Po-ncms
P a-n cm s P r P p-ncfscX 3m s P c-
vqw3fs np Pc-vqw3fs Pp-ncms Pa-
ncms
379
When they had heard all the Dn3in-*?3"nK 'n ';i Jer36:i6
words, they turned infear one to
another and said to Baruch, n n |)
“We will surely report all these
words to the king. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqcX3mp Po- :nV«n D nnin-*?? Tn
ncmsc-Pa-ncmp vqp3cp ncms Pp-
ncmscX3ms Pc-vqw3mp Pp-np vha
vhilcp Pp+Pa-ncms Po ncmsc-Pa-
ncmp Pa-acp
When the kingdom o f Rehoboam ■'"n';r"2C“hr"
was established and strong, he
and all Israel with him forsook nai7 mn'* m l n “nK a ty
the law o f the LORD.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhc ncfsc np Pc-
Pp-ncfscX3ms vqp3ms Po-ncfsc np
Pc-ncmsc-np PpX3ms
9.3.2.2.1.4 Infinitive Construct Followed by y iq t o l
The following example is an unusual occurrence of a verb in th e y iq t o l form
following the Infinitive Construct.
When Jehudi read three or four n y a iK i n ln ^ i 'iin '; Kl"ip3 'n";! Jer 36:23
columns, the king cut it with a
scribe's knife and threw it into “iDon n y n a nyij?':
the fire that was in the brazier,
o n - iy nKn“*?K "i^k c^Kn-‘?K
until all the scroll was consumed
in the fire that was in the :nKn"*?i7 nV]iQn-*?3
brazier.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np afs ncfp
Pc-ams vqi3msX3fs Pp-ncmsc Pa-
ncms Pc-vha Pp-Pa-ncbs Pr Pp-Pa-
ncms Pp-vqc ncmsc-Pa-ncfs Pp-Pa-
ncbs Pr Pp-Pa-ncms
Attention to the syntactic context of this occurrence is important. The main
contextual support for the use of the y iq t o l is Dn~n57. The temporal expression does not
govern the form o f the verb to follow, rather the form of the verb is sensitive to the
situational context. The typical future use of the y iq t o l is related to the im p e r f e c t iv e
which comes through in this example. nV"3j?' jjJ the context of an event that did
380
not take place one time, but rather each time three or four columns were read, the king
would cut the scroll. It is the peculiar narrative depiction of these events that motivates
the use of the y iq t o l .
9.3.2.2.1.5 Summary of Infinitive Constructs Used with 3
The verbs occurring with - 3 are: H*?3, 171312^, 3312?, 131, D ll, 133,
IQK, K33,133, 1317,130, K*?Q, *?3K, ^tlp, 12?3iD, 133, «33, and 113. As stated
previously, the verbs occurring with 3 and 3 will be compared here. The following chart
lists the verbs to facilitate comparison. It is important to keep in mind that this chart only
lists the occurrences attested with "'11; there are other oeeurrences without ‘'1 1 which are
not contemplated here.
Only 3 Both 3 and 3 Only 3

I ’l ’?ip K33 1*73 X*73
S7t273 3331 K32' 3312? *73K
1112? 3D1 1K3 D33 K3p
112?p "IQ12? 1*737 133 12?31D
iV 133 333 3QK 133
3317 37312? 333 K33
)312? 1332 3337 133
-I*?12? 133
Figure 29: Infinitive Constructs Used with 3 ’1 1 and 3 ’'I ’l
Regarding the occurrences of 3 and 3 with infinitive constructs, Lambdin states
that
[b]oth prepositions are common in this usage, but with certain verbs,
especially 1701^ and 1 ^ 1 , 3 is by far the preferred preposition. There are
reasons, founded in the aspectual nature of these verbs, which govern this
choice, but a catalog o f uses would serve no purpose in an elementary
grammar of this sort. (Lambdin 1971, 129)
381
This is an important claim to test. To state that the choice between these
prepositions is motivated by the “aspectual nature” of the verbs, assumes that the verbs
have an inherent aspect. Even though there are only six verbs listed above that occur
with both 3 and 3, this is sufficient evidence to question the claim by Lambdin. Also, to
state that 3 is “by far the preferred preposition” over 3 is not decisive. An important
principle with a limited corpus like that of biblical Hebrew is that what is attested does
not define what is possible or grammatical. The most decisive situation is if a certain
verb always occurs with only one preposition, but if two different prepositions can
potentially occur with the same verb, then the faetors which motivate the choice of
preposition are not aspectual features inherent to the verb, but rather are part of the
textual context. As Bybee comments:
.. .the function o f aspect is to allow the temporal dimensions of a situation

to be described from different points of view depending on how the
situation is intended to fit into the discourse. (Bybee 1985,142)
This is based on a definition of aspect as the “internal temporal shape of states or
events” (Payne 1997, 238), with the most basic distinction being between perfective and
imperfective. There are other semantic features of certain verbs, such as verbs of
sensation or mental perception which can also influence their usage. For example, Givon
claims that four major groups of verbs exist: compact, accomplishment, activity, and
stative (Givon 2001, 287-88). According to Givon, compact verbs “depict temporally
compact events of extremely short duration” and are “at one extreme of the perfectivity
scale” (Givon 2001, 287-88), but this does not necessarily prevent all compact verbs from
being used in imperfective situations in narrative. For example, Lambdin’s claim that 3
382
occxirs more frequently than 3 with may seem to fit a presumed notion of hearing
being a “eompact event.” 1701^3 when he heard in 1 Kgs 5:21 is an example of I7Q12? in
what seems like a compact event. The sense of 3 as temporal succession seems more
appropriate than the temporal overlap indicated by 3.
When Hiram heard the words o f ■’“131“nK D l’’!! 17012^3 ‘’i!''! ^*^8®
Solomon, he rejoiced greatly ' ’ . s
andsatd. -Blessedbe the LORD D l'n n ia (? 'l
today, whe has g ivee te David a
Wise son over this great peopte. i-- i -r -t
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqc np Po-ncmpc

np Pc-vqw3ms Pd Pc-vqw3ms
vqsms np Pa-ncms Pr vqp3ms Pp-np
ncms ams Pp-Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pa-
ams
There are examples, however, of 3 with 3D12?, as in 1 Sam 11:6.
The Spirit o f God came upon D‘'n ^ K ~ n 3 3

Saul mightily as he was hearing J . jj.g
these words, and he became very 130^3
Pc-vqw3fs ncbs-ncmp Pp-np Pp- ‘ -

vqcX3ms Pp-vqcX3ms Po-Pa-ncmp
Pa-acp Pc-vqw3msXa ncmscX3ms
Pd
The challenge here is how to deal with 117Qt^3. Based on the present analysis of 3
and 3, occurrences like this in 1 Sam 11:6 need to be translated while, so that it reflects
3 ’s sense o f temporal overlap. Otherwise, if this is translated as “when he heard,” an
explanation needs to be given for why the apparently distinct senses of 3 and 3 elsewhere
would be neutralized in some contexts. From the perspective of the current analysis, the
preference is to state that even though a temporally compact verb like 17Q12? may typically
be used in perfective situations, it can also be used in narrative situations of longer
duration. As Bybee stated, it depends “on how the situation is intended to fit into the
383
discourse” (Bybee 1985, 142). The aspectual nuance of the verb and the choice of
preposition to accompany it are both context sensitive. Therefore, rather than claim that a
particular preposition is used because of what seems to be the aspectual nature of the
verb, it is preferable to describe the context-sensitive features of the verb within the
temporal and aspectual dimensions of the narrative.
It is not possible in this study to analyze every occurrence of these prepositions
with the infinitive constructs, but comprehensive analysis of the temporal organization of
the biblical Hebrew text would require close attention to these details.
9.3.2.2.2 Occurrences of 3 'nil with Specific Temporal Reference
The following set has four examples. The first two are of 3 used temporally,
indicating APPROXIMATION. This is an extension into the temporal realm of the usage of
3 as in HD'KS '1111 about an ephah o f barley (Ruth 2:17), which is listed in
8.2.I.8.5.
About three months later Judah m in '* ? 131*1 D'tZ^lFI 'I l'l ^len
was informed, “Your daughter- '' 'L. ^ • L 38 24
in-law Tamar has played the nVs ion nnai iqr!?
harlot, and behold, she is also
with child by harlotry. ” Then
D'3i3T*? mn nan dji
Judah said, “Bring her out and I*llt& ni H lR '^ ln m i H ' I Q R 'l
let her be burned!”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pp-afsc ncmp Pc-
vHw3ms Pp-np Pp-vqc vqp3fs np
ncfscX2ms Pc-Pc Pi afs Pp-ncmp
Pc-vqw3ms np vhvmpX3fs Pc-
vni3fs{l}Jm
About ten days later, the LORD D'D'H 111127173 'H 'l *
struck Nabal and he died. ^ " 25 38
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp+Pa-afsc Pa-ncmp tJlQ Il /3 3 DK n i n i *)3*1
Pc-vqw3ms np Po-np Pc-
vqw3msXa
The third example with Hin Dl*n?, is slightly different:
384
On one day like this, he went to n^n Dl*nD 'n n Gen
the house to do his work, and
none o f the men o f the household inDKVn Ti'WDvb nn*;3n k t i
was there in the house.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pa-ncms Pa-ams
:n'’33 n^3n "i;?3Kn fKT
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncmsXd Pp-vqc
ncfscX3ms Pc-Pd ncms Pp-ncmpc
Pa-ticms Pd Pp+Pa-ncms
The expression n^n Dl*n3 ■'il'l occurs only here in Gen 39:11, although n^n
□1*n3 without ■’n 'l is found in Ezra 9:15, where the sense is as this day.
O LORD God o f Israel, You are nn« p 'l ? VKito"; m ni Ezra9:i5

righteous, for we have been left
an escaped remnant, as this day; n^n dV iTD no'’*??
here we are before You in our
^33n
guilt, for no one can stand
before You because o f this. :nKr*7I7 11037^ ]"K B
np ncmpc np ams pi2ms Pp-vnplcp
ncfs Pp-Pa-ncms Pa-ams PiXlcp
Pp-ncbpcX2ms Pp-ncfscXlcp Pp Pd
Pp-vqc Pp-ncbpcX2ms Pp-afs
In Gen 39:11, however, the use of HTn Dl*r|3 ’TI'l gives the sense on one day like
this, referring to the type o f day described in the context. Hamilton comments that “[t]he
thrust of One such day (k^hayyom hazzeh) is something like ‘as his custom was’ or ‘as
usual’” (Hamilton 1995,464). This prepares the reader to expect something out o f the
ordinary on Joseph’s otherwise ordinary day.
9.3.23 With V
Two temporal expressions with *? occur in coimection with ’’1711:
9.3.2.3.1 + Infinitive Construct
9.3.2.3.2 *p + Temporal Phrase
In GKC §102c, the meanings for *? are given as “towards, (belonging) to, for”
(GKC 1910, 298). In some o f the following examples, towards seems to be the sense of
385
the TEMPORAL APPROXIMATION of V According to BHRG, this preposition “has a very
unspecialized meaning. It is a preposition that indicates a very general relationship
between two entities...” (van der Merwe, Naude, Kroeze 1999, 284). Unfortunately,
BHRG does not discuss b used temporally, so there are no examples to compare with the
following set of data. Williams §268, however, gives “towards” and “by” as possible
temporal senses of*? (Williams 1976,48).
I ▼ * • V I- ▼
'nn3~nKT
- I V I
Gen
ininK n n tn
Dvn"*?? "awV “^T. d1*3 ■’3

U3'D 3n"*?3
The Exod 19:11 example provides good contrast between 3 and used
temporally. The temporal use of*?, then, seems to be the indication o f about, near, or by
the time specified. This indicates, contrary to BHRG, that *? does have a fairly
specialized meaning, at least when used temporally.
9.3.2.3.1 With V + Infinitive Construct
In two cases, ‘’n ' l precedes an infinitive construct + *?, expressing t e m p o r a l
APPROXIMATION, or in other words, that the action is about to take place: 1) when the sun
was about to go down and 2) when the gate was about to close. Both occurrences start
with the same structure:
■
’rf’T NOUN-DEF INFC-*?
386
When the sun was about to go Qen
down, a deep sleep fell upon
Abram; noi-ini
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncbs Pp-vqc Pc-
ncfs vqp3fs Pp-np Pc-Pi ncfs ncfs n*7D3 nVla nDC?n no'K nam
afs vqPfs PpX3ms
The gate was about to shut at
dark and the men went out; I do
not know where the men went.
Pursue them quickly, for you
□••âKn 3D*?n n w "nj7T vib
will overtake them. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pp-vqc :D3a't&n ■’3 D nn n x in n a s n
Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-Pa-ncmp vqp3cp Pn
vqplcs piiXd vqp3cp Pa-ncmp
vqvmp Pd PdX3mp Pp
vhi2mpX3mp
9.3.2.3.2 With V + Temporal Phrase
There are eleven cases of 'n 'l followed by V + a temporal phrase.
9.3.2.3.2.1 Followed by w a y y iq to l
In the following six instances of*?, the translation reflects the sense of t e m p o r a l
APPROXIMATION.
In due time, Hannah conceived, nan "inni D'Q*n nlDpnV "n*;! 1 Sam
and she gave birth to a son; and 1:20
she named him Samuel, saying, '3 *?K3C«^ KTj?Fll 13 iVni
“Because I have asked him o f
:rn*?Ki2? mn'D
the LORD. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncljpc Pa-ncmp
Pc-vqw3fsXa np Pc-vqw3fsXa
ncms Pc-vqw3fs Po-ncmscX3ms np
Pp Pp-np vqpIcsX3ms
387
About the turn o f the year, D'DK*?Qn hk ;? n3^n 'n*;i 2 Sam
around the time when kings go 11:1
out to battle, David sent Joab iQj; in
and his servants with him and
]1J337
all Israel, and they destroyed the
sons o f Ammon and besieged
Rabbah. But David stayed at
Jerusalem.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfsc Pa-ncfs Pp-
ncbs vqc Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3ms np
Po-np Pc-Po-ncmpcX3ms PpX3ms
Pc-Po-ncmsc-np Pc-vhw3mp Po-
ncmpc np Pc-vqw3mp Pp-np Pc-np
vqPms Pp-np
At about evening, David got up

from his bed and walked around
on the roof o f the king's house,
andfrom the roof he saw a
n fK N“jn i|^ 0 n -n '3 a r V r *^Vnn*i
woman bathing; and the woman
was very beautiful in HKD HK1Q H31D Dl3in *?17Q
appearance.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncbs Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3ms np Pp-Pp ncmscX3ms Pc-
vtw3ms Pp-ncmsc ncmsc-Pa-ncms
Pc-vqw3msXa ncfs vqPfs Pp-Pp Pa-
ncms Pc-Pa-ncfs afsc ncms Pd
After about two years, 2sa^
Absalom’s sheepshearers were
in Baal-hazor, which is near DnD^<"D37 l1Xn-Vl?33
Ephraim, and Absalom invited
'33"*?3V D1*?^3X XTp’l
all the king's sons.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfd ncmp Pc-
vqw3mp vqPmp Pp-np Pp np Pr
Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-ncmsc-
ncmpc Pa-ncms
Around the turn o f the year, n ^ n ’’r c ^ ^
Ben-hadad mustered the
Arameans and went up to Aphek D“iK-nK n n " i 3 ipD*i
to fight against Israel
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfsc Pa-ncfs Pc-
nnnVap npDK
vqw3ms np Po-np Pc-vqw3msXa
npXd Pp+Pa-ncfs Pp-np
388
About spring time, at the time D'Dân ■'nil 1 Chr
when kings go out to battle, Joab 20:1
led out the army and ravaged K3sn ’?'n~nK in ri
the land o f the sons o f Ammon,
K 3:i iiQ3?"'33 nni^n
and came and besieged Rabbah.
But David stayed at Jerusalem. D*?l^n"3 3 ^ ' I ' l n n3THK 1511
And Joab struck Rabbah and
overthrew it. :nD"ini.i n jr m in
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncbs ncfsc Pa-
ncfs Pp-ncbs vqc Pa-ncmp Pc-
vqw3ms np Po-ncmsc Pa-ncbs Pc-
vhwSmsXa Po-ncbs ncmpc-np Pc-
vqw3msXa Pc-vqw3msXa Po-np
Pc-np vqPms Pp-np Pc-vhw3ms np
Po-np Pc-vqw3msX3fs
The analysis of*? presented here is based on the analytical perspective and
principle that assumes ^ was chosen from the set o f possible temporal indicators, such as
3 and 3. This paradigmatic relationship reinforces the claim that a specific meaning
peculiar to *? motivated the choice in these examples. This should be reflected in
translation.
9 .3 .2 .3 .2 .2 F o llo w e d b y QATAL
In four cases, the temporal expression with *? is followed by a q a t a l :
By sunset, Joshua had given a i7îni n is K13 ^nn

command, and they took them
down from the trees and threw D"?i7n *?3?a
them into the cave where they
Di^“3^(3n3 n"}Vian-*?K D3*?i^*_i
had hidden themselves, and put
large stones over the mouth o f n iy a n "?-*?i? nl*?l3i d ^]3K
the cave, to this very day.
Pc-vq\v3msXa Pp-ncbs vqc Pa-ncbs :n^n Dl*n
vpp3ms np Pc-vhw3mpX3mp Pp-
Pp Pa-ncmp Pc-vhw3mpXaX3mp
Pp-Pa-ncfs Pr vnp3cp-Pd Pc-
vqwBmp ncfp afp Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncfs
Pp-ncfsc Pa-ncms Pa-ams
389
By the time Solomon was old, his 3iDn napt. i
wives had turned his heart away
after other gods; and his heart onnK 'in K
was not wholly devoted to the
i n i JohD m n '“DJ7
LORD his God, as the heart o f
David his father had been.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncbs ncfsc np
nclpcX3ms vhp3cp Po-ncmscX3ms
Pd ncmp amp Pc-Pn-vqp3ms
ncmscX3ms ams Pp-np
ncmpcX3ms Pp-ncmsc np
ncmscX3ms
By the end o f the year, the army n^v n]^|n~nbTpnV
o f the Arameans had come up
against him; and they came to
Judah and Jerusalem, destroyed
all the officials o f the people
Dj7b ovij
from among the people, and sent :ptob“j i
all their spoil to the king o f
Damascus.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfsc Pa-ncfs
vqp3ms PpX3ms ncmsc np Pc-
vqw3mpXa Pp-np Pc-np Pc-
vhw3mp Po-ncmsc-ncmpc Pa-ncms
Pp-ncms Pc-ncmsc-ncmscX3mp
vpp3cp Pp-ncms np
In the following example, the temporal expression with ‘'n^T, is followed by a
QATAL, but the temporal expression has a complex structure.
After a long time, at the end o f fp n nKX n?7D3 D'b*b 'n-;! 2Chr
two years, his bowels had come
out because o f his sickness and rVn"D3?
he died in great pain. And his
people made no fire for him like
i*? 3i27V"^^^l n b :i
the fire for his fathers. :vnqK nDit2?D HDito iai7
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmp Pp-ncmp
Pc-Pp-ncbs vqc Pa-ncms Pp-ncmp
amd vqp3cp ncmpcX3ms Pp-
ncmscX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pp-ncmp
amp Pc-Pn-vqp3cp PpX3ms
ncmscX3ms ncfs Pp-ncfsc
ncmpcX3ms
The structure of the temporal expression is as follows:
-*? 'T T ... nS733 + iNFC
390
The more general temporal expression with -*? ’’n 'l is further speeified by the
second part of the complex construction. Compare 2 Kgs 3:20 in where further
specification takes place within a temporal expression initiated by 3.
In this set of examples, the q a t a l indicates that the action or event expressed by
that verb had already occurred by the time of the temporal setting established by b "'ri'l.
9.3.2.3.2.3 Followed by w e -x -q a ta l
In only one case, the next verbal element is a w e -X - q a t a l .
By the seventh day, the flood □ ’'D’TI 111730^ Gen 7:10

waters were already on the , ,
earth. ^ '0 ^ 1 3 9 0 'Q3
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-amsc Pa-ncmp
Pc-ncmpc Pa-ncms vqp3cp Pp-Pa-
ncbs
Analysis of this example requires an answer to the question of how the WE-x-
QATAL functions in narrative. Based on the previous two sets of data, this example could
have been;
WAYYIQTOL *?33Qn 'D r n * i D'Q*n

QATAL *?33an "o r n D"n*n ns?30V 'n";!
The issue of narrative strategy involved in the choice between these options is an
important area for further research and is discussed in more detail in the next chapter.
9.3.2.4 With -jn
The final preposition to be considered here is ‘jD, which occurs in five different
types of occurrences:
9.3.2.4.1 With f pa
9.3.2.4.2 With mnJ3Q
391
9.3.2.4.3 With D'Q*0
9.3.2.4.4 With Dl*n"lD
9.3.2.4.5 Event-Referenced Use of]D
The essential structure of all of these expressions is the same:

+ Noun Phrase
r?
mnn y +
□1*n
Figure 30: Temporal Expressions with IQ
In its spatial sense, "[D indicates movement from a particular location. Similarly, in
its temporal sense, ID establishes a point in time which is the starting point for the next
event.
9.3.2.4.1 With
In sixteen instances, ’’n^l occurs with fpD or nXjpD, formed from the prefixed
preposition “ID + f p. The temporal reference can either be very general, as in Gen 4:3
□”*0^ f pD ■'n'l, after an unspecified number of days (or period of time), or the reference
can be to a very specific period of time, as in 1 Kgs 2:39 12^1^ j'pD "'n'l, after
three years. The clear nuance o f the constructions with f p is that the temporal reference
established for the following action or event is at the end of the time period indicated.
9.3.2.4.1.1 W ith f pD Followed by wayyiqtol
Eleven of the sixteen cases are followed by a wayyiqtol , indicating that that
event is the next one in narrative succession.
392
After some time, Cain brought D"!?', f i ? n Gen4:3
an offering to the LORD o f the
fruit o f the ground. n n m n o iK n n s o
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms ncmp Pc-
vhw3msXa np Pp-ncms Pa-ncfs
ncfs Pp-np
At the end o f forty days, Noah D1'' rp a 'H';! Gen 8:6
opened the window o f the ark
which he had made; n n n n * jlV n -n K n j n n s ' i
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms abp ncms
Pc-vqw3ms np Po-ncbs Pa-ncfs Pr
vqp3ms
At the end o f three days the .........................................n x p n Josh'3:2
officers went through the midst
o f the camp; rnjnQn □Tj73 n:;n?n
ncmp Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncmp Pp-
ncms Pa-ncbs
At the end o f three days after Josh9:i6‘

they had made a covenant with
them, they heard that they were nn3 3n"i3"n^K n n K
neighbors and that they were
v Vk dpi D ''3lj7-'3 31701^*1
living within their land.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc amsc Dn i3ip33
ncmp Pd Pr-vqp3cp PpX3mp ncfs
Pc-vqw3mp Pp-amp pi3mp
PpX3ms Pc-Pp-ncmscX3ms pi3mp
vqPmp
At the end o f forty years 2Sam

Absalom said to the king,
"Please let me go and pay my D^^Ki K3 hdVk niQKh_
vow which I have vowed to the
;in 3 n 3 nin'V 'l i r n K
LORD, in Hebron.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms abp ncfs
Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-Pa-ncms
vqilcs{l}CtPiPc-vpilcs{l} Cm
Po-ncmscXlcs Pr-vqplcs Pp-np Pp-
np
At the end o f three years, two o f f pa •’n'ji 1Kgs"
the servants o f Shimei ran away
to Achish son o f Maacah, king o f
Gath. And they told Shimei,
m nDJ7n-|3
saying, “Behold, your servants
are in Gath. ” :n i2 ^""[317 nin "idk*? ’'vnvsb
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms afs ncfp Pc-
vq w 3m p amdc-ncmp Pp-np Pp-np
ncmsc-np ncms np Pc-vhw3mp Pp-
np Pp-vqc Pi ncmpcX2ms Pp-np
393
After a while the brook dried up, D'D", f j?n 'nil 1Kgs
because there was no rain in the
land. nin-K’? '5 Vnm
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms ncmp Pc-
vqw3ms Pa-ncms Pp Pn-vqp3ms
ncms Pp+Pa-ncbs
At the end o f seven years, the 'm i 2 Kgs 8:3

woman returnedfrom the land o f
the Philistines; and she went out fiKD n ^ x n ni^ni
to appeal to the kingfor her
tn ito -’pKi n n 'a - ’pK i^Q n“’?K Kxni
house andfor her field.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc afs ncfp
Pc-vqw3fs Pa-ncfs Pp-ncbs np Pc-
vqw3fs Pp-vqc Pp-Pa-ncms Pp-
ncmscX3fs Pc-Pp-ncmscX3fs
After many days the LORD said D '3 1 D'QI |^j?a ' m i 13:6
to me, “Arise, go to the
Euphrates and take from there D^n npi n n n s n*? nip nini
the waistband which I
:o ^ “l3QD*p nlTKn“n«
commanded you to hide there. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms ncmp amp
Pc-vqw3ms np PpXlcs vqvms
vqvms npXd Pc-vqvms Pp-Pd Po-
Pa-ncms Pr vpplcsX2ms Pp-
vqcX3ms-Pd
At the end o f ten days the word D'n; nitoy fp a 'm i ler42:7
o f the LORD came to Jeremiah.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms afsc ncmp n n 'n i'- ^ K m n '- n m 'n 'l
At the end o f seven days the □ 'q; nxpQ 'n n
word o f the LORD came to me,
saying, nbK*? m n '~ im 'n 'l
ncmp Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-np
PpXlcs Pp-vqc
9.3.2.4.1.2 W ith f Followed by qatal
In two instances, the next verbal item is a q a t a l , indicating that the action of the
verb had already taken place by the time established by the temporal expression.
394
At the end o f four hundred and nlKQ jya-jK-j f p a •'rr‘;i Exod
thirty years, to the very day, all
the hosts o f the LORD had left n^n Dl»n dxp 3 'n";!
the land o f Egypt.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms amp ncfs
f o n x a fiK Q nlK33-*?3
Pc-afs afp ncfs Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-
ncfsc Pa-ncms Pa-ams vqp3cp
ncmsc-ncbpc np Pp-ncbs np
At the end o f forty days and
nights the LORD had given me
the two tablets o f stone, the nn^ •'Vk nin*; in]
tablets o f the covenant.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms abp ncms
jn n a n nin*? D ^ m n
Pc-abp ncms vqp3ms np PpXlcs
Po-amdc ncmpc Pa-ncfp ncmpc Pa-
ncfs
9.3.2.4.1.3 W ith f ^13 Followed by (we)-x-qatal
In two additional cases, f pQ is followed by a q a t a l but with another intervening
element. In 1 Kgs 9:10-11, this element is 13“"^70 OTn. This x -QATAL structure allows
the inclusion of the action o f the verb Kt&D within the time period established by the
temporal expression with n3j7D "’Il'l. This also introduces Hiram as the agent o f Kt&],
but not as a focal participant in this part of the narrative.
At the end o f twenty years in ontoJ? nxpn i Kgs

which Solomon had built the two
houses, the house o f the LORD nin*: n'3-nK D^nan
and the king’s house, Hiram king
o f Tyre had supplied Solomon
with cedar and cypress timber na^t^-nx OTn
and gold according to all his
desire. Then King Solomon gave isD n-’pD*? a n n ^ o ^ ^ lia 'a r a ^
Hiram twenty cities in the land
in ' tn
o f Galilee.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc amp ncfs f"jKa o'")toi7 DTnV
Pr-vqp3ms np Po-amdc Pa-ncmp
Po-ncmsc np Pc-Po-ncmsc Pa-ncms
np ncms-np vpp3ms Po-np Pp-
ncmpc ncmp Pc-Pp-ncmpc ncmp
Pc-Pp+Pa-ncms Pp-ncmsc-
ncmscX3ms Pd vqi3ms Pa-ncms np
Pp-np amp ncfs Pp-ncbs Pa-np
395
In 2 Chr 8:1-2, the element which precedes the QATAL is more complex and
deserves more detailed analysis than is possible here. Briefly, the element in focus here
is: OHK nn O lin literally, the cities which Huram
gave to Solomon, Solomon built them. The fronting of the object □’'"IVH rather than the
subject D“13n invites further scrutiny, but the use o f the QATAL indicates the inclusion o f
its action within the time period established by the temporal expression with TI'l.
At the end o f the twenty years in ’’H';'! ^Chr

which Solomon built the house . _ _ 8:1-2
o f the LORD and his own house, DKI n iH ' HK
he built the cities which Huram
nb’?c?V Di3n ]D3 onpni
had given to him, and settled the
sons o f Israel there. oni^
DDl^ nbî^ 7133
nn
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms amp ncfs Pr
vqp3ms np Po-ncmsc np Pc-Po- '33-HK D12? 31Z?1*T
ncmscX3ms Pc-Pa-ncfp Pr vqp3ms
np Pp-np vqp3ms np PoX3mp Pc-
vhw3msXa Pd Po-ncmpc np
9.3.2.4.1.4 W ith |^^b Followed by we -x-ptc
Instead of the more common we-x -qatal , the occurrence of oVn nj7“)D3 in Gen
41:1 is WE-x-PTC. A we- x -QATAL here would indicate that by the end of the two years
Pharaoh had already had his dream. If this clause were a wayyiqtol , it would indicate
that the two years passed, and then Pharaoh had this dream. One fimction of the WE-x-
structure here is that the fronting of nS7"jD3 establishes him as the focal participant. The
use of the PTC indicates the progressive nature of the action. The preceding narrative
relates the dreams of the cliief baker and the cliief cupbearer, but now Pharaoh is the one
having dreams.
396
After two years passed, Pharaoh D 'D ’ fp n Gen41:l
was dreaming, and behold, he
was standing by the Nile. n o i ? n a n i D*?n n r n o i
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms ncfd ncmp
Pc-np vqPms Pc-Pi vqPms Pp-Pa-
ncms
9 . 3 .2 . 4 . 2 W i t h r iT n a n
Notice that in all o f these examples, the next verb is w a y y iq t o l , indicating that
the action of that verb is the next narrated event on the following day. The expression
with n in a a establishes the next day as the starting point for the w a y y iq t o l .
On the following day, the "laKhi n in M oen

firstborn said to the younger, ' 19:34
“Behold, I lay last night with my nTpan
father; let us make him drink
nV^n"Da 'nij-nN
wine tonight also; then you go in
and lie with him, that we may :17"IT n»n33 1017 ''JDW 'K33
preserve our family through our
father. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfs Pc-vqw3fs
Pa-ncfs Pp-Pa-afs Pi-vqplcs Pd Po-
ncmscXIcs vhiIcpX3ms{ I }Cm
ncms Pc-Pa-ncms Pc-vqvfs vqvms
PpX3ms Pc-vpi 1cp{ 1}Cm Pp-
ncmscXIcp ncms
The next day Moses sat to judge nnnQQ ^xod
the people, and the people stood
about Moses from the morning
until the evening.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfs Pc-vqw3ms
:3").vn"i5? 3j?3n“ ib n^n"*7i7 Dyn la i^ n
np Pp-vqc Po-Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms
Pa-ncms Pp-np Pp-Pa-ncms Pp-Pa-
On the next day Moses said to ninaa ti*;! Exod

the people, “You yourselves
have committed a great sin; and dvij-Vk ni^b ibxh_
now I am going up to the LORD,
n V w nrii?! nVla n ^ b n anKbn bnK
perhaps I can make atonement
fo r your sin. ” ;DDnKBn 1J73 n"i9D« mn'-VK
np Pp-Pa-ncms pi2mp vqp2mp ncfs
afs Pc-Pd vqilcs Pp-np Pd
vpilcs{ I }Ct Pp ncfscX2mp
397
Now on the next day Moses went n ^ b K bn nnnbb Num
into the tent o f the testimony; 17:23
and behold, the rod o f Aaron for n!? n''?*? pnK~nipD nib nani
(17:8)
the house o f Levi had sprouted
and put forth buds and produced
VbPl niD
blossoms, and it bore ripe
almonds.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfs Pc-
vqw3msXa np Pp-ncms Pa-ncfs Pc-
Pi vqp3ms ncmsc-np Pp-ncmsc np
Pc-vhw3msXa ncms Pc-vhw3msXa
ncms Pc-vqw3ms ncmp
The next day, the people went ninbb ■
’ni. Judg9:42
out to the field, and it was told to
Abimelech. p^b^bKV nit&n DJ7n Kxn
Pa-ncms Pa-ncms Pc-vhw3mpXa
Pp-np
the next day n3TQ oyn niTOb Judg2l:4
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfs Pc-vhw3mp
Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3mp-Pd ncms Pc- :D'bVc?3 nlVi7
vhw3mp nclp Pc-ncmp
The next morning Saul put the niniab 'H i 'sam
people in three companies; and
they came into the midst o f the D't^Ki DJ?n-nK b to i
camp at the morning watch and
ij?3n nib^KS n3r|3n"^ln3 3k3*i
struck down the Ammonites until
the heat o f the day. Those who □l*n on"i3? ilb5?"nx 33»_i
survived were scattered, so that
no two o f them were left
together.
:in ' DllZ? D3-nKB?3
vqw3msXa np Po-Pa-ncms ams
ncmp Pc-vqw3mpXa Pp-ncmsc-Pa-
ncbs Pp-ncfec Pa-ncms Pc-vhw3mp
Po-np Pp-ncms Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msXa Pa-vnPmp Pc-vqw3mp
Pc-Pn vnp3cp-PpX3mp amd Pd
On the next day, an evil spirit
from God came mightily upon
Saul, and he raved in the midst n i l n":3n-^ln3 K33ni_
o f the house, while David was
playing the harp with his hand,
ninm dV3 DVb ii'3 la:
as usual; and a spear vvas in
Saul's hand.
P c-vqw 3m sX a Pp-ncfs P c -vqw 3fs
nebs ncmp afs Pp-np Pc-vtw3ms
Pp-ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pc-np vpPms
Pp-ncfscX3ms Pp-ncms Pp-ncms
Pc-Pa-ncfs Pp-ncfsc-np
398
The next day, the second day o f n ninaQ •’n n i sam
the new moon, that David's 20:27
place was empty; so Saul said to 111 DlpD
Jonathan his son, “Why has the
i n •jn jIn r’pK
son o f Jesse not come to the
meal, either yesterday or :DnVn-*?^j Dl*n-D3 *?lQn-Da
today? ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfsc Pa-ncms
Pa-ams Pc-vnw3ms ncmsc np Pc-
vqw3ms np Pp-np ncmscX3ms Pd
Pn-vqp3ms ncmsc-np Pc-Pd Pc-Pa-
ncms Pp-Pa-ncms
On the next day when the

Philistines came to strip the
slain, they found Saul and his *?3Kl^-nK D^VVnn-PN D^D*?
three sons fallen on Mount
:S73Van PH3 O'VDil V B ntt7‘Vl2?-n«T
Gilboa.
vqw3mpXa np Pp-vpc Po-Pa-ncmp
Pc-vqw3mp Po-np Pc-Po-amsc
ncmpcX3ms vqPmp Pp-ncms Pa-np
On the following day, he took "iBDian np*i nTiiaQ ' n ' l
the cover and dipped it in water
and spread it on his face, so that t7iD*l O'03 *?3D*1
he died. And Hazael became
king in his place.
:vnnn *?Kntn non
Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms Pp+Pa-ncmp
Pc-vqw3ms Pp-ncbpcX3ms Pc-
vqw3msXa Pc-vqw3ms np PpX3ms
The next day, when the n in a a ichr
Philistines came to strip the
slain, they found Saul and his D‘’*?Vnn-nK 3x3n
sons fallen on Mount Gilboa.
vqw3mpXa np Pp-vpc Po-Pa-ncmp :173*?31 1H 3 0''*?D3 r3 3 " n N 1
Pc-vqw3mp Po-np Pc-Po-
ncmpcX3ms vqPmp Pp-ncms np
On the next day, when Pashhur ninraa Jer20:3
released Jeremiah from the
stocks, Jeremiah said to him, nD snQ n-p "nnt^D
“Pashhur is not the name the
3n:n"!' in x * i
LORD has called you, but rather
Magor-missabib. nin*; vib
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncfs Pc-vhw3ins
np Po-np Pp-Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3ms lIlQ-QK "D
PpX3ms np Pn np vqp3ms np
ncmscX2ms Pp Pd-ncms Pp-Pd
399
93.2.4.3 Some time later D'Q'D ^

The next three examples with D'D*!?, literally from days, is another expression that
establishes that the next event took place after a certain passage of time. In each
example, the temporal expression is followed by a w a y y iq t o l . Both Josh 23:1 and
Judg 15:1 have clauses which further specify the temporal setting, but they are not
nuclear clauses.
After many days, when the 0 " 3 “l 'r ill Josh 23:1
LORD had given rest to Israel
from all their enemies on every m n’ nm
side, and Joshua was old,
advanced in years, Joshua
called for all Israel, for their :D’a t3 Ip t
elders and their heads and their
judges and their officers, and t f ' I • ▼ J • ▼ J - V. I +|l • —
said to them, “I am old,

"lOK’i
advanced in years.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmp amp Pd Pr- :D’Q»3 *'nM3 m jp t
vhp3ms np Pp-np Pp-ncmsc-
vqPmpcX3mp Pp-Pd Pc-np vqp3ms
vqp3ms Pp+Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3ms
np Pp-ncmsc-np Pp-ampcX3ms Pc-
Pp-ncmpcX3ms Pc-Pp-
vqPmpcX3ms Pc-Pp-ncmpcX3ms
Pc-vqw3ms PpX3mp piles vqplcs
vqp 1cs Pp+Pa-ncmp
After a while the sons o f Ammon □’3*3 ’m i Judg 11:4
fought against Israel.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmp Pc- ilQi?"’i3 innVi
vnw3mp ncmpc-np Pp-np
But after a while, in the time o f D’I ? n ~ T 3 p ’3 ’3 ’H’ l Judgl5:l
wheat harvest, Samson visited
his wife with a young goat, and o ’l r ’1313 iFiB?K"nK npD’i
said, “I will go in to my wife in
her room. ” But her father did
ninnn n«3K iQxn_
not let him enter. :K13*? n ’3K 13n3"K^l
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmp Pp-ncmpc
ncmsc-ncfp Pc-vqw3ms np Po-
ncfscX 3m s P p-ncm sc ncfp Pc-
vqw3ms vqilcs {1 }Ct Pp-ncfscXlcs
Pa-ncmsXd Pc-Pn-vqp3msX3ms
ncmscX3fs Pp-vqc
400
9.3.2.4.4 “From that day...”
There are only two oecurrences o f ’’n il with this temporal expression which
occurs in two forms: Dl*nQ and Ol*n“ ]Q. In the first example, the temporal expression is
followed by a wayyiqtol .
From that day forward, he made Dl*nD 'n";! i sam

it a statute and an ordinance for
Israel to this day. pn*p nato-;i
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pa-ncms Pa-
piSms Pc-PdXd Pc-vqw3msX3fs
:HTn Dl*n 117 0912^0*?^
Pp-ncms Pc-Pp-ncms Pp-np Pp Pa-
ncms Pa-ams
In the second example Ifom Nehemiah, there is a complex description o f the work
on the wall that precedes the wayyiqtol in 4:13a. The use of the participles and I with
NOUN heightens the vivid description that leads into the action expressed by the
WAYYIQTOL.
401
From that day on, half o f my
servants carried on the work 4:10-13
while half o f them held the D'nonn'! D'p'TrrD D'toi;
spears, the shields, the bows and (16-19)
the breastplates; and the
Dnt&ni D 'i n f n i nlni^pni D"3]iQn
captains were behind the whole nâ-*?3 nnK
house o f Judah. Those who
were rebuilding the wall and noK3 D'toQi? *?ao3 D'Ktoirii nnlna D'qlan
those who carried burdens took
npTno nnKi nDxViaa ntoi?
their load with one hand doing
the work and the other holding a v3nQ-‘?p lain D"3lam
weapon. As for the builders,
each wore his sword girded at iDiiâ iTpmnT D'3lai
his side as he built, while the in;;."*?Ki 0 ' 3iDn-*7Ki onnn-VK iq k ]
trumpeter stood near me. I said
to the nobles, the officials and nanii nain naKVian own
the rest o f the people, “The work
is great and extensive, and we nolnn-Vy 0^123 "i3n3.Ni
are separated on the wallfar irnKD i2?'N D'plm
from one another.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pa-ncms Pa-
pi3ms ncms ncmpcXlcs vqPmp
Pp+Pa-ncfs Pc-ncmscX3mp vhPmp
Pc-Pa-ncmp Pa-ncbp Pc-Pa-ncfp Pc-
Pa-ncmp Pc-Pa-ncmp Pd ncras-
ncmsc np Pa-vqPmp Pp+Pa-ncfs
Pc-Pa-vqPmp Pp+Pa-ncms vqPmp
Pp-afs ncfscX3ms vqPms Pp+Pa-
ncfs Pc-afs vhPfs Pa-ncms Pc-Pa-
vqPmp ncms ncfscX3ms vqsmp Pp-
ncmdcX3ms Pc-vqPmp Pc-Pa-
vqPms Pp+Pa-ncms PpXlcs Pc-
vqwlcs Pp-Pa-ncmp Pc-Pp-Pa-
ncmp Pc-Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncms Pa-ncfs
vha Pc-afs Pc-pilcp vnPmp Pp-Pa-
ncfs amp ncms Pp-ncmscX3ms
9.3.2.4.S Event-Referenced Use of ]Q
In some o f the temporal constructions with ]Q ■'HI, the reference is to an event
rather than a period o f time. For example, in Gen 39:5, which is the only occurrence of
TNQ ■’n il, the reference is to when Joseph being put in charge of matters in the
Egyptian’s house. Likewise, in 1 Sam 7:2, the reference is to the event of placing the ark
402
in Kiriath-jearim. These expressions establish that event as the starting point from whieh
the action of the next verb takes place.
From the time he made him in '3 3 in x I 'p D n TKQ " n il Gen39;5
overseer in his house and over
all that he owned, the LORD n"3"nK nini ■^■i3';i ’??•]
blessed the Egyptian's house on
account o f Joseph; thus the
n p i n3")3 ■'nil >101" "isian
LORD'S blessing was upon all :ni^3^ n"33
that he owned, in the house and
in the field.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pd vhp3ms
PoX3ms Pp-ncmscX3ms Pc-Pp
ncmsc-Pr Pd-PpX3ms Pc-vpw3ms
np Po-ncmsc Pa-np Pp np Pc-
vqw3msXa ncfsc np Pp-ncmsc-Pr
Pd-PpX3ms Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-Pp+Pa
From the day that the ark □ n y v n n p a ii-iKn h3i^ d 1»q "nil ’
remained at Kiriath-jearim,
many days passed. Twenty years nai^ rn»i o"oin innn.
went by and all the house of
Israel lamented after the LORD.
:mn" ""inK n"3-*?3 ^ n n
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncms vqc Pa-
ncbs Pp np Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncmp
Pc-vqw3mp amp ncfs Pc-vnw3mp
ncmsc-ncmsc np Pd np
The 1 Sam 7:2 example is curious in that the next “event” is the passing of many
days.
9.3.2.S Analytical Summary of the Use of "mi with Prepositions
The preceding occurrences of the prepositions in their various temporal uses is a
complex area of Hebrew syntax and deserves close attention. Throughout the analysis,
the focus sometimes seemed to be on "mi, but at other times it would shift to the
preposition being considered. This is normal in analysis which is exploring contextual
factors that motivate linguistic choice. After repeated review of the data and further
reading of the biblical Hebrew text, it became apparent that full analysis of the role "1111
403
plays in these temporal expressions will necessarily involve analysis of the same
temporal expressions where they occur without ‘'n 'l. This is a very important aspect o f a
comprehensive analysis of ■'H']!, but exhaustive analysis is not feasible there. There is
further discussion of this issue, however, in Chapter 10.
9.3.3
The primary use o f ‘'n 'l is temporal, but there are three instances in 9.3.3.2
that express marmer.
9.3.3.1 With “1 ^ 5 as Temporal
In 35 instances, follows ’n 'l with a temporal function. In all of these
examples, 'n 'l is consistently followed by a q a t a l . ”'1711 has the sense of
ju st as, as soon as. In the following 34 occurrences, the verb which follows the temporal
expression is a w a y y iq t o l .
Just as he was coming to Egypt, nnnxQ 3 ”’“ipn “iizfNs oen

▼ I ▼ t • ▼ -ll • V - - I -
he said to Sarai his wife, “See
now, I know that you are a 'n v n K rnan intfK
beautiful woman;
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vhp3m$ Pp-
:nK nKiQ-nD^ ^3
vqc npXd Pc-vqw3ms Pp-np
ncfscXSms Pi-Pi vqplcs Pp ncfs
afsc-ncms pi2fs
As soon as God caused me to
wander from my father's house, I
said to her, ‘This is the kindness -^lon nx "idkt
which you will show to me:
DlpQn“*?3 Vk 'IH P
everywhere we go, say o f me,
“He is my brother. ” ’ :K7n 'UK ”’V"”’1QK nai^ k 13] ni^K
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vhp3cp
PoXlcs ncmp Pp-ncmsc ncmscXlcs
Pc-vqwlcs PpX3fs ams ncmscX3fs
Pr vqi2fs PpXlcs Pp ncmsc-Pa-
ncms Pr vqilcp PdXd vqvfs-PpXlcs
ncmscXlcs pi3ms
404
As soon as the camels finished nlnty'*? □■'Vaan i Vd Gen
drinking, the man took a gold
ring weighing a half-shekel and S7j?3 dt3
two bracelets for her wrists
weighing ten shekels in gold,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vpp3cp Pa-
ncmp Pp-vqc Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms
ncmsc ncms ncms ncmscX3ms Pc-
amdc ncmp Pp-ncfdcX3fs afs ncms
ncmscX3mp
As soon as Abraham's servant Dnn.31"nK DninN i n r oen
heard their words, he bowed
himself to the ground before the n:?"iK inr«z?n
LORD.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vqp3ms ncms
np Po-ncmpcX3mp Pc-vsw3msXa
ncbsXd Pp-np
As soon as Jacob saw Rachel the *?n-i-nK nps?: nK i Gen ‘

daughter o f Laban his mother's
brother, and the sheep o f Laban iisK •’nx p*? iK2J“nxT iiax ^nx p ^ n a
• —i | t t | v » • —i | t t —
his mother's brother, Jacob went

up and rolled the stone from the
"ixan p *?j?a p x n -n x ap u :
mouth o f the well and watered :iHX p x ]a^ ix2?-nx ptr?!i
the flock o f Laban his mother's
brother.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vqp3ms np
Po-np ncfs-np ncmsc ncfscX3ms
Pc-Po-ncbs np ncmsc ncfscX3ms
Pc-vqw3ms np Pc-vhw3ms Pc-Pa-
ncfs Pp-Pp ncmsc Pa-ncfs Pc-
vhw3ms Po-ncbs np ncmsc
ncfscX3ms
As soon as Rachel had borne
Joseph, Jacob said to Laban,
“Send me away, that I may go to na^xT ^p ^: ioxn_
my own place and to my own
t P l x ’pi PlpQ“’?X
country.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vqp3fs np Po-
np Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-np
vpvmsX 1cs Pc-vqi 1cs{ 1} Ct Pp-
ncmscX 1cs Pc-Pp-ncfscX 1cs
As soon as Joseph reached his ' v n x ’- y x ’ 'ipV ’ x a " ii^ x a ’ ’ Gen
brothers, they stripped Joseph o f 37:23
his tunic, the varicolored tunic n m p -n x irj3na~n>< ^ p V 'n x
that was on him;
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr-vqp3ms np
"«2?X D'Dan
Pp-ncmpcX3ms Pc-vhw3mp Po-np
Po-ncfscX3ms Po-ncfsc Pa-ncmp Pr
PpX3ms
405
As soon as they finished eating O en43:2
the grain which they had
broughtfrom Egypt, their father
said to them, “Go back, buy us a
little food. ”
Dn'’‘?K IDK*!
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vpp3cp Pp-
vqc Po-Pa-ncms Pr vhp3cp Pp-np
Pc-vqw3ms PpX3mp ncmscX3mp
vqvmp vqvmp-PpXlcp amsc-ncms
As soon as Moses came near the

camp, he saw the calf and the
dancing; and Moses' anger n^nn^ *?33?n“nK K nn
burned, and he threw the tablets
nnVn-nx n*,a
from his hands and shattered
them at the foot o f the mountain. n n n nnn dhk
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vqp3ms Pp-
Pa-ncbs Pc-vqw3msXa Po-Pa-ncms
Pc-ncfp Pc-vqw3msXa-ncms np Pc-
vhw3msXa Pp-ncfscX3ms Pp-
ncfdcX3ms Po-Pa-ncmp Pc-
vpw3ms PoX3mp Pp Pa-ncms
“As soon as all the men o f war
had finally perished from among
the people, the LORD spoke to :DPn maV
me, saying,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr-vqp3cp
nbN*? ■'*?« mn^ 12T'\
ncmsc-ncmpc Pa-ncfs Pp-vqc Pp-
ncms Pa-ncms Pc-vpw3ms np
PpXlcs Pp-vqc
As soon as all the nation had Josh 4:1
finished crossing the Jordan, the
LORD spoke to Joshua, saying, lll*_n-nK "1I3 5 V
ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pp-vqc Po-Pa-np noKV mn^ "lOKh
Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-np Pp-vqc
As soon as all the people "il3 ^ □VO"’?? Dn“ ii^ K ’■'n';! 4:11
finished crossing, the ark o f the
LORD and the priests crossed :DVn '3dV D'ansni n i n n n x
before the people.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr-vqp3ms
ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pp-vqc Pc-vqw3ms
ncbsc-np Pc-Pa-ncmp Pp-ncbpc Pa-
ncms
As soon as they finished Tinn*? 5:8
circumcising all the nation, they
remained in their places in the tonl'n naniaa onnn
camp until they were healed.
ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pp-vnc Pc-vqw3mp
PpX3mp Pp+Pa-ncbs Pp vqcX3mp
406
As soon as he finished n n ia n - H K n n p n * ? n V s "rrii Judg 3:18
presenting the tribute, he sent
away the people who had tn n r a n "Ktoi D i7n -n K
carried the tribute.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vpp3ms Pp-
vhc Po-Pa-ncfs Pc-vpw3ms Po-Pa-
ncms vqPmpc Pa-ncfs
As soon as Gideon was dead, the nn "nn Judg 8:33
sons o f Israel again played the
harlot with the Baals, and made "33 ^ 3 ^ ^ n
Baal-berith their god.
o " V v ? n ""inK i 3 r i
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc np Pc-vqw3mp :D"n^K*? n"i3-*?i73 n n ^ in " t? n
Pd Pa-np Pc-vqw3mp PpX3mp np
Pp-ncmp
As soon as the sons o f Ammon iini?""3.3 "inn*?]"it^K3 "nn_ Judg 11:5

fought against Israel, the elders
o f Gilead went to get Jephthah nnj?^ "3pt i n V n
from the land ofTob;
:31D f l K D nnD"“ HK
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr-vnp3cp
ncmpc-np Pp-np Pc-vqw3mp ampc
np Pp-vqc Po-np Pp-ncbs np
As soon as Samuel was old, he *?Kint^ ] p t 'n n 1 Sam
appointed his sons judges over 8:1
Israel. :’?K“lfe7"*p D"pDU? V I S -P K D to n
Pc-vqw3msXa Po-ncmpcX3ms
vqPmp Pp-np
As soon as Saul returnedfrom o"ntt?*?s "nn 1 Sam
pursuing the Philistines, they 24:1(2)
told him, “Behold, David is in 13103 1 1 1 nan lOK*? l*? ^ ir _ i
the wilderness o f Engedi. ”
Pp-Pd np Pc-vhw3mpXa PpX3ms
Pp-vqc Pi np Pp-ncmsc np
As soon as Hushai the Archite, 111 " n il 2Sam
David's friend, came to
Absalom, that Hushai said to
Absalom, “Long live the king!
"în “IQX*1
Long live the king! ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr-vqp3ms np "ni iV an "ni
Pa-np ncmsc np Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms
np Pp-np vqi3msXa{ 1}Jt Pa-ncms
vqi3msXa{ 1} Jt Pa-ncms
407
As soon as the kingdom was nD^nan n^Tn "if’KD "n";! 2 Kgs
firmly in his hand, that he killed
his servants who had slain the ■^ân-riK D'aan vi33?~nK
king his father.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vqp3fs Pa-
ncfs Pp-ncfscX3ms Pc-vhw3ms Po-
ncmpcX3ms Pa-vhPmp Po-Pa-ncms
ncmscX3ms
As soon as David dwelt in his in^33 I'lT 2 W1 'n i l 1chr
house, that David said to Nathan
the prophet, “Behold, I am 'D3K nan K'nan ]nrb^ I 'l n "iDKh_
dwelling in a house o f cedar, but
D'TiKn n 'a a
the ark o f the covenant o f the
LORD is under curtains. ” nnn ninrn'13 ]ln«i
Pp-ncmscX3ms Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-
np Pa-ncms Pi piles vqPms Pp-
ncmsc Pa-ncmp Pc-ncbsc ncfs-np
Pp ncip
As soon as the kingdom was v b v n ^ a a n njpin 'n i i 2Chr
firmly in his grasp, he killed his
servants who had slain his n'3X ■nK D'3an r^3I7-n^{ 3inn*i
father the king.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vqp3fs Pa-
ncfs PpX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Po-
ncmpcX3ms Pa-vhPmp Po-Pa-ncms
ncmscX3ms
As soon as Sanballat heard that ' n^ 3 T
we were rebuilding the wall, he
became furious and very angry 0173*11*? nn*i nolnn“nK d *]13 lanaK"*?
and mocked the Jews.
:o*nin*n“Vj7 ]ii7V*i nam
Pp-pilcp vqPmp Po-Pa-ncfs Pc-
vqw3msXa PpX3ms Pc-vqw3ms
vha Pc-vhw3msXa Pp-Pa-np
As soon as Sanballat, Tobiah,
the Arabs, the Ammonites and
the Ashdodites heard that the nn^9-*3 D*nln^Kni D'aauni a'amni
repair o f the walls ofJerusalem
nlon^ n o n x
went on, and that the breaches
began to be closed, they were ononV o'xnan iVnn"*3
very angry.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vqp3ms np HKa onV m*i
Pc-np Pc-Pa-np Pc-Pa-np Pc-Pa-np
Pp-vqp3fs ncfs Pp-nclpc np Pp-
vhp3cp Pa-vqsmp Pp-vnc Pc-
vqw3msXa PpX3mp Pd
408
As soon as the Jews who lived D"iin*n Neh 4:6-
near them came and told us ten 7 (4:12-
times, “They will come up
against us from every place 13)
where you may turn, ”1 stationed
nlQpian-’psa
men in the lowest parts o f the □1paV
I ▼- n1»nnno
• - • imKT
I • -t - T
space behind the wall, the
exposed places, and I stationed □rn-HK I'Qjyxi D"*nnx3 nolnV nnxn
the people infamilies with their
swords, spears, and bows.
:Dn"nnt^pi QD'HOI on'n3"in-Di; nlnst^nV
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr-vqp3cp Pa-np
Pa-vqPmp PpX3mp Pc-vqw3mp
PpXlcp afs ncfp Pp-ncmsc-Pa-
ncmp Pr-vqi2mp PpXlcp
As soon as our enemies heard

that it was known to us, and God
frustrated their plan, then all o f Dnx^TiK D^n^Kn i o n
us returned to the wall, each one
to his work.
:ln3K*?Q-*?K nn1nn-*?K 13^3 3^c?3t
vqPmpcXlcp Pp-vnp3ms PpXlcp
Pc-vhw3msXa Pa-ncmp Po-
ncfscX3mp Pc-vqwlcp Pc-vqwlcp
ncmscXlcp Pp-Pa-ncfs ncms Pp-
ncfscX3ms
As soon as it was reported to Neh 6:1-
Sanballat, Tobiah, to Geshem 2
the Arab and to the rest o f our '3 33^3-;k n p lo ]
enemies that I had rebuilt the
wall, and that no breach
33 inl3“Kî nnlnn“n>< 'n^33
remained in it, although at that nln^T K'nn nrn-ni? n \ y iB
time I had not set up the doors in
the gates, then Sanballat and :on3t^3 'r iia r n -K ^
Geshem sent a message to me,
saying, “Come, let us meet
IQKp D f 3.1 0^330
together at Chephirim in the 131K n3?p33 Dn'D33 1331 33*?
plain o f Ono. ’’ But they were
planning to harm me. :3373 •'*? nltoP*? D'3C?3 3Q3T
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vnp3ms Pp-np
Pc-np Pc-Pp-np Pa-np Pc-Pp-ncmsc
vqPmpcXlcp Pp vqplcs Po-Pa-ncfs
Pc-Pn-vnp3ms PpX3fs ncms Pc Pp-
Pa-ncbs Pa-pi3fs nclp Pn-vhplcs
Pp+Pa-ncmp Pc-vqw3ms np Pc-np
PpXlcs Pp-vqc vqvms Pc-
vnilcp{ 1}Ct Pd Pp+Pa-ncmp Pp-
ncfsc np Pc-pi3mp vqPmp Pp-vqc
PpXlcs afs
409
As soon as all our enemies "n‘;i N e h 6 :i6
heard o f it, and all the nations
surrounding us saw it, they lost ^rnT 3D D'l3in"’73
their confidence; for they
^37"in D n 'r r ? ikip
realized that this work had been
accomplished with the help o f :nK^n nsK’pan nn1z?573 hkq ^3
our God.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vqp3cp
ncmsc-vqPmpcXlcp Pc-vqw3mp
ncmsc-Pa-ncmp Pr PdXlcp Pc-
vqw3mp Pd Pp-ncfdcX3mp Pc-
vqw3mp Pp Pp-Pp ncmpcXlcp
vnp3fs Pa-ncfs Pa-afs
As soon as the wall was rebuilt ' TQUKT nninn nnn] "«^K3 'nn Neh7:i-
and 1 had set up the doors, and
the gatekeepers and the singers :DnVni ^
and the Levites were
appointed, then I put Hanani my
nT3n "ito n;]3_n-nKi •'riK "53n-nK
brother, and Hananiah the c?'K3 Kin-'3
commander o f the fortress, in
charge o f Jerusalem, for he was :D'3"1Q Kl'T HDN
a faithful man andfeared God
more than many.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vnp3fs Pa-
ncfs Pc-vhwlcs Pa-ncfp Pc-
vnw3mp Pa-ncmp Pc-Pa-vePmp Pc-
Pa-np Pc-vpwlcs Po-np ncmscXlcs
Pc-Po-np ncms Pa-ncfs Pp-np Pp-
pi3ms Pp-ncms ncfs Pc-vqp3ms Po-
Pa-ncmp Pp-amp
Just as it grew dark at the gates naWn

o f Jerusalem before the sabbath,
I commanded that the doors nln^'nn njiD*i nnoNT
should be shut and that they
n3\^n "iDK ns? 010113“: vib n io K i
should not open them until after
the sabbath. Then I stationed D nî^nys? 'niQJ?n n v a n i
some o f my servants at the gates
so that no load would enter on tnsi^n D l's Kt&n k13“'- k ^
the sabbath day.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vqp3cp ncmpc
np Pp-ncbpc Pa-ncbs Pc-vqwlcsXa
Pc-vnw3mp Pa-ncfp Pc-vqwlcsXa
Pr Pn vqi3mpX3mp Pp Pd Pa-ncbs
Pc-Pp-ncmpcXlcs vhplcs Pp-Pa-
ncmp Pn-vqi3msXa ncms Pp-ncms
Pa-ncbs
410
As soon as Zedekiah the king o f ê'-39:4
Judah and all the men o f war
saw them, they fled and went out ngnVian Vdi
o f the city at night by way o f the
king's garden through the gate
between the two walls; and he I 'r n - jQ nVV
went out toward the Arabah.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vqp3msX3inp ♦ngi??n K ?n D'nbnn ]'3
np ncms-np Pc-ncms ncmpc Pa-ncfs
Pc-vqw3mp Pc-vqw3mp ncms Pp-
Pa-ncfs nebs ncbsc Pa-ncms Pp-
ncms Pp Pa-ncfd Pc-vqw3ms nebs
Pa-ncfs
Analysis of the occurrences of ’’H']!, reveals that the temporal nuance ju st as
or as soon as indicates that the event of the main clause occurs immediately after the
event of the temporal clause. Care should be exercised in translation to avoid translating
occurrences of the infinitive construct following 3 ’’n 'l with as soon as. There may be
certain contextual support in some instances of 3 for the as soon as meaning, but
this should generally be reserved for the occurrences of "l^K3
The following occurrence departs from the pattern established by the previous 34
examples:
As soon as Isaac had finished 3p??rnK fTgV pn^’ n>3 i ^K 3 Gen

blessing Jacob, and Jacob had 27:30
just left the presence o f Isaac his '59 nKQ 3 p » : KX", "n';i
father, Esau his brother came in
from his hunting. X3 rnx itori V3 X
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vpp3ms np
Pp-vpc Po-np Pc-vqw3msXa Pd vqa
vqp3ms np Pp-Pp ncbpc np
ncmscX3ms Pc-np ncmscX3ms
vqp3ms Pp-ncmscX3ms
F o llo w in g th e o c c u r r e n c e o f T i l l is 3p?7: •'nT_, w h ic h is
discussed in 9.S.6.4. The second ■’HT is read as providing additional setting for the
ensuing narrative, which could have moved on with a w a y y iq t o l : K3T. In this
411
example, however, the next elause is a w e - x - q a t a l , which is then followed by a
WAYYIQTOL in 27:31. Two main narrative functions are operative here: 1) the interplay of
the preceding ''n'1 and the *1o f highlights the temporal parity o f Jacob leaving and
Esau arriving; 2) the fronting of itol? establishes him as the focal participant at this stage
in the narrative.
9.3.3.2 W ith as M anner
In the following three examples, the combination "1^K3 '’H']'! indicates manner
rather than temporal reference.
And just as he interpretedfor us, ifK D "nil Gen

so it happened; he restored me
in my office, but he hanged :n^n inKi "as-*??? "nk nm
him. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr vqp3ms-
PpX 1cp Pd vqp3ms PoX 1cs
vhp3ms Pp-ncmscXlcs Pc-PoX3ms
vqp3ms
Then Gideon took ten men o f his n^*i Judg6:2?
servants and did as the Lord had
spoken to him. Since he was too m ni rV k 131
afraid o f his father’s household
i"3k n"3"nk k T "i^k3 "nil
and the men o f the city to do it
by day he did it by night. DQi" nlt;i7a T m "iz?3k“n k i
Pc-vqw3ms np afs ncmp Pp-
ncmpcX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr
vpp3ms PpX3ms np Pc-vqw3msXa
Pp-Pr vqp3ms Po-ncmsc
ncmscX3ms Pc-Po-ncmpc Pa-ncfs
Pp-vqc Pd Pc-vqw3msXa ncms
AndJust as He called and they Z'ech'
would not listen, so they called
and I would not listen, ” says the :nlk33f mn" "ink J7niz?k k^T
LORD o f hosts;
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pr-vqp3ms Pc-
Pn vqp3cp Pd vqi3mp Pc-Pn vqilcs
vqp3ms np ncbp
One o f the contextual supports for interpreting the instances of “ll^k3 "nil in Gen
41:13 and Zech 7:13 as manner is the co-occurrenee of ]3-
412
9.3.4 W ith'D
Another use of ''n il is with ’’3, occurring thirteen times. Many versions typically
translate it as when or as some kind of logical or causal relationship like since, or
because, but one of the questions here is whether this is really temporal. After the display
of the data, a recent proposal for the analysis of ’’3 by Follingstad will be evaluated for
these occurrences with TTil.
9.3.4.1 Occurrences with ’’3
When men began to multiply on naiK n T b D i«n V nn-'3 'n ';i Gen6:i
the face o f the land, and
daughters were born to them, ;on^ nl]3^
the sons o f God saw that the
daughters o f men were
D i^n nl33-nK W j*i
beautiful; and they took wives *?3n DnV inj7*inan n3b '3
for themselves, whomever they
chose. m n 3 niz?K
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhp3ms Pa-ncms
Pp-vqc Pp-ncbpc Pa-ncfs Pc-ncip
vQp3cp PpX3mp Pc-vqw3mp
ncmpc-Pa-ncmp Po-ncfpc Pa-ncms
Pp aip pi3fp Pc-vqw3mp PpX3mp
ncfp Pp-ncms Pr vqp3cp
When he had been there a long
time, Abimelech king o f the
Philistines looked out through a ]lVnn 1V2
window, and saw, and behold,
Isaac was caressing his wife
:ini^K n^3i DK pnxQ pn3" nani k"i*i
Rebekah.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp vqp3cp-PpX3ms
Pd Pa-ncmp Pc-vhw3msXa np
ncms np Pp Pa-ncbs Pc-vqw3msXa
Pc-Pi np vpPms Pp np ncfscX3ms
When Isaac was old and his eyes HKin r r y rDDm p n r ip f " ? "n’ll Genii-.x
were too dim to see, he called
his older son Esau and said to M an i]3 K"ip»i
him, “M y son. ” A n d he sa id to
him, “Here I am. ”
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqp3ms np Pc-
vqw3fp ncfdcX3ms Pp-vqc Pc-
vqw3ms Po-np ncmscX3ms Pa-ams
Pc-vqw3ms PpX3ms ncmscXlcs
Pc-vqw3ms PpX3ms PiXlcs
413
When we came to the lodging Gen
place, that we opened our sacks, 43:21
and behold, each man's money "D3 nani irnnnnK -nK nnnDn_
was in the mouth o f his sack, our
iPK 31^11 ^3303 innnoK
money infull. So we have
brought it back in our hand.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqplcp Pp-Pa-
ncms Pc-vqwlcpXa Po-ncipcXlcp
Pc-Pi ncms-ncms Pp-ncmsc
ncfscX3ms ncmscXlcp Pp-
ncmscX3ms Pc-vhwlcp PoX3ms
Pp-ncfscXlcp
When we went up to your -^ n --

servant my father, we told him
the words o f my lord. ;'3lK n 3 “3 HK i*?-nH3T
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp vqplcp Pp-
ncmscX2ms ncmscXlcs Pc-
vhwlcp-PpX3ms Po ncmpc
ncmscXlcs
When Pharaoh was stubborn

about letting us go, the LORD
killed every firstborn in the land 133Q Dn?Q r “iK3 iiD s - ’ps nin"; lin n
o f Egypt, both the firstborn o f
man and the firstborn o f beast.
13-Vi? n an s “il33”n??l d ik
Therefore, I sacrifice to the Dn3i:n o n i "id3"*?3 n_3T '3k
LORD the males, the first
offspring o f every womb, but :mDK "33 1133“Vd T
every firstborn o f my sons I
redeem. ’
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhp3ms np Pp-
vpcXlcp Pc-vqw3ms np ncmsc-
ncms Pp-ncbs np Pp-ncms ncms Pc-
Pp-ncms ncfs Pp-Pd piles vqPms
Pp-np ncmsc-ncmsc ncms Pa-ncmp
Pc-ncmsc-ncms ncmpcXlcs vqilcs
When the sons o f Israel became
strong, they put the Canaanites
to forced labor, but they did not dqV "3y33n-nK 33n*i
drive them out completely.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp vqp3cp ncmpc np
Pc-vqw3mp Po-Pa-np Pp+Pa-ncms
Pc-vha Pn vhp3msX3ms
When Israel became strong, they ptn""3 "nil Judgi:28
put the Canaanites to forced
labor, but they did not drive vib on*? "3J733n"nK
them out completely.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqp3ms np Pc-
vqw3msXa Po-Pa-np Pp+Pa-ncms
Pc-vha Pn vhp3msX3ms
414
when they cried out 'n i l Ju^gh:?-

Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqp3cp ncmpc-
np Pp-np Pp ncfp np Pc-vqw3ms n n x bv *
np ncms ncms Pp-ncmpc np Pc-
vqw3ms PpX3mp Pd-vqp3ms np '33"*?K n p i nVi2?*i
ncmpc np piles vhplcs PoX2mp
Pp-np Pc-vhwlcs PoX2mp Pp- nini iQK“n3 nn^ iaKM_
ncmsc ncmp
Dn?QQ DDHK
:D'i3i7 nân opnK K 'a k i
When she nagged him daily with
her words and urged him, his 16:16
soul was annoyed to death. :m a^ iiz^Di napni ina^K ni
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vhp3fs PpX3ms
Pp-ncmpcX3fs ncmsc-Pa-ncmp Pc-
vpw3fsX3ms Pc-vqw3fs ncfscX3ms
Pp-vqc
When their spirits rose, they
said, “Call for Samson, that he
may amuse us. ” So they called 1K1P i"iQK*i
fo r Samson from the prison, and
he entertained them. And they
D'l'DKn n"3Q i ^ l p 'l
made him stand between the inlK n 'Q u n Dn'j^V p n a ii
pillars.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp vqp3ms Pp-vqc :D'lli3»n y 3
ncmscX3mp Pc-vqw3mp vqvmp
Pp-np Pc-vpi3ms{ 1}Jm-PpXlcp Pc-
vqw3mp Pp-np Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncmp
Pa-vqsmp Pc-vpw3ms Pp-
ncmpcX3mp Pc-vhw3mp PoX3ms
Pp Pa-ncmp
Because the bearers o f the ark o f "XtoD nS73 "3 "nil 2 Sam
the LORD had gone six paces,
he sacrificed an ox and a failing. □"133 n in ril" iK
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp vqp3cp vqPmpc
ncbsc-np ams ncmp Pc-vqw3ms :K"iQi nil? n a tn
ncms Pc-ncms
Since the king lived in his house, ln"33 *^7^ 3U?1“"3 "mi
and the LORD had given him
rest on every side from all his n"3i^-*?3Q 3"3on i*?"n"3n mn"i
enemies, the king said to Nathan
the prophet, “See now, I dwell in
K"33n inr*?K 3qk*i
a house o f cedar, but the ark o f ■|1“iKl D"nK n"33 3i;#1" "piK K3 nK"j
God dwells within tent
curtains. ” :n v 'iin i m p an?" D"n^Kn
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqp3ms Pa-ncms
Pp-ncmscX3ms Pc-np vhp3ms-
PpX3ms Pp-Pd Pp-ncmsc-
vqPmpcX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms
Pp-np Pa-ncms vqvms Pi piles
vqPms Pp-ncmsc ncmp Pc-ncbsc
Pa-ncmp vqPms Pp-ncmsc Pa-ncfs
415
Since he came from Jerusalem to nKTj?*? "n*;! 2 Sam
meet the king, the king said to 19:26
him, “Why did you not go with 'QV nDVn-K^ iV iaK *i
me, Mephibosheth? ” (19:25)
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqp3ms np I*p- :nir?TDa
vqc Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms PpX3ms
Pa-ncms Pg Pn-vqp2ms PpXlcs np
Because the sons o f Israel had
sinned against the LORD their
God, who had brought them up ni7"ia T_ nnna an:sQ Qhk nVjân
from the land o f Egyptfrom
under the hand o f Pharaoh, king
:a n n K a^n^K a n ^ Q 'l^ Q
o f Egypt, and they hadfeared
other gods
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-vqp3cp ncmpc-
np Pp-np ncmpcX3mp Pa-vhPms
PoX3mp Pp-ncbs np Pp-Pp ncfs np
ncms-np Pc-vqw3mp ncmp amp
Since the days o f feasting had n n t o 'a ' iD'pn '3 "n'T
V I - .. I . - I -
completed their cycle. Job would
send and consecrate them, rising "1^33 31*K nVl2?»l
up early in the morning and
offering burnt offerings
"laK's dVs "laoa nVrni
according to the number o f them □33^3 ^313^ '33 3l*K
all; for Job said, “Perhaps my
sons have sinned and cursed :D'B*n-*?3 31*K H33
God in their hearts. ” Thus Job
did continually.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp vhp3cp ncmpc
Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms np Pc-
vpw3msX3mp Pc-vhp3ms Pp+Pa-
ncms Pc-vhp3ms ncfjp ncmsc
ncmscX3mp Pp vqp3ms np Pd
vqp3cp ncmpcXlcs Pc-vpp3cp
ncmp Pp-ncmscX3mp Pd vqi3ms np
ncmsc-Pa-ncmp
9.3.4.2 Analytical Summary of the Occurrences with 'S
One of the key concepts in Follingstad’s analysis o f '3 is metarepresentation. For
the full discussion of this analysis, see Deictic Viewpoint in Biblical Hebrew Text: A
Syntagmatic and Paradigmatic Analysis o f the Particle "'D(ki) (2001). The concept of
metarepresentation is central to the following analysis:
Though the semantic content of the '3 clause may be construed as a

‘reason’ for their banishing him, '3 does not explicitly mark the reason per
416
se, but rather that the clause content is mentioned or metarepresented as a

correcting proposition relative to the speaker’s estimation of Jepthah’s
thoughts/knowledge state. (Follingstad 2001, 266)
The most salient phrase here is “the clause content is mentioned or
metarepresented.” The unique contribution of 'D is that the contents of the clause
following ■
’5 are communicated as a representation of the reason. From a slightly
different perspective, Arnold and Choi discuss the function o f ’’3 as EVIDENTIAL:
Although translated similarly to the causal, the evidential use of ”'3

presents the evidence or motivation that lies behind a statement, rather
than presenting the cause of an action or situation. Thus, the causal link is
with the action o f speech, not the contents of speech; the focus is not on
what is spoken but on the reason the speaker is saying something. (Arnold
and Choi 2003, 149)
One of the motivations for looking for a meaning for ''3 other than temporal when
is the fundamental principle o f choice. The rule-governed, context-sensitive nature of
language indicates that the use of linguistic items like ’’3 is motivated by contextual
factors. The alternative is to say that "'3 means when, but the same has been said in many
analyses of 3, 3, and "1^K3. This is perhaps considered satisfactory when the text is
approached from an atomistic, lexical equivalent approach, but if a set of examples with
3 are compared with another set with 3, another set with ’’3, and yet another set with
l^l<3-and they all are translated when, it is only logical to ask what difference there
might be between them. The principle of choice, mentioned above, compels the analysis
to consider contextual motivations for the use of linguistic items like ‘'3- Rather than go
into an in-depth analysis of these occurrences here, the reader is referred to the volumes
by Follingstad and Arnold and Choi.
417
9.3.5 With Specific Temporal Reference
In seven of the following nine examples, the basic component that follows ■’H';! is
a temporal n o u n ph rase, composed o f Ol*n, literally the day ( d e f + N). In all of these
cases, the verb form which follows immediately is a w a y y iq t o l . The WAYYIQTOL in
these examples moves the narrative ahead immediately following the temporal
expression.
9.3.5.1 Followed by wayyiqtol
In the following examples, Dl*n establishes a temporal point o f reference
that is not directly linked chronologically as in the expressions like the next day or after
four days. The temporal reference is more general in these occurrences.
There was the day when Elkanah Dl*n •’n il ISam

offered sacrifices. He would give 1:4
portions to Peninnah his wife ini^K n|3DV ]n3] ^3^^-
and to all her sons and her
:nl3Q
daughters;
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms
np Pc-vqp3ms{2} Pp-np ncfscX3ms
Pc-Pp-ncmsc-ncmpcX3fs Pc-
ncIpcX3fs ncfp
There was the day when □i*n 'n '’T >Sam
Jonathan, the son o f Saul, said 14:1
to the young man who was
carrying his armor, “Come and
let us cross over to the n"}3vn
Philistines' garrison that is on
the other side. ” But he did not
tell his father. mb
np ncmsc-np Pp-Pa-ncms vqPms
ncmpcX3ms vqvms Pc-vqi 1cp{ 1}Ct
Pp-ncmsc np Pr Pp-ncms ams Pc-
Pp-ncm scX 3m s P n vhp3m s
418
There was the day when Elisha Dl»n ■’rr';! 2 Kgs 4:8
passed over to Shunem, where
there u'as a prominent woman,
and she persuaded him to eat
food. As often as he passed by,
he turned in there to eat food.
np Pp-np Pc-Pd ncfs afs Pc-
vhw3fsXa-PpX3ms Pp-vqc-ncms
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc vqcX3ms
vqi3ms PdXd Pp-vqc-ncms
There was the day when he came Dl*n 'nn_ 2 Kgs

there and turned in to the upper 4:11
chamber and rested. K an
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msXa PdXd Pc-vqw3msXa :nHitf“aai^n_ n^Vyn-’jK n o n
Pp-Pa-ncfs Pc-vqw3ms-PdXd
When the child was grown, there 2 Kgs
was the day when he went out to 4:18
his father to the reapers. Dl*n 'nn_
Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3msXa
Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms Pp-
TaK~*?K K an
ncmscX3ms Pp-Pa-vqPmp
There was the day when the sons □1»n ^nn_ Job 1:6
o f God came to present
themselves before the LORD, aa:nn*p o^n’jKn n a wan
and Satan also came among
them.
:o aln a K lan
vqw3mpXa ncmpc Pa-ncmp Pp-vtc
Pp-np Pc-vqw3msXa Pc-Pa-ncms
Pp-ncmscX3mp
There was the day when the sons Dl*n Job 2 : 1
o f God came to present
themselves before the LORD, w an
and Satan also came among
DDha iDten-D} K lan
them to present himself before
the LORD.
vqw3mpXa ncmpc Pa-ncmp Pp-vtc
Pp-np Pc-vqw3msXa Pc-Pa-ncms
Pp-ncmscX3mp Pp-vtc Pp-np
In all of these examples, the translation reads “there was the day when.. This
reflects the use o f Dl*n ‘’Hn to establish a new point of temporal reference, but as stated
previously, the reference is general in nature.
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9.3.S.2 Followed b y w e -x-q a t a l
In only two instances, the temporal NOUN PHRASE is followed by w e-x -q a t a l . In
the first case, Dl*!! ■’n 'l is like the examples above, but the next constituent immediately
following it are two participial phrases initiated by Is.
There was the day when his sons D l*n ’’I!''! Job 1:13
and his daughters were eating
and drinking wine in their oldest vnni vni
brother's house, a messenger
n l3 3 n on'riK
came to Job and said, “The oxen
were plowing and the donkeys
feeding beside them,
Pc-vqw3msXa Pa-ncms Pc- :Dn''T'"*?s7 nl37i nUhKm vn
ncmpcX3ms Pc-nclpcX3ms vqPmp
Pc-vqPmp ncms Pp-ncmsc
ncmscX3mp Pa-ncms Pc-ncms
vqp3ms Pp-np Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms
vqp3cp vqPfp Pc-Pa-ncfp vqPlp Pp-
ncfdcX3mp
The two cases o f the w e - x - q a t a l here provide setting for the action of the
narrative which continues with
In the second example, the temporal clause is 0''31 O'D' "’n 'l. Based on the
present analysis, the w e-x -q a t a l in this example indicates that the word of the L ord had
come prior to the end o f the time period delimited by the temporal expression.
After many days, the word o f the □'31 D'a: "nil ‘

LORD came to Elijah in the
third year, saying, “Go, show n i l n in i“i 3 i i
yourself to Ahab, and I will send
rain on the face o f the earth. ”
ibK*? n3i^3
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmp amp Pc- "ipn nmiji 3KnK"*?K nKin
ncmsc-np vqp3ms Pp-np Pp+Pa-
ncfs Pa-afs Pp-vqc vqvms vnvms :naiK n
Pp-np Pc-vqi 1cs{ l}Ct ncms Pp-
ncbpc Pa-ncfs
9.3.6 Occurrences of ’’n’’! with Adverbs
There are four sections of additional occurrences, with a total of seven examples:
420
9.3.6.1 “While”: IJ? + q a t a l
9.3.6.2 “Meanwhile”: n!D“lJ71 nD~lV
9.3.6.3 “As often as”: in f c + 'IQ
9.3.6.3 “Only, just”:
This makes it appear as if these temporal adverbs are not very frequent, but it
needs to be kept in mind that these occurrences are only when they co-occur with 'n 'l.
9.3.6.1 “While” : + qatal
BDB lists several possible meanings for 137: as fa r as, even to, up to, until, while
(1996, 723-25). These meanings are not randomly interchangeable since there are
contextual features that affect the sense that is appropriate. BDB states that the while
meaning for 1 ^ is rare and unfortunately, 1 Sam 14:19 is the only case attested. BDB’s
entry for 1 Sam 14:19 does not, however, include 'n 'l vdth 137. This makes it difficult to
determine the possible role o f 'r i 'l with 13?. In contrast, there are numerous occurrences
of 137’] used both spatially and temporally.
While Saul talked to the priest, jniDn~VK 131 117 ‘’n'T *

the commotion in the camp o f , , ’ ' id io
the Philistines continued and D 'n 0 D ninQS l^ K 110111
increased; so Saul said to the IHDl-’pK IDNh 311
priest. Withdraw your hand. '■■■'■ ' "
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp vpp3ms np Pp-
Pa-ncms Pc-Pa-ncms Pr Pp-ncbsc
np Pc-vqw3msXa vqa Pc-ams Pc-
vqw3ms np Pp-Pa-ncms vqvms
ncfscX2ms
421
9 3 .6.2 “Meanwhile”:
In only one occurrence, ’'17^1 occurs with H3 I!?"] H3 13, meaning meanwhile, or
as BDB states “till now and till then'' (BDB 1996, 462).
In a little while the sky grew ■’nn_ i^gs

black with clouds and wind, and 18:45
there was a heavy shower. And m"ii D'3 v nipnn
Ahab rode and went to Jezreel.
*?na
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-Pd Pc-Pp-Pd Pc-
Pa-ncmp vtp3cp ncmp Pc-ncbs Pc- :n^K J7"ir 3KI1K 33"1*1
vqwSmsXa ncms ams Pc-vqw3ms
np Pc-vqw3msXa npXd
9.3.6.3 “As often as, whenever” : iNFC + ’’10
In the following four cases, ’TI'l occurs with ‘'ID, giving the sense of as often as.
Then the commanders o f the

Philistines went out to battle,
and as often as they went out, "13? 111 ‘'1*3 '*111
David behaved himself more
:l«D iai^
wisely than all the servants o f
Saul. So his name was highly
esteemed.
Pc-vqw3mp ncmpc np Pc-
vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc vqcX3mp
vqp3ms np Pp-ncms ncmpc np Pc-
vqw3ms ncmscX3ms Pd
Then it happened as often as the D"3in n p i n"3 i i s n K 3 -’i a " i n »^gs
king entered the house o f the
LORD, that the guards would :D"311 Kn-*?K D13"ll?m
carry them and would bring
them back into the guards' room.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc-vqc Pa-
ncms ncmsc np vqi3mpX3mp Pa-
vqPmp Pc-vhp3cpX3mp{2} Pp-
ncms Pa-vqPmp
422
Now there came a day when D l*n ‘'ir’l 2 Kgs 4:8
Elisha passed over to Shunem, , , .
where there was a prominent DJIC? 7 X
woman, and she persuaded him
to eatfood. As often as he
Dn^-*?DKV i3 " p tn n i
passed by, he turned in there to :Dn*?“*?DK^ HHC? "ID"' ''IQ 'H’'!
eat food.
np Pp-np Pc-Pd ncfs afs Pc-
vhw3fsXa-P^X3ms Pp-vqc-ncms
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc vqcX3ms
vqi3ms PdXd Pp-vqc-ncms
~As^^^lhVidngmt~er7dthe
house o f the LORD, the guards ' j 2 .j j
came and carried them and then KH /K
brought them back into the
guards' room.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp-ncmsc-vqc Pa-
ncms ncmsc np vqp3cp Pa-vqPmp
Pc-vqp3cpX3mp{2} Pc-
vhp3cpX3mp{2} Pp-ncms Pa-
vqPmp
■’IQ is also used temporally in 1 Sam 1:7; 7:16; Isa 28:19; 66:23; Zech 14:16, but
these occurrences do not have Clause sjmtax and clause position are crucial factors
in the analysis o f these examples. Further discussion o f these factors is found in Chapter
10.
9.3.6.4 “Only, ju st” :
In Gen 27:30, there is an unusual case with followed by a combination of the
infinitive absolute then q a t a l , giving the sense of the action having just taken place. As
stated in GKC §164b, footnote 1, “the immediate succession is especially emphasized by
and the infinitive absolute” (GKC 1910, 501). See 9.3.3.1 for discussion of the first
in this example.
423
As soon as Isaac had finished p n ^ i n V 3 l^ 'K S 'TI';! ên

blessing, Jacob, and Jacob had ' . ’ 9 7 '?n
just lefi the presence o f Isaac his '3.? ÎKD 3 p 5 - 'n 'l
father, Esau his brother came in K 3 VnK V 3K pnU?'
from his hunting. * ’’ ' ' ■t r » ■•
vqp3ms Pp-ncmscX3ms
9.4 Summary of the Temporal Uses of ’nil

After going through the data again and again, one of the main questions that
emerges is what all o f this has to do with ■’H';!. Is it really about ‘'n^l or is it about the
temporal expressions? In a context-sensitive analytical model, it is about both! The
function of the temporal expressions has to be explored and explained in order to
vmderstand the role o f ‘’n il which involves knovving:
1) WHAT it is
2) WHERE it occurs
3) WHY it occurs in the places it does
4) HOW it affects the temporal clauses with which it occurs
These and other issues o f the use o f 'n'T will be discussed in the next chapter.
One of the other questions that arises concerning ■’n 'l has to do with the fact that
many temporal expressions can occur without it. is not replaced by some other
linguistic item; it is absent. The inevitable question is how the role and function of the
temporal expression differs when 'n 'l is either present or absent.
CHAPTER 10
EXPLORING THE DISCOURSE-PRAGMATIC
USES OF
10.1 Introduction
The preceding categorization of ■’n il’s verbal and temporal uses is the foundation
for exploring the discourse-pragmatic uses o f ’’n'Jl. This moves the analysis to another
dimension.
The analysis o f ■’011 in chapters eight and nine required excluding certain more
global considerations that need to be dealt with after the more basic syntactic patterns and
uses are clearly established. Within the analytical perspective that is proposed and
implemented here, the analysis o f'’n il as an isolatable linguistic item is carried out with
constant awareness o f the fact that full analysis eventually requires consideration of the
whole system of which it is a part. This chapter now explores other dimensions of the
uses and functions o f ’’nil.
Before proceeding with the topic o f this chapter, a brief restatement o f the
significance of imderstanding the function o f '’1111 is in order. With regard to the verbal
uses, it is important to see the close syntactic connection it has as main verb in the clauses
424
425
where it occurs. ‘'n^Vs functions as a w a y y iq t o l arc also important to keep in mind in
order to properly read it within its various contexts. Specifically with reference to its use
in temporal clauses, represents a class of linguistic item that, if translated literally,
gives essentially no indication of why it is in the Hebrew text and what its function is.
This gives the impression that it can be left untranslated with seemingly little loss in the
new translation.
Another example o f this type of item would be HSn. This comparison, however, is
not meant to imply that niin and T I'l perform similar linguistic functions. The
comparison is rather o f the translation strategy for these items. If it is merely translated
directly as behold or even sometimes left untranslated, the end result for the reader of the
translation is essentially the same. Whether it is translated as behold or not represented in
the text, the reader is given very little help in understanding why 11311 is in the text.
One of the most basic underlying principles of the analysis presented in this study,
however, is that linguistic items like "'n'l and 11311 are not just in the text with no purpose.
Research into the function o f these linguistic items has the objective of probing the effect
they have on the understanding o f the text. If analysis can demonstrate that these
linguistic items do indeed affect the way in which the text is understood, then the
implications for translation must be considered. As a matter of principle, then, an item
like ■'Il'l is in the text because it has a function to peform there; consequently, translation
must take it into account.
426
The categorization of the verbal and temporal occurrences of "'n'l has made it
extremely clear that there are definite syntactic differences between these two major uses.
In the verbal uses, as the main verb of the clause, is obligatory, unless as mentioned
in Psa 76:3 (listed in 8.2.1.8.3), there is elision of the verb. Chapter nine lists the
temporal uses o f b u t there are many instances of the same or similar temporal
expressions without ’’ri';!. In simple terms, ■'H'! must be there when it is the nuclear verb,
but it is not a required part of every temporal expression in every instance. Full analysis
of the role of ■'il'l in temporal expressions ultimately must consider the structure,
context, and function of temporal expressions without Tl';!.
At numerous points throughout the preceding chapters, the promise was made to
deal with issues and questions regarding the uses and functions o f ’’n 'l here in this
chapter. These issues, as well as the questions raised by the claims in the literature
review (4.1.5), are summarized in the following points:
1) The narrative and discourse-pragmatic functions o f "TI'l
2) The possible role o f TT;! in indicating tense
3) The implications for temporal clauses that do not include ’’n 'l
4) The impact of the concept of Reference Time on the analysis of
5) The benefits o f a cognitive analysis of "Till
Ultimately, however, this study is not just about ’’n il—it is a study o f how the
temporal structuring of Hebrew text is understood and the role plays in that
427
important aspect of narrative. Full analysis of the temporal organization of the biblical
Hebrew text is, however, beyond the scope of the current study.
10.2 Pertinent Theoretical Concepts

Before proceeding with the consideration of the discourse-pragmatic uses of ‘'H';!,
there are certain theoretical concepts that merit further discussion.
10.2.1 Macrosyntactic
First of all, the notion macrosyntactic needs further clarification. Typically,
macrosyntactic is used to refer to the function of certain items or markers in a text, but its
scope needs to be clearly defined. The term /wacrosyntactic undoubtedly came into
existence to make a distinction between “smaller” levels of analysis, typically referred to
as just syntax—^the analysis of phrase, clause, or sentence patterns—and “larger” areas of
analysis beyond the sentence. This type of distinction is fine, but the problem resides in
the failure to clearly define exactly what macrosyntactic refers to. Some authors appear
to use macrosyntactic to refer to anything interclausal, but others use the term to refer to
indicators or markers of more global textual organization.
The traditional and descriptive grammars typically recognize that plays some
type of interclausal role. The discussion of whether ''n']! is more closely linked to what
precedes or to what follows demonstrates that its analysis is a matter of interclausal
syntax. The term maerosyntaetie, however, was brought into use in the midst o f this
awareness of playing some type of role in signaling connections across clause
428
boundaries. In fact, most of the references to a maerosjmtactic function o f ' H ' l deal with
issues of text-segmentation or narrative organization.
In the model implemented here, the Morpho-Syntactic Orientation discussed in
5.2.2 encompasses all levels of morphosyntax up to and including interclausal
phenomena. At the level o f morphology, linguistic systems are much more tightly rule-
governed than they are farther away from the nuclear constructions. As one moves into
the “higher” levels of textual organization, there is greater flexibility. The threshold in
the model implemented here is at the interclausal level. This does not imply, however,
that textual organization is random beyond the clause, but there is less predictability due
to the increased variables to which communication is context-sensitive. Longacre’s
notion of a text profile (1996, 2) is important to consider here. A profile is not intended
to predict every detail of a text and should, therefore, not be interpreted as a rigid
template. The context-sensitive nature of language and communication means that text is
emergent. A profile, then, is what develops as one travels through the text, encountering
its contours. Journeys through similar texts of comparable genre will reveal that they
share certain features and also differ in certain respects.
In summary, the main issue with macrosyntactic is its lack of precision.
Therefore, the label “macrosyntactic marker” is deemed too imprecise to describe the
functions o f "'n';!. The preference here is to speak of the diseourse-pragmatic functions of
■’nil. The terms morpho-syntactic and discourse-pragmatic make a clear distinction
between the traditional realm of syntax and the realm of textual function and
organization. Also, because a linguistic item may function both morphosyntactically in
429
its local context and discourse-pragmatically in the global textual context, the term
discourse-pragmatic allows direct reference to these functions.
10.2.2 Discourse Markers
One of the areas of study within general Linguistics that may appear to have
important implications for the study of items like is the analysis of discourse
markers. Discourse Markers are
.. .those natural language expressions whose primary function is to

facilitate the process o f interpreting the coherence relation(s) between a
particular unit of discourse and other surrounding units and/or aspects of
the communicative situation. As such the category of discourse markers
includes members of a number of different word classes, e.g. adverbs,
connectors, parenthetical expressions, as well as particles.... (Risselada
and Spooren 1998,132)
The primary function of a discourse marker is typically not so much to contribute
semantically to the clause in which it occurs, as much as it is to indicate pragmatically
significant information for the proper processing of the text. An example in biblical
Hebrew is nnSfl, which is typically glossed as and now. Consider for example, Gen 27:3:
Now then, please take your gear, n it& n K S I n n j?) Gen 27:3
your quiver and your bow, and ' ' ■’ ' "
go out to the field and hunt game ♦iTT.'’??
fo r me.
The function o f nni?'] here is not to establish the temporal reference for the action,
but rather it indicates the urgency, the importance of that action, marking pragmatically
salient information within reported speech. Perhaps one of the greatest liabilities of the
term discourse marker is the tendency to read text-segmentational or structural
significance into marker. For example, there are 26 occurrences of HFIJfl in Genesis, but
430
a mere list of the occurrences of nnj?"] does not provide a structural outline of Genesis.
This may seem patently obvious, but the term marker—^whether of the macrosyntactic or
the discourse variety—^tends to imply a segmentational function. It may be true that nnj?!
sometimes occurs at a significant transition point in a narrative, but its function does not
necessarily extend to the global textual level.
The concern here is to consistently apply the context-sensitive model
recommended in this study to every level of linguistic analysis. Even though there may
seem to be some similarities between discourse markers and how functions, the
preference here is to not use the term discourse marker with reference to ’’H';'!. It is
preferable to speak o f ’’n 'l having certain discourse-pragmatic functions, rather than
giving it the label of discourse marker.
10.2.3 Discourse-Pragmatic Functions
Linguistic function is a dimension o f language beyond the acoustic signals of
speech and the graphic representation of speech in text. Different functions are
performed at all levels of linguistic organization. Discourse-pragmatic functions can be
performed by items at any level of the traditional morphological hierarchy. As
mentioned in 5.2.2.1, the rules which govern the use of pronouns and pronominal suffixes
are not merely syntactic, but are intricately involved in the text’s systems of participant
reference and cohesion. Discourse-pragmatic functions are like the glue which holds a
text together—^the logical, temporal, spatial cormections and the systems of reference and
deixis that make grammatical and syntactic pieces into a communicative whole.
431
10.3 Evaluating the Verbal Uses o f’’n']!

Establishing the syntactic role of ''n il in the clauses where it occurs is
fundamental to its analysis, hut the question now is whether some occurrences have
another function that goes beyond the clauses in which they occur. The
multifunctionality of linguistic items is not surprising, but rather is an expected part of
their use in speech. So, for '‘n'^l to function as an integral part of the clause and have an
additional role at a more global level is not surprising.
The question that is always lurking in the background is whether the occurrence
that seems to he a “mere” verb may in fact be functioning on another level as well. Is the
occurrence o f '’1111 nothing more that a simple w a y y iq t o l form of Hin or is there some
narrative function that is being carried out at the same time? Careful examination of the
syntactic environment of the occurrences of *’1111 shows, first of all, that many
occurrences o f ’’illl are more syntactically integrated in the surrounding clause structure
than has often been assumed to be the ease. Secondly, systematic examination of each
type of occurrence reveals that it is possible to arrive at a principled basis for not only
interpreting occurrences o f’’1111, but also for making translation decisions which are
sensitive to the context of use. Thirdly, principled classification of the verbal uses o f ''1111
allows for greater clarity in discerning which occurrences do indeed perform discourse-
pragmatic functions.
So, how does one discern whether an occurrence o f'’1111 has a discourse-
pragmatic function in addition to the role it plays in the clause syntax? Part of the answer
432
to this question is found by considering the implications of the w a y y iq t o l form of
In the analysis implemented in this study, the w a y y iq t o l form has a variety of uses as
described in 6.4.1. Consider, for example, 1 Sam 7:14:
There was peace between Israel J‘'"10^11 'H 'l 1 Sam

and the Amorites. ' 7-j4
Before assuming that this clause with ■'n'l functions as a type of summary or
conclusion, three factors need to be recognized:
1) The EXISTENTIAL sense of rPH plays a significant role in this clause
2) One of the functions of the w a y y iq t o l is c o n c l u s io n (See 6.4.1.7) and,
3) The position of the clause in the narrative is also an important factor
A very similar case could be made for D'’n^K I7T1inExod2:25. There is a
definite dimension of closure operative in this occurrence o f because of its position
in the narrative.
These factors demonstrate the interactive nature o f semantic, pragmatic, and
narrative features in communication. The ’’n 'l in 1 Sam 7:14 should not be assigned
discourse-pragmatic significance merely because it is This places too much
functional load on when, in fact, a variety of factors contribute to its textual role.
Stated in another way, the attribution of any narrative significance to the clause in 1 Sam
7:14 is the product of multiple factors. This may indeed he a significant concluding
remark, hut that significance is not the result of the occurrence of ‘’n 'l alone.
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The possibility o f ’’n 'l having some function outside the clause in which it occurs
is not affected by the close syntactic connection between ‘’H'I and the clausal elements
with which it occurs. This is in direct contrast to the following statement by Niecacci:
Only when grammatical analysis shows that a given element has no role in
the sentence does one have to look for a semantic or pragmatic role on the
higher level, the text level. (Niccacci 1994, 117)
Niecacci appears to be saying that only when an element has no clausal or
sentential role does one look for a pragmatic role in the text. The analysis in this study
has shown, to the contrary, that ''n 'l often has a role at the clause or sentenee level as
well as on the level of the text. It is important, however, to distinguish between
semantics and pragmatics. In other words, the meaning that ‘'1111 may have should not be
confused with the possible functions that it may perform. For example, in the
examples in 9.3.1.3, the semantics of the expression should not be confused with a
pragmatic function of something like episode closure. If the proper narrative parameters
were not operative, the expression would not occur. This reflects the symbiotic
nature of language that is part of the context-sensitivity of communication. Linguistic
items like ■'n'l are not like isolated beads dropped into a string of other items. An
expression occurs where contextual features produce the motivating factors for its use. At
the same time, the expression contributes semantically to the environment in which it
occurs. This requires that analysis implement the notion of context-sensitivity in every
decision. Analysis can greatly benefit from computer searches, but they extract items
from their contextualized, interactive stream, making it easy for the analyst to overlook
the contextual factors that motivated the use of the item being studied.
434
In addition to the use o f ''n 'l as c o n c l u s io n discussed above, its use in setting or
ORIENTATION is another function. This is seen in Gen 39:2.
The Lord was with Joseph ^Pl''~nK miT’ ‘’H'T Gen 39:2
He was a successful man , ^
He was in the house o f his 'H'T
Egyptian master THK 11^33 'n*;!
Before assuming that there is any particular pragmatic significance to the mere
repetition o f'’H')! here, the principle of choice must be considered, ''n 'l is the normal,
default verb in these three verbal occurrences in Gen 39:2. The concurrence of three
instances in consecutive clauses may be rmusual, but the verbal use o f ’'H';'! in each of
these cases is not at all out o f the ordinary. Therefore, just the mere repetition of in
Gen 39:2 is not deemed pragmatically significant. What is pragmatically significant is its
use as ORIENTATION or in stage-setting clauses, o r ie n t a t io n covers several
informational categories necessary for the subsequent development o f the text. These
categories include information such as temporal and locational reference, introduction of
participants and other elements germane to setting up the communicative frame of
reference between the author and reader (Grimes 1974). o r ie n t a t io n is closely related to
the EQUATIVE, EXISTENTIAL, and DEICTIC uscs considered in chapter eight.
There are no rules that can predict the precise form o r i e n t a t i o n will take in any
given text, although certain common characteristics can be defined. The most basic
c h a ra c te ris tic of o r i e n t a t i o n is th a t in n a r r a tiv e te x t, for example, it o c c u r s in the
margins o f the narration itself. The margin may come before the main body of the
narrative or at its close or in both positions. There are also other margins within the
435
narrative, typically realized as temporal expressions. The o r ie n t a t io n function o f ' r i ' l
in temporal expressions is discussed below.
It is important to note that the Gen 39:2 example is surrounded by many other
occurrences of TI'l. Chapter 39 alone has 11.54% of all the occurrences in Genesis, not
to mention that chapter 38 has another 4.62%, giving these two chapters more than 16%
o f all the occurrences in the whole book. Again, just the mere statistics do not tell the
whole story. The various uses must be considered, separating the verbal occurrences
from the temporal ones, before determining the significance of the high frequency of
occurrence.
From the perspective o f the o r ie n t a t io n function of "'n'l, the discourse-
pragmatic significance of this cluster o f occurrences is in the setting being established for
the upcoming climactic narrative which ends the book. This is, however, not merely a
result of occurrences o f ‘'n 'l, but rather of "'n'l working together with other narrative
features.
10.4 Evaluating the Temporal Uses o f’’H']!

An understanding of clause syntax is fundamental to the analysis of '’Il'l. It is
also important to develop an understanding of the typical way in which clauses join to
form sentences. In the sentence, not only is the identification o f its clauses necessary, but
it is crucial to also take into account the position of the clauses within the sentences they
form. One of the important aspects of the analysis of temporal expressions is the position
in which they occur in the sentence. Do certain temporal expressions only occur in the
436
pre-nuclear margin or the post-nuclear margin? Is there a difference in function between
the pre-nuclear and the post-nuclear temporal expression? Regarding '’ri’|l, is there a
positional difference in its occurrence?
POST-NUCLEAR PRE-NUCLEAR
CLAUSES: MARGIN NUCLEUS MARGIN
SENTENCE
Figure 3 1: Clause Nucleus and Margins

Both the pre- and post-nuclear margins are dependent clauses, whereas the
nucleus is the independent or main clause of the sentence. Examples:
Nuclear clause only:
He went down to Joppa. Jonah 1:3
With pre-nuclear margin:
When Abram came to Egypt, the nan^Q Genl2:14

Egyptians saw that she was a very
beautiful woman.
n R n Kin
With post-nuclear margin:
He was five years old when the i2?Qn“i3 ^sam

news about Saul and Jonathan
in3ln"i R33 ^:4
came from Jezreel.
Some temporal expressions occur in the post-nuclear margin as in 2 Sam 4:4, but
■•n'l never occurs here. In temporal expressions, ‘'H']! only occurs in sentence-initial, pre-
nuclear margins. The use o f ''n 'l in temporal expressions contrasts only in the pre-
nuclear position. Grammar and syntax textbooks should be careful to take this into
account when illustrative examples are selected. For example, in Arnold and Choi (2003,
437
103), examples are given of 3 used temporally, but the examples eome from very
different textual and clausal environments. At a certain level, the strict syntax of the
components from different clause environments may for all practical purposes be the
same. This is problematic, however, when the question of use arises. What may appear to
be identical syntactic structures may have very different functions and contexts of use.
Regarding the role o f ''n 'l in indicating tense, Ross is a good example of the view
that identifies as a maerosyntactic marker, which “indicates simply that the narrated
events occurred in the past” (Ross 2001, 139-40). In response, first of all, the indication
of the temporal reference is not dependent upon the presence o f ’’n 'l alone. There are
many other contextual indicators that the events occurred in the past. The uneven
distribution o f ‘’n il raises serious issues for this claim. I f ‘’n il were the indicator of tense
for the narrative, one would expect a much more even distribution without the repeated
cases which sometimes occur. If the function were that of indicating past tense, the use
of ■’n il in successive clauses would be very difficult to explain.
The frequent temporal use o f ‘’011 with infinitive constructs is, however, one of
the contexts in which ‘’Oil does play a role in establishing temporal reference for the
atemporal infinitive construct. Especially when the use o f '’011 and iTOl are compared in
this syntactic relationship, it seems clear that ‘’OH does indeed indicate past tense. This
t e m p o r a l r e f e r e n c e i s l i m i t e d t o t h e c l a u s e w i t h i n w h i c h t h e e x p r e s s i o n w i t h ■’0 1 1 a n d t h e
infinitive construct occur and does not establish the tense for the whole narrative. The
results of the current research indicate, then, that ‘’H‘’l is not a “tense marker,” but rather it
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is to be read as one o f the components of temporal reference in the text. For instance, in
the example discussed above from Gen 22:4, there is no ’’n ’T,to indicate the tense, hut the
narrative continues to refer unambiguously to the past.
In 9.2.2.1, the section on Speaker Deixis, it was stated that each WAYYIQTOL
moves along the temporal dimension of the narrative, with each event establishing a new
Reference Time. One o f the ways that ''n 'l’s behavior as a wayyiqtol is seen is that
■'H';! also makes a move along the temporal dimension of the narrative. The particular
temporal expression with which ’'n'T, occurs may be backreferencing, but establishes
a new moment or place along the temporal dimension. In the discussion of van der
Merwe’s analysis above, reference was made to the statement that “'’n')'! signals that the
reference time of a state o f affairs is that of the current reference time of a preceding
temporally anchored event or events” (van der Merwe 1999,113-14). The use of ’’n 'l in
temporal expressions, however, indicates that the expression occurring with has
moved along the temporal axis of the narrative. Just as each wayyiqtol establishes its
own Reference Time, the temporal expression with ’'n 'l also establishes a new point of
temporal reference from which the ensuing events are viewed. The temporal expression
itself may be backreferencing, but "Till establishes a new temporal reference point.
Throughout the data display in Chapter nine, the occurrences o f a r e
categorized aeeording to the form o f the verb whieh follows. The O R IE N T A T IO N funetion
of ■’n 'l is fundamental to the reading of these examples. The temporal expression with
’’i l 'l sets the stage for the narrative it precedes. If the following verb form is a
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WAYYIQTOL, the temporal reference of the expression with "'ri'l sets the temporal
reference for that event as the first in the upcoming narrative succession. If the following
verb is a q a t a l , the temporal expression still establishes a new point of reference, hut the
QATAL indicates an event anterior to the temporal point established by Tl'l.
10.5 Evaluating the Discourse-Pragmatic Functions of

The existence of temporal expressions without 'n 'l is an important aspect o f the
total analysis o f the discourse-pragmatic functions o f b u t comprehensive analysis of
all the examples is beyond the scope of the current study. The most significant
theoretical implication of the occurrence of temporal expressions without ■'Il'l is that
dimensions of pragmatic choice are operative. This is just as true for the temporal
expressions without ''ri']! as for those with TI'l. The absence of a potential component
can be just as pragmatically significant as its presence. This is where van Wolde’s
“question of motivation” (1997, 21) comes into play. Why is ’’n 'l used in certain
expressions and not in others? What does T I'l contribute to temporal expressions that is
not there when it is absent?
To analyze the discourse-pragmatic functions of ■'Il'l does not involve another
lengthy display of data, but rather requires examining another dimension of the data
already categorized in the previous chapters.
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10.5.1 The Cognitive Dimension
Certain concepts from Lambrccht’s Information Structure (1994) and
Fauconnicr’s Mental Spaces (1985) can help understand the function o f'’n';! from a
cognitive perspective. In the discussion o f grammaticalization above, the d e ic t ic use of
’’n 'l was proposed as one of the cognitive links or associations between the verbal uses
and the temporal uses. The d e ic t ic function of ■’H'’,! plays a role in the temporal
organization of narrative.
10.5.1.1 Creating Temporal Frames of Reference
Since narrative reflects life as it is experienced in the world of time and space, one
of the functions o f temporal and spatial systems of reference in text is to establish and
maintain coherence with the event world. Literary modes or genre such as fantasy or
science fiction may manipulate the dimensions of time and space, but even these texts
will not be completely a-temporal or a-spatial. One of the significant aspects of the work
of Lakoff and Johnson in Metaphors We Live By (1980) and Philosophy in the Flesh
(1999) has been the demonstration of the interconnectedness of physiological and
cognitive experience. As they state, “the structure of our spatial concepts emerges from
our constant spatial experience” (Lakoff and Johnson 1980, 56).
Text is limited to one acoustic or graphic dimension, but events have complex
causal, temporal, and spatial dimensions. In order to represent this complexity, a text
must implement linguistic mechanisms to capture the intersecting dimensions of an event.
Two events can occur simultaneously in two locations, but language in text is incapable
of simultaneously depicting those events. Each event must be narrated separately and the
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simultaneity is communicated by language-specific mechanisms that represent that
temporal relationship. Flashback, then, is a linguistic means of expressing events in a
way that cognitively represents experience in the event world.
Just as certain linguistic items will be employed to properly signal events in a
flashback, there are a variety of items which function to establish and maintain temporal
reference throughout a text. In Lambrecht’s Information Structure model, there are
different states of id e n t if ia b il it y in communication (Lambrecht 1994). Proper
communication depends on the id e n t if ia b il it y of referents and entities. Lambrecht
does not discuss the temporal organization of text, but the same principles apply. The
proper interpretation of narrative depends on the hearer or reader accessing the same
temporal organization with which the text was communicated. One of the cognitive
functions of ‘'H';! involves accessing proper temporal reference. This is closely related to
its DEICTIC function discussed in 9.2.2.1. One of the potential misconceptions of an item
like ■'n'l —^perhaps perpetuated by labels like marker or sign—is that a text can be
segmented on the basis o f its occurrences, is, however, only one element in the
intricate network of temporal and deictic reference.
Some o f the central concepts have already been addressed in the discussion of the
griunmaticalization of''n'T., but it is important to reiterate the fact that communicators do
not intend all linguistic items they use to perform the same referential function. The
function of some items is not strictly referential, but rather is related to the proper
cognitive processing of the text. At a cognitive level, ’’r i'l aids the proper temporal
interpretation of the text and contributes to its proper segmentation. The propositional
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content of the temporal expressions is provided by the expressions themselves: after these
things, three days later, at the end of ten days, etc. ’’n il signals the way in which the
temporal expression is intended to connect to its context. Temporal expressions without
■
’n 'l are still involved in the temporal organization of the narrative, but the discourse-
pragmatic connection differs.
10.5.1.2 Episode Initiator?
The term episode refers to a unit within a narrative, and the question regarding
■'n'l is whether it plays some role in episodic structure. The analysis o f ‘’n ’Jl’s role in
episodic structure is complex, to say the least. Gen 25:19 begins the pnî n1*p1n the
generations o f Isaac, going through 35:29. There are twenty-five oecurrenees of in
this section of Genesis that provide a good ease study for considering episode structure.
However, only the first few oceurrences will be diseussed here.
The n l ’piFl beginning in 25:19 is introductory to the whole Isaac narrative,
then the oeeurrenee of the verbal "'n'T in 25:20, expressing Isaac’s age is at the beginning
o f this part of the narrative. It should be noted that the oeeurrenee of an item at the start
of a narrative is not neeessarily to be equated with that item having the funetion of
initiating that narrative.
Isaac was forty years old when D‘'173nK~']3 'n'"!

he took Rebekah, the daughter o f , ’ ‘
BethueltheArameanofPaddan- npSI-HK iDHpS
aram. the sister Laban the ' J a iK H ■!□*? n l O K D I K -llS n
Aramean, to be his wife. ■ ' —”■ "■ —’
Pc-vqw3msXa np ncmsc-abp ncfs
Pp-vqcX3ms Po-np ncfs-np Pa-np
Pp np ncfsc np Pa-np PpX3ms Pp-
ncfs
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When the boys grew up, Esau
became a skillful hunter, a man 25:27
o f thefield, but Jacob was a nito I 'x J7T ito?? "nil
peaceful man, living in tents.
Pc-vqw3mp Pa-ncmp Pc-
:D 'V n K DH n p j? !]
vqw3msXa np ncms vqPms ncms
ncms ncms Pc-np ncms ams vqPms
ncmp
Now there was a famine in the
land, besides the previous
layQyiKa'nvi 'HH G ^n 26:i
famine that had occurred in the pnx' 1^.1 Dn"}3K nin
days o f Abraham. So Isaac went
i Vh ''3X“*?k
to Gerar, to Abimelech king o f
the Philistines.
Pp-Pp-ncms Pa-ncms Pa-ams Pr
vqp3ms Pp-ncmpc np Pc-
vqw3msXa np Pp-np ncms-np npXd
These three examples are the type of occurrence that seem to fit the profile o f'H ll
initiating an episode. The clauses where Isaac is introduced, Esau is a hunter when the
boys grow up, and a famine comes, seem to indicate transition points in the narrative.
Upon closer examination, however, it seems that 25:24 is a significant moment in the
text—when Rebekah gave birth to Jacob and Esau, but there is no ''Hll. Also, it should
be noted that in 25:27, the occurrence of ■’Oil is not in a temporal expression: when the
boys grew up, but rather is in the clause that describes Esau as a hunter. At first glance,
these cases might appear to be instances o f ’’Oil indicating episodic transitions, but upon
further examination, the common feature of these examples is that they have a d e ic t ic
function within the narrative. It is also crucial to acknowledge that each o f these
examples are typical uses of ‘'Oil:
Gen 25:20: Expressions of Age, discussed in 8.2.1.6.1
Gen 25:27: The e q u a t iv e Use o f '’011, discussed in 8.2.1
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Gen 26:1: The e x is t e n t ia l Use o f 'n 'l , discussed in 8.2.2
The textlinguistic significance of these examples cannot be automatically
assumed without taking into consideration the fact that '’n 'l is typically the default verb
for these expressions. This does not preclude some type of discourse-pragmatic role, but
rather is a plea for careful consideration o f the syntactic and textual context. One of the
DEICTIC functions o f occurrences of this type is that they provide s e t t in g for the
narrative in which they occur. Some statements of setting may only be one clause and in
other places there may be extensive stage-setting information for the narrative.
The occurrence in 26:8 is yet another example of the need to consider the context.
There is a famine and Isaac and Rebekah are in Gerar, as the Lord instructed them.
When he had been there a long D'D*n '3

time, Abimelech king o f the
Philistines looked out through a ' ~' • ■• ■ i• i • -t •—
window, and saw, and behold, Oni&R n p 3 1 DK pfiXQ p O r 71^} R “! ! l
Isaac was caressing his wife
Rebekah.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pp vqp3cp-PpX3ms
Pd Pa-ncmp Pc-vhw3msXa np ncms
np Pp Pa-ncbs Pc-vqw3msXa Pc-Pi
np vpPms Pp np ncfscX3ms
If does perform some type of episode initiating function, then it seems that
the episodic level indicated by the occurrence in Gen 26:8 is different from the previous
ones considered in the pHS"! ni*?1n. Isaac and Rebekah are still in Gerar and the
temporal expression indicates the passage of days when the king sees Isaac and Rebekah
together. Rather than including levels of sub-episodes, it is preferable to also see this
occurrence as d e ic tic or as providing stage-setting information for the narrative. A very
important point here is that I also performs stage-setting functions in narrative, which is
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the motivation for the mention o f the interplay of ’’n ' l and I in narrative as an important
area for further research.
Hatav makes the observation that the non-verbal occurrences of ‘'n 'l function as a
“segmentational particle, marking mainly temporal segmentation” (Hatav 1997, 70), but
one of the liabilities of a statement like this is that it can easily give the impression that a
narrative can be temporally divided into segments or episodes based solely on the
occurrences of ’’n')!. It is especially difficult to argue for the segmentational function in
27:30, where there are two occurrences in consecutive clauses:
As soon as Isaac had finished pFlX'’ ilV ? “I^ K 3 ''n’’T

blessing Jacob, and Jacob had 27:30
lust left the presence of Isaac his ." ‘ .... i ^ -r i - • .-
father, Esau his brother came in ^^3 TTIK itO y) V 3 K
from his hunting.
vqp3ms Pp-ncmscX3ms
The use of '’n')! in temporal expressions is vmdeniable, but the segmentation
function is much more complex than just the appearance of ''n il in a elause. Sinee the
main categories o f "'n'l are verbal and temporal, it is only logical for it to occur with
temporal expressions. The question of function, however, involves how the occurrences
at one level affect the text as a whole.
Gen 22:1 begins with one of the occurrences of hVkH D'’“!3in inK ’’nil,
discussed in 9.3.1.1.3. One of the challenges in an example like this is that the use of
■'H';! here is inextricably linked to the use of the expression □”'“!3‘3n "inK. Many
contextual elements contribute to the closure of the preceding episode and the initiation
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o f the subsequent one. Gen 21:34 prepares the reader for a transition, leading into Gen
2 2 : 1:
And Abraham stayed in the land D m 3 K "131*1

o f the Philistines a long time. ^□''3^ 0*0* 21:34
As mentioned above, Gen 22:1 starts with a temporal expression with ■'11*1. The
next occurrence o f a temporal expression is in Gen 22:4:
On the third day, Abraham Dn"13K Kt&*T D1*3 Gen 22:4

looked up and saw the place o lP Q n -n K X l* !
from a distance. ' '
This expression is different in that there is no *n *l before D1*3. This is a good
example of the use of a pre-nuclear temporal expression without *n*l. The funetion o f the
temporal expression itself remains essentially the same in that it establishes the temporal
reference within which the following event takes place. The absence o f ’'11*1, however,
changes the relationship or connection o f the temporal expression to the surrounding
context. The temporal Dl*3 still signals a temporal transition in the narrative,
but without *n*l there is not the same d e ic t ic function of establishing this as a new point
of reference on the temporal axis. Any attempts to determine the episodic structure of the
narrative must consider these factors. It is not possible at this point to claim that the
temporal expressions with ‘'11*1 indicate major episode breaks. Further research and
careful attention to the full array o f narrative strategies and features are needed.
Because o f these functions, translation must account for "'n'l in some functionally
appropriate way. Translation strategies and decisions must take the contextual factors into
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consideration so that the deictic and orientation functions are represented in the new
version.
10.5.1.3 Focus and Foreground
First of all, one of the major difficulties in this area of research is that terms like
foreground and background imply a binary distinction that does not accurately reflect the
multidimensional nature of language. There are multiple levels of saliency as all
linguistie eomponents perform their various functions, working together to make
effective communication possible. Baekground is just as important as foreground in the
overall communicative process.
So, as discussed in 3.4.8, does ‘'ri'l “mark the main segments of a narrative”
(Sehneider, p. 265) and “distinguish the main story from the embedded stories” (Talstra
1978, 173)? A proper answer to this question would involve detailed analysis of the
narrative contours o f each book in the Hebrew Bible. This is beyond the seope of the
present study, but some preliminary observations can be offered here.
In 4.1.3, the question was asked whether there is some significance marked in
Jonah by the occurrences o f ''n 'l with the storm, Jonah being in the fish’s belly, and the
sunrise. Do these occurrences help distinguish the main story from the embedded
stories? Based on the oceurrences in Jonah, the distinction between main and embedded
stories does not appear to apply. The occurrences in 1:1 and 3:1 are both in formulaic
expressions, but ’'n 'l alone is not responsible for the division o f the book into two halves.
The verbal occurrence in 1:4, D*3 1^0 is part of the setting for the ship
episode, performing its function as orientation, which also includes the ) + noun
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structures: D*n"*?K H ^ n r m i n p ^ l and n^DNnr To say that
*?1ia I17D has some peculiar role merely because occurs with it is artificial.
Longacre claims that ’’n il “does not function on the storyline of a narrative”
(1989, 66), yet in BHRG, the claim is made that ’’ri';! may indicate a state of affairs that
plays a pivotal role in the subsequent narrative or it may indicate an event that is not mere
background (van der Merwe, Naude, Kroeze 1999, 333). These claims reveal the
complexity of the systems of reference in narrative and demonstrate the need for a more
nuanced view of narrative strategy than is possible within a binary approach to
foreground and background. This is an area deserving much more research. The
classification of the examples of '’n 'l presented in the preceding chapters has been done
with the hope o f contributing to this ongoing research. The syntactic connections o f ’'n 'l
and its uses as a w a y y iq t o l argue, however, for a role in the narrative at the same level
as all other w a y y iq t o l s . At this point, integral role seems more appropriate and
judicious than pivotal role, but more research is needed in this important area.
10.6 Pointers for Encounters With in the Text

What are the implications, then, for when occurrences of ■’n 'l are encountered in
the biblical Hebrew text? This brief seetion will give some pointers for how to read ’TI'l
in text.
10.6.1 Is it Verbal or Temporal?
The first question to ask regarding is whether the occurrence is verbal or
temporal. Before assuming any other level of function, attempt to determine the syntactic
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connection of *’1711 with the elause in which it occurs. In order for the occurrence to be
verbal, it must be determined that '’1711 is the main verb of the elause.
r ^
Verbal? Temporal?
Figure 32: Verbal or Temporal?
10.6.2 What is its Category o f Use?
Once it is determined whether '’I7')l is verbal or temporal, the particular use of the
occurrence must be decided.
Verbal '’1711 Temporal ■’1711

Equative? With “lOK/nnK?
Existential? With a Preposition?
Deictic? With "I^K3?
Descriptive? With 'D?
Formulaic? With Specific Temporal Reference?
With a Participle?
With an Adverb?
Figure 33: Category of Use?
10.6.3 What is the Possible Discourse-Pragmatic Function?
The third question is the attempt to discern the possible discourse-pragmatic
function of a particular occurrence of '’1711. This question must take the preceding
syntactic analysis into account, since the assignment o f discourse-pragmatic fimctions is
context-sensitive. In addition to the syntactic context, the narrative context must also be
considered, taking note o f where the example occurs in the episodic structure.
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission of th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission .
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10.6.4 Summary
One of the main things to avoid when encountering occurrences of ■’n 'l in text is
to immediately assume that it “means” discourse marker without paying attention to the
type of use and the possible fimction(s) it might have in the text. There is no substitute
for repeated close readings of the text, taking note of the different systems of temporal
and deictic reference in order to see how they play out in the narrative itself.
10.7 Areas for Future Research

During the research for the current study, several possible areas of future research
emerged. These areas are briefly introduced in the following sections.
10.7.1 Sentence Syntax
Syntax at all levels of analysis is an important area of ongoing research in biblical
Hebrew. One of the observations throughout the current study, however, has been the
crucial need for further research in sentence syntax. This would involve identifying the
components and patterns of syntax at the phrase and clause level, but with particular
attention being paid to how they come together in rule-governed ways to form sentences
in biblical Hebrew. Beyond the identification o f these components and structures, the
pressing area for more research is in the narrative and discourse-pragmatic fimctions of
different sentence patterns. The WAYYIQTOL - WE-x - q a t a l structure discussed in 5.2.22
is an e x a m p le o f a s e n te n e e pattern w h ie h m a y b e g o v e r n e d b y d ise o u r se -p r a g m a tie
considerations.
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10.7.2 Role o f ) in Narrative
One of the observations throughout the repeated readings of the biblical Hebrew
text was the very notable role of "I in narrative. The functions of ] in conjunctive and
disjunctive syntax, as noted in the grammar and syntax textbooks, is an important
foundation, but the diverse functions of T as a narrative device need to be explored. The
fact that I with a nominal “interrupts” the verbal sequence is widely recognized, but more
research is needed to discern the narrative parameters which govern this use. The
discourse-pragmatic and cognitive motivations for the use of "I need to be explored.
Further research is also needed to further define the the parameters of the
interplay of ’’n';! and I in narrative. One of the important concepts to develop in this
research is the interactive, context-sensitive nature of narrative mechanisms, which
means that the description of function always takes into account the contextual network
of other components involved in the same reference systems.
10.7.3 Uses of n;m
Preliminary categorization of n^n'l reveals that it has many similar uses and
functions, both verbal and temporal. Some of the verbal uses are e q u a t iv e ,
DESCRIPTIVE, and EXISTENTIAL, closely paralleling the uses o f ’n';!. One of the main
differences between the uses o f a n d rpni is their characteristic temporal reference of
past and future, respectively. In character with the ir r e a l is tendencies of future
reference, there are many m o d a l occurrences of nj'ri'l that are not found with ''H']!.
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Further research is needed to fiilly categorize and analyze the occurrences of IT’n'l,
which would add another dimension to the analysis of ■'n'J'l presented here.
10.7.4 Temporal Organization of Narrative
Full analysis of the temporal organization of biblical Hebrew narrative would
involve further description of the many temporal uses of “'ri'l categorized here. This
description would involve in-depth narrative analysis of the textual contours and contexts
in which the different types of temporal occurrences of '’n']! occur.
There are many items which perform different functions in the temporal shape of
biblical Hebrew narrative— items like TK—for which the lexical equivalent is easily
identified, but not so the function within narrative. 2 Sam 21:18 provides a good
example o f TK that needs to be better understood in terms of its role in the temporal
sequencing of narrative:
After this there was war again ’'n"'! ^

with the Philistines at Gob; then . . , ^ 7 1 ir
Sibbecai the Hushathite struck nQ n>Q n
down Saph, who was among the "D3D HSH tK
descendants oj the giant. ' • ’•
Pc-vqw3msXaPd-PdPc-vqw3fsXa- : n D in
Pd Pa-ncfs Pp-np Pp-np Pd vhp3ms
np Pa-np Po-np Pr Pp-ncmpc Pa-np
10.8 Implications and Final Remarks

The interconnected, systemic nature of language means that all linguistic analysis
is an ongoing process of hypothesis verification. The context-dependent nature of
language requires that the language analyst also be sensitive to the contexts in which that
language is or was used. Not only are the linguistic items themselves interconnected with
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each other, but the analysis o f one aspect of a language will always have some connection
to other aspects. For this reason, it is incumbent upon the language analyst to consider
the implications o f claims and statements regarding the function and use of parts of the
language being studied. For example, Pratico and Van Pelt comment regarding that
it is called “a ‘temporal modifier’ because it marks the beginning of a past tense narrative
sequence” (Pratico and Van Pelt 2001,196). The implications and consequences of this
statement are enormous. One of the main problems with this claim is that it is stated too
categorically, seemingly without adequate consideration for the possibility of narrative
sequences begiiming without TI']!. This claim makes it appear as if all narrative
sequences begin with ■’H ';! and that the function of every '’n 'l is to begin a narrative
sequence. Even though the consideration of the global textual context can make it seem
that no analysis can ever be definitive, this should be seen as a result of the nature of
language rather than a product of the model of analysis implemented here. Statements of
use and function should reflect context-sensitivity in the way they are framed.
The approach implemented in this study was referred to in 5.2 as a Functional,
Discourse-Pragmatic view of language. As previously discussed and as demonstrated
throughout this study, there are many components to this view and approach. Beyond the
focus on the analysis of ‘’n 'l, one of the goals of this research has been to demonstrate the
benefits o f this model of language analysis.
Another goal has been to insist on the need for thorough analysis of biblical
Hebrew syntax. As Arnold and Choi comment in the opening line of their A Guide to
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Biblical Hebrew Syntax, “[a]t the heart of biblical interpretation is the need to read the
Bible’s s y n ta x ...(Arnold and Choi 2003, 1)
Finally, this study is about more than TI'l. It is about using the most appropriate
tools and models to better understand the biblical Hebrew text. As Silva comments in the
foreword to the 2004 revision of Machen’s New Testament Greekfo r Beginners:
It is not the primary purpose of language study to provide the means for
reaching astounding exegetical conclusions, although sound linguistic
training can at least prevent students from adopting inadmissible
interpretations. The true goal of learning New Testament Greek is rather to
build a much broader base of knowledge and understanding than the
student would otherwise have. Occasionally, this knowledge may indeed
supply fairly direct answers to exegetical questions. But what matters most
is the newly acquired ability to interpret texts responsibly on the basis of
comprehensive rather than fragmented (and therefore distorted)
information. (Silva 2004, 11)
The goal o f this model is to enable the reader or interpreter to develop greater
sensitivity to the transitions and contours of the biblical Hebrew text.
PART IV: REFERENCES AND APPENDICES
WORKS CITED
Alter, R. 1981. The Art o f Biblical Narrative. New York: Basic Books.
Andersen, F. I. 1974. The Sentence in Biblical Hebrew. The Hague: Mouton.
Anderson, S. R. and E. L. Keenan. 1985. Deixis. In Language Typology and Syntactic

Description: Grammatical Categories and the Lexicon, ed. T. Shopen, 259-308.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Arnold, B. and J. Choi. 2003. A Guide to Biblical Hebrew Syntax. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.
Barr, J. 1983. The Semantics o f Biblical Language. London: SCM Press.
Bartelmus, R. 1982. HYH Bedeutung und Funktion eines hebrdischen

»Allerweltswortes«. Arbeiten zu Text und Spraehe im Alten Testament 17. St.
Ottilien: EOS Verlag.
Bayly, C. 1782. An Entrance into the Sacred Language Containing the Necessary Rules
o f Hebrew Grammar in English. London: n.p. Quoted in L. McFall, The Enigma
o f the Hebrew Verbal System: Solutions from Ewald to the Present Day.
(Sheffield: Almond Press, 1982), 15.
Beaugrande, R. de and W. U. Dressier. 1981. Introduction to Text Linguistics. London:

Longman.
Berlin, A. 1989. Lexical Cohesion and Biblical Interpretation. Hebrew Studies 30: 29-39.
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APPENDICES
465
WESTMINSTER GRAMMATICAL TAGS
Chart of Westminster Grammatical Tags^
Particle (F-)
Pa = article (with inseparable prep = Pp+Pa)

Pc = conjunction
Pd = adverb
Pg = interrogative
Pi = interjection
Pn = negative
Po = direct object marker
Pp = preposition
Pr = relative
Pronoun (pi-)
pii = interrogative
pi[pg#]* = independent
(e.g. 'piSms' = 3rd person masculine singular independent personal pronoun)
Noun (n-)
np = proper name
ng = gentilic (only implemented in Aramaic)
nc[g#s]* = common noun
(e.g. 'ncmpc' = masculine plural common noun in construct state)
' As displayed in Translator’s Workplace 4.0. 2002. Dallas: SIL Intemational.
466
Adjective/Numeral (a-)
a[g#s]*= adjective
(e.g. 'afs' = feminine singular adjective)
Suffixes (-X-)
[tagJXh paragogic heh
[tagJXd directional heh
[tagjXn paragogic nun
[tag]X[pg#]* pronominal suffix (nouns)/object suffix (verbs)
(e.g. 'nelpcX2mp' = a construct feminine plural noun with a 2nd masculine plural
suffix)
Verb (v-)
vsapg#s** = verb (verbal roots = unvocalized)
(e.g. 'vqiSms' = qal imperfect third person masculine singular)
Qal Synopsis for the masculine singular of the verb:
vqp3ms perfect third masculine singular
vqi3ms imperfect third masculine singular
vqi3msj imperfect third masculine singular, apocopated
vqw3ms waw consecutive third masculine singular
vqvms imperative masculine singular
vqa infinitive absolute
vqc infinitive construct
vqPms participle masculine singular
467
vqPmsc participle masculine singular construet
vqsms passive participle masculine singular
vqsmsc passive participle masculine singular construct
*Person/gender/number for pronouns, common nouns, verbs and adjectives:

(pg# = person, gender, number; g#s = gender, number, state)
P g # s
1 = first person m = masculine s = singular [absolute = unmarked]
2 = second person f = feminine p = plural c = construct
3 = third person b == both (noun) d = dual d = determined
(Aramaic) c=common (verb)
**For Verbs:
(sapg#s = stem/aspect/person/gender/number/state. See above for pg#s.)
s a other
q = qal p = perfect j = apocopated form
n = nifal i = imperfect h = cohortative form
P = piel w = waw consecutive
P = pual V = imperative
t = hitpael c = infinitive construct
h = hifil a = infinitive absolute
H = hofal s = qal passive participle
P = particple
Q = true qal passive
(Polel type stems are treated as regular piel, pual, hitpael.)
468
RESIDUE
There are nine occurrences listed here. The title of this section, residue,
acknowledges that these occurrences do not fit into the categories used in chapters eight
and nine. They are, however, important cases to consider, so the characteristics of each
occurrence will be briefly discussed here.
The first three cases share certain features and will be described together. In these
three examples, the item which immediately follows is These examples do not
fit the categories in the preceding chapters.
However, he refused to turn n n K 3 njDK ]kd ';i 2 Sam

aside; therefore Abner struck 2:23
him in the belly with the butt end T"inKQ n^3nn Kxni iz?ann-*?K
o f the spear, so that the spear
came out at his back And he fell
innn n an
there and died on the spot. All DlpQn"Vi!< K3n~*73 'nil
who came to the place where
Asahel had fallen and died, n n ii *?NntoJ7
stood still. :n n j7 n
Pc-vpw3ms Pp-vqc Pc-
vhw3msX3ms np Pp-Pd Pa-ncfs Pp-
Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3fs Pa-ncfs Pp-
PdX3fs Pc-vqw3ms-Pd Pc-vqw3ms
PpX3ms PpX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa
ncmsc-Pa-vqPms Pp-Pa-ncms Pr-
vqp3ms Pd np Pc-vqw3msXa Pc-
vqw3mp
469
Absalom used to rise early and
- -r - 111
I
V V
T~bv
- - - ▼ : «r » “
D'312?m
• i • i
2 Sam
stand beside the way to the gate; 15:2
and when any man had a suit to
come to the king for judgment,
Absalom would call to him and
say, “From what city are you? ”
And he would say, “Your
servant is from one o f the tribes nnx "i'j7 i q k *i
o f Israel. ” iriKp lOKn.
Pc-vhp3ms{2} np Pc-vqp3ms{2}
Pp-ncfsc nebs Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msXa ncmsc-Pa-ncms Pr-
vqi3ms-PpX3ms-ncms Pp-vqc Pp-
Pa-ncms Pp+Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms
np PpX3ms Pc-vqw3ms Pg-Pp-ams
ncfs pi2ms Pc-vqw3ms Pp-ams
ncmpc-np ncmscX2ms
When all who knew him

previously saw that he
prophesied now with the K3] D 'K p ro p nani w i n
prophets, the people said to one
D37n in><n.
another, “What has happened to
the son o f Kish? Is Saul also :D'K'3 P Din n'n n r n n
among the prophets? ”
Pc-vqw3msXa ncmsc-
vqPmscX3ms Pp-Pd Pd Pc-
vqw3mp Pc-Pi Pp-ncmp vnPms Pc-
vqw3ms Pa-ncms ncms Pp-
ncmscX3ms pii-ams vqp3ms Pp-
ncmsc-np Pg-Pc np Pp+Pa-ncmp
The occurrence in 1 Kgs 16:31 is unusual in the occurrence of VplTj immediately
following ■’n n .
As though it had been a trivial a3r*[3 DJ73T mKiDna inD^ ’?f?in 'nn_ >^gs
thingfor him to walk in the sins
o f Jeroboam the son o f Nebat, he *?i?3nK-n3 *?3r^"nK ni^K n^»i
married Jezebel the daughter o f
:i*? ^nniz?n_ *???3n“nK "i3i7n
Ethbaal king o f the Sidonians,
and went to serve Baal and
worshiped him.
Pc-vqw3msXa Pg-vnp3ms
vqcX3ms Pp-ncfpc np ncmsc-np Pc-
vqw3ms ncfs Po-np ncfs-np ncms
np P c -vqw 3m sX a P c-vqw 3m s Po-
Pa-np Pc-vsw3msXa PpX3ms
470
The 2 Kgs 20:4 is anomalous in the occurrenee of the noun immediately
following ■’PI';!, which is then followed by
Before Isaiah had gone out o f np'nn 2xgs

the middle court, the word o f the
LORD came to him, saying, nbK*? T*?K n^n m n '- i n n
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pn vqp3ms Pa-
ncfs nebs Pa-afs Pc-ncmsc-np
vqp3ms PpX3ms Pp-vqc
This example shares d e ic t ic features with the e x is t e n t ia l oeeurrences. It is
unusual in its structure:
It was David, the elders o f Israel ntoT I ' l l 'n*;i >chr

and the captains over thousands,
who went to bring up the ark o f ]liK-nK nl*?i7riV
the covenant o f the LORD from
the house o f Obed-edom with
:nnat73 olK-iai? n'3-]D ninrn'is
joy-
Pc-vqw3msXa np Pc-ampc np Pc-
ncmpc Pa-amp Pa-vqPmp Pp-vhc
Po-ncbsc ncfs-np Pp-ncmsc np Pp-
ncfs
The second occurrence of ‘'n il in 1 Sam 11:11 is unusual in that it is followed by
the participle with an apparent role as a relative clause.
The next morning Saul put the ninQQ 'n il 1 Sam

people in three companies; and 11;11
they came into the midst o f the D?n~nK Dto'i
camp at the morning watch and
struck down the Ammonites until
ij?3n niaiz?K3 n3nHn“iln3 ik3:i
the heat o f the day. Those who Dl'n DiTiy ilai?“nK isn
survived were scattered, so that
no two o f them were left D'l«tt?3n 'n il
together.
:in ' 0'312^ D3"11K12?3
vqw3msXa np Po-Pa-ncms ams
ncmp Pc-vqw3mpXa Pp-ncmsc-Pa-
ncbs P p-ncfsc P a-ncm s Pc-vhw 3m p
Po-np Pp-ncms Pa-ncms Pc-
vqw3msXa Pa-vnPmp Pc-vqw3mp
Pc-Pn vnp3cp-PpX3mp amd Pd
471
The final two cases are a Kings-Chronieles parallel, but with slight differences:
2 Kgs 8:21 has whereas 2 Chr 21:9 reads 'T l . The
unusual feature here is that ‘'n 'l is not verbal, but it is not followed by any temporal
expression. In a certain sense, the readings are more similar than they appear at first
glance since the pronoun KIH in 2 Kgs 8:21 is not strictly required syntactically. In both
cases, the convergence of "'nil and is unusual. It would be more in line with the
temporal expressions in chapter nine if the clause started with nVV? ‘’n 'l.
Then Joram crossed over to 3D"in"*?Di d iV 2 Kgs

Zair, and all his chariots with
him. And he arose by night and
struck the Edomites who had
surrounded him and the captains
o f the chariots; hut his army fled 331.0 nxT
to their tents.
Pc-vqw3ms np npXd Pc-ncmsc-Pa- DSfn o n
ncms PpX3ms Pc-vqw3msXa-pi3ms
vqp3ms ncms Pc-vhw3msXa Po-np
Pa-vqPms PpX3ms Pc-Po ncmpc
Pa-ncms Pc-vqw3ms Pa-ncms Pp-
ncmpcX3ms
Then Jehoram crossed over with
his commanders and all his
chariots with him. And he arose
by night and struck down the
33lon DiiK-nK i n
Edomites who were surrounding
him and the commanders o f the :3Din niz; n x i
chariots.
Pc-vqw3ms np Pp-ncmpcX3ms Pc-
ncmsc-Pa-ncms PpX3ms Pc-
vqw3msXa vqp3ms ncms Pc-
vhw3ms Po-np Pa-vqPms PpX3ms
Pc-Po ncmpc Pa-ncms
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. 1990. The Old Hebrew Particle gam: A Syntactic-Semantic Description o f gam

in Gn-2Kg. Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament 34. St. Ottilien:
EOS Verlag.
. 1991. The Fimction of Word Order in Old Hebrew—^with Special Reference to

Cases where a Syntagmeme precedes a Verb in Joshua. Journal o f Northwest
Semitic Languages 17:129-44.
. 1991b. The Old Hebrew Particles and p"l. In Text, Methode und Grammatik:
Wolfgang Richter zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. W. Gross, H. Irsigler and T. Siedl, 297-
311. St. Ottilien: EOS Verlag.
. 1993. Old Hebrew Particles and the Interpretation of Old Testament Texts.
Journalfo r the Study o f the Old Testament 18: 27-44.
. 1994. Discourse Linguistics and Biblical Hebrew Grammar. In Biblical Hebrew

and Discourse Linguistics, ed. R. D. Bergen, 13-49. Dallas: Summer Institute of
Linguistics.
. 1997a. Reconsidering Biblical Hebrew Temporal Expressions. Zeitschrift fur

Althebraistik 10: 42-62.
487
. 1997b. Reference Time in Some Biblieal Temporal Constructions. Biblica 78:

403-424.
. 1997c. A Critical Analysis of Narrative Syntactic Approaches, With Speeial

Attention to Their Relationship to Diseourse Analysis. In Narrative Syntax and
the Hebrew Bible: Papers o f the Tilburg Conference 1996, ed. Ellen van Wolde,
133-56. Leiden: Brill.
. 1999a. The Elusive Biblical Hebrew Term ‘'rT’T: A Perspective in Terms of Its
Syntax, Semantics, and Pragmatics in 1 Samuel.” Hebrew Studies 40: 83-114.
_. 1999b. Towards a Better Understanding of Biblieal Hebrew Word Order.

Journal o f Northwest Semitic Languages 25/1 (1999): 277-300.
. 1999e. Explaining Fronting in Biblieal Hebrew. Journal o f Northwest Semitic

Languages 2512: 173-86.
van der Merwe, C. H. J., J. A. Naude, and J. H. Kroeze. 1999. A Biblical Hebrew
Reference Grammar. Sheffield: Sheffield Aeademic Press.
Van Dijk, T. 1977. Text and Context: Explorations in the Semantics and Pragmatics o f
Discourse. London and New York: Longman.
Van Pelt, M. V. and G. D. Pratieo. 2003. The Vocabulary Guide to Biblical Hebrew.
Grand Rapids: Zondervan.
Van Wolde, E., ed. 1997. Narrative Syntax and the Hebrew Bible: Papers o f the Tilburg
Conference 1996. Leiden: Brill.
Wallaee, S. 1982. Figure and Ground: The Interrelationships of Linguistic Categories. In

Tense-Aspect: Between Semantics and Pragmatics, ed. Paul J. Hopper, 201-223.
Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Waltke, B. and M. O’Connor. 1990. An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax. Winona

Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns.
Waltke, B. and C. J. Fredericks. 2001. Genesis: A Commentary. Grand Rapids:

Zondervan, 2001.
Weingreen, J. 1959. A Practical Grammar fo r Classical Hebrew. 2d ed. Oxford:

Clarendon Press.
Wendland, E. R. 2001. ‘May the Whole World Hush in His Presence!’ (Habakkuk
2:20b): Communieating Aspeets of the Rhetoric of an Ancient Biblical Text
Today. Journal o f Northwest Semitic Languages 27/2: 113-33.
488
Wenham, G. 1994. Genesis 16-50. Word Biblical Commentary. Waco: Word Books.
Wildberger, H. 1991. Isaiah 28-39. The Continental Commentary. Minneapolis: Fortress

Press.
Williams, R. J. 1976. Hebrew Syntax: An Outline. 2d. ed. Toronto: University of Toronto
Press.
Winther-Nielsen, N. 1995. A Functional Discourse Grammar o f Joshua. A Computer-

assisted Rhetorical Structure Analysis. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell
International.
Zevit, Z. 1998. The Anterior Construction in Classical Hebrew. Atlanta: Scholars Press.
Zewi, T. 1999. Interrupted Syntactical Structures in Biblical Hebrew. Zeitschrift fiir

Althebrdistik 12: 83-95.
CURRICULUM VITA
Bryan L. Harmelink
2561 Trewigtown Rd.
Colmar, PA 18915
(215) 996-1511
bryan_harmelink@sil.org
Education:
• Master of Arts in Religion, Biblical Studies emphasis, Westminster Theological
Seminary, 1999
• MA in Linguistics, University of Texas, Arlington, 1981
• BA in General Studies, Trinity College, Deerfield, Illinois, 1980
• Summer Institute o f Linguistics courses. University of Washington, Seattle, 1979
• Coursework in Linguistics and Anthropology, Northeastern Illinois University,
Chicago, Illinois, 1978
• Summer Institute of Linguistics courses. University of Washington, Seattle, 1978
• Diploma in Pastoral Theology/Greek, Moody Bible Institute, Chicago, Illinois,
1976
SIL Experience:
International Translation Consultant, 2000-present
Translation consultant for the Wapishana Translation project, Guyana, 1999-
present
Continued work in editing Scripture in Use materials in the Mapuche language,
1998-present
Publication of Mapuche New Testament, 1997
Participant in Consultant Training Workshop taught by Katharine Barnwell,
Yarinacoeha, Peru, 1992
Mapuche New Testament translation project, 1985-1997
■ Coordinated a team of four national translators, 1987-1997
■ Supervised translation of the New Testament in Mapudungim
■ Supervised translation of Genesis, Ruth, and Jonah in Mapudungun
■ Experience in developing and teaching literacy and Scripture in Use materials
• Sociolinguistic survey project among the Aymara people of Chile, 1983-84
Teaching Experience:_____________________________________________________
• Instructor, Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, Instituto Biblico, Temuco,
1995
• Instructor, Mapuche Grammar, Universidad de la Frontera, Temuco, 1990-1991
• TA, Introduction to Phonology, University of Texas, Arlington, 1989
• Instructor, Mapuche Grammar, Universidad de la Frontera, Temuco, 1987-1989
• Instructor, Seminar on Mapuche Grammar, sponsored by the Departamento de
Lenguas y Literatura, Universidad de la Frontera, Temuco, 1987
• Instructor, Seminar on Computational Analysis and Translation, Universidad de
Playa Ancha, Valparaiso, 1987
• Instructor, Seminar on Computational Analysis and Translation, Pontificia
Universidad Catolica de Chile, Santiago, 1986
• TA, Introduction to Phonology, ILC, 1984
• Instructor, Introduction to Linguistics, Dallas Bible College, Dallas, 1984
• Instructor, Advanced Grammatical Analysis, University of Oklahoma, Norman,
1984
• Assistant professor o f Conversational English, Universidad de Tarapaca, Ariea,
Chile, 1983
• TA, Beginning Morphology and Syntax, University of Washington, Seattle, 1982
• TA, Articulatory Phonetics, ILC, 1981
Research Experience:
• Research Associate, Traditional Mapuche Songs, with Hector Painequeo,
Universidad de la Frontera, 1994-95
• Research Associate, Toponyms of the Eighth Region with Dr. Mario Bemales,
Universidad de la Frontera, 1991
• Research Consultant, Mapuche Studies Center, Universidad de la Frontera, 1989-
93
• Research Associate, Mapuche Oral Myths, with Dr. Hugo Carrasco, Universidad
de la Frontera, 1989-90
• Research Associate, Rural Education Project, with Patricia de la Pena and Lilian
Gonzalez, Universidad de la Frontera, 1987-89
Research Associate, Toponyms of the Ninth Region with Dr. Mario Bemales,
Universidad de la Frontera, 1987-89
Sociolinguistic survey in the Chilean Altiplano, Universidad de Tarapaca, Ariea,
1983-84
P u b lic a tio n s:
1997 Introduccidn a la Lectura del Idioma Mapuche. Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial

Kiime Dungu.
1996 La Vida de los Judlos en los Tiempos Biblicos. Pueallpa: Mision Suiza en el Peru.
Spanish translation o f Daily Life in Bible Times, WBT, Dallas, 1988.
1994 Caracteristicas del Discurso Mapudungun en el Relato “Kurewen Achawall
Actas VI Jomadas de Lengua y Literatura Mapuche. Temuco: Imprenta y
Editorial Kiime Dungu.
1993 Manual de Aprendizaje del Idioma Mapudungun. Temuco: Universidad de la
Frontera.
1993 Cambios de transitividad en el verbo del mapudungun. Seminario de la
Investigaeion y Ensenanza de la Linguistica, Sociedad Chilena de Lingiiistica.
1991 T//75 lT(9r<7. Notes on Linguistics 52:29-36. Dallas: SIL
1990 Vocabulario y Frases Utiles en Mapudungun. Temuco: Universidad de la
Frontera.
1990 Las Cldusulas Relativas del Mapudungun. Aetas IV Jomadas de Lengua y
Literatura Mapuche. Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial Kume Dxmgu.
1990 Using Tables in Word. Notes on Linguistics 48:41-51. Dallas: SIL
1990 Using Bookmarks as Cross References in Word. Notes on Linguistics 50:25-33.
Dallas: SIL
1990 Primer Formatting with Microsoft Word. Notes on Linguistics 51:5-16. Dallas:
SIL
1990 El Hablante como Funto de Referenda en el Espacio: Verbos de Movimiento y
Sufijos Direccionales en Mapudungun. Lenguas Modemas 17 (1990) 111-125
1989 La Lectura delldioma Mapuche: Una Proposicion. Aetas Terceras Jomadas de
Lengua y Literatura Mapuche. Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial Kiime Dungu.
1989 Procesos de Derivacion en Mapudungun. Ponencia leida en el Octavo Seminario
de la Investigaeion y Ensenanza de la Lingiiistica, Sociedad Chilena de
Linguistica.
1988 The Expression o f Temporal Distinctions in Mapudungun. Lenguas Modemas
15:125-130 Santiago: Universidad de Chile.
1987 The Uses and Functions o f mew in Mapudungun. Lenguas Modemas 14:173-78.
Santiago: Universidad de Chile.
1987 Incorporacidn Nominal en el Mapudungun. Congreso ALFAL, Tucuman,
Argentina.
1986 Hacia un Andlisis Funcional de -ael y -am. Actas de Lengua y Literatura
Mapuche. Universidad de la Frontera: Temuco.
1985 EZTEXT: Metodos Integrados para el Procesamiento de Textos. (Spanish
translation o f EZTEXT: Integrated Tools for Text Analysis).
1985 EZTEXT: Integrated Tools fo r Text Analysis. Occasional Publications in
Academic Computing No. 4. Dallas: SIL.
1984 Investigaciones Lingiiisticas en el Altiplano Chileno: Un Estudio Entre la
Comunidad Aymara. (unpublished project report)
Native Authored Literature edited:__________________________________________
1993 Pranao, Victorio. Chakaykoche Ni Kuyfi Kimiin. Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial

Kiime Dungu.
1993 Nahuelhual, Juan. Kihe Wentru ka chi Trapial. Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial
Kiime Dungu.
1993 Pranao, Victorio y Cayxilao, Eleuterio. Tati pu Uhiim ta Rume Adelkalelfiinkey.
Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial Kiime Dungu.
1989 Cayulao M., Eleuterio. Kolliimche Tahi Ngiitram: Kiheke Epewtun ka Kiheke
Lawen. Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial Kiime Dungu.
1988 Llamin C., Segundo. Lelfiintripa Pichikeche Tahi Chumngen. Temuco: Imprenta
y Editorial Kiime Dungu.
1988 Pranao, Victorio. Chakaykoche Ni Niitram. Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial Kiime
Dungu.
1988 Pranao, Victorio. Chakaykoche Ni Kuyfi Niitram. Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial
Kiime Dungu.
1988 Matamala, Ignacio. (Second edition of: Chillkatuain Tain
Mapudungun - Lelflin Mongen). Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial Kiime Dungu.
1987 Llamin C., Segundo. Federico Ni Niitram - Kimafiih Federico Ni Mongen.
Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial Kume Dungu.
1987 Llamin C., Segundo. Federico Ni Niitram - Federico Feypi Kiheke Wimtun.
1987 Llamin C., Segundo. Federico Ni Niitram - Federico Feypi Kiheke Kiidaw.
1987 Matamaia, Ignacio. Chillkatuain Tain Mapudungun - Lelfun Mongen. Temuco:
Imprenta y Editorial Kiime Dimgu.
1987 Llamin C., Segundo. Chillkatuain Tain Mapudungun - Lelfun Kiidaw. Temuco:
Imprenta y Editorial Kiime Dimgu.
1987 Llamin C., Segimdo. Federico Ni Niitram - Federico Feypi Fillke Dungu hi
Kimel. Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial Kiime Dungu.
Other Publications edited:_________________________________________________
1999 Kiimeke Dungun Tain Kimael. Glossary of Key Terms in the New Testament.
1999 Kihe We Kiime Mongen. Jesus hi Mongen Ihchih mew. Temuco: Imprenta y
Editorial Kiime Dungu. Translation of Vida Abundante, an 18 lesson discipleship
course.
1995 Catrileo, Maria. Diccionario Lingiiistico-Etnogrdfico de la Lengua Mapuche.
Mapudungun-Espanol-English. Santiago: Editorial Andres Bello.
1994 Himnario Mapuche. Temuco: Impresos Emanuel.
1993 Bibliografia General de la Sociedady Cultura Mapuche. Centro de Estudios de
la Araucania. Temuco: Universidad de la Frontera.
1992 VActas de Lengua y Literatura Mapuche. Temuco: Universidad de la Frontera.
1990 IVActas de Lengua y Literatura Mapuche. Temuco: Universidad de la Frontera.
1988 III Actas de Lengua y Literatura Mapuche. Temuco: Universidad de la Frontera.
1987 Jesus Engu Trekalelu. Translation of Caminando con Jesus, simplified readings
from the Gospels. Temuco: Imprenta y Editorial Kiime Dungu.
1986 II Actas de Lengua y Literatura Mapuche. Temuco: Universidad de la Frontera.
♦

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EXPLORING THE SYNTACTIC, SEMANTIC,

AND PRAGMATIC USES

OF*’n‘n IN BIBLICAL HEBREW

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of

WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

in Partial Fulfillment of the

Second Faculty Reader:

Chairman o f the Field Committee

ProQuest Information and Learning Company

This dissertation seeks to identify the uses and functions of in biblical

grammars of biblical Hebrew, the theoretical framework of the Functional, Discourse-

Pragmatic model of linguistic analysis implemented here is presented. This model

Before proceeding with the display of the occurrences of fundamental

consideration of the discourse-pragmatic functions of ■’H')!, which are discussed in the

its u s e s a n d fu n c tio n s in te m p o r a l e x p r e ssio n s.

requires attention to the subsequent clauses, resulting in additional categories of use.

TI']! in the final chapter.

carefully consider how it is translated.

List of Abbreviations.................................................................................................... xvii

4.1 Questions Raised by ’’n il................................................................................ 57

8.1 Overview............................................................................................................... 147

9.1 Overview............................................................................................................... 253

10.1 Introduction.................................................................................................... 424

1. Don Quixote figure, riding a horse........................................................................... 96

2. Picture of a dalmatian dog sniffing the ground, approaching a tree in a park 96

1. Eras of Hebrew Study.................................................................................................17

4. Frequency o f Occurrence of ’'H';! and ’'HFJl............................................................... 77

5. Occurrences of BDD by book.....................................................................................78

7. TAMP Profile............................................................................................................ 113

8. Narrative Time.......................................................................................................... 114

9. Three-Vowel System ................................................................................................117

10. Five-Vowel System...................................................................................................117

11. Function to Function.................................................................................................121

12. Form to Form ............................................................................................................ 122

13. in the Hebrew B ible......................................................................................... 130

14. Temporal Progression...............................................................................................130

15. Depiction of Events in Narrative.............................................................................132

16. WAYYIQTOL Sequences.............................................................................................133

17. Format of Data Display............................................................................................ 148

18. TDK H3 in Isaiah..................................................................................................... 161

19. Adjective Phrase Complement................................................................................. 179

20. EQUATIVE and d e s c r ip t iv e uses of .................................................................215

22. Temporal Progression.............................................................................................. 269

23. Pattern o f H I l with i n K .......................................................................................... 278

24. Coordinate Temporal Expressions.......................................................................... 289

25. Temporal Referenee Following - 3 ’’n 'l .................................................................318

26. Parallel Structure of 3^ ... 3 '1711.........................................................................352

27. Object of Transitive V erb........................................................................................353

28. Intervening Clauses...................................................................................................375

30. Temporal Expressions with .................................................................................391

31. Clause Nucleus and M argins...................................................................................436

32. Verbal or Temporal?................................................................................................ 449

33. Category o f Use?.......................................................................................................449

B D B ....................................... Brown, F., S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs. 1996. The

This is a study of ■'H'^l-one of the elements involved in the well-crafted ways in

o f Biblical Narrative, Alter asks the following insightful questions:

Understanding how time is depicted is an important part o f reading narrative, as

Fokkelman comments, “The narrator is not obliged to provide indications of narrated

occurrences in such close proximity?

DnDK "inn o'nQ-jn-ia inK 'n ';i'

:nl3Q n'nl33^ niDDV ’jnji nari ol*n 'nil '*

x -q a ta l l a g n a n 'l requires interpretation o f the temporal nature of the QATAL as well as

the function o f the I.

:nl3Q n'nl33^ niDDV ’jnji nari oln 'nil '

2) Christian Hebrew Studies (16’’ to mid-18^' centuries) (Waltke and O’Connor