1

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the study

Generally, names are words that refer to any concept, entity or elements deeply

rooted in culture of a speech community. The word name has no direct origin but

looking at it from the creationist theory of evolution, one can say that naming

practices began from the creator himself ‘Jehovah’ when he created the first being and

called him ‘Adam’ which meant ‘human being’. The concept of name and naming is

among language universal (Chomsky, 1975). Agyeku, (2001, p. 211), asserts that

naming can be considered as a universal cultural practice. Every human society in the

world give names to its new born as tags, majorly as a means of identification, but

how the names are given, practices and rituals involved and the interpretations

attached to the names differ from society to society.

This work seeks to investigate the socio-cultural and linguistic implications of

Bakor personal names among the Bakor people and how they promote the Bakor

identity. Socio-cultural implications are large scale forces within cultures and societies

that affect the thoughts and behaviours of individuals in naming practices. These

factors are mainly influenced by ethnic values, identity, family and kingship structures

of that particular individual. According to Mathamagware and Gardner (1990:119),

names are not mere arbitrary and meaningless labels but rather have indexical

relationship to socio-cultural meanings, functions, places, time, people and event. It

portrays the cultural values and traditions as well as history of a particular people.
 2

Personal names generally in Africa, tell a lot about the history of the people.

According to Awoonor (1975, p.3), history does not only exist in written records and

books but also in non-documentary sources such as oral traditions, the findings of

archeology, ethnology and musicology. He further explains that the sum total of a

people way of life coherently developed in their material and spiritual cultures, in the

tools and implements, in their institutions and concepts of God and many concepts

that exist in an order that can be clarified through names. The history of a people can

therefore be clarified through names either personal names or place names (Ansa

&Okon, 2004).

Personal names are familiar expressions of natural language whose semantics

remains a contested subject. Personal names occupy a unique position and a role in

any language. Names are not just used for identification purposes only but also used in

referencing lineage (Ozumba, 2004, p. 26).

Every Bakor name is a basket-content of the history of a family life. It is

therefore a representation of the individuals who bears such names. The Bakor man is

a man of nature because he represents certain experiences; his name is therefore a

name of that nature, which the bearer represents.

1.2 Ethnographic Background of the Bakor People

Bakor is a sub-group of the larger Ejagham tribe of the Bantu (actually

Abonintui race of West Central Africa). The word Bakor is derived from two words

‘Ba’ and ‘kɔ’ meaning ‘come’ and ‘take’. It was chosen because the expression ba kɔ

is the same in all the nine clans that make up Bakor. The name Bakor was shortened

by non-indigenes who could not pronounce ‘Abonintui’ meaning ‘children of God’.

 3

The Bakor people trace their origin from the modern Nigeria-Cameroon

boundary. They migrated north-westward until they arrived and settled in their present

abode in about the mid 19th century. The Bakor people are found in two local

government areas of Cross River state which are Ogoja and Ikom with about nine

clans across the two local government areas. The nine Bakor clans share deep cultural

tribes with many of the tribes in the eastern part of Nigeria, up to southern areas of

Kaduna, Bauchi, Plateau and Adamawa state.

Most of the tribes in the eastern flanks of Nigeria, where mass movement took

them from West Central Africa, through present day Cameroon, into South Eastern

Nigeria, where they moved northwards until they encountered the Tuaregs and

retreated southwards. As they retreated, small groups began to settle as they found

safety and comfort. Bakor language speakers are made up of nine clans namely,

Abayom, Ekajuk, Nde, Nta, Nselle, Nkum, Nkim, Nnam and Ofutop. They are

neighbours to many other tribes, including Ejagham, Boki, Tiv, Yala and Bette,

Mbube.

The Bakor people generally have rich cultural heritage passed down to them by

their ancestors. Among which are festivals ,a unique inheritance system, marriage rites

among others. Festivals like the new yam festival, is one of the biggest events among

the Bakor people and is celebrated on 15th September every year. This event is hosted

to celebrate and offer thanksgiving to God for the good yield of the season.

The Bakor people also have cultural artifacts like masquerades called

“Ekpaaban”. The Ekpaaban is divided into two types; first the Nkar and the Nno

Ekpaaban (strictly males). They also have the spirit dance called “Ekpa”. The Ekpa
 4

dance is a ritual dance is carried out by females at midnight. Usually it is practiced

occasionally to drive away evil spirit. The entire participants dance naked round the

community and are not to be seen by anybody.

They practice a matrilineal family system of inheritance which gives priority of

relationship through the maternal lineage. Consequently, they practice what is called

Akwansi which accords the oldest male of the maternal family the leadership and

custodian of family administration and wealth. This is why every head in time is

represented by a stone carving (Akwansi).

1.3 The Bakor Language and Classification

According to Udoh (2004,p.8), Cross River State has about 36 language spoken

across the 18 local government areas of the state. The Bakor language, as one of the

languages spoken in Cross River State is a language of the Ekoid sub-group, of the

Bantoid under the new Benue Congo, a sub-family of the Niger-Congo Phylum. It is a

member of the southern Bantoid, fairly closely related to the Bantu languages.

According to the Atlas of Nigerian languages, Edition III, BCCW, the Bakor

language shares geographical area with other Bantoid (Ejagham, Mbe, Ndoe cluster),

Bendi (Bekwarra, Bokyi, Obe cluster), Idomoid (Yala and the Upper Cross Central,

Kwkele, Olulumo, Mbembe) languages. (See map 3).

The Bakor language has about nine (9) different dialects spoken across distinct

communities in Ikom and Ogoja local government areas. These distinct communities

are said to be the clans that make up the Bakor nation. The individual dialect are

named after the communities/clans that they are spoken in. Thus, the under listed

names and description refers to the dialects of Bakor language. Nnam is a variety
 5

spoken in Ibil, Nkum is spoken in Ishibori and other villages that make up the Nkum

clan. Ekajuk is a variety spoken in Ekajuk, Ndok and other villages that make up the

Ekajuk clan all in Ogoja, for Ikom we have Nselle spoken in part of Nta-Nselle, Nta is

spoken in Nta-Nselle and Edor. Nde is spoken in Nde community.

Following Crozier/Blench (1992,p.76) classification, Bakor is an Ekoid

language under the southern Bantoid which falls, under the Benue Congo, under the

Volta Congo, under the Atlantic Congo, which belongs the Niger Congo Phylum.

Below is a genetic classification by Essien (2003, p. 396) showing the Ekoid Bantoid

sub-group of the Bantoid which is under the new Benue Congo a sub-family of the

Niger Congo Phylum.

 6

New Benue Congo

1.4 Statement of the Problem

Over the years, it’s been observed that the use of English personal names is

predominant in our society today; many Africans do not know the meaning of their
Cross River Idomoid Bantoid
names and the circumstances that gave rise to them bearing such names.
Yala
They are also ignorant about the role names play in their society. Most parents
Bendi Delta Cross Ekoid Tivoid
Yache
Koring
Bekwarra Bantu
Bantoid
prefer English names to indigenous names while most youths on the other hand,
Bekwarra
ekwarra Evont
replace
Lower their indigenous
Bekwarra
Cross Upper names with English names or choose to modify them to
Bekwarra
Cross
Bekwarra
asang Upper Cross Ejagham
Bekwarra Emane
(Ibibiod)
Bekwarra
sound Koring
Bekwarra
and fit in to their youthfulCluster
Koring
more appealing Bekwarra
flow. Otank
This results in alterations of the
Bekwarra
usi
Ibibio
Bekwarra Uzekwe
Bekwarra Utanga
Bekwarra
kpe
meaning of such names.
Bekwarra
eyoriri Anang
Bekwarra Kukole
Bekwarra Ajagham
Bekwarra
Efik
Bekwarra Ubaghara
Bekwarra
Naming in Africa, especially Nigeria, serves a lot of purposes. Not only does it
Bekwarra
ang
Oron
Bekwarra Kohumono
Bekwarra Etung
Bekwarra
lege
serve as a form of identification, it tells a lot about the history and aspirations of the
Eket
Bekwarra Agwagwuna
Bekwarra Bendeghe
Bekwarra
tangwang
korotung people,
Okobo it gives insights
Bekwarra Umon into the meaning of theAbanyom
Bekwarra Bekwarra
language and culture of the people
Enwang Ikom-Olulumo Ukim
Nkim
Bekwarra
Bekwarra
ast Mbube who bear the names. However, it is worthy of note that when the meaning of the name
Bekwarra
frike Ebugbu
Bekwarra Lokaa
Bekwarra Nkum
Bekwarra
Mbo
isBekwarra identity of the bearer ofNde
Mbembe
Bekwarra
altered, the cultural Bekwarra
the name is lost. Therefore, if the
Bekwarra
umaji
Efiat
Bekwarra Lokoli
Bekwarra Ekajuk
Bekwarra
oki modification and abandonment of indigenous names preceede, African, Nigerian and
Ibeno
Bekwarra Lubila
Bekwarra Nselle Bakor
Bekwarra
indeed Bakor names
Andoni will be endangered and might
Leggbo Nta run extinct in the nearest future as
Bekwarra
Nanam
Bekwarra
younger generations will have no identity in relations to the names they bear.
Ekparabong
Bekwarra
ource: Essien (2003, p. 393) Balep
 7

However, it is on this note that this work seeks to examine the socio-cultural

significance of Bakor personal names, identifying the socio-cultural and socio-

linguistic variables that determined the naming system in Bakor nation.

1.5 Objective of the Study

a) To investigate the sociolinguistic factors that informs the choice of names

among Bakor speakers.

b) To investigate the sociocultural factors that influences Bakor personal names.

c) To investigate sources of Bakor names.

d) To determine the philosophical and religions implications of Bakor names.

e) To show how Bakor personal names reflects the Bakor community & culture.

1.6 Research Questions

1) What are the sociolinguistic factors that inform the choice of Bakor names?

2) What are the sociocultural factors that influence Bakor personal names?

3) What are the sources of Bakor names?

4) What are the factors that determine the philosophical and religious implications

of Bakor?

5) How does Bakor personal names reflect Bakor nation and their culture?

1.7 Scope of the Study

The socio-cultural significance of names cuts across cultures, with each culture

having factors that influence their choice of names and the pattern the names take.
 8

Moreover, the Bakor nation comprises of 9 different communities in two local

government Areas of Cross River. However, this research does not seek to investigate

names across cultures, as well as names peculiar to the different communities that

make up the Bakor nation. Rather, it restricts its investigations on the general Bakor

names as used by Bakorians regardless of the community he/she comes from. It covers

both male and female names. However, It cannot be disputed that the study of names

has different aspects, such as morphology, semantics, pragmatics. This study will

focus on the socio-cultural perspective with reference to some sociolinguistic aspects

in the analysis of Bakor names.

1.8 Significance of the Study

This study will be significant in the following ways:

1) It will help to expose and reveal some socio-cultural and religious factors as

well as the semantics underlying most Bakor names.

2) It will be a scholarly platform to promote and protect the rich cultural

characteristics and heritage as well as the belief and philosophy of Bakor

nation.

3) This study will also make contribution on the knowledge to information on

Bakor names in particular as well as the culture as a whole.

4) It will motivate further research by scholars & students of linguistics in Bakor

personal names or onomastic studies.

1.9 Limitation of the Study

 9

This research covers a wide geographical location of the Bakor people. It

required the researcher meeting with the native speakers, visiting schools, churches

and consulting council hall record books to collect accurate data. As a result of these,

several constraints ranging from a short time frame, financial challenges, indifferent

attitude of some primary sources were encountered.

Since names signify the history and circumstances of a family, it was difficult

to get the true meanings of some names as the bearers and the givers saw it as a way

of divulging the family circumstances which might be shocking hence it is guided

with utmost secrecy.

Again most of the givers of the names are deceased and as such the meaning

and circumstances behind the names are not known by the living, this posed a

problem.

Another serious problem encountered is that of translations. It is always

difficult to translate Bakor names to English without losing the true meaning. So what

was done was to try to do a pure transliteration of the names.

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CHAPTER TWO

THE CONCEPT OF NAME

2.0 Introduction

This chapter is concerned with the review of related literature on naming with

an attempt to appraise the work of other scholars in order to be able to define the

conceptual gap which the present work aims to fill. Ndiyo (2005: P. 13) asserts that

review of related literature is an attempt by which the researcher presents what is so

far known about the problem under consideration. This provides a theoretical setting

for the questions of the proposed study.

2.1 The Concept of Name

Names are character moulders, they show history, thought and feelings,

influences both the givers and the bearer, it shows circumstances and nature of

people’s philosophy. According to Agyekum (2006, p. 208), names are pointers to

peoples way of life and socio-cultural patterns, beliefs, ideology and religion. This is

to say that the names one bears can give you an idea of what the person’s culture,

belief,religion and experience are all about.

Chomsky (1975, p.86) says that the concept of name and meaning are among

language universals which takes into cognizance the different speech communities of

the world in their culture and circumstances they were prevailing during the giving

and acquisition of the name. Theorist like (Searle, 1967 & Mill, 1961) believes that a

name is just a tag, a pointer-out which in itself has next to no meaning.

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Adamic (1941) & Markey (1982) cited in Sylvester (2011,p.90) that “while

names have references, they lack sense” in that perspective, personal names are just

arbitrary words, more the same as words such as drive, tree and shoe respectively. He

further asserts that the theorists assumption reflects westerners world view and do not

apply to all cultures. Contrary to the above assumption in Africa, names are beyond a

‘word’ by which a person, animal, place or thing is known, does not fundamentally

connote designation, reputation and separation of one individual from the other person

(Guma, 2001,p.308).

Ezeanya (1967,p.76) in his work; a handbook of Igbo Christian names,

observes thus “name and the act of naming among the Igbo is not just a personal label

or the sake of identity but, more importantly, an embodiment of some circumstances

at the time of the birth of a child”. Ugonna (1983,p.56), after studying the sociological

and cultural implications of names, posit that “every name has its significance and

often expressed the thoughts, reflections or philosophy of the parents. It may imply or

verbalize gratitude or petition.

Names and naming practices have enormous socio-cultural, spiritual and

psychological signature in Africa and beyond. This is because names are believed to

have inherent power that can influence the lives and behaviour of people, whether

positively or negatively (Mensah & Offiong, 2013). Rey (1995, p. 26) see names as

being purely referential. This means that names are seen as arbitrary label that refer to

certain signified entries in Saussuvre’s notion, the name is that sign and the

demotanum is the signified. In a layman’s understanding, the name is a label that

refers to a person. Naming can be seen as a human strategy used for reference and
 12

distinction. According to Ozumba (2004; p. 26) ‘a name is a symbol by which a

person or thing is designated’. This then demonstrates the socio-cultural expression

and illustration of self concepts.

Osundare (in Adesanmi, 2012; p. 58/59) states that ‘names serves as a door to

the house of experience, a guide to hidden meanings in the shadowy nooks of time and

place’, names tell stories, liberate or imprisons. They also serve as self-fulfilling

prophecies. Osundare adds that it is only mad people who do not mine what names

they are called, or who refuses to see the differences between the names they choose

to bear and the ones the world prefers to call them. Anua (2009,p . 8/9) sums this up

with the assertion that “the meaning of names resides in the messages they convey, the

wishes they express, the histories they record and the gratitude they also express.

Also Odebode (2013, p. 79), Soyinka (1988, p. 50) cited in (Ansa & Okon,

2014) says that naming is a critical business in traditional African societies because

names comprise meaning and history apart from being the intimation of hope and

affirmation of origins. Yusuf, Olatunji and Issah (2014) posits that the name an

individual bears in a normal traditional African society reveals his or her social and

cultural characteristics, family background, family occupation, place of origin and

political or economic class. Some names could also reflect the kind of deity

worshipped in a community. Hence, a name is not just a term of reference, but that

which reveals the culture of the people where the bearer comes from. According to

Sailor (2009, p. 92), a name weaves a rich tapestry of adversity or prosperity, failure

or success. Sailor added that “behind every name in traditional African society’s stalks
 13

in a history that is shared by the group or society and becomes its veritable communal

property”.

Therefore, one can say that the above scholar’s opinion that a name is a word

or term use for identification is completely not true. However, there is much in a name

as opined by other scholars, that it is not just a mere term used for identification or

designating a person but tells more of the individual, his culture, situation and

circumstances surrounding his birth. It is not that naming system is an ingrained part

of Africa culture narratives.

The indigenous Nigeria names are not just given. The Bakor naming system is

strongly influenced or informed by their belief system, expectations and

circumstances around them. Ubahakwe (1981, p. 99) as cited in (Okon & Ansa, 2019),

posit that indigenous Nigerian names like most African names have cultural content.

Essien (2003) asserts that Nigerian names give insights into Nigerian languages,

history, ethics, religion and culture.

2.2 The Socio-Cultural Significance of Name

According to Komolufe (2012,p.3), in many cultures, names are semantically

loaded with some stories to tell and some share assumptions and expectations of

member of the community. Babu & Offiong (2014, p.143), a lot of African names

have nostalgic and sentimental symbolism which articulate specific messages. What

this means is that every personal name has intention and meaning contained in it and

is occasionally loaded with the knowledge of the history and culture of the family.
 14

Personal names serve as a reservoir of knowledge and act as a pathway towards

knowing the culture and tradition of a community.

Mensah (2010, p. 2) observes that personal names of a people are of significant

socio-cultural relevance. He sees it as one of the important means through which the

cultural heritage of a people is preserved and sustained. For him, names do not only

serve as a unique form of identity but also provide an opportunity to reflect on the

people’s history, philosophy and social values.

The rhetorical question often asked by Shakespeare “what is in name?” remains

very central to any discourse on names and its significance. This is because ‘by virtue

of their rich religious, anthropological and social contexts, African names are part and

parcel of those elements in African culture which makes African personhood unique”,

(Ehusani 1997). To Africans generally, conferring a name on a person is not only

meant to identify the person but it also connotes the personality and destiny of the

person. Ajayi (1965), attest to this when he states that African names are “pregnant

with deep things that have social significance and their collective study in a particular

society expresses a worldwide of the people”.

2.3 Naming Ceremonies across Cultures

Culture is a unique way of life of a particular people or speech community

Lederach (1995, p. 9) holds that culture is the shared knowledge and schemes created

by a set of people for perceiving, interpreting, expressing and responding to social

realities around them. The center for intercultural learning (2014, p. 4) adds that

culture rules virtually every aspect of one’s life and most people have no knowledge
 15

about this. Culture has to do with a people way of life and this way of life constitutes

their literature, architecture, music, visual arts as well as language.

In African context, name is not taken with levity since a huge socio-cultural

importance is attached to it. Personal names in this part of the world play a significant

role in virtually all aspects of human life. Mondende (2009) submitted that the naming

process in African society is to pass a message or information from the name quiet to

the entire family and the community at large. De Pina-Carbral (2008, p. 5) supports

Mondene (2009) adding that the naming processes carry with them social implications

concerning what a person is and how he or she should be placed in the world. With

these assertions, it can be deduced that a name is a definition of a person’s present,

what should be expected of him and a pointer to what a person will become of him in

the future.

According to Biggers (2019, p. 16) a seemingly simple name can hold

someone’s entire biography; a West African name is much more than a simple,

functional tag to identify. He went further to add that one can infer someone’s socio-

cultural aspects from their names, their ethnicity, their gender but also their date of

birth, their family’s occupation, their social and political class, religion and deities

they follow, the hopes and dream of their parents, etc. It also expresses beliefs of the

culture they are born into.

According to Komolufe (2012,p. 8), in very many cultures, names are

semantically loaded with some stories to tell and some shared assumptions and

expectations of members of the community. Names provide information about their

bearers, their positions in the family circumstance. Biggers (2019,p.16) posits that
 16

until an identifying word is attached to an infant’s body and soul, it doesn’t truly exist,

doesn’t truly have a place in the world. This then show how significant a name is in

the African culture.

The Zulu people of South Africa practice an interesting naming culture which

is termed “Imbeleko”. Audrey (2014,p. 9) further explains that “Igama”, a Zulu word

for name means your symbol. Infants are named before they are born, instead of

naming ceremony, rituals are been conducted on the child to introduce the infant to

the ancestor and to protect the infant. During the “Imbeleko”(naming ritual), a goat

must be slaughtered as a sacrifice to the ancestors and the family elder responsible

taking to the ancestors will call the infant by its name when presenting it to the

ancestors at the same time the goat is being slaughter (Audrey, 2014).

According to Mbiti (1990, p.7) the Luo tribes seek a name for a new born

while a baby is crying. During this time different names of living and the dead are

mentioned. If the child stops crying when a particular name is called out, family

members and attendees of the naming ceremony assume that the spirit calling for that

name have been appeased and the baby receives that name. Furthermore, Event Sweet

Mother (2014), some clans hold the baby ceremony on the third day after birth, while

others have it on the eight. The Kamba community has the “Mwithakya” (birth

attendant) who helps choose the baby’s name either from a hereditary name pool

relating to the child’s birth.

A name creates an expectation and an attitude in those that hear it, even before

they meet the name-bearer. This is partly why when introduced to people of different

ethnic groups, many Africans will only say their names but cannot explain its
 17

meaning, so that it can be clearly understood regardless of language barriers. Names

tell stories of communities that no history book could compete with. They draw

pictures of glory and greatness that no artist could attempt to illustrate. A name has the

power to keep in memory victories of the past and promise prosperity for the future

they’re passed from generation to generation in hopes of restoring, maintaining or

creating a sense of honour.

African names are a window into a particular ethnic group or relation to some

form of African culture or geographical region. They hold meaning and significance

that no other name could substitute.

Just as it takes a village to raise a child, it takes a great sense of culture and

history to name one. African names posses a sense of unity within the community

although there is still that ability to recognize the distinction and variety amongst

African people (Beulah Osueke, 2011).

In Nigeria, a name takes a different form, naming systems vary amongst

culture, belief and ethnic group. In most cases, the circumstance surrounding the birth

of a child will determine the name given to the child. Also, the traditional belief of the

household or lineage, and the peculiarities common to the family will determine the

nature of names.

According to Okon & Ansa (2014), Efik naming ceremonies is called “usio

enyin” and this act is a sacred rite that takes place immediately after the birth of a

child or a few days after birth, depending on the family and the state of the mother’s

health. The naming ceremony members include, few friends and neighbours, usually

not an elaborate event but to signify socio-culturally, politically and historically

 18

meaning in the life of an individual as the names given not only identify the infant but

also situate the individual in a family and geo-political space. The Efik society is

venerable, thus, names are given by the father or a parental kin to the child during the

naming ceremony. In giving the names, some factors are considered such as the

circumstances of birth, the family’s social relationships and family’s religious

learning.

Ubahakwe (1981,p .17), states that if one wants to collect all Igbo names, one

would have collected a significant part of the grammar of the language. Therefore, it is

possible for one to term basic language through a collection of names. Mphande

(2006) supports Ubahakwe’s observation by saying that “names are the most

meaningful in the vocabulary of any language and they are an important part of the

language identity”.

Following the work of Komulure (2012), Ubahakwe (1981) & Mphande

(2006), it is observed that some cultures in Nigeria adopt naming systems that are not

too different from others. For instance, many Yoruba names such as Olamide,

Oluwafumilayo and Omoladeoriaugbo are compound words. Likewise, Igbo names

such as Ugochukwu, Onyinyechukwu and Chukwuemeka are compound names.

Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa and even Efik and other cultures have a common practice of

shortening or clipping long names. Examples Abdul for Abdulmalik, Inem for

Inemesit, Ini for Inifoniso.

According to Ryan (1981, p. 140), the names given to a child distinguishes the

infant socially and incorporates the child fully into the wider society. The Edo naming

ceremony known as “Izomo” is an act of choosing a child’s name. It takes place seven
 19

days after birth for healthy children and fourteen days after birth for sickly children.

The naming ceremony does not only separate the infant from the spirit world but also

initiates him or her into the physical world of human existence. This is attributed to

the fact that the naming of the child is seen as the uniting of an individual with the

universe and society. This is because once a child is named he or she is believed to

desire life. The parents, the head of extended family as well as friends are usually in

full attendance. The ancestral spirits are invoked for blessings, having the parents of

the child as principal actors in the cause of the ceremony. The name they give is

generally the identity the child grows with.

According to the Ukagbue (2017, p.13), “naming in Igbo is a premeditated

venture that is designed to speak to the future of the newly born child”, this is to say

that the Igbo people are not careless in naming because of their belief that names are

tied to destinies. As such, names have religious, philosophical, psychological,

historical, social and linguistic interpretation. In his work, a handbook of Igbo

Christian names, Ezeanya (1967, p.66) observes thus “name and the act of naming

among the Igbo is not just a personal label or the sake of identity, but more

importantly, an embodiment of some circumstance at the time of the birth of a child”.

Ezeanya indeed captures the focus of own study because the connotations and

implications of any name given, derives from the prevailing influences on the bearer

at the point of his time. Nwoye, C. (2014, p. 3) says that the Igbo naming ceremony

takes place on the twelve day or three Ibo weeks after birth. In Igbo, four days which

includes Nkwo, Eke, Orie, Afor make a week. The reason for this is related to an Igbo

myth that every new baby must first be given sometime to weigh and choose if he or
 20

she really wishes to stay or not. On the twelfth day, the child is brought outside,

leaving the mother’s but. For the first time, to be officially shown to the assembled

guests, the paternal grandmother hands over the child to the father who is the actual

person to present the child to the assembled guests. During the naming process, the

father of the child carries the baby in one hand and palm wine in the other. He begins

the presentation by saying the name he wants the child to be called. The father of the

child makes his presentation of the child in a standing position while participants or

attendees are usually seated.

According to Mensah (2009,p. 3) personal names of a people have significant

socio-cultural reference. One of the important means through which a people’s

cultural heritage is preserved and sustained is in the naming system of the people.

Okeke (2016,p.7) supporting Mensah’s assertion described naming as a feature of

human identity on a step towards sustaining the language and culture of the people

therefore name do not just serve as a unique form of identity, but also offer an

opportunity to reflect on the people’s lasting philosophy and social values.

2.4 Theoretical Framework

The theory adopted for this study is the description theory of names. This

theory is sometimes called ‘the Frege-Russel theory’. It is associated with Bertrand

Russel theory and Gottcop Frege and was propounded in the 1970s. The description

theory says that the meaning or semantic contents of a proper name is identical to the

descriptions associated with it by speakers, while their referents are determined to be

the objects that satisfy these descriptions. This is to say that each name has semantic
 21

value of some definite description, theories of names can be thought of as follows; for

every proper name, there is some collection of descriptions associated with “p” that

constitute the meaning of “p”. According to the theory, “p” is synonymous with the

collection of description such as:

i. The man who wrote naming and necessity.

ii. A person who was born on November 13, 1940 in Bay Shore, New York.

iii. The son of a leader of Beth El Synagogue in Omaha Nebraska.

The descriptivist takes the meaning of the name Saul Kripke to be that collection of

description and takes the referent of the name to be the thing that satisfies all or most

of these descriptions. In this context, Bakor personal names are a collection of

descriptions that reveal the meaning of the names. For instance, the Bakor name Ebaji

may have the following description;

1. A great hunter who reincarnated

2. A specially loved child

3. A male child

The description theory of names is considered appropriate for this research

work because one will have the awareness that among the Bakor people, names have

different descriptions about their referents (bearers). This therefore reveals who they

are in the society, the circumstances in which the names were given and describes the

society as a whole.

2.5 Summary of Literature

 22

In a bid to gain a theoretical insight into the study, literature has been reviewed

to examine the opinions, argument and suggest on the concepts, sub-topics and

terminologies related to the topics under investigation. A popular opinion common to

all scholars revealed that there is a link between the names that people bear, the

culture, the historical background, the belief systems in which those names are gotten

and the specific descriptions the people have about the name. However, none of the

scholars discussed the socio-cultural significance of names in respect to the Bakor

speakers. It is a gap this study seeks to fill.

 23

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.0 Introduction

This chapter is concerned with the method used in conducting this study and

the theoretical framework applied in explaining the phenomena discovered. It

discusses the research design, research area, population of the study, sampling

techniques as well as the method of data collection, tools for data collection and

analysis used in this research.

3.1 Research Design

The design adopted for this study is the descriptive method. According to

Holloway and Wheeler (2002, p. 30), a design is a “form of social enquiry that focuses

on the way people interpret and make sense of their experience and the world in which

they live”. Olu (2003, p. 52), maintains that a descriptive research design is that

design with the basic objective of describing a situation. Moreover, Parahoo (1997, p.

59), states that a descriptive research design focuses on the experiences of people as

well as stressing the uniqueness of the individual. This method is considered

appropriate for this work because it gives an insight and a more precise explanation of

the concept of personal naming in the Bakor community as it relates to the

relationship between the society and culture as well as sociolinguistic variables.

Moreover, this design is suitable because it will expose meanings, relevance and

circumstances surrounding the names and naming practice in Bakor community.

 24

3.2 Research Area

The area of this research is the Bakor speaking communities in Ikom and Ogoja

local government areas of Cross River State. Ikom local government is made up of 13

communities, which speak a total of eight (8) different languages. The languages

include, Bakor, Olulumo, Akparabong, Balep, Bendege Afi, Mbembe, Emanghabe

and Ogu. Bakor is the most widely spoken language in Ikom with about six

communities speaking it including Nde, Nta, Nselle, Ofutop, Edor, Abanyom.

However, Ogoja is divided into different linguistic groups in which Bakor is spoken

in about 11 communities including Nkim, Nkum, Ibil, Ekajuk, Mbuk, Ndok etc.

The names given above stands in for both the names of Bakor communities and

the variety of the Bakor language they speak. There is no standard variety yet agreed

on, but they share a great level of mutuality.

3.3 Population of Study

According to Pilot and Hungler (1999, p.37), population is an aggregate of

totality of all the object, subjects or members that conform to a set of specifications.

Ogili (2005), posits population of study involves a group of persons or aggregate

items and things the research is interested in getting information from. In this regards,

the population for this study involves Bakor speakers in Ikom and Ogoja local

government areas of Cross River State. A total of thirty (30) respondents from sixty

five (65) years and eighty five (85) years were picked. The informants were chosen

based on the assumption that they have enough experience & knowledge about the
 25

Bakor culture and will be able to supply necessary information for this work. School

registers, church membership registers as well as council of chief registers.

3.4 Sample Size

Eliciting information from all Bakor speakers will be difficult for the

researcher; a sample population was selected randomly to represent the entire

population of Bakor speakers. The sample population for this work includes thirty

(30) informants, ten (10) men and five (5) women making fifteen (15) were picked

from Ikom and Ogoja respectively which makes up the thirty (30) respondents. These

informants were between the ages of 60 and 85, currently residing in the Bakor

communities. They were drawn from different occupational background including

farmers, secondary school teachers, retired civil servants, serving military officer,

university lecturer and business men. Among them also were traditional custodian’s

chiefs as well as Christian.

3.5 Sampling Techniques

The selection was based on the informants meeting up a few criteria’s. Ten

men and five women were been drawn from the two local government each.

The criteria’s were as follows:

1) The informants are native speakers.

2) The informants are competent in the language.

3) The informants are acquainted with the culture and tradition of the Bakor

people.
 26

4) The informants were above 50 years of age.

5) The informants are resident of any of the Bakor communities.

These criteria’s were considered to ensure considerably accurate information from the

informants. Again if they meet the above requirements, they will therefore be capable

of providing accurate information about the Bakor people and culture.

The schools visited were;

1) Community secondary school Nde

2) Army day secondary school Edor

3) Ndok comprehensive secondary school Ndok, Ogoja

The churches visited were;

1) Christ for the world Nde 3conners, Ikom

2) Deeper life bible church Nde 3conner, Ikom

3) St. Benedict cathedral (catholic church), Ogoja

Also, the Bakor council of chiefs registers were assessed especially that of Ndok

community in Ogoja and that of Nde community in Ikom. The above mentioned

schools & churches were visited to elicit a working data of names, their meanings as

well as circumstances that prompted such names. The above schools and churches

were chosen because they are highly populated with students who bear Bakor names.

3.6 Instrument for Data Collection

The instrument for data collection for this study has been the oral interview.

The interview was conducted at different phases using an interview guide questions.

The sessions allows for the free expression of the opinion of respondents on the
 27

significance of Bakor names to them, Bakor community and the world over socio-

culturally.

However, at the end the responses were elaborated on, described and studied,

conclusions were drawn. The interview guide question used for the oral interview is

attached as appendix 1.

3.7 Method of Data Collection

Basically, two methods of data collection, this involves the primary and the

secondary method of data collection. The primary method involved the use of oral

interview while the secondary method involved sources such as books, articles, school

registers, chief council registers, church membership registers as well works from

many authors work on naming systems.

3.8 Method of Data Analysis

The method of data analysis adopted for this study is the descriptive method.

With it, the researcher is able to present data in a coherent in-depth discussion of

views of respondents. Also, names are presented on a table alongside their gloss and

are itemized based on the established socio-cultural and socio-linguistic variables.

 28

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

Introduction

This chapter concerns itself with data presentation and discussion of finding.

The data collected for the field are presented in tables and carefully analysed using the

descriptive method. The discussion is based on the socio-linguistics significance

associated with the names, the chapter will also touch on sociolinguistic variables.

4.1 Data Presentation

Table 4.1

Names Based on Gender

In Bakor, most names are gender specific, some of them are as follows:

S/N Names in Bakor English Gloss

1 Ugeh Sand
2 Ifob Hunter
3 Ntol Chief
4 Agom The best wrestler
5 Idoko A good drummer
6 Ero A hoe
7 Esosso Washing
8 Mkpang A poor man
9 Egar Tired
10 Ayambame Peace, Fence
11 Àyàmbà 1st child in a set of twin
12 Èkòm Kite
13 Ǹsíng Profit
14 Àkó Grassland
15 Ǹséd Royalty
16 Èltá Let’s build
17 Ayar River
18 Ebonum Right hand
19 Akarkar Praises
20 Esang A swamp/lake
21 Ngob A musical
 29

22 Esuku Toilet
23 Idoko A good hunter
24 Arog Axe
25 Mmanyo Second child of a set of twins
26 Ngan Hunger
27 Modey Born on Monday
28 Ufan Good luck
29 Ekunugbe Old bush/farm
30 Ugah Leader
31 Asho Best performer
32 Ebai A reincarnated child
33 Egba Canoe
34 Etuku Delay

Table 4.2

Some Female Delay Specific Names

S/N Names in Bakor English Gloss

1 Ntete A sudden pregnancy/child
2 Ekar No matter how long
3 Ewak Wisdom
4 Egar Solid fence
5 Enene Simplicity
6 Ate I picked
7 Egbegbe Sweet alligator
8 Mkpe Ancient
9 Mefoni Me myself
10 Ikorshore Power of God
11 Kolitame Calm down
12 Yabitame Happiness
13 Ishionini God knows
14 Àdang A cunning woman
15 Ukogi Stingy woman
16 Njeni A concentrating woman
17 Moishee Slow growth
18 Ukogy Sorrowful
19 Abishi A beauty
20 Monagem Praise
21 Ished Sadness
22 Ikofoni Most loved

Table 4.3
 30

Names Based on Occupation

S/N Names in Bakor English Gloss

1 Aruku Hunter
2 Adogo The best farmer
3 Asho Dancer
4 Idoko Drummer
5 Upoug A teacher
6 Abri Wrestler
7 Ebaji Washing

Table 4.4

Names Based on Social Status (Title Name)

These names are given to adults based on their socio-economic status in the

society. New born are also given these names after the famous deeds of someone else,

S/N Names in Bakor English Gloss

1 Akumgbe Lion
2 Mgbe The best farmer
3 Nfa A brave person (animal)
4 Ntone A chief
5 Mfong A great animal
6 Udam A foolish person
7 Upong A researcher
8 Mantol Chief assistant
9 Idey Strong tree
 31

10 Monthom Symbol of rain

11 Adogo The best farmer
12 Asho Festival best performer
13 Agom The best wrestler
14 Monkom Woman leader
15 Ushang Popular
16 Atty Peace maker
17 Ikpang Trouble maker
Names Based on Socio-Cultural Considerations

These names have to do with some sociocultural consideration such as religion,

market days, order of birth, age grade relations and circumstantial names.

Table 4.5

Names Based on Religion

S/N Bakor Names English Gloss

1 Eyikannjom With prayers my child was born
2 Ayambame Peace
3 Ikorshore Power of God
4 Ishionini God knows
5 Ishiokagara God’s gift
6 Akarkar Praises to God
7 Ebaye Come and see what God has done

Table 4.6

Names Relating to Deities

S/N Names in Bakor English Gloss

1 Mfam A deity
 32

2 Akor A god

Table 4.7

Names Based on Market Days

S/N Bakor Names English Gloss

1 Ayantor Ishibori market day
2 Ibarkor A day of rest
3 Ase Market (Nde)
4 Monday Born on Monday

Table 4.8

Names Based on Order of Birth

S/N Bakor Names English Gloss

1 Moshe Last born of the family
2 Ayambame 1st child in a set of twin
3 Mmanyo 2nd child in a set of twin

Table 4.9

Names Based on Age Grade Relation (Nick names)

S/N Bakor Names English Gloss

1 Njankun (Handsome man) used for admiration
2 Ekpuli (Heavy eater) one who eats so much
3 Eshinkarrnkarr (One with a bushy hair and devil beaned
back) it denotes bravery or a great hunter
 33

Table 4.10

Circumstantial Names

S/N Names in Bakor English Gloss

1 Ikorgy Born during harmattan
2 Ugba Born during hunger period
3 Imelemy (Involvement) born when his mother becomes a
widow
4 Ntam (Acceptance) born and brings about acceptance
for his/her mother
5 Itepeyed (Let me try again) a sudden child who’s
conceptions stays after losing several other
pregnancies/conceptions
6 Mok (Sorrowful) a child born into a sorrowful
experience
7 Utorgor Holding to a particular problem
8 Ished Born in sadness
9 Kuko Child born in bad condition of loneliness (due to
separation of parents etc.)
10 Ulom An only child (born alone)
11 Ero Child born in the farm
12 Njan Born during famine and lack
13 Eyikannjom A long awaited child who was conceived out of
many prayers offered
14 Esuk Born in the toilet
15 Esang Born in a swamp/lake
16 Ebaji A child that is believed to be a reincarnated hunter
17 Ate I picked a good thing
18 Ntete An unexpected/sudden pregnancy
19 Ekar It is like an advice no matter how long continue
waiting; a long awaited child (hope)
20 Neku (Death/burial) a child born during a burial
ceremony or born when someone dear dies

Table 4.11

Names Based on Behaviour

S/N Names in Bakor English Gloss

1 Imurm A chaser of woman
2 Ukogi A stingy woman
3 Njeni A concentrating woman, often fast at work
4 Adang A cunning woman
5 Ngbama A troublesome woman (in marriage and beyond)
 34

6 Adoga Best tiller of heaps

7 Udeg Consumer (eats a lot)
8 Itang A pipe smoker
9 Atitu A peace maker

Table 4.12

Unisex Names

S/N Names in Bakor English Gloss

1 Egar Fence
2 Ayamba 1st child among twins
3 Mmanyo 2nd child among twins
4 Ayimi Jokes
5 Egbar
6 Ekawon

Table 4.11

Names Based on Behaviour

S/N Names in Bakor English Gloss

1 Ayar River
2 Ase Market
3 Esuku Toilet
4 Ekuranku Refuse bin
5 Esang A lake
6 Ekunugbe An old bush/farm

4.2 Discussion of Findings

The research findings will be discussed following the grouping of names earlier

done. References will also be made to the research questions which the study seeks to

answer.

Under the sociolinguistic variables, table one and two shows Bakor names that

are based on gender personal names describes a labelling of a new born infant such as

sex, etc. A good portion of Bakor names are given following the gender of the child.
 35

Males names are usually associated with concepts such as deities, conceptness of

greatness, natural physical objects and significant entities. Moreover, male names in

Bakor, represents families. For instance, Eba, Nsing, Nsed, Ebaye, are all family

names. Names like Ugeh (sand), Ero (hoe), Essang (a swamp or lake), Ekunugbe (an

old bus/farm) signifies natural physical objects and things. Some names are associated

with concept of greatness, names like Agom (the best wrestler), Idoko (a good hunter)

etc.

Females names on the other hand are usually metaphorical, giving a

consolation and or advice. They have deep meanings attached to them. Some female

names are praises and appreciation of their beauty. For instance, names like “Ekarr”

meaning “solid fence” explains how the woman had her husband around her during

pregnancy, it also tells of how the woman will grow to be a good protective fence to

her family. This then shows that some of these names are prophecies (i.e. intended

future of the child). Names like “Egbegbe” meaning sweet alligator pepper, “Abishi”

meaning a beauty, “Njeni” means a concentrating woman. Some other female names

announce the expected emotions of the new born e.g. “Yabitame” which means

happiness i.e. the child will grow to be a happy woman. Names like “Kolitame” (calm

down), “Ekarr” (meaning no matter how long) among others serve as advise and

encouragements to people, going through tough times.

Table three exposes that in Bakor community, some people are named based on

the occupation they do or their family/ancestry is known for. It is worthy of note here

that although such names are given according to the occupation, and are different from

the names given to them at birth, some of the bearers are given these names from birth
 36

following that the family he belongs to are known for such occupations. Names like

“Aruku” (hunter), “Upoug” (a teacher, a researcher), “Adogo” (the best farmer),

“Abiri” (wrestler) etc portray occupations. Famous deeds, among others also provides

basis for such names. People who bear such names outside their personal birth names,

are given due to the impact they have made on the society community they belong.

The Bakor people are involved in hunting, wrestling etc. for you to be one, it is

pertinent that you are seen as a strong and courageous individual, one who is strong

and fearless. Parents also name their children with the view that their children will be

strong and fearless following that names also have connotations that they convey in

addition to identifying individuals.

Table four shows that Bakor naming practice is also done on the basis of social

status. This is richly done following the kind of position people occupy in the various

groups or communities they belong to. Moreover, such names are given as a result of

their famous deeds, huge success acquired and positive impacts they bearer has on the

Bakor society in general. New borns are also given these names after the famous

deeds of their parents, ancestors, or even someone else. In Bakor such names includes,

“Ntone” (chief, king), “Montol” (chief assistant), “Monkom” (woman leader), “Altu”

(peace maker), “Asho” (the festival best performer), “Agom” (the best wrestler),

“Upong” (a researcher). Naming practices are not only related to the social and

cultural experiences of a society, they also reflect their religion.

Table five above indicates that children are named after their parent’s belief in

the Supreme God or some deity. Most of the name based on belief in the Supreme

God are given when parents have waited for children for a number of years and
 37

suddenly gets a child in appreciation to God, parents give such names like

“Ishiokgara” (God’s gift), “Akarkar” (praises to God), “Ayambame” (Peace),

“Eyikannjom” (With prayers my child was born), “Ebaye” (Come and see what God

has done). Moreso, such names are also given as encouragement to other people with

similar conditions of difficulty in child bearing e.g. “Ishionini” (God knows) etc.

Table six shows that the Bakor people also bear names associated with deities

they worship. It is believed that these names are given in cases where the family have

a history of child mortality and to them the said deity came to their aid. These names

are also given in appreciation to deities for giving them victory in time of war etc.

Names like “Mfam” (a deity), “Akor” (a god).

The seventh table reveals Bakor names, given on the bases Bakor special days

(market days) etc. In the world over, naming children after a particular special day that

hold special memories has been in practice right from time immemorial. In Bakor

people name their children following the days they were born e.g Monday (born on

Monday), Friday (born on Friday), also, children are named after the Bakor market

day. The market day has a significant implication to the Bakor people. On the market

day, no one is permitted to go to farm or indulge in any other activity other than

visiting the market for one reason or the other. The market day in Bakor community is

usually celebrated as it comes once in a week, children don’t go to school, parents

don’t go to the farm etc. Special meals are being prepared to mark the celebration. To

this end, parents name their children after the special market day. We then have names

like “Ase” (Nde market day), “Ayantor” (Ishibory market day).

 38

Table eight indicates Bakor names given on the basis of order of birth. In

Bakor, due respect is given to the elderly people among them. People are named after

the order of birth in the family. Names like “Ayambame” (a unisex name given to the

first born in a set of twin), “Manyo” (the second child in a set of twin), “Monse” (the

last born of the family).

Table nine shows names reflects certain circumstances surrounding the birth of

child. It exposes those happenings and experiences of the parents and family before

and during the conception as well as the birth of the child. A name is naturally a story

or history in Bakor culture. It represents the essential events or circumstances

surrounding the bearers at the time of their birth.

Names like “Eyikannjom” (I pick with prayers), reveals that the bearers parents

had waited for so long for the fruit of womb and with prayers God suddenly blesses

them with a child. “Neku” (death/burial), this described a situation where a child is

born during burial ceremony of a loved one. It also signifies that the bearer loses his

father and mother at the time of birth. Names like “Ekarr” (hope), “Itepeyed” (let me

try again), reveals that the children were long expected and God’s favour shines on

them with a child. “Ekarr” and “Itepeyed” also serve as an advice & encouragement to

people who are looking for children. “Ekarr” means no matter how long, wait on God,

while “Itepeyed” means that no matter how many pregnancies lost already, one will

come and stay. Names like “Njan” (hunger), “Ikorgy” (harmatan), “Ugba” (famine),

associated with seasons and periods. “Njan” reveals a child born during hunger period,

“Ikorgy” indicates a child born during the harmatan season and “Ugba” tells of a child

born during famine. Some other circumstantial names talk about the place of birth of
 39

the bearer. Names like Èró (hoe) born in the farm, Èsúkú (toilet), born in the toilet,

Èsáng (born in a swamp/lake).

On the other hand, families may be bedevilled with denial, suppressed ambition

and oppression, especially on the part of the woman, but at the birth of a child the

situation changes for the better. Such children are given personal names that serves as

reminders and pointers to the circumstances which such family went through or is

even going through. Name like “Ntam” (acceptance), child that brings about

acceptance for his or her mother and family as well as peace between the parents.

“Ate” (I picked a good thing), “Utogor” (holding to a particular problem), “Ished”

(born in sadness maybe of losing both parents at birth), “Imok” (sorrowful, born into a

sorrowful experience, “Kuko” this is a child born into a bad condition of loneliness

(due to separation of parents etc.).

Table ten shows the names used by members of the same group to refer to one

another. These groups can be social, economic or cultural. They are school mate’s

groups, age graded groups, occupational groups, religious groups etc.

Ganyi F. M. (2013), noted that nickname is often totally unrelated to the proper

name yet implicitly reflective of the cultural activity or character traits of an

individual cherished by the community and peculiar to the individual. It is a name

usually familiar or humorous but sometimes pointed or cruel given to a person or

place as a supposedly appropriate replacement for or addition to the proper name,

which may sometimes be used simply for convenience. He added that the origin of

Bakor names can be traced to many cultural activities or human indulgencies that are

prone to articulation through graphic representation. Bakor nicknames arise due to the
 40

following peer group nicknames; family nicknames, work/school nicknames, inherited

nicknames. In Bakor, nicknames also reflect the ecology of the environment in the

culture of the people which accounts for the interest in them. “Nkon” literally means

“bee” but the bee is almost always found when there is palm wine in the community

so “Nkon: has become a Bakor nickname for the “drunkard”. The bee provides honey

in the same way the drunkards provides amusement and entertainment.

Most, if not all Bakor nicknames therefore describes behaviour, attitudes,

personality traits as well as physical features and are as such symbolic of several

cultural attributes of the Bakor people. In some cases, the nickname will evolve

laughter, because of the contrast with what is on ground e.g. “Ekpidegwu” (a huge

bulky person). That ancestor’s birth name was “Nkayuk” so people with Nkayuk as a

birth name, are often known by the nickname “ekpidegwu”, despite their size.

“Agantem” is a popular nickname denoting strength and achievement which everyone

admires and strives for. It simply means “he who excels” or “greater than all”.

The meaning of nickname goes beyond the name itself. It conjures up several

associations which may not immediately be easily understood by everyone except

those familiar with the culture and the environment within which it is created and

used. Nothing depicts the closeness or fondness in Bakor culture more than the

nickname. Such nickname includes; “Njankun” (meaning handsome man) used for

admiration, “Ekpali” meaning (heavy eater) derogatory description, “Eshinkarrnkarr,

Njamarbearabe” (meaning one with bushy hair and devil beaned back) denotes

bravery or a great hunter, “Efubiafuabiefu” (the hot one symbolizes great strength as

well as hot temperedness, “Bo” (friend) this nickname is often used by both men and
 41

women of same age grade groups. “Gendo spark” this denotes a very aggressive friend

one who showcases a great deal of anger when he is offended.

Following Ganyi’s (2008) postulations, some Bakor names are given

describing the personality traits, attitudes and behaviours of such people, table eleven

indicates names given to bearers on the bases of the attitude and behaviours of such

people, table eleven indicates names given to bearers on the bases of the attitude and

behaviours they exhibit. Names like “Itang” (meaning a pipe smoker), “Nbama”

(meaning a troublesome woman in marriage and beyond), “Adang” (meaning a

cunning woman), “Ukogi” (a stingy woman). Although the already mentioned are

derogatory, there are other names that portray good meanings e.g. “Njeni” (a

concentrating woman, often first at work), “Adoga” (the best tiller of heaps), “Atity”

(a peace maker), always settling disputes among members of the community. It can be

said however that although most of these names are not birth names, they represent

the extra names that are accorded to them based on their attitude and behaviour, others

especially the ones that are not derogatory in meaning are given as birth names.

Table twelve comprises of unisex names, these names are not restricted to

specific gender. They are given to both male and female, they include such names as

“Egar” (fence), “Ayambame” (first child in a set of twins), “Manyo” (second child in

the set of twins), “Ayimi” jokes etc.

The last table indicates that the Bakor people give names in relations to places.

The places reflected are basically where the first bearer of that name was given birth

to. We have names like “Ayar” (river), “Ase” (market), “Esuku” (toilet), “Ekuranku”

(refuse bin) among others.

 42

From the above findings, it is observed that in the Bakor society, parents name

their children more based on gender and the circumstances surrounding the birth of a

child.

Answers to research questions

1) What are the social linguistic factors that inform the choice of Bakor names?

Based on the data presented, it can be deduced that Bakor names are informed

by some sociolinguistic factors such as gender, occupation & social status. These can

be seen in Table 1-4.

2) What are the sociocultural factor that influences Bakor personal names?

With reference to the data presentation it is observable that Bakor names are

influenced by some sociocultural factors such as religion, age grade, relations, deities,

market days, order of birth, circumstances surrounding birth attitude and place of birth

of the bearer. These can also be seen in Table 4-13.

3) How does Bakor names reflect Bakor nation and their culture?

Bakor names reflects the Bakor society’s social, economic activities and their

cultural beliefs. Through the names, one can deduce information on the life style, the

ancestry of the people, the lifestyle of the people, the occupations, the experiences of

cultural as well as religious practice of the people. Bakor names reveals the history as

well as the future of the people. They reflect the social and economic life of the
 43

people. It describes the family which the becomes from and the society within which

they emancipate.

From what has been discovered, in this research work, it deduced that Bakor

names are not just merely tags for identification but are embodiment of some

circumstances at the time of birth of a child. Names expresses the thoughts, reflections

or philosophy of the parents are given based on some sociolinguistic and social

factors.
 44

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary

Generally, Bakor personal names have high cultural and social content and as

such forms part of their everyday language use. This research work was undertaken to

investigate the sociocultural factors that informs the choice of Bakor personal names

and examine the sociolinguistic factors that influences Bakor names. It investigate the

sources of Bakor names and explore how Bakor names reflect the Bakor society and

culture. The study engaged the identification and classification of different Bakor

names.

The findings of the study reveal that names do not only serve as a unique form

of identity but also provides an opportunity to reflect on the people’s history

philosophy and social values. They serve as a reservoir of knowledge and act as

pathway towards knowing the culture & tradition of the bearer. A look at the analysis

shows that Bakor personal names have their connotations and implications which are

negative or positive.

The researcher reviewed related literature which helped to see other works that

were carried out on names, presenting some relevant literature on the relationship

between the society, culture and names, which were all captured in Bakor language.

Bakor personal names are given to new born purposively. The given names are

related to different names to be given to children. Parents use names of their children

as a means of expressing their desires, hopes and attitudes towards politics, economic

and socio-cultural coalitions of their society and their country. The people also
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describe their challenges, beliefs and other cultural system and norms by their

personal names.

The naming practices of Bakor, the Bakor society provides a symbolic system

of an individual’s identification which is culturally and historically constructed and

socially maintained. The people give specific considerations to and respect for natures

like mountains, rivers, trees and other natural resources like mountains, rivers, trees

and other natural resources rich in the area. The names also describe the people’s

cultural and social traditions and norms to be respected and protected.

The research collected data using oral interviews, school registers, church

membership books, chief council registers as well as documented materials. The

description theory of names was utilized to give insight into how names describe

bearers and the society as a whole. Data were presented using tables, after which they

were analysed.

5.2 Conclusion

Bakor personal names is highly influenced by the sociocultural and

sociolinguistic factors that forms an integral part in the life of the people. Bakor

names are triggered and has an insight to the ethnographic background of the people,

describing the circumstances that define them ranging from religious, cultural,

philosophy, ideologies and even ethnic values.

In other words, Bakor names are very unique as they serve as means by which

the people express their motto and plan which helps them as a document and

storehouse of the real life experience. They do not just represent a person identity but
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also is regarded as a promise, a vocation and a list of expectations that the parents

have on/of their children. A representation of the society as a whole.

5.3 Recommendations

In reference to the findings which reveals the sociocultural significance of

names in the society, I hereby make the following recommendations.

1) There should be an awareness campaigns on the importance and the rich

cultural values of indigenous names in order to educate people on the need to

have and use the indigenous names since it has been revealed as a means of

identity.

2) There should be a conscious effort of parents to give indigenous names to their

children and also make sure that the assigned names are put in use as means of

identity to the bearer.

3) More focus should be on the effects of names chosen for children by their

parents. This is because names with negative connotations can have adverse

effect on the spiritual and psychological wellbeing of the bearer.

4) Since names have the ability to shape the life of the bearer, parents and name

givers should engage in assigning meaningful/positive names to their children.

5) The younger generations should be enlightened and encouraged to promote and

be loyal to their cultural heritage.