cuaPTeR 2 Hubert J. M. Hermans Human Development in Today's Globalizing World: Implications for Self and Identity Abstract localization as two sides of the same coin, ‘their bicultural and hybrid manifestations. homophily as a necessar and heterophily, psychology as a for studying the for the necessi Key Words: globalization, localization, heterophily, aging, cultural learning. On a Personal Note: World War I as the First Period of Globalization in My Life One of the most impressive moments in my life was in Seprember 1944, when my place of birth, Maastricht, in the south of The Netherlands, was liberated from the German occupation. As 2 7-year-old boy, I saw, with mounting marching soldiers of the American 30th Infantry Division “Old Hickory,” passing through the nar. row street near my parents’ house, by the masses who greeted them wit enthusiasm and joy after more than 4 I of suppression and suffering. The sudden change of military power marked the beginning of a totaly different way of communication wi ers.” The contrast between the attude of the Dung toward the enemy and toward the liberator eon not be more pronounced. While, ke almost all of my peers, had fele reservation and ansiety towact surprise, the long years the “Strang 28 ‘The psychological dimension of “open” versus “closed” is a cor 3 globalizing world. With this thesis asa starting point, the impli development are discussed: the impact of the Internet on the emt limension for self and identity in| ations of globalization for human bodied self, globalization and | and the emergence of global and local identities, including Furthermore, attention is given to the balance between FY condition for effective communication betweer as a source for innovation and creativity at cultural inter culture wil contaminate the authenticity ofthe bo} culture. Chiu et al. (2011) give the ‘example of closing down of a Starbucks coffee shop in Beilté in 2007, In that year, the director of BCH, the prime-time daily business show on CCT. International, started an online campaign © Starbucks removed from Beijing's Forbidden O®) He wrote an online article in which he por Nis 2 | HUMAN DEVELOPMENT IN TODAY's ax ¥'S GLOBALIZING WoRLDthe Forbidden City as a symbol of China's cultural heritage and Starbucks as a symbol of lower middle class culture in the West. His article attracted more than half a million readers and inspired more than 2,700 commentaries, most of them sympathetic to the writer’ plea. In July 2007, Starbucks closed its shop in the Forbidden City, Despite the existence of defensive localization and contamination anxiety, globalization in is broadest sense increasingly involves the incorpo- ration of locality, as reflected, for example, in the emergence of TV enterprises such as MTV, CNN, and, later Al Jazeera, seeking global markets and focusing, at the same time, on a great diversity of local events and cultural specificities. The past century, in particular, has witnessed a remark- able proliferation with respect to the international organization and promotion of locality. One can refer to attempts to organize the promotion of the rights and identities of native or indigenous peoples ‘on a global scale (eg., the Global Forum in Brazil in 1992 oF the Global Forum on Migration and Development in Belgium in 2007). Therefore, ic makes sense to conjure up a process of glocalization, as Robertson (1995) has proposed, as this concept combines two seemingly opposing trends: homog- enization and heterogenization, which can be ‘explained as not only simultaneous but also com- plementary and interpenetrative. (For “global— local interpenetration” or “global-local dialect see Chen, 2006; Featherstone, 1995) From Globalization to Hybrid Identities On the level of self and identity, globalization and localization receive their expression in global and local identities and facilitate the emergence of hybrid identities, In this section, I will demon- strate that the tension between these identities, in the positive case, leads to creativity and innovation, and, in the negative case, to identity confusion. This then leads to a discussion of the Janus-faced nature of globalization. Global and Local Identities: Biculturality and Hybrids The global-local nexus has immediate impli- cations for the psychology of self and identity. As ‘Arnett (2002) has argued, many people living on the interface of cultures, particularly adolescents and emerging adults, develop, in addition to their local identity, a global identity that provides them With a sense of belonging to a worldwide society. Their global identity enables them to be in touch with people from a diversity of places when they travel abroad, when others travel to the places where they live, and when they communicate with others through the rapidly increasing use of media technology. ‘At the same time, people continue to keep and further develop their local identity as well, based as ic is on local circumstances, traditions, and prac- tices. This identity is at work when they interact wich family, friends, colleagues, and participants of their sport clubs. Arnett gives the example of Inuit adolescents in northern Canada who are avid fans of televised pro hockey games. Some of them leave their homerowns for a while to become engaged in educational and occupational training in large cit- ies elsewhere. At the same time, they maintain a local identity that is rooted in distinctively Inuit traditions. They like ice fishing, race snowmobiles, and stay outside during the long summer days when it stays light well past midnight. Although an increasing number of adolescents and young adults develop a global identity in finding their own way as autonomous individuals, cheir local identity is defined by the traditional values of reticence, mod- sty, and family obligations. They retain their Inuit identity even as they also develop an identity as members of a global society. Even in parts of the world that are subjected to an intensified process of globalization, there are many who retain and develop their local identity alongside their global identity. Jensen, Arnett, and McKenzie (2011) refer to the situation in India ‘wich its growing, vigorous high-tech economic sec- tor led largely by young people. Even the higher ‘educated young people, who are used to participar- ing in the global economy, still keep their prefer- ‘ence for an arranged marriage and continue to care for theit aging parents, in accord with Indian tra- dition. While their global identity participates in the fast-paced high-tech world, their local identity stays firmly rooted in the Indian tradition, in this way preserving and developing a bicultural identity. However, Jensen et al. (2011) continue, global and local elements are not to be considered as iso- lated parts of the self, parts that do not have any influence on each other. Without any doubts, local cultures are being modified by globaliza- tion, especially by the introduction of free market economics, global media, democratic institutions, increased length of formal schooling, and delayed entry into marriage and parenthood. Such changes significantly alter traditional cultural beliefs and practices and may lead, as Hermans and Kempen HERMANS | 33(1998) have observed, to hybrid identities that com bine elements of both local and global cultures. ‘The phenomenon of hybridization contradicts the traditional view of cultures as internally homo~ geneous and externally distinctive, The acceler ated process of globalization leads to numerous border-crossings, resulting in the recombination existing forms and practices into new cultural pat- terns (Rowe & Schelling, 1991). ‘Hybridization of ccultural clements may create such multiple identi- tics as Mexican schoolgitls dressed in Greek togas dancing in the style of Isadora Duncan, a London boy of Asian origin playing for a local Bengali cricket team and at the same time supporting the Arsenal football club, Thai boxing by Moroccan gitls in Amsterdam, and Native Americans cel- cbrating Mardi Gras in the United States. Pieterse (1995) refers to such examples in opposition to the idea that cultural developments, pastor present, are moving toward cultural uniformity and homoge- neity, as expressed by the idea “from the west to the rest.” This idea of uniformity fails to see the pervasive influence of countermoverents that are derived from the fact that one culture does not sim- ply take over or “imitate” the developments of the ‘other, but also respond: to them. Ie also underes- timates the capacity of human beings to combine very different and even conflicting /-positions in a ‘multiple identity. The resulting process of hybrid- ization offers new ways for cultural practices to become combined and fused so thar novel culeural identities emerge (see also Canclini, 1995). Hybridity, Innovation, and Creativity The innovative potential of the process of hybridization is exemplified by the phenomenon of “third culture,” in which two or more original cul- tures are combined into a new one. As Pollock and van Reken (2009) detail, countless people of vi tually every nationality do not fully belong to any group in the world. They may be North Americans who grew up in Singapore, or British kids raised in China, Japanese children growing up in Australia, ora child ofa Norwegian father and a Thai mother, All of them have one thing in common: they are spending or have spent at least some part of their childhood in cultures or countries other than their ‘own. They become third culture kids (TCKs) and later adule culeure kids, Children become TCKs for a variety of rea- sons. Some have parents working in international business, the diplomatic corps, the military, or religious organizations. Others have parents who studied abroad or lived for some perio their home culture because of political pe uti wars. TCKs are talsed in a neithetinor yoy hither the world of their parents’ culture nf i ofthe host culture in which they were gat the Pollock and van Reken obscrve, they live gc one culture, move (0 another one—somey, two.or three more—and often move back anf” among them. In this way, TCKs develop ht fe patterns, different from those born anj (2 in one cultural place. The authors add thy "TCKs learn 10 live comfortably in thee gh rapid change (p. 4). Apparently, many TCK 1 ceed in developing a third culture in which integra elements of other cultures and their? original culture in a new form. “The phenomenon of third culture finds isthe. retical correlation in the notion of “third posing: (Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010), in whig, two of more different, contradicting, or conficing Fpositions are reconciled in a way that brings he self to some higher level of integration, An ill. trative example of a third position on the lev! of the self is given by Branco, Branco, and Madureia (2008), who describe the story of a 25-year-old ley bian woman in Catholic Brazil. At some point in her selfeflections, she started to talk about here asa Christian woman who wanted to help forake: and lost people, including many gays and lesbian, living aimlessly in a difficule world. She fl tht her mission was to help people in the lesbian com munity to think about their lives and change then in order to better fit Christian values, practices and beliefs. In this way, she reconciled config positions “I as a Catholic” and “I as a lesbian’ by bringing them together in a third position “252 missionary.” For development of self and identi on the tension-loaded interfaces of different ot ‘ures, the integration and reconciliation of confit ing cultural and personal positions isa requirem™ for bringing the self to higher levels of integr#™" (Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010). of the findings of our own rescarch is icity of self and identity needs dish in order to prevent fragmentation and diss” tion (Dimaggio, Hermans, & Lysaker, 2010: 2° empirical example is a study by Konig ee inspired by dialogical self theory, studied a terns of cultural positions in the lives of 13 87 nomads or “expatrates” who had extensive OF, fences in the contact zones of different culUr™ started with the assumption that accultu'2"" be scen as a continuing process of selFim 34 | HUMAN DEVELOPMENT IN TODAY's cLopaLiziN G wontnpropelled by dialogues between personal cultural positions. She invited her participants to iden- tify their cultural positions (e.g., 1 as Dutch, I as German, I as American) and to conduct a dia- logue between them. Each step in the dialogue was tated on three variables: novelty, importance, and authenticity. Results showed, in agreement with the hypothesis, chat in the majority of cases novelty ings increased as the result of dialogue between the different positions. This finding is in support of the observation that dialogical relationships between positions of TCKs and global nomads have the potential to contribute to the innovation of the self. (For the innovative impact of dialogue on che self during psychotherapy, see Goncalves & Ribeiro, 2010.) Research on innovation and creativity is par- ticularly relevant to understanding the potentials of the process of globalization. In an experimental psychological study, Leung and Chiu (2010) pre- sented aspects of American and Chinese culture to a group of European-American undergraduates. ‘The participants were randomly assigned to one of five experimental conditions: (a) American culture only, where they viewed a presentation of American culture only; (b) Chinese culture only, where the participants viewed a presentation of Chinese culture only; (©) dual cultures, where they looked at a presentation of both American and Chinese culture (music video segments and movie trailers from each culture); (A) fusion eulture, where they viewed a presentation of a hybrid culture created by fusing American and Chinese cultures (e.g, McDonald's rice burger; a Vanessa Mae music Video); and (€) control condition, where the par- ticipants did not see any presentation. Subsequent to the experimental conditions, participants com- pleted a creativity test (witing a new version of the Cinderella tale). Consistent with the hypothesis, creative performance following either dual cultures, exposure or fusion culture exposure was signifi cantly higher than that in the control condition. ‘When the participants came back, 5 to 7 days late, to complete a different creativity test, the results ‘could be replicated. Leung and Chiu (2010) presented a literature review that enabled che reader to place his or her results ina broader context of studies on creativity. For example, there is empirical evidence that expo- ‘sure to diverse normative views in groups or work teams consisting of culturally diverse members is Positively related to the development of creative Potential (e.g., Guimera, Uzi, Spiro, & Amaral, 2005), probably because such exposure gives room for the expression of heterogeneous opinions in groups or teams. Furthermore, bilingualism research has studied the creative performance of bilinguals who have been exposed to two languages in their attendant linguistic cultures. The results suggest thar bilinguals tend to have higher creative performances compared to monolinguals (c.g Ricciardelli, 1992). In addition, there is evidence that ethnically diverse groups are more creative lly homogeneous groups (Simonton, 1999). Finally, at a broader societal level, chere is evidence that creativity increases after civiliza- tions open themselves to outside influences and geographic areas become more politically differ- entiated and culturally diverse (Simonton, 1994). All together, these studies suggest that social and cultural hybridity has the potential of enhancing creativity at individual and societal levels. Openness, Dialogue, and Development: A Research Example ‘Openness is also a relevant phenomenon in the study of the relationship between personality and inner dialogue. In one of the research proj- ‘ects inspired by dialogical self theory, Oles and Puchalska-Wasyl (2012) investigated the relation- ship between inner dialogues (¢.g., who am I dia- logues, giving support to oneself, and conversations with ims others) and the so-called Big Five personality traits (extraversion, neuroticism, con- scientiousness, ageeeableness, and openness to experience). With the use of personality question- naires, the authors found that inner dialogues showed the highest correlations with openness to experience and with neuroticism, That is, those with more internal dialogues are more open to experiences involving active imagination, aesthetic sensitivity, attentiveness to inner feelings, intellec- tual curiosity, and preference for variety. Moreover, subjects with many inner dialogues have a higher degree of neuroticism or emotional instability, as manifested by anxiety, moodiness, worry, and selfconsciousness. For the present chapter, it is particularly rel- evant that the relationship between personality traits and inner dialogue is probably modified by developmental factors. Oles and colleagues found that in adolescents, internal dialogicality corre- sponds more highly with neuroticism chan with ‘openness, whereas in the middle-aged samples the internal dialogical activity corresponds more highly wich openness than with neuroticism. The HERMANS | 35authors conclude that in adolescents internal dia- logues are stimulated mainly by anxiety and per sonal problems, whereas adults use them in the service of openness and curiosity. Whereas adoles- cents may become involved in internal dialogues in order to reduce anxiety, middle-aged people use them mainly for exploring new experiences and broadening their scope of personal possibilities. The Janus-Faced Nature of Globalization: Identity Confusion In contrast to many of the TCKs and expatriates who share a common, often high, educational and economic backgrounds and who are able to create new homes and cultural enclaves abroad, many people all over the world, particularly adolescents and young adults, struggle with culeural diversity and conflict, which often leads to identity confu- sion. An example is given by cultural anthropolo- gist van Meijl (2012), who noticed that the impact of migration is nowhere near as pervasive as in the Asia-Pacific region, which accounts for almost 40% of the millions of people who cross national borders each year. Limited prospects for economic growth and the effects of climate change cause them to cry. their luck elsewhere. The largest migration streams are from Polynesia, with about 25% of the total population living abroad today, many of them liv- ing in New Zealand, where they constitute 7% of the total population. Given the transnational con- nections between Pacific people in New Zealand and their places of origin, an increasing number of diasporic children and adolescents are growing up between two or more shores, with migrants from ‘Samoa and Tonga making up the largest Polynesian groups in New Zealand. This leads them to develop ‘multiple identifications with more than one place in and beyond New Zealand, ‘As van Mel (2012) explains, confusion begins when someone's Samoan identity is challenged by island-born members of one’s extended fam- ily (aiga) or church community, which used to be highly influential in Pacific Islander commu. nities. At the same time, one’s identity as a New Zealander is challenged by New Zealanders of European descent (Papalagi). Their identity as being both Samoan and New Zealander entails insecurity and lack of control resulting from theit experience of “deterricoralization.” They feel that social and cultural attitudes derived from their new ‘world are opposed to behavioral and sociocultural norms established in theit Pacific identity. As a consequence, their sense of self is divided between 36 | HUMAN DEVELOPMENT IN Topay's g two cultural positions that are generally jy contradictory. = Noc only in economically underdyg parts of the world, but also in wealthier idemtity confusion or marginalization become problem o many adolescents and young aj* Norasakkunkit and Uchida (2011; see alee et al, 2011) focused on the psychologial gyo"® tion of individuals labeled as Not in Emp? Education or Training (NETS), a marg culeure in Japan that has emerged in response tlobaization. Apparently, 4 sizable number Japanese youth (estimated to be around I mili, cannot adjust to the rapid changes in occupations life characterized by increased competi and decreased job security that globalization ha brought to Japan. Often, these adolescens anj young adults lack persistence in pursuing achioy- ment goals and move from the center to the pergh ery of society. Retreating from society, they display low identification with the core values of interde. pendence and selFimprovement in Japanese soci, and become increasingly marginalized. ‘Their posi- tion as falling Berween the rapid changes of global ization and the core values of Japan prevents then from developing an identity with sufficient dariy and direction. count Plemen, inal, The Challenge of Cultural Difference and Distance When the tension between local and global identities leads in some cases to creativity and inno- vation and in other cases to confusion and margir alization, can we then gain some understanding of the conditions that move the self into one of the other direction? In which situations are diferene: and distance between cultural posicions s0 luge that the negative implications become dominant over the positive ones? A discussion of these topic will concentrate on the relevance of the concepts homophily and hecerophily. When Do Difference and Distance Between Cultures Become Too Large? From an Aftican perspective, Doku and AB" @011) make an observation that is helpfl © understanding why some individuals expen identity confusion as a result of globalization W” others do not. They notice that those indi als most likely to suffer confusion—ofien in depression, suicide, and substance U°—" raised in cultural environments with the B° cultural distance from the global culture: * LOBALIZING WoRLDsame time being subjected to the consequences of a Doku and Asante describe, African cul- tures not only entail a set of values, ideas, and axtitudes regarding the relationships between liv- ing beings, but also between the living and the dead. In Ghana, for example, it is believed that the dead are still “alive” and have, in their qual- iry of spirits, “super control” over what goes on in their absence. They have the power to reward the faithful and punish che unfaithful. Libations are poured to them in order to please and consult them about virtually everything chat is of vital importance to a family. Even at dining tables, their presence is expected, respected, and even sensed by reserving a chair or space for them. ‘Therefore, the dead are buried with rich orna- ments and regalia that they may need in their next life In a discussion of literature on traditional African healing, Lindegger and Alberts (2012) portray how “Traditional African” is typical of a cultural system that considers the person to be connected with,a supernatural order that organizes relationships with family, community, the earth, God, spirits, ancestors, or living dead. Health and happiness, including mental health, are seen as a function of the equilibrium of these various rela- Cionships, whereas disease and unhappiness are seen asa function of disharmony or the influence of vil spirits. In their discussion of traditional South African culture, Lindegger and colleague focus on the role of a healer called *iSangoma” in isiZulu and isiXhosa. The task of this healer is to diagnose any disharmony in the various relationships, espe- cially the relationship with ancestors. The iSan- goma functions as an intermediary between the visible and invisible worlds, and he has the task of diagnosing and harmonizing these relationships and, especially, of transmitting messages from the ancestors to the living, Ie may be clear that there is a large psychologi- cal disrance between the values and practices of Affican and other indigenous cultures that, on the one hand, want to maintain and protect their traditional worldview and, on the other hand, the ‘main values that are brought to the world by the Process of globalization. As Marsella (2012) notes, the hegemonic imposition of values associated with North American popular culture, including individualism, materialism, competition, hedo- nism, rapid change (often indiscriminately labeled aS “progress”), profit, greed, commodification, consumerism, and privatization, bring values co the world that are alien and offensive to many people whose cultures are rooted in long and st lized traditions. Those cultural groups with a large distance between their traditional values and the implicc values of globalization seem to be particu larly vulnerable to identity crisis or confusion. In reviewing the many topics discussed in thi chapter, it becomes evident that globalization is Janus-faced. There are no convincing reasons to evaluate this global change as “good” or “bad” or as “constructive” or “destructive.” Both qualifica- tions apply in varying degrees to different parts of the world, depending on economic, educational, cultural, and historical circumstances. In a more sophisticated way, it makes sense to distinguish, as Chiu er al. (2011) do, berween exclusionary reac- tions, including fear of cultural contamination, negative intercultural affect (eg. envy, anger, dis- gust), and seeing foreign culeures as a threat, and integrative reactions, including positive intercultural affect (¢., admiration and curiosity), interest in global resources, the adoption of a cultural learning mindset, and behavioral reactions like acceptance and synthesis. This leads to the proposition that ‘cultural values and practices with a large psycho- logical distance from globalizing trends are more probable to evoke exclusionary reactions, whereas those with smaller distance are more likely to lead to integrative reactions. For the development of self and identity, the psychological distance is particu- larly relevant because it affects the degree to which the individual is able co bring together different and often conflicting cultural identities as parts ofa self that is sufficiently coherent and integrated in the form of third positions or productive coalitions of positions (Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010). “The notion of psychological distance brings us to a related topic in the social-scientific lcerature, one known as the phenomenon of homophily. Homophily and Heteropbily “Similarity breeds connection” is the first sen- tence of an article by McPherson, Smith-Lovin, and Cook (2001, p. 415) on homophily, which is the principle that a contact between similar people ‘occurs at a higher rate than among dissimilar peo ple. The face that we favor contact with like-minded people organizes network ties of every type, includ jing marriage, friendship, work, advice, support, information transfer, exchange, co-membership, and other types of relationships. Consequently, homophily places constraints on people's social HERMANS | 37plications for the informa- e attieudes they form, and xy become involved. ites the stron- ments, with , education, occupation, and gender following in roughly that order (McPherson et al, 2001). In other words, homophily motivates people to stay within the comfort zone of their self-space (Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010). To see the far-reaching implications of our homophilous tendencies in the context of global- ization, ic is necessary to consider its opposite ten- dency, known in the literature as heterophily. In an insightful analysis, Rogers and Bhowmik (1970) observed that heterophily—the tendency to com- municate with people who are dissimilar to one’s ‘own views, values, and experiences—has the disad- vantage in that it is less effective chan homophily. Hererophilous interactions are likely to cause mes- sage distortion, delayed transmission, restriction of communication channels, and cognitive disso nance. Simply said, heterophily makes it more dif- ficult for communicating partners to understand cach other. Yee, Rogers et al. argue that there are situations in which heterophily isa necessary ingre- dient: a white middle-class teacher in a ghetto, a father-adolescent relationship, a change agent who. is diffusing innovation, and, particularly relevant to the present chapter, international communication berween individuals who do not share a common culture. When participants would be homophilous to a maximum degree, communication would be facile but entirely redundant. On the other hand, when they would be totally heterophilous, they would not understand each other. So, Rogers and colleague conclude that for effective and innovative ‘communication, the interacting partners should be homophilous on variables that add to mutual understanding, and heterophilous on those vari- ables that are relevant to finding creative ways for solving the problems in the situation at hand. ‘An argument for the relevance of this conclu- sion in the context of globalization can be found in a study by Girouard, Stack, and O'Neill-Gilbert (2011) who investigated the dyadic interactions of 30 Asian-Canadian and 30 French-Canadian preschool children and analyzed them in terms of social participation, initiation, response strate. gies, and social interchange. Results showed that the children preferred to play more interactively together with same-ethnic partners, whereas with cross-ethnie partners they played more solitarily in worlds, with strong i tion they receive, th the interactions in which the in race and ethnicity creat 38 | HUMAN D! he presence ofthe peet. The authors cone ee stent with studies with older cm ress of his study revealed hat the etn! re playmate is influencing the nature of po? otro we ‘Apparently, the homophilous tende, obwcrved in the social interactions of ca {very young age, and this confirms the vag homophilous attitudes are strongly eabiy the self of children and adults. This raises the tion of how, and under which circumstances dren can find a balance between homophilou gy heterophilous interactions, on the assumption, not one but both tendencies are relevant for es. tive and innovative communication with indy, als and groups from other cultures. Inerculegy learning a part of the development of children ang aduks seems ro be a neglected area on the in. face of globalization and human developmen ng deserves more future research, This research shuld start with participants at a young age if one wans to create the conditions for stimulating integrate reactions between individuals and groups ofdife- ent cultural origins. ‘The Historical Child Versus the Universal Child In asense, psychology asa discipline—incuding developmental psychology—is also “homophios’ because it favors a Western (American, Europe standard notion of childhood throughout the weed (Prilleltensky, 2012). As Woodhead (1999) bs argued, modern child development inherited 2+ versalist legacy, implying that all humans ar jected to general laws that can be studied on the bait of postivistic scientific principles, with the com {quent systematic neglect of the social-psychoh specificities of individuals and cultures. For 03° ple, Piaget’ three mountains experiment has be? replicated numerous times by generations of © dents to demonstrate young children’s limit? in taking perspectives. Researchers have ated dren to pour water into different shaped Bs order to demonstrate their inability 10 io. the invariance of quantity under transform! ef When these experimental asks were (F295? across the globe in cross-cultural investi 7 became possible to produce compariso"s * Fy than two dozen of communities in fF percentage of subjects who had ae iagetian stages, Predictably, the finding poptlations who had cxperienced Eup schooling and education. To take another EVEL . ‘OPMENT IN TODAY's GLoBALIZING WORLDthe typical American and European emphasis on {the importance of independence for children and dolescents and the uncritical transportation of this deal to other parts of the world may shake the very roots of Asian families who emphasize authoritarian, ieudes and practices. a Woodhead 1999) ‘emphasizes, the task of psy- chology is not the discovery of the “eternal child” but of the “historical child.” The cultural environ- ment should not be seen as something outside the process of development, that which surrounds it, put should be considered as an intrinsic part of the developmental process itself. Therefore, future research should focus on the study of children, ado- lescents, and adults on different levels: personal, inerpersonal, organizational, cultural, and global (Gee also Prilleltensky, 2012). ‘Aging and Globalization: ANe Area ‘Another neglected area is the developmental aspects of old age in relation to the process of glo- balization. The world’s population stands at over 7 billion in 2013 and is estimated to reach 9.3 bil- lion by mid-century (although numbers differ con- siderably depending on various sources). As Sayan (2002) has estimated, the number of people aged 60 and older is expected to increase from 629 mil- lion in 2002 to nearly 2 billion by 2050. Similarly, the Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) of the United Nations concludes that dur- ing the first half of this century, the global pop- ulation of 60 and older is expected to expand by more than three times to reach almost 2 billion in 2050 (source dare: May 10, 2013). Moreover, the clderly population itself is aging, with the 80-plus age group making up the fastest growing segment of the population. This “graying of the world” results from falling fertility rates and rising life expectancies. In a study on the identity of the elderly, Phillipson (1998) notes that, in the present phase of late or advanced modernity, globalization, inelud- ing the emergence of a postindustral society and tore fluid and pluralized forms of identity, cre- ates a high level of uncertainty in old age. In a storical overview, the author shows that in che post-World War II period, from approximately the 1950s through the carly 1970s, much emphasis was placed, particularly in the rich countries, on the safety of retirement as part of a welfare state. ‘This was generally seen as a crucial instrument for ‘maintaining a sense of hope and purpose in old age. However, Phillipson continues, the era of unparal- leled progress, halted in the subsequent decades as 4 combination of events—a slow-down of economic growth, the rise of world oil prices, the increase of ‘unemployment and infation—challenged the basic assumptions of welfare. The unraveling of the retire- ‘ment system, together with changes to the welfare state, has posed significant threats to the elderly. Retirement is no longer central as a system organiz- ing exit from the workplace for an increasing num- ber of people. At the same time, these individuals are often confronted with a language and ideology that scapegoats the old, defining them as a burden and cost ro sociery, and this raises, at che individual level, existential issues of the nature of meaning of growing old (Phillipson, 1998, p. 3). So, although we often speak about identity cri- sis and confusion in the population of adolescents and adults, ic would be a serious omission when we, as psychologists and social scientists, fail to see the deep impact of the accelerating process of glo- balization on the level of self and identity of the clderly. Future studies should be more focused on all stages of human development, on the basis of the assumption chat globalization affects lifelong development. ‘The Self as a Mini-Society ‘As the material presented in this chapcer sug- gests, human development is deeply affected by intercultural processes and accelerated globaliza- tion. As part of those processes, self and identity also do not develop in isolation from socioculcural contexts, but, instead, they function as historical and sociocultural phenomena. We live in a “com- pressed” social space where we cannot avoid meet- ing people who are very different from us. Ic is like living in the same “room” with people we don't know and not being able to put them outside (e.g. immigration waves, international milicary opera- tions, worldwide implications of financial or eco- rnomical crises, forms of international terrorism). ‘This situation moves people increasingly from the center of their cultures to the interfaces berween them, where both the positive sides (¢g,, innova- tion, cross-fertlization, cooperation, creativity) and the negative sides (exploitation, alienation, defensive forms of localization, aggression) become surprisingly or painfully evident. ‘As discussed in this chapter, globalization and localization also have deep implications for the development of self and identity. As we have argued earlier (Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, HERMANS | 392010; Hermans & Kempen, 1998), processes 0” the contact zones between different cultures and on the interface of globalization and localization have at least four implications for the self: (@) itis faced with an unprecedented density of positions that may lead to a “cacophony of voices” in the selfs (b) when the individual is increasingly participat- ing in a diversity of local groups and cultures on 2 alobal scale, the position repertoire becomes more complex and heterogeneous, laden as itis with dif ferences, tensions, oppositions, and_contradic- tions; (©) given the speed and unpredictability of global changes, the repertoire receives mote “visit by unexpected positions; and finally (A) as a conse- quence of the increasing range of possible posi- tions and the increasing speed of globalization, there are more and larger “postion leaps,” that is, the individual has to make more and larger “men- tal jumps" given the relatively large psychological distance between positions. Such leaps include, for ‘example, immigrating to another country, marry- ing a partner from another culture, cooperation with colleagues from different cultures, or being confronted by the needs of people at the other end of the world who are facing extreme poverty or suf fering from a disaster. These developments have the consequence of creating a higher degree of uncer- tainty in the self, which may innovate and enrich the self in some situations but lead to identity crisis or confusion in other situations. As these implica- tions demonstrate, the self, as part of the society at large, functions as a mini-society with its own differences, dynamics, opposites, and tensions. Considering che self as a society of positions may help us to understand which processes are taking place on the interface of cultures in a globalizing Future Directions: Toward a Dialogical Conception of Self and Identity Finally, | briefly sketch some desirable future directions for research on the relationship between globalization and development. 1 see four main directions that are in line with the topics discussed in this chapter and of immediate relevance to the study of self and identity First, the relationship between globalization and development should avoid the erroneous view that cculeure and society are simply “surrounding” the self and identity, conceptualized as essentialized entities having an existence in and of themselves and a development on their own. In contrast, self and culture are not mutually exclusive but mutually 40 inclusive. Wen one of these components ch this has immediate repercussions for the gj" implication of this view is that the study of fa land identity is in need of not only paychyy. but also sociological, cultural anchropologicgp i> historical perspectives. Recent advances in jon! fciences should also be taken into accouey ticularly those research endeavors that focus, oni social aspects of the b Second, future research on the flebiliy yg resilience ofthe self is indispensable a the set ated process of globalization brings more tng, contradictions, conflicts, and oppositions in y, self than ever before. A flexible and resilient sf, able to navigate between the Scylla of prematuy bur unsuccessful unity and the Charybalis of fag mentation, How can the self, being tension load) and contradictory as itis, yet be sufficiently coh, ent and substantial ro form a coherent divesiy How is the self able to create adaptive and creat ‘combinations of cultural and personal L-postios (Falmagne, 2004; Hermans, 2001)? Third, developmental psychology has to mate a transition from research based on the snivna! child, adolescent, and adule to the historical child, adolescent, and adult. Too long has mainstream developmental psychology persisted in the assump- tion that research findings based on Amerian and European samples have universal significance, thereby neglecting important contextual factorslike cculeure, history, and sociery that are not extn but intrinsic to human development. As such, te development of self and identity deserves attention on different levels: intrapersonal, interperson organizational, cultural, and global (Surgan & ‘Abbey, 2012). Fourth, future studies of the process of global ization and their implications for development f° in need of a dialogical conception of self and ide tity. Under the influence of the Enlightenmet! mainstream psychology has for too long favored? conception of an essentialized self considered “container” with razor-sharp boundaries betwee self and nonself, with the exclusion of the other ® part of the self, and as being involved in a recat less pursuit of having the environment control (Sampson, 1985; see also Callero, 2009 Postmodern views have answered this highly \ralized self, overly unified and enclosed as i? itself, by proposing a highly decentralized cOMe tion that is open to relationships, often leadit ‘0 a situation of “multiphrenia” (Gerge™> | and fragmentation of the self. In my vie™ " BUMAM DEYSEOPMENT IN TODAT'S GLONAtiziNG wos igaccelerating process of globalization asks fora third conception of the self, a dialogical one, in which ‘centralizing and decentralizing movements are seen, as mutually complementing forces (Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010). Such a conception is needed to develop a self that is decentralized and gpen enough ro the innovative potentials of global- mn, yet closed and centralized enough to develop an identity that embraces the values, practices, and traditions of one’ local culture. Such a conception enables the self to develop dialogical relationships not only between different /-positions in the multi- voiced mini-socity of the elf bu also between the social and cultural positions of the multicolored participants in a globalizing world. ‘Conclusion In this chapter, I have focused on human devel- ‘opment in the context of the processes of global- ization and localization, with special attention to the differences, tensions, and conflicts in self and ity. Apparently, globalization is a Janus-faced phenomenon that fosters innovation, creativity, and integration in some situations, and confusion, anxiety, and marginalization in other situations. In an attempt ro determine under which condi- tions globalization shows its virtues and under which conditions its vices, the notion of “distance” becween different cultures and between different cultural positions in the self proved useful. When the distance is manageable and, moreover, receives an adaptive answer by a flexible and resilient self, an integrative solution can be found, When, how- ever, the distance is overly large or unbridgeable as the result of irreconcilable values, then confusion, ‘marginalization, and fragmentation are most prob- able. To keep the different and divergent positions in the self together as parts of a contradictory yet ‘coherent whole, a dialogical view on self and iden- ity is desirable so that these positions can learn from each other and stimulate the further develop ‘ment ofthe self asa sufficiently integrated whole. Acknowledgments | thank Agnieszka Konopka for her careful reading of chis text and for her valuable suggestions and comments. References ‘Arne, J. (2002). The paychology of globalization. American Pachologi, 57, 74-703. kha, M. (1973). Problems of Datel’ poetics (2nd ed.) ‘Transl RW. Rotsl, U.S.A. Ann Arbor, MI: Ards. 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